A Social Survey of Sung-Ka-Hong China

Table of Contents

PAGE

+3 106 9

Preface

Chapter 1. ~The Social Survey: its purpose and methods. Harold S. Bucklin. 1 Chapter 2. ‘The Story of the Sung-Ka-Hong packs. Harold S. Bucklin. o:.

The Survey. | | 4 . Chapter 3. The Family. Djen Yu Hao, A.B., SE2 oF Chapter 4. Religious Life. Wang Sheng Hao, A.B.,... 16 Chapter 5. Government and Corrections. Shao Shen Wu. Ya 8 Chapter 6. Housing. Ding Shui Sen. 32 Chapter 7. Health and Sanitation. Harold S. Bucklin. 36. Chapter 8. Industry, Agriculture, and Trade. Chen He. .... 40 Chapter 9. Recreation. Chang Ching Yu. ... 3 58 Chapter 10. Education. Whang Nai Lin. 65 Chapter 11. Summary of Conclusions and Recommendations. Harold S. Bucklin. 77 Appendix.

Questions used by the surveyors in securing facts regarding Sung Ka-Hong.

I. Religious Life. Wang Sheng Hao, A.B., av As II. Government and Corrections. Shao Shen Wu.. ... 80 III. Housing. Ding Shui Sen, 86 IV. Health and Sanitation, Harold S. Bucklin. 88 V. Industry, Agriculture, and Trade. Chen He. 96 ~ VI, Recreation. Chang Ching Yu. . 103 - 3 VII. Education. Whang Nai Lin.

; A General View of Sung-Ka-Hong ue ete cen aoe a ry a ‘ Lore eta BS a we Eat in

THER SOCIAL SURVEY: ITS PURPOSK AND METHODS 1

Chapter I

The Social Survey: Its Purpose and Methods. | HaAroup S, BucKLIn.

The social survey is but one form of survey. It is a Western method and has been but little used in China, the only Chinese social survey approaching in completeness and technique those of the West being that by Gamble of Peking. Smaller surveys, however, have been _and are being made in China, and it is probable that through the _ leadership of the universities, the Y. M. C. A., and the Y. W. C. A, _ social surveying will develop rapidly.

Surveys of all sorts have been made in considerable numbers in

S both England and the United States. While they have recently been more frequently made in the latter country, they were first made in

_ England, the study of “The Life and Labour of the People of London’’ _by Charles Booth being their prototype, and the studies of Poverty and of Unemploynient by Rowntree and Lasker being examples of later

“ undertakings. The first American survey to attract widespread attena tion was that made of the city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in the year 1907. In this, a group of experts on various aspects of city life lived in Pittsburgh for several months and studied it with great care. Asa _ result of their reports, Pittsburgh became better acquainted with both the strong and the weak points in her-civic life, and other cities in _ America were led to examine into their problems under the guidance of _ experts.

By the year 1912 surveys were being made in rapid succession.

One of Lawrence, Massachusetts was made in that year, and one of recreation in Portland, Maine, one of the city of Newburgh, New York, and one of certain departments of the city of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in 1913. Occasional school and educational surveys had been made even

_ before 1907, both by state departments of education and by special commissions, but about the year 1912 they b2gan to be common. . In these early surveys technique had not yet been developed and

- mistakes were consequently many. By 1914, however, surveying was rapidly developing precision and scientific method. ‘The making of the social survey of Springfield, Illinois, by the Russell Sage Foundation in

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2 THER SOCIAT, SURVEY that year materially assisted in that development. Space does not permit here a full account of the Springfield survey, but anyone contemplating making a survey should study the report of it in the volume ‘‘Social Conditions in An American City’? by Shelby M. Harrison, published by the Russell Sage Foundakions In brief, the story. of the Springfield survey follows.

In every city there are to be found dissatisfied citizens. ‘They include those who are interested or active in the city’s growth, and those who are not. Some are dissatisfied with schools, some with industrial conditions, some with health conditions, some with the treatment of offenders against the law, some with recreational facilities and life, some with the system of relief of the poor, and some with moral conditions.

In 1914 Saruked: Illinois was like every other > growing city. It had its problems and its critics, and some of its dissatisfied citizens were giving a great deal of money and time in efforts to make their city a better one to live in. But they did not know their city well — enough to be able to say whether their efforts were wisely directed. So they determined to find out. The department of Surveys and Exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation was therefore requested to make a preliminary study and to report to them on conditions in the city. The report was made. ‘They wanted to know more.

In order to increase its strength, the original group sought the assistance of other citizens, and a representative committee of twentyfour was consequently organized us the “Springfield Survey Com. mittee’. ‘The chairman of this committee was a state senator and a leading lawyer of the city, and among the members were a former lieutenant-governor of the state of Illinois, the city superintendent of schools, other public officials, industrial and business men, labor leaders, doctors, clergymen, women’s club leaders, editors, teachers, and several others engaged in professional and social work. ‘The secretary was a public official and the treasurer a prominent business man.

The Survey Committee quickly decided thata thorough study of the city was needed, and retained the department of Surveys and Exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation to plan and direct a social survey, that organization being quite generally recognized as expert in the work of surveying. Guided by this department and using its preliminary report as a basis, the Survey Committee decided to make extended inquiries concerning city life along nine main lines: (1) public schools, (2) care of mental defectives, insane, and alcoholics, (3) recreation, (4) housing, (5) charities, (6) industrial conditions, (7) public health, (8) the correctional system, and (9) city and country. administration. Because time and funds did not allow, the fields of city planning, taxation, and religious forces were not made special divisions. All of these, however, were dealt with in some degree in the nine main divisions.

The department of Surveys and Exhibits got together its staff, which located in convenient places in the city and organized the local forces. Over a hundred selected volunteer workers were specially trained to gather facts. Five national organizations doing (1) charity ‘organization, (2) antituberculosis, (3) mental hygiene, (4) housing, and (5) public health work, assisted the staff. These five organizations contributed help because the city of Springfield was believed by them to be typical of many others in the United States and it was therefore hoped that others would profit by its study. Each of the sections of the survey was placed in charge of an expert supplied by the Russell Sage Foundation, who had had extended investigating and administra- ‘tive experience in the field of his study, and the report of each was written and signed by him.

; The surveyors completed their field studies in about four months. Although several more months were required for statistical work and ‘ Writing on some of the sections, by the time that the facts for the last main division study were gathered, the first was completed and made public. ‘The surveying was divided into four parts: (1) a gathering of the facts of local problems, (2) an analysis and interpretation of the facts gathered, (3) a formulating of constructive suggestions based on the facts gathered, and (4) an educational us2 of facts and recommendations. The survey placed a great deal of emphasis on the use of such publicity methods as were agreed by the Survey Committee to be valuable in bringing to the attention of the people whose cooperation was desired those facts they needed to know in order to be of the greatest usefulness,—daily press, graphic exhibit, illustrated periodical, public a addresses and entertainment, printed pamphlet and book report were all used.

In the collection of facts the surveyors studied records of organizations and institutions in the city, and of outside agencies which had data concerning Springfield; they made personal visits to and observations of Springfield welfare agencies; they gathered facts by intensive studies and tests of several sections of the city and its population agreed to be typical of the whole; they interviewed those in charge of social work of various sorts; they made observations of housing, health, and industrial conditions; they secured facts by both written inquiry and by personal interview from persons with special experience in Springfield or with information concerning it; and they studied legislation relating to Springfield conditions and procedures.

The report of the findings of each of the nine sections of the survey was published in a separate paper bound volume, illustrated with many maps, diagrams, and photographs. Before these reports were issued the findings were published in summarized form in the local newspapers, and editorial discussion as well as letters to the editor regarding controversial points called attention to the facts and recommendations of each report. After these advance articles had appeared in the Springfield papers, from five hundred to a thousand copies of the printed reports of each section were distributed among the people of the city.

Four months following the completion of the field work an Exhibition of Survey Findings and Recommendations was held in the state armory. For ten days it attracted thousands of visitors, many from distant parts of the state. “‘A large part of the work of preparing exhibits and conducting the publicity campaign was done through local volunteer committees. . . As the campaign grew, more and more people lent their help until more than nine hundred were at work. They made models and mechanical devices, tried their hands at art work, wrote special stories for the newspapers, handled office matter, snapped photographs, and made public addresses before churches, _lodges, labor unions, school clubs, and other organizations and societies.

*Harrison, “Social Conditions in an American City’’

‘They helped stage and take part in the short plays written to bring out some of the important lessons of the survey.’’*

Although the survey as originally planned did not provide machinery for organized follow-up work, the Survey Committee later reorganized itself into sub-committees charged with carrying out the recommendations in each of the nine fields of study. Asa result of the ‘charities survey, also, there was formed a Council of Social Agencies, which afforded opportunities for conference and discussion regarding ‘the survey recommendations. Five months after the completion of the survey a city club was formed to follow up the survey and to promote other civic enterprises, but the entrance of the United States into the World War made it necessary to turn over the bulk of the follow-up work to the organizations whose work was touched in the findings and _ recommendations.

The results of the Springfield survey were many, and it seems to be agreed by Springfield people in several walks of life that the survey was worth while. As one result of it, changes were effected in a charity organization society, and in the health, school, and corrections departments of the city administration. The most valuable of its cesults, however, seems to Springfield people to a new understanding of ‘and a new interest in civic problems by a wide circle of citizens.

Since 1914, surveys have been many and frequent. Just a list of the several hundred made in the United. States would require many printed pages. Surveys have been made in many sections of the country, in places of all sizes, and by organizations or groups of all sorts. ‘There have been studies of newsboys, of family desertion, of ‘mental defect, of farm tenancy, of wage-earning girls below sixteen, of tuberculosis, of activities of public health departments, of recreation, of sanitation, of housing, of the telephone industry, of infant mortality, of city administration, of cities as entities, etc., etc. [These surveys have been made by or for city government, industries and industrial associations. churches, Y. M. and Y. W. C. A’s, women’s clubs chambers of commerce, social work agencies, special foundations and funds, and interested individuals. One of the latest and best known in the United States is that of various aspects of the life of Cleveland, Ohio, made by the Cleveland Foundation, an organization for civic betterment sponsor-

‘ed by a large Cleveland banking corporation. In foreign cities = | have been surveys of Prague, Constantinople, and Peking.

While surveys differ as to details and while any survey plan must — be adapted to the particular field which is to be surveyed, certain things |

‘are common to all, and their purpose and technique are quite clear.

In the first place the survey is a process of fact-finding and facttelling, the printed report being but one part of it. Its contents include whatever the group responsible for it agrees upon as the field of study. It may be a broad study of all aspects of city life, as was the Springfield survey, or it may be restricted to such a field as that of housing, health, education, industry, or moral and religious welfare. It is customary to call a restricted survey a ‘“‘study” or “‘investigation.”’ A study intended to point out in the most general way the nature and needs of — a city’s life is commonly called a “‘path-finding survey.’’ It would, however, be scientifically correct to call any study a survey provided it includes all the facts regarding the field of study chosen, whatever that field may be. ‘Thus it is possible to survey a person, a problem, a. section of the population, a geographic locality, or a community of — like-minded persons living in geographic localities widely separated. ‘The term ‘‘social survey,’ however, is quite generally applied to a comprehensive study of such a group as a village or a city. It is oe Social survey in which we are particularly interested here.

Every community has its problems; and every community needs facts in its efforts for their solution. The social survey gathers facts; it attempts to substitute facts for supposition, belief, and prejudice. It é :

b is ‘‘an attempt in the field of civic and social’ life “‘to do what the civil engineer does before he starts to lay out a railroad, what the sanitarian does before he starts a campaign against malaria what the | scientific physician does before he treats a case, what the modern financier does before he develops a mine’';* it is an attempt to secure — the facts on which a scientific attempt at community improvement must — be based.

t

A social survey is not merely a social photograph. describ-— ing housing, sanitary, industrial, and social conditions, it also”

*Harrison, ‘Social Conditions in an American City,”

— endeavors to discover those social forces that explain the uniqueness of a city, its differences from other cities, its peculiar characteristics. These social forces may be customs or traditions, they may be religious ideas and ideals, or they may be powerful personalities. Whatever the. are, the survey seeks to discover them, for without them no city can by fully understood.

The method used by all forms of the survey is that of induction, a method common to both the natural and the social sciences; Facts are first secured, and on them conclusions and recommendations are based, the procedure thus being from the particular to the general. An essential in method is that the social survey should be asked for and supported by a representative committee of public-minded citizens of the place to be surveyed. A small group will probably have to make. first arrangements, as in Springfield, but as quickly as possible a representative group should be formed. This should be composed of those whose confidence in the survey and whose understanding of the purpose and results are necessary first for the successful gathering of facts and later for the securing of community action based on them. The value of a social survey is generally recognized as dependent on “the degree to which the community is organized for conducting and following it up.’’*! Publicity in the survey report for all facts gathered is not always considered essential to the success of the survey, however, and in any case,’’ surveyors are careful not to permit sensationalism or to injure the reputation of a locality as an industrial, business, or population center.’’* ‘The need for accuracy and responsible supervision is also quite generally recognized so that care is always exercised not only that facts shall be wisely reported, but that they shall be accurately gathered, and honestly used.

Those social surveys that have led to definite improvement in civic life have not been probes in either purpose or method. One of the principal efforts of surveyors is to find and to help those individuals or groups who are already interested in or working for civic betterment, The purpose of the survey is to prevent waste in efforts for community improvement, and to that end it seeks not to unearth failures or short-

“1 Harrison, “Social Conditions in an American City.” *2 Aronovici, “Knowing One’s Own Community.’’

comings but to arouse public responsibility and to create community — patriotism. Every survey seeks to secure community betterment — through the education of its people regarding its conditions and its— needs.

‘The advantages gained through social surveying are many, and they are experienced by several groups of people. ‘To those already engaged in- either public or private work for the social welfare, the © survey is essential. It gives them a bird’s-eye view of the city, its needs, and the efforts being made to meet them, and they are thus enabled to plan their work in-such a way that duplication and consequent waste of effort and resources will be reduced to a minimum. Again, the survey brings together scattered information and makes what has been known by only a few the possession of the many and therefore — the basis for intelligent action by the whole community. Surveying a — city thus gives to those who are attempting to help ita larger audience and more sympathetic cooperation. The greatest advantages, however, are experienced by those maladjusted persons or sections of the city — whose condition has been allowed to persist because it has been known to only a comparatively few. . The survey calls attention to these and — often brings about their betterment by publicity or by its appeal to © civic pride.

The ideal result of a social survey is a constructive program of. community action for community betterment, based on the facts secured, and participated in by all whose cooperation is necessary for its realization, Quite generally, however, it is conceded that if the survey ~ succeeds in creating a community consciousness based on the facts gathered it will in time bear fruits in the form .of community improve- — ment. Ifa survey succeeds in focusing the attention of the people of a j community on its needs and in pointing the way to their solution, its — making is sufficiently justified. Incidentally, and without doubt increasingly also, surveys will add to our knowledge of the nature and operation of the social forces, thus contributing to the advancement of: the science of sociology.

To one familiar with Chinese life, it is obvious that the survey — method here described must be changed in some respects when’ applied — to Chinese conditions. In the next chapter will be indicated how the ee

** wan survey of Sung-Ka-Hong here reported was made by adapting this method to the conditions peculiar to this Chinese village. To help _ others who may make a similar village survey, the authors have included in an appendix the questions used by them in seeking those facts _ concerning the life of Sung-Ka-Hong that they thought it necessary to know in order to formulate an intelligent plan for its improvement.

CHAPTER II. ~ Story of the Sung-Ka-Hong Survey. eae HAROLD S. BUCKLIN

Partly in order to indicate how the survey method described in the preceding chapter had to be changed in the making of the Sung-Ka- Hong survey, and. partly because it is the hope of the authors that others will profit: by their experience, it was thought wise to include this chapter describing the method used and the difficulties met in the making of the study. While social surveys made by college students are rare—this being the only one yet published in China so far as we are aware—their number will probably increase rapidly. and it is partly in the hope that other students may thereby be encouraged in the publishing of similar studies of other villages in China that this one is ‘printed, | |

- During the Fall of 1923. the members of the class in the Social ‘Survey at Shanghai College began a study of Sung-Ka-Hong. In _ preparation for the task they first read the‘ volume “Social Conditions in An American City’’, which not only describes the conditions found in the city of Springfield, Illinois, but also: gives some of: the questionnaires used in securing information, and indicates how the survey project was planned ‘for, what methods were used in its making, and how its recommendations were acted-on by the people of the city. After the class had learned from this volume what are the purpose and method of the survey, each member selected a field in which he was especially interested and which he wished to study in connection with the Sung-Ka-Hong survey. After reading selected survey reports in the field of his interest, each prepared a set of questions to be used in securing the fact basis for his section of the proposed survey. ‘These questions were difficult to prepare in view of the fact that although Sung-Ka-Hong is a small village most of the survey reports available to the class members were of cities in Western countries, but helpful suggestions were secured from Byington ‘‘What Social Workers Should Know About ‘Their Own Communities’’ and Aronovici “Knowing One’s Own Community.’? Each set of questions was then discussed by the whole class. Aseachset was finished, the author began to collect the information it called for.

Before any attempt was made to secure information, however, the class decided that in view of the nature of the government and leadership of Sung-Ka-Hong the method used in the Springfield survey must be changed in one important particular. In the Springfield study the interest and support of a representative and responsible group of citizens was secured before facts were sought, with the hope that these citizens would later carry into effect the suggestions for civic improvement to be made by the surveyors. In that survey also the cooperation of civic welfare agencies and a large group of citizens was secured, and many of the facts used were supplied or gathered by them. While there is in the village life of China a remarkable degree of local — autonomy, in Sung-Ka-Hong, as in almost all other Chinese villages, there are no associations of taxpayers, no improvement societies, no powerful churches, a government without the financial resources of those in the West and with but little interest in village improvement, no political parties and therefore but little hope of reform through those seeking office, and a body of citizens in the habit of looking to the gentry for initiative and leadership in most if not all matters relating to village welfare. ‘The class decided, therefore, that better results would follow if the gentry were the first villagers approached with regard to the survey project. It was nevertheless thought to be better to collect the more general facts before approaching them, reserving for their help the questions on which it was. most difficult to secure information, although it seemed plain that if action for village improvement was to follow the recommendations of the surveyors the gentry would have to be sympathetic toward them and their work.

It was also agreed by the class that in approaching the village people for information care should be taken not to antagonize them, not

TPS PURPOSE AND METHODS 11 only because it was necessary to keep avenues of information open, but also because it was hoped that friendly contacts made in the course of the study would make more certain later interest if not participation in efforts to improve those village conditions which were found by the surveyors to need remedying. In this as in most Chinese villages people are suspicious of information seekers, perhaps fearing that they may prove to be taxgatherers, ee eS of the police, or inquisitive government officials.

It was also thought by the class that the life and needs of the ‘village could not be understood by readers of the survey report -unless _ there was included information on the family and religious life of its people. ‘I'wo students from outside of the class were therefore asked to ‘write the chapters which here appear as numbers 3 and 4.

In securing the answers to his questions, each student used the methods which he thought most likely to bring the desired information without antagonizing or making suspicious of his motives those who were questioned. [he most natural and effective contact was the village school, of which one of the surveyors was director during the year 1923-24. One surveyor made contacts with the homes of village people through the children in this school. One talked with a village di-pao, another with a member of the gentry, and another with a man who had formerly been a teacher in the village. Another questioned farmers and craftsmen directly, experiencing difficulty in some cases because of ‘the method used. All depended upon personal observation for most of their facts. Largely because of the difficulty of securing exact and in- -telligent answers by that method, no use was made of questionnaires to be filled in by the villagers, the only set of questions employed in any instance being that prepared by the surveyor for his own use. The surveyors found that although it was wasteful in time consumed, the indirect method of securing information was the most successful, with the answers to questions made incidentally during the conversation. Whenever difficulties were experienced by any surveyor the class was asked for its suggestions and assistance, so that there were available to each the experience and contacts of all.

In the making of the survey report, it was felt by the surveyors that although some things had been found of which Sung-Ka-Hong could not be proud, these things were common to many villages in China and it would be unfair to publish a criticism of Sung-Ka-Hong for them: It was also believed, however, that in the interest of honesty and accuracy it was necessary to describe conditions as they were found. It was accordingly decided that all the facts should be told, but that care should be taken not to give the impression that Sung-Ka- ‘Hong was worse than the average when that was not true, and that the emphasis in each chapter should be on the hopeful things found. So again in the selection of pictures of village life, it was realized that there was a danger that in their desire to urge needed changes on the villagers the surveyors would. picture the worst, thus giving to those whose cooperation might later be required a wrong impression of their purpose. An effort was therefore made to get pictures typical of the best as well as of the worst.

No one person is responsible for the survey which follows. Each man wrote the chapter which bears his name, and he is responsible for the facts therein given and the recommendations therein made.

CHAPTER ITI.

The Family.

DsEN Yu HAo, A. B.

In China, with few exceptions, married sons with their wives are required by custom to settle in their parents’ home or near by, these younger groups forming the subordinate part of the parents’ family. Chinese ethics regards it as honorable if the descendants of a common ancestor with their wives can live together for generations. So it is not strange to find a family in China containing more than three or four married groups. ‘This is what is known as the big family system.

In many parts of the country, especially in South China, we find the clan system fully developed. A clan is composed of several big families. In this case, the married group is not only subject to the control and rule of the family, but to those of the clan as well.

The family and the clan are the real units of Chinese society. Each family is nominally governed by a family head or Chia Chang — (%ke), who, according to the law, is the most aged and respected — person in the family.’ While a Chia Chang may be a man, “‘in practice, however, the mother is the centre of domestic life. She rules and controls the family. ... It is the mother who generally decides such important questions as when the child is to begin the schooling. She finds the bride or the husband for the children respectively, and arranges all the matters concerning their betrothals. She manages all the business of the home and directs all the social and extremely punctilious relations with friends and kin.’’*

The real property of any family in China is owned in the name of the oldest male in the family. ‘If there should be a division of the family, which often occurs after the death of the family head or when there are quarrels among the members, expecially among the sisters-inlaw, the property would be divided equally among the males. Although by virtue of having had more to do with the management of family affairs, the eldest son may be entitled to a larger share, legally China has never had the practice known in the West as ‘“‘primogeniture.”’ The female members of the Chinese family cannot own any immovable property, although they are very infiuential in home life, ‘They may possess chattels but they are not supposed to own them. While such cases are not infrequently heard of, a divorced or remarried wife who has transferred valuables from her former home is not considered honorable. .