Biographical sketches of James Kimble Vardaman

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Introduction

The subject matter of these sketches was prepared for an address which I made before the Vardaman Club of Jackson, Mississippi, in September, 1921. This address met with such approval that at the request of many of those present I have reduced it to writing, as nearly as memory permits, with such additions as I have deemed interesting.

The purpose in publishing this booklet is not political ; neither is the purpose to enter into any controversy with any individual, nor to say anything or refer to anything derogatory to the character or reputation of any other person. If, incidentally, facts are recited which reflect in any way upon any other person, it is done not with the intention of injuring such person, but merely for the purpose of stating such facts as are deemed necessary for the purpose of this story. What is here set down is for Senator Vardaman's friends, and not for his enemies ; or to refute their arguments.

The purpose is to give a word picture of the public career of James K. Vardaman, and, in a lesser sense, an outline of the political happenings during the period that he has served the people of Mississippi in an official way.

This is intended to be a simple narrative. I have found that many of Senator Vardaman's best friends &re in error in regard to many of the simple facts of his life. For instance, many reasons have been assigned for his wearing hair longer than does the average male citizen of today. None of the reasons assigned are true, because there is no reason except a matter of personal choice, suggested, perhaps, by the fact that men like Senator George, Walthall and many others during the period of Vardaman's young manhood, wore their hair in much the fashion that his is worn today.

It has been frequently asserted that Vardaman was left an orphan at a very early age, and that all of his boyhood and young manhood were devoted to the support of a widowed mother and a number of small brothers and sisters. As a matter of fact, Vardaman's father lived until after his (Vardaman's) marriage.

Many of his friends are under the impression that Senator Vardaman's right arm was injured in the shooting affair at Greenwood (reference to which is made hereafter). The fact is that this arm was injured in an accident during Vardaman's boyhood, while he was engaged in operating a com sheller. Vardaman was entirely uninjured in the shooting affair at Greenwood, although a bullet or two passed through his clothing.

A great many of his friends are also under a misapprehension as to his views on the race question. Many of them merely think that Vardaman has played good politics in his discussion of the negro question. As a matter of fact, Vardaman is more in earnest, if such be possible, in his advocacy of certain measures in regard to the race question than upon any other matter that he has presented to the people of Mississippi. He has read everything available upon this subject, political, historical and1 scientific. He is an authority upon matters of race, and his publicly stated views are but a brief statement of the sentiments that he sincerely entertains on this great question.

In a general way, there are two classes of men. They may be classified as, first, those men who look upon other men for what may be gotten out of them; and the second, and much smaller, class consisting of those men who look upon their fellow men with the purpose of doing something for them.

As an illustration of this latter class let us take the late Dr. B. F. Ward, of Winona. His life and character are familiar to many of the people of Mississippi. One of the last instances in his life will serve the purpose. When Dr. Ward was dying, some of his friends and relatives were gathered in his room. Although so weak he could not speak above a whisper, he noticed that all of his friends in the room were standing, and he said to his daughter, who was holding his hand, "Tell them to sit down." These were his last words on earth. This sublime character, in the last moments of life, was thinking not of himself, not of that world to which he was going, but thinking, as he had thought all his life, of others.

In every age and in every country there have been a few men who have stood out above their fellows as the mountain peaks of the race. They have been gifted with qualities that their fellows did not possess, whether "divinely gifted" does not matter. The history of these few men will be practically the history of the world. To write adequately the story of Pericles would be to write of the golden age of Greece; to write of Ceasar would be to tell the story of Rome during the period of his public service.

And it is always true that such men as these have their devoted friends and bitter enemies. To borrow a thought from Dr. Ward, there are three ways of aestroying the great leaders of the people. The first is by the use of such arguments and the advancement of such facts as are 1 ossible. When this method fails, resort is had to misrepresentation and abuse, and the interjection of false issues.

This second method has been very assiduously followed in the case of James K. Vardaman. My first recollec-

—10- tion of Vardaman is of a man misrepresenting to me his purposes.

When I was but a boy, I recall that with a number of men I was working in the woods, engaged in the everyday business of making staves. This opponent of Vardaman's hunted us up and gave each of us a circular setting forth with some ability the demerits of Vardaman, who was then a candidate fcr Governor. He also informed us that Vardaman was intensely hostile to the negroes of Mississippi, and that his purpose was to run them out of the State, or kill them, and that if he was elected Governor, the result of his election would be that all of the negroes in Mississippi would go elsewhere. A consummation very devcutly to be wished.

The third and last method of getting rid of embarrassing reformers and militant leaders of the people is by assassination. Christ was crucified ; Socrates was given the poison hemlock, ostensibly for discussing too freely the amorcus Gods of Greece, but in reality because he was teaching the young men cf Athens too much common ser-se and democracy ; and' the great Roman leader Caesar was assassinated, as were Tiberius and Caius Gracchus. However, this method is now obsolete, and is no longer practiced by the best people.

In the preparation of these sketches, I have examined a great many public documents and records, as well as many documents of my own. I have carefully checked these, and have verified my own conclusions by conferring with a number of prominent men in public life, as to the accuracy of the statements made. I therefore feel certain that every statement of fact with reference to the life and public services of Senator Vardaman is correct.

In the best written histories there are frequently errors. If any are found in this booklet, I assure the reader that they are unintentional, and if the reader will call my attention to the error, with proper proof, correction will be made, and acknowledgement gratefully rendered.

No attempt is made to cover all the events in Senator Vardaman's life or even his public career. To do so, and deal with all the things that have happened would require several good sized volumes. It is my purpose to write a larger book, when the partisan differences have abated, and the passions engendered by political conflict have been softened and subdued by the recollections of happy achievement. I will, therefore, appreciate the receipt of any interesting fact, or circumstance in connection with the life or career of Senator Vardaman.

For the sake of the critics, I here confess to many errors of syntax, rhetoric, and all rules of composition. I have attempted only to make myself understood, and if I have accomplished this, I have no complaint to register.

A. S. C.

CHAPTER I. His Early Life; Training; and Work as Editor

What constitutes a state?

Not high-raised battlement or laboured mound,

Not bays and broad-armed ports Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride

No: — men, high-minded men, With powers as far above dull brutes endued

Men who their duties know, But knew their rights, and knowing, dare maintain

Prevent the long-aimed blow, And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain;

These constitute a state.

— Sir William Jo"~es.

AMES KIMBLE VARDAMAN was born in Jackson County, Texas, on July 26th, 1861, near the spot now occupied by the city of Edna, which is the County site of Jackson County. His mother was Miss Mollie Fox, who was born in Huntsville, Alabama. His father was William Sylvester Vardaman, who was born in Copiah County, Mississippi.

His parents were married at Carrollton, Mississippi, and lived in Holmes County, Mississippi, for a number of years, near the line -between Carroll and Holmes Counties.

In 1858 Vardaman's father, with his family, moved to Jackson County, Texas, and purchased a plantation on the Navidad River. He was not able to pay all of the purchase price for this plantation, and equip it with the necessary implements and purchase sufficient slaves to cultivate it. This fact will account for the loss of the place at the close of the war between the States.

Six children were born to Vardaman's parents, two girls and four boys. At the outbreak of the war, Vardaman's father entered the Confederate army, and served under General Ross for four years.

Returning at the close of the war, he found his property dissipated and his slaves freed, and owing a large sum as the balance on his lands. In this situation, he packed a few belongings into a wagon and with his family returned to Mississippi, in 1868. The first year he spent in Yalobusha County, near what is now known as Torrance. The next year he lived near Garner's Station, now known as Scobey. Here the six Vardaman children were reared and given such little education as the County schools afforded, Vardaman's only schooling was obtained in a small log schoolhouse located near what is now known as Tillatoba.

At a very early age young James was filled with an ambition to be a lawyer, and subsequently a politician. The story is told that when he was about eight years of age it was decided that it was necessary to remove his tonsils. In those days competent surgeons and anaesthetics were very rare. Young James was induced to submit peaceably to the operation by being positively told that unless he did he would never be able to be a speaker, and become a lawyer.

When he was about eighteen years of age his father agreed that whatever he made in farming would be his and could be used by him in obtaining an education. Young James started in to make a crop, but later along in the year, when the sun grew hot, he was impressed with the idea that this was too slow a method of reaping a fortune.

He proceeded to make his father a present of his horse and the growing crop, and went into the manufacture of cross ties, with an equipment of three axes and two negro assistants.

When the cross ties had been made, he purchased an ox wagon and some oxen, and himself hauled the ties to the railroad at Garner's Station. During this time he continued the study of law. He would load the wagon with the cross ties, put the oxen in the road, and read until he reached the end of the journey. He would then unload the ties, start the oxen on their way, and read on the way back to the woods.

When this venture had been completed, and with a fortune of something less than two hundred dollars, he went to Carrollton and lived for a time with his uncle, Major Pearson Money, the father of United States Senator Money.

Major Money had a very fine library, of books then in common use, consisting principally of the classics. Vardaman'3 cousin, William Vardaman Money, was a very highly educated young man, and it was through association with him and under his instruction that much of Vardaman's education was obtained. During this time he was assiduously engaged in the study of law in the offices of Helm and Somerville, at Carrollton.

In those days, applicants for license to practice law were examined orally in open court. The Bar at that time was wont to travel around with the Court, from County to County, and represent such clients as stood in need of their services. When Vardaman applied for license the Judge invited all of the members of the bar present to conduct the examination. Among those present were Judge T. H, Somerville and Judge William C. McLean, of Grenada. Judge McLean was a classical scholar and possessed a very profound knowledge of the law books of Blackstone and other learned writers. He prided himself upon his knowledge of the common law. We can imagine the scene of a raw country boy, possessing small literary education and no great knowledge of the law, subjected on a broiling July afternoon to a gruelling examination at the hands of this dignified and scholarly Judge. As one of the spectators afterwards remarked, the Judge evidently desired to demonstrate his knowledge of the law and the ignorance of the applicant, and eminently succeeded in doing both.

The examination continued until the lamps had to be lighted, and the subject of Blackstone, Coke on Littleton, and other books of like character had been exhausted. But at last the ordeal was over and1 Vardaman was given license to practice law.

The Judge requested him to write out the license, in crder that he might sign it, but this was a subject that the student had not mastered, and his prayer that he be allowed until morning to prepare the license was readily granted.

Vardaman then moved to Winona and there began his acquaintance with the late Dr. B. F. Ward, who continued to be Vardaman's friend, devoted and unchanging, from that time until the hour of his death. It is doubtless due largely to the teachings of Dr. Ward that the Vardaman of today has been developed.

A characteristic incident in the financial career cf Vardaman was one which occurred the day after his arrival in Winona. He had secured an office and paid for the hauling of his books. After completing the task of arranging his books, etc., he opened the door for business in possession of a cash capital of fifty cents.

He walked down en the streets, and met a man carrying a petition in behalf of another whose house had been burned. Vardaman very gravely subscribed and paid the sum of fifty cents, and began his career as an attorney, penniless.

In 1884 Vardaman married Mrs. Anna Robinson, a widow. While in Winona he achieved the average success of a young lawyer of that period, and during idle times edited a newspaper, the "Winona Advance." After a number of years he moved to Greenwood and began the practice of law, also editing the "Greenwood Enterprise." He afterwards sold this paper and established the "Greenwood Commonwealth." He was elected to the legislature in 1890, and again in 1892, serving in all, six years. In the middle of his second term he was unanimously elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, and made one of the most popular Speakers that body ever had.

While editing his paper at Greenwood, Vardaman began writing on the race question, and gained a statewide reputation from the vigorous expression of his views upon this and other questions of that period. During these years the great national question was the controversy between the Democratic party and the Peoples party. In this contest Vardaman spoke in many parts of the State in behalf of the Democratic candidates, and won the very cordial dislike cf the Peoples Party leaders. But in after years practically all of these leaders, upon the demise of the Populist party, became the warm friends of Vardaman.

During the time he was the editor of the "Commonwealth," Vardaman began the advocacy of prohibition. A prohibitionist at that time was about as popu" r in LeFlore County as a Bolshevist would be in Wall Street. A great deal of feeling was aroused on all sides, and a plot was concocted to assassinate Vardaman. This was discovered by Dr. C. N. D. Campbell, of Greenwood, who is now County Health Officer of LeFlore County. He went to Vardaman and warned him of the plot, enabling him to prepare himself, so that when the shooting began Vardaman escaped uninjured, and one of the other contestants was killed.

One reason for the report that Vardaman was injured in this affair was the fact that his cousin, Colonel James D. Money, was wounded. When the shooting ended, Vardaman asked his cousin if he had been hit, the reply of Coknel Money was, "Yes, I am hit in the leg, and if it hadn't been for that fellow's leg I would have gotten him," meaning that the fellow had run away so fast that he escaped injury.

Vardaman made two campaigns for Governor before he was elected. His first campaign was in 1899, and the second in 1903. The first campaign was made under the old convention system, and naturally resulted in his defeat.

At the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, Vardaman volunteered his services and organized a company. This was tendered toi Governor McLaurin to be mustered in. The Governor disliked Vardaman and availing himself of the excuse that Vardaman possessed an injured right arm, refused to issue a commission to him. His company thereupon decided to withdraw from the service, but Vardaman prevailed upon them to go ahead and do their duty to their country. He returned home and was offered and accepted a commission as Captain in the 5th U. S. V. I. known as the Immune Regiments, and after reaching Cuba was commissioned a Major.

While in Cuba the campaign of 1899 for Governor was under way, and Vardaman requested that he be discharged so that he might return home and enter the campaign. Members of his company, however, reminded him of his promise that he would stay with them until they got back heme, and thereupon he withdrew his request and remained with the company until it was finally mustered out.

He then returned to Mississippi and entered into the campaign for Governor a few weeks before its close. At that time it was optional with the Counties as to whether they held a primary or elected their delegates by the convention system. Vardaman visited those counties where an election was to be held, and carried every county in which he made a speech. But of course, he could not, and never has been able to carry or control a convention, and was defeated for the nomination.

For a number of years Vardaman and his friends had been denouncing the convention system, and demanding the right of the white electors of Mississippi to name their public officials. The result of this agitation was the passage of the primary election law, which provided for a Statewide primary for the election of all State officials, from constable to Governor.

Vardaman entered the gubernatorial campaign in 1903, having as his opponents Honorable Frank A. Critz of West Point, and Honorable E. F. Noel, of Lexington. Noel was the low man in the first primary, and Vardaman the leading man.

Many of Vardaman's friends felt that his race against Critz in the second primary was a hopeless one, because they believed that the friends of Noel were anti- Vardaman and would vote solidly for Critz, but when the second primary was over it was found that Vardaman had increased his lead over Judge Critz and was nominated as the Democratic candidate for Governor, and was elected in the following November elections.

CHAPTER II. As Governor of Mississippi

"He makes no friend who never made a foe."

— Tennyson.

C%{ T has been frequently asserted that Vardaman was the only Governor to be elected without opposition. This grew out of the fact that at the general election in

November, 1903, no other party put out a candidate. Since

that time the Socialist party has placed a candidate's name

en the ticket.

It is a well known fact that Vardaman possesses more loyal and devoted friends, and more bitter and implacable enemies than any other public man in Mississippi. This is naturally true when we consider that Vardaman is a man of very positive convictions, and bold and aggressive in his advocacy of the measures in which he believes. He is apparently incapable of restraining himself when possessed by an idea. He aptly illustrates the words of Heine, where he says, "We do not take possession of our ideas, but are possessed by them. They master us and force us into the arena, where, like gladiators, we must fight for them."

However, many of the enemies of Vardaman are not political, but think they have a personal reason for their dislike. When he began the advocacy of prohibition, and continued in the fight as editor, legislator, governor and United States Senator, those persons who were making a profit from the sale of liquor naturally felt unkindly towards the man who was vigorously opposing their business, and who, with the help of thousands of others, succeeded in putting them out of business not only in LeFlcre County, and Mississippi, but throughout the Nation.

Also, Vardaman was really the leader in the abolition of convention politics in Mississippi, and those gentlemen who controlled conventions, named officials, and profited from the government of this State, naturally resented any interference Math the system which they knew so well how to operate to their political and financial advantage and profit.

Although the Constitution of 1890 forbade the practice, the foundation for a number of fortunes in Mississippi has been made through the leasing of convicts. Governor Vardaman broke up this practice and put the convicts on the State's lands, so that private individuals no longer profited from their labor. This naturally offended a number of prominent and influential citizens.

As Governor, Vardaman defeated the so-called corporation land holding bill, and thereby incurred the displeasure of the great landlords of the State. As Senator, his first act of any prominence was to secure the raising of the tax rate on large incomes from three to seven per cent. Naturally, those persons fortunate enough tc possess an annual income of a million or more dollars did not feel kindly to the man who made them give seven per cent instead of three to their government.

These, and other things of like nature, are the things that account for ninety per cent of the enemies that Vardaman has made.

As Governor of Mississippi, Vardaman probably rendered his greatest service to the people of Mississippi. Many of the reforms which have been accomplished in the years since his term expired, are those advocated by him as Governor, and the foundation laid for their final enactment into law.

Vardaman was inaugurated in 1904, while Roosevelt was serving as President, and in the year in which R^veevelt was elected for the second term. We had just won the Spanish-American war some five years previous to his election, and the prosperity which appeared after that war was just beginning to be felt generally throughout the nation.

The campaign against imperialism and foreign expansion had been fought and lost by the hosts of Democracy under the leadership of Mr. Bryan. It was the day of "Dollar Diplomacy." It was a period when the people who had risen up since the reconstruction period were taking charge of public affairs. Everywhere there was a breaking away from the traditions of the past, and measures were being enacted which placed more power into the hands of the people.

In every country and among all peoples there are periods when progress seems to sleep ; there are times when the tide of humanity must halt and rally its belated members. After such a period, it thrusts forward to new victories, and we see that progress has been growing even while we thought it slept.

Vardaman was the first Governor to be elected by the entire qualified white electorate of Mississippi. He came into office unhampered by pledges to leaders of cliques or rings, and without the domination of a few powerful politicians who hitherto had controlled the all important conventions. In other words, Vardaman held his commission from the people of the State of Mississippi, and was free to be their leader and hold himself aloof from, and independent of, politicans and wire pullers. Since political development had been held in check for so many years by the convention system of politics, the thought of the State was now ready to move forward very rapidly.

It was, therefore, no difficult matter for Vardaman, as Governor, and the accredited leader of the people, to carry through many of the progressive measures which he advocated, despite the fact that he was confronted by a partisan and politically hostile legislature.

The general outstanding feature of Vardaman's administration was its freedom from dictation and influence by political leaders. Public opinion was free to express itself, and Vardaman both influenced and was influenced by this opinion.

The penitentiary was cleared of graft and the system of handling the convicts reversed. The eleemosynary institutions generally were placed upon a higher plane and entered upon' an era of splendid usefulness. The public school system was greatly encouraged and the beginning of the wonderful progress of the past fifteen years, was made. The judiciary was placed upon a much higher plane, and the judges were no longer made to feel that their commissions were given them by the men who could control conventions.

As am illustration of this, Judge Stevens, who was the son-in-law of Governor McLaurin, was a circuit judge. At the expiration of his term he was not an applicant for the office, but, much to "his surprise, was reappointed by Governor Vardaman. He attempted to thank the Governor for the appointment, but was told that he owed no thanks to the Governor, but rather to the people of his district who by letters and petitions had asked that he be reappointed.

The penitentiary of Mississippi was at that time under the management of a Board of Control, consisting of the

Governor, the Attorney General, and the three Railroad Commissioners. The actual management of the penitentiary was placed in the hands of a warden, who was elected by the Board of Control. Since all the members of the Board of Control had other duties to perform, they gave very little time or attention to the management of the penitentiary.

All five of these members, previous to this time, had been nominated in conventions, and their political fortunes were in the hands of a few men who controlled the State Convention. As a result of this, the penitentiary was spoils which went to the victor.

The Constitution of 1890 positively forbade the working of convicts on other than State lands, and forbade their being leased for any purpose after the year 1894. (Section 223). The Legislature enacted a statute putting this section of the Constitution into effect, (Sec. 3610 Code 1906 and Ch. 137 L. 1906) , yet despite this provision of the Constitution and the plain statute, the convicts had been leased to a number of large land owners in the Delta.

The State owned Parchman Farm, of something more than five thousand acres, the larger part of which was lying idle and put to no use whatsoever. The farms at Rankin and Oakley were largely used as distributing points for supplies which were gratuitously given to the political favorites of the members of the Board of Control.

An investigation made during the administration of Vardaman showed that the State Penitentiary purchased whiskey by the barrel, and the records of the Express Company showed that this was shipped away from the State Farms to private persons all over the State of Mississippi. Supplies and products of every kind were treated in much the same manner.

Despite this wholesale graft and habitual stealing, the worst feature of the penitentiary system was the treatment accorded the helpless inmates. The penitentiary of Mississippi was at that time a typical sixteenth century prison hell. Mail was distributed to the prisoners only about twice a month; books and newspapers were not allowed; there was no chaplain and no religious services of any kind. The prisoners were not permitted to eat with knives and forks, or even to eat at a table. Sanitary conditions were horrible beyond description. Sleeping quarters were ill ventilated and infested with vermin. The only method of control was through the use of force and corporal punishment. Under such a system, the convicts were not made better, but were released from the penitentiary much worse mentally, morally and physically.

The Board of Control had been evading the Constitution in regard to the leasing of convicts by a peculiar and adroitly worded contract. The State would agree on its part to furnish a given number of able bodied convicts and the necessary guards ; the landlord would agree on his part to feed the convicts, care for them, and to pay the State a certain percentage of the crop which was grown. The contract provided that in any event the compensation of the State should not be less than a certain number of bales of cotton. The State rarely received anything in excess of this minimum portion. For an excoriation of this contract, see Chief Justice Whitfield's dissenting opinion in the Sandy Bayou case, which will be found in Vol. 87 Mississippi Reports, page 79. See also 87 Miss., 1 ; 88 Miss., 843.