Black and white in the southern states; a study of the race problem in the United States from a South African point of view

Front matter

PRESS NOTICES OF MR. MAURICE EVANS’

“BLACK AND WHITE IN SOUTH-EAST AFRICA” (now out of print).

SOUTH AFRICA. — “This is a thought-compelling book, and should be in every South African library.”

Introduction

I make no apology for adding another to the mass of books already written on this subject. Before it loses its intense burning interest for students of mankind, long before the black man and the white man live together in harmony on a basis mutually acceptable, many more books will be written. The keen intellect and tender conscience of the Twentieth Century both imperatively demand that the illogical and unethical attitude in which the races face each other in the Southern States and in South Africa shall be changed for one that we can justify, and with which the black man shall be satisfied. Our question is one phase of the greater problem of race and colour which touches all the European nations, and nearly every backward race and tribe throughout the wide world. The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the colour line.

So far as I know only two men intimately acquainted by personal experience and residence in other countries in which black and white come together, have visited the Southern States and written their experiences thereon. One of these is Sir H. H. Johnston, who knows many parts of Africa with a knowledge that is in some respects unique. The other is Mr. W. P. Livingstone, author of “Black Jamaica,” who writes on the North American Negro in “The Race Conflict,” and who has a practical acquaintance with the race in Jamaica.

The Union of South Africa is the country in which the problem is most nearly like what it is in the Southern

VI

States. As far as my knowledge goes no South African has gone through the South with a view to study the question, certainly no South African has written upon it.

These facts should warrant me, even in view of the many scores of volumes already in print.

They will, however, only justify me if the question is approached in a right spirit, and with a full sense of the responsibility which attaches to all who attempt to guide public opinion on a question so closely touching the lives and happiness of millions. The partisan spirit, partial to one race or the other, permeates most of the writings on the subject. Probably much bitterness, as well as false views, have been due to this. With any power of mind and will I possess I will strive to avoid this pitfall. The issues are too great, the results for good or evil may be so immense, that no preconceived ideas or partiality should be allowed to cloud clarity of view, or warp the judgment.

The method must be scientific, facts observed and noted with scrupulous care, and no conclusion drawn until the body of data fully warrants it. Willingness to cast aside, as well as to gather up, must be a ruling principle of such an inquiry. Yet with the clear eye and balanced mind must be an impressionable openness, a waiting spirit, through which shall freely flow the genius of the people and the land. In this spirit I endeavour to unravel some of the knots in this tangled skein of human endeavour and error.

I have not written an itinerary of my journeyings. It will be sufficient to say that I went by ordinary trains from New York to New Orleans by one route and returned by another, making many side journeys from the railway to the more remote country districts. I never once travelled by night, daylight was too valuable. I talked with the men I met on the trains, the roads, the farms, and at the hotels, and I stayed at the homes of both black and white. I visited quays, markets, courts,

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vi i

factories, churches, schools, institutions of all kinds, wherever men did most congregate, and wherever their activities were being carried on.

Before leaving New York, among other friends, I met Mr. Edgar Gardner Murphy, author of “The Basis of Ascendancy,” “The Present South,” and other works, and an authority on the racial situation in America.

From him I received advice which struck the right note. Often I had seen well-intentioned visitors to South Africa, who, anxious to receive true impressions, got but a blurred, one-sided, distorted picture of men and things in our country. Mr. Murphy in effect said : Remember there is a white South as well as a black one ; too many in their desire for startling effect and the unusual, only see the unaccustomed black man, and are blind to the white man, who is as much a factor in the problem as the other. Also beware of being personally conducted by those holding one-sided views, for, he said, I have seen students come to this country and leave it having only seen one side of the shield, and not knowing there was another. You will hear the most contradictory statements, each purporting to be statements of facts and the most diverse opinions based upon them ; listen to all, check all by your own observations, try to hold the balance level, and draw your own conclusions. I found my South African experience of value here in keeping me clear of pitfalls into which I had seen others fall.

I find myself now in the position of those who have so often excited the ire and contempt of my fellow-colonists in South Africa, those who, after a few short months of travel, presume to write a book and give opinions and advice on subjects on which they, the long experienced, feel diffident to express an opinion. Always recognizing that these impressionist writings vary much in value, and that many are inaccurate and hasty, I never endorsed the opinion that nothing of value could come from those who visited our land. Rather I was always keenly

Vlll desirous to learn the impressions of those who came with open eye and fresh mind to view us, and I have often found much of value in what they said and wrote.

I know how often the first fresh and bright impressions become dim and cloudy from familiarity. I know how the angle becomes fixed, and how we see only what we saw ; how often the old resident cannot see the wood for trees.

Admitting that the studies of the man who knows every detail, and yet can keep his detachment and hold the balance level, are the most valuable, I do not lightly estimate the contributions of the qualified visitor who can take the big view. I feel that the man with the open mind, concentrating on the subject, who is qualified by previous study, and knowledge of conditions in other lands, may often grasp the broad outlines of a situation hidden from the local man by a mass of detail. Such a one can also supply the enlightenment that comes from comparison.

I cannot in this effort pretend to be more than an impressionist, and if error has crept into my pages will be only too glad to have it pointed out, and retract as far as possible.

Before leaving for America I spent some months in reading the literature of the subject, and I think I may say, saturated myself with it. I found much that was of value, much that was inaccurate and prejudiced. I trust that, though I read with avidity, I exercised some discretion. Owing in part to our remoteness, and to the fact that we are not yet a literary people, most of this intensely interesting literature is quite unknown to South Africans. In what I write I shall freely draw upon this source of information, giving as far as possible the authority when doing so.

I also append a Bibliography of the subject. I do not pretend that this is complete, but it includes those books which for different reasons I found of most value, and I

IX give briefly my impressions on each, in the hope that what I found of such intense interest may also be read by my fellow-colonists. For if we are ever to justify our presence here in South Africa, the present indifference on the one hand, and hasty conclusions on the other, must give place to close study, accurate thinking, and just and statesmanlike action.

It may be that some Southerners will do me the honour of reading this book. Knowing their own people and locality intimately, they will probably find that what I say does not altogether apply to their conditions, and that they can point to many exceptions. I am fully aware that I am dealing with a big country, singularly alike in its general social conditions, yet necessarily with many local variations. Richmond Virginia, and Charleston South Carolina, are like and unlike, and both are unlike New Orleans. The position in Georgia is not the same as in Louisiana, and Tennessee is unlike both. Local investigators have made detailed study of particular cities and sections, and as far as possible I have availed myself of these to check my general statements and conclusions. I am giving a general impression, true of the whole, but perhaps not wholly true of any one part.

Without much kind help I could not have seen, heard, and experienced all I did. For this help, and for candid expressions of opinion freely given, I owe many Americans, both white and black, a deep debt of gratitude. It is impossible for me to thank all by name. Should any Southerner, feeling the similarity of the problems which demand an answer in both lands, visit South Africa on a similar quest to mine, I hope to be able to reciprocate the kindly advice, help and hospitality so freely given to me.

The first result of all these facilities of reading and observation was to overpower, almost smother me with a mass of detail, often apparently contradictory, which it seemed impossible to classify. By degrees the chaotic

X mass resolved itself, and the facts arranged themselves in something like order. Before I left America I formed certain definite opinions. I feel that it is in large part due to my long South African experience, and much pondering on that experience, that I was at all able to do so.

The application of certain principles outlined in the earlier chapters of the book guided me to the results I give in the later chapters. Upon these conclusions I would very much appreciate the criticism of my American friends, whether such be favourable or adverse. I approach and handle it from a somewhat different point of view to theirs; open free discussion from all standpoints is desirable if South Africans and Americans are to understand, and make that understanding the basis of action, which will result in the establishment of better race relations in both lands.

In this spirit I publish my contribution.

MAURICE S. EVANS.

Hillcrest, Berea Ridge,

Durban, Natal.

Contents

PAGE

Introduction ......... v

CHAPTER

Chapter I. The Question Of The Century

Many signs and portents are in the air showing that among the many questions calling for solution, which are brought to the front by the rapidly changing condition of the world, that of the relations of the races hitherto regarded as civilized with those we have been accustomed to consider backward, will be the world-wide and important one.

Rapid intercommunication, the increase of travel and expansion of commerce, with the tremendous material interests involved, make it impossible for the civilized, industrial, and manufacturing nations to regard it lightly. The responsibilities they have assumed in distant parts of the world will yearly more and more force upon their attention the problem of what their attitude should be towards those for whom they have taken the responsibility of government, or to whom they are bound by political and economic ties.

Those who have assumed overlordship might be tempted to temporize, and will in fact probably do so, and only consider the question under pressure, but that pressure is not likely to be withheld for long.

For all the world over the coloured races are beginning to realize themselves and to press for answers to questions that have hitherto been evaded. The Japanese are knocking at the Western gates of the New World, and the leaders of the millions of India are asking for admittance to lands which have been so far closed to them. The development of the West African peoples goes on apace, and their increasing agricultural production is giving

i them a status in the modern world higher than that hitherto reached by any purely African people. And in South Africa there are uneasy movements betokening awakening consciousness. All these are but the beginnings of the stirrings of the peoples.

Of the many striking changes that impress an oversea visitor to the centres of Europe, not the least is the everincreasing number of members of alien and coloured races he sees, and this especially holds good of London. I have lately had the privilege of living there for over a year, with ample leisure to wander and study social conditions. My experience must be that of many visitors from the Colonies. In my early years, before leaving for South Africa, a black face in the streets was an object of interest and curiosity. Now no one is surprised to meet dozens during one afternoon. The majority are well dressed, and appear very much at home in their new environment, and are often accompanied by, and evidently very familiar with, men and women of English race. Inquiries need not be profound to discover that the family type of boarding-house, where they enter into the social life of the occupants, is much frequented by them. If any distinction is drawn it is not to their disadvantage.

The average Colonist shudders at this social intermixture, and often plainly shows disapproval, and it may be that this, combined with more intimate personal knowledge, will modify the present position and attitude in Britain. Meantime Hindoos, Chinese, Japanese and other Eastern peoples, as well as a large number of Africans, are rapidly learning the intimacies of English social life, and apparently enjoying its amenities. I found that a large number of these visitors are students at the higher seats of learning.

What may be seen in London is the outward and visible sign of race movement and race aspiration in those who have long been stationary and silent. The awakening of India, the enlightenment and uprising of Japan, the revolution in China, and the coming to consciousness

THE QUESTION OF THE CENTURY of the Africans of West and South, are phenomena which will more and more demand attention from Western civilization.

The issues thus raised may be divided into three classes.

1. The relations between Europeans and (principally) Asiatics as independent States.

2. The government of tropical dependencies in which the white man cannot make a permanent home, such as the West Indies and the greater part of Africa.

3. Countries with a climate and surroundings suitable to European family life, but with a large population of a backward race, as South Africa, the Highlands of East Africa, and portions of Northern Rhodesia.

I have not a personal knowledge of conditions in the first and second classes, and there the problem differs greatly from what it is in the third class, with which I have an intimate acquaintance.

The most important countries which fall into the third class are the southern portions of the United States of America, the Union of South Africa, and probably the high plateau of British East Africa. In the two former the problem is insistent, in the last named it is gradually surging to the front.

In the Union of South Africa, and in the Southern States, it has been proved by the experience of nearly three centuries that the climate and conditions are favourable to European family life. The original settlers have increased in numbers by natural reproduction, and their descendants are a vigorous race, mentally and physically. They have the temperamental leaning of the race towards a democratic form of government, and nowhere does the democratic theory of government find stronger supporters. In both cases the theory stops at members of the dominant race.

By Federal law in the United States all men are declared free and equal, with equal rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and to all conveniences of

1 * civilized life. The Constitution explicitly states that the franchise shall be the privilege of all, notwithstanding race, colour or previous condition of servitude. In practice and by State law, one-third of the population in the South is denied social and political equality.

In the Union of South Africa one province of the four, the Cape Colony, recognizes political equality by law ; two, the Transvaal and Orange Free State, explicitly by law deny it ; and in one, Natal, there is a separate code of law for black and white.

Both South Africa and the United States are in reality not democracies, but oligarchies, and the practical discrepancy between theory and practice is one of the intricacies of the^problem. Notwithstanding the markedly different experiences through which each country has gone since European settlement first began, the visitor from South Africa to the Southern States sees much that is familiar. Every now and then some experience brings vividly to his mind the country he has left. He finds that the human elements being the same, the results are often strikingly similar. It was one of the pleasures of my visit to find, so far away, how often the very conditions I had left were reproduced before my eyes, the thousands of miles melted away, and Africa was before me. Almost as great a pleasure was noting and trying to explain the differences I saw. These were, however, less than the resemblances. In essence the problem is the same for both of us. The question the Fates have set both countries is this — How to ensure that two races so different, yet living in the same land, shall each have opportunity for its full development, without clashing and without fusion.

The international relations of East and West will possibly be arranged on a mutually satisfactory basis.

The genius of the European peoples concerned will probably enable them to govern their tropical dependencies with justice and consideration, and adjust their

THE QUESTION OF THE CENTURY 5

methods to suit the development and changing needs of the governed.

Where white and black have each their permanent homes and live intermixed, as in South Africa and the United States, the problem is much more complex and difficult. The events of the nineteenth century have accentuated and increased these difficulties. It is the problem of the twentieth century to discover a basis of adjustment.

Chapter II. Free Discussion

To those who do not know South Africa, this short chapter will seem quite unnecessary, as in it I wish to consider the statement previously made that open frank discussion is essential if we are to arrive at the truth on this question, and get guidance for the future. To those who live elsewhere, where every subject under heaven is made matter of inquiry and debate, such a proposition is self-evident.

And it would be accepted in theory by the majority of South Africans. There is, at the same time, a feeling, often implied rather than expressed, that questions affecting the native population should be treated differently. The idea has, since Union, been expressed by one highly placed, that talking and writing on the native question only did harm. This attitude is, I think, due to the position adopted by the ruling race, a position hitherto assented to without demur by the native people, that their status and circumstances should be decided for them, and not by them.

While recognizing that justice must be the ruling principle, it is felt by many in South Africa that justice must be dispensed in the spirit of the benevolent despot. It is essential to this view that those thus governed should not be encouraged to think over and debate the position assigned to them.

Those holding this view have been familiar with the native as a tribesman, subject to the autocratic rule of a chief. Under this rule they saw the native contented and law-abiding. The white man and his government

FREE DISCUSSION taking the place of the chief, they demand the same acquiescence to the acts of government as was given to the dictates of the tribal head.

They do not fully realize that the tribal system was one evolved by, and understood and loved by, the native people. Nor do they see that while submissive to the commands, even the whims, of the chief, they felt in the marrow of their being, that the chief was of themselves, and stood, not apart, but as one representing and identical with themselves.

Judged by the ideas of freedom held by the white man, the native was often sorely oppressed by the head of his tribe. The native, conversely, felt that these acts were the prerogative of his tribal superior, and were not to be resented. Often also the white man loses sight of the fact that autocratic power was limited by the influence and advice of those councillors who knew and represented the desires of the people. At the back of the submission to tribal authority was the feeling that the ruling power is of them and by them, and their interests are identical. This feeling was at first transferred to the white ruler, and for a time the inherited tendency held sway, but all in South Africa know how rapidly it is becoming attenuated and dying away.

The circumstances have changed, and with it the attitude. Those Europeans who have known it in the past, and cling to it as the proper relation between white and black, will under the changed conditions have to modify the tradition. The rule of full and free discussion must needs apply here as in all other affairs of life. It is true that it may tend to unrest of the native mind. To some extent this cannot be avoided.

It is equally true that all who take part in such discussion should do so with a full sense of responsibility, and recognize the possibility of unsettlement that lies in it. The greatest tact and judgment are necessary, and more restraint than is usually used in political discussion. We must not obscure the truth or give a false impression, but try to put ourselves in the other man’s place, remembering that what is obvious to us may not be clear to him, and do all possible to prevent misunderstanding. If this is the spirit that guides the discussion, not harm but good will be the result.

The Union of South Africa is ruled by the white electorate, they are responsible for the government of a people five times as numerous as they are. The majority of the governing group do not understand the question in all its bearings, nor have they time or inclination to study it. Their chief concern is with the economic development of the country, the part they are to play in it, and the reward they are to get for these activities. The native is of interest to them only so far as he assists to this end. Yet to any general line of native policy they must, as electors and members of the governing race, give their assent.

It is the first essential that they should be educated to and for this responsibility, and how can it be done without discussion ? If that discussion is to be limited and hampered by considerations of its effect on the native mind, what is the education likely to be worth ?

In the best interests of the native people, perhaps a benevolent despotism would be the ideal form of government, then discussion might be limited to the Chamber of the Executive. Instead of this we have the rule of a nominal democracy, in reality an oligarchy masked as a democracy. We must take the position with its limitations and drawbacks. One of these is full and free debate of the subject, ever conducted, we hope, with judgment and restraint, but open, impartial, non-partisan, without obscuration of the truth wherever it may lead.

However much it might be desired to limit discussion, the interests and relations of the races are so intimately interwoven, that they crop up at all times and on all subjects.

I write this in March, 1913. The Parliament of the Union of South Africa met last month at Capetown.

FREE DISCUSSION

Interna] dissension in the Government party gave unusual opportunity to private members. Notices of motion were given and the questions raised were those nearest to the hearts of the representatives. It was significant how the question of race relations came ever to the front. It entered into almost every subject introduced. Labour, immigration, the purchase of land, the sale of firearms, education, all inevitably brought in the native. And so it must and will be.

It may be considered that I am fighting a shadow, and that few in South Africa would openly favour a policy of limited discussion or discreet silence. This is probably true, but there is an undercurrent of doubt as to the desirability or wisdom of openly talking of the subject in all its bearings. Many would disavow the feeling, yet in subtle fashion it is part of their mental equipment, born of familiarity with the old idea of rule by the wise minority. Under present conditions it must go, and it is without hesitation or reservation that I add my contribution to the study of a question bearing so closely on our great South African problem, and which I would probably never have undertaken but for the belief that such an inquiry would be of value to us in our task in South Africa.

Chapter III. Some Thoughts On Race

During a recent visit to Europe I had an opportunity of attending a memorable gathering — the first Universal Races Congress. Delegates were present from all the nations of Europe, from the greater part of Asia, from Africa, and America. They varied in type, colour, and appearance, from the Scandinavian to the Negro. The object of this notable meeting of such diverse people was laid down in the prospectus issued by the Council as “ the discussion in the light of science and the modern conscience, of the general relations subsisting between the peoples of the West and those of the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier co-operation ”

The papers which formed the basis of discussion were wisely printed and circulated among the members before the meeting, thus giving all an opportunity of reading and familiarizing themselves with the broad outlines of the question under debate. Men of high standing and acquirements contributed these essays, and altogether they form a volume of great and permanent value to all students of race questions.

Eight sessions were held and the following are the divisions of the question for purposes of discussion, which will indicate the scope of the inquiry undertaken : —

i st Session. Fundamental considerations.

2nd ,, Conditions of progress. General

problems.

JO

SOME THOUGHTS ON RACE

1 1

4th

5 th

6th

7th

8th ft tt n t>

3rd Session. Conditions of progress. Special

problems.

I. Special problems in inter-racial economics.

II. Peaceful contact between civilizations.

The modern conscience in relation to racial questions generally.

The modern conscience in relation to the Negro and American Indian.

The same subject continued.

In addition to other preliminary circulars issued there was one containing a long list of questions, submitted presumably to authorities who could not personally attend the Congress. No indication is given of the nature of the answers received, which if published should be of more than ordinary interest.

Although the Congress did not adopt any platform beyond stating their general object, which I have quoted, a perusal of some of the questions submitted in the circular referred to indicates preconceived opinions on the question of race hardly in keeping with a strict scientific inquiry into the whole question. What I mean is shown in Question 5 which runs thus : (a) Is perhaps the deepest cause of race misunderstandings the tacit assumption that the present characteristics of a race are the expression of fixed and permanent race characteristics ? (b) If so, could not anthropologists, sociologists, and scientific thinkers as a class powerfully assist the movement for a juster appreciation of the races by persistently pointing out the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead of a dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a general, point of view of race characteristics ?

I attended and listened with the greatest possible interest to the discussions, which lasted several days.

It seemed to me, that while charging those who differed from them with making an assumption, the note of the majority of the speakers was that of assumption. They took for granted that the evident palpable differences between the varied races of mankind were not deep seated, much less fundamental. They argued that given the same geographical, economic, and cultural conditions, races apparently different would respond in the same way. That environment rather than heredity is and has been the great force in causing difference, and is and will be the power which will bring the peoples of the earth together with like aims and aspirations. Implied in this is the idea that the civilization of Western Europe is the standard of excellence, and to achieve this the nations of the world will gladly strive, successful as they attain in greater or less degree.