The great issue, or, The three presidential candidates : being a brief historical sketch of the free soil question in the United States from the Congresses of 1774 and '87 to the present time.

Front matter

OR,

THE THREE

BEING

Prefatory Note

It is the aim of the following pages, to show that two moral questions of great and vital importance are connected with tbis Presidential contest. With respect to these, a solemn duty is imposed upon every voter. To neglect or evade, it would be a ciifiminal abuse of a most sacred right To shed light upon this duty four classes of facts are presented.^ The duty is rather suggested than argued, as an obligation, which, from tlie nature of these facts, inevitably follows. The old party , issues are for, the most part settled. A new one has arisen, appealing to new and higher motives than the old. It takes direct hold on the purity, if, not the very existence, of our civil and religious freedom as a nation ; it infinitely transcends them all. In the light then, first, of the late events in Europe, which have so deeply stirred our national sympathy ; secondly, of the peculiar facts of our position as a model republic to all natioils ; thirdly, of the solemn and heartstirring facts connected with the legislation of the fathers aud founders of this republic ; and fourdily, of the bold and open fraud, the violent assumptions, connected with the late party contests of .our coimtry — ^in the converging and focal light of all these events, our imperative duty is suggested.

In the latter class of facts wiU be found an account of the late division in the Democratic party of this State, the origin of the terms by which the two parties are designated, and an authentic history of tlie five conventions by which the great Free Soil party of the North has been brought into existence. Several important papers and speeches have been omitted, because of the extent of space they would occupy. Among these ore the very able address of the Democratic members of the Legislature, and a clear and searching speech of B. F. Butler, Esq., of N. Y., exposing the Compromise Bill of Mr. Clayton— the speech of an able and faithful officer of the Government, who knew his duty and feared not to do it — of one who could receive with entire calmness the shock of executive v<%ngeance in lus removal from office, as a grateful rewaxd for his eminent talents and influence in elevating that Executive to the high office ho now enjoys.

PREFATORY NOTE.

State organizations have been formed in all of the free, and in some of the slave states ; and over nearly all the Union, free soil associations and the most enthusiastic meetings have extended. Even a brief outline of these would swell the work to an undue size. For this reason, the frank and highly honorable letter of the Hon. John P. Hale, withdrawing his name as the candidate of the Liberty Party, and supporting Van Buren and Adams, has been omitted.

The brief history of this question in the 29th Congress, also, is covered but in part by the speech of the Hon. David Wilmot, at Herkimer. — New York, though not the first, was in the van of this great movement. Her able Senator, John A. Dix, in a most powerful free soil speech in the Senate, in March, 1847, on the " Three Million Bill" nearly two years ago, closed with these emphatic words :— "BuZ I say for her, (New-York,) and in her na7ne,and I believe I do not misunderstand her resolutions, that she can never consent to become a party to the extension of slavery to free territory on this continent.'"

Many of the documents contained in these pages are among the ablest political papers which have come before the country since the formation of this government. They disclose the honesty, firmness and intelligence of those who have enlisted under the Free Soil banner, and that with the names of Yah Buren and Adams inscribed on its ample folds, they are determined never to yield the contest till the victory is won.

New-York, Oct. 2, 1848.

firrata, p. 96. For Charles F. Adams, read Henry Dodge.

Chapter I

The years 1846—7 and '8 memorable— events in this country — treaties of government since '46 — their result. Revolutions in Europe — their extent and causesreform in the British Parliament — the three leading questions : — com laws, poor law, and a system of national education — decisive result in reference to corn laws — remote effect on the cause of freedom — moral effect of the Irish femine , . 7 — 10

Italy— events which subjected her to Austria — her position — area— population and associations — condition prior to the ascension of Pope Pius IX. — Pius IX.— his previous life — his reforms— the jealousy and encroachments of Austria — their effect on national spirit in Italy — outbreaks — the Pope yields the civil power — its efiect on Church and State — the army — offensive and defensive league — her present relation to Austria — intervention of higher powers . . . . . . . 10 — 13

France — its extent — climate and associations — her constitutions since Louis XVI. — Guizot and Louis Philip— charter of 1830 — the policy of Guizott-harmony vidth Louis Philip — attached to the doctrinaire party— attempt to prove the King's right of succession — his practice and theory — his influence in carrying the three laws of 1835 — the nature of these laws — condition of things at the opening of the last Parliament — the prohibition of political banquets — the result — the nature and prospects of the new republic . . . . 13 — 16

Revolution in Denmark — in Walachia — in Germany — its progress and result in C5ermany — the nature of the new German confederacy — ^Arch Duke John — the result of these revolutions — tendency in regard to civilhation — ^new empires-T-boundaries of nations— new Sclavonian empire * . 16—17

Two propositions in regard to the duty of America in the general cause of freedom — her parent stock — her example — her debt of civilization — our federative systemancient "feystems ;— ^Grecian — Italian of middle ages — ^modern European— their nature and defects — ^the nature and superiority of ours — opinion of the elder Ajdams— our responsibility and duty — the trial of our fideUty — decision at the ballot box — ' extension and restriction of slavery — ^view and design of our fathers in regard to davery — our treatment — the nature of -the question — two great moral points in the crisis — two classes of facts — their nature 17 — ^21

CHAPTER XL

The position of oui fathers in regard to slavery and its extension— the character of the early emigrants — compact of the Pljmouth colony in 1620— spirit of the compactby whom inherited — the patriots of that day — the conduct of British Parliament through a: century and a half— its acts — the first Congress of America in 1774 — who composed this body — their compact of non-importation and non-consumption — its bearing on slavery — the declaration of independence — ^by whom drawn — charge against the Kiiig of Great Britain — bearing of declaration on slavery — eight years* war — treaty of peace — the men of the Congress of 1774 — debt of the country — condition of its finances — Congress recommend a cession of tenitory— object — compliance by Virginia— conditions — ^who executes the deed — government reqoircd — Jefferson drails an ordinance — prohibition of slavery after iSOO — the yeas and nays on this clause — who supported it. The Congress of 1787 — committee which framed the ordinance of 1787 — imanimous passage — ^its provisions — the yeas and nays — states absent — ^who of this Congress were acting in the Convention to frame a Constition— all sanctioned the ordinance — Convention to firame the Constitution — character of this body — who were in it — the method of procedure — committee of detail — the draft — ^how discussed— 4th section 7th article protected slavery — ^motions to amend

CONTENTS.

it — slavery finally prohibited and taxed— first Congress under the Constitution sane* tions the ordinance of 1787 — how many members of the Convention approved it in different forms x>f official action — further sanction on the admission-of States into the Union — the love of justice in our forefathers — their aim in regard to slavery — simplicity and modesty of Washington — his sense of justice — his address to Congress ott assuming the command of the army— his opinion of slavftry — the question of abolition waived — a higher issue — the concession of our fathers — their aim . 21 — 37 Manhood of America compared with its infancy— John C. Calhoun — his influence over the South — his policy — his character — his position dangerous to freedom— the Spartans, his model — his demand of the North — his. policy while Secretary of State — his letter to Mr. King, Minister to France — extract — the ground of his demand now — ^war with Mexico — concession of the North, how required — opinion of an able writer of the moral aspect of Mr. Calhoun's position — extract — ^position of General Cass— his Nicholson letter— extracts— the reasoning of that letter — its object — degeneracy of statesmen — ^importance of the issue — uprising of the people — position of Calhoun and Cass accounted for — the result — ^the three classes of facts presented— our duty — how viewed 37—45

Chapter III

Origin of the terms Hunker and Barnburner — causes of the late division in the partyposition of Silas Wright, A. C. Flagg and others — ^the election of James K. Polk, how secured; — ^plot of Mr. Wright's enemies — Mr. Polk's administration — ^itp ingratitude to New York — the course of the Hunker party — determination — fraudulent action of Syracuse Convention— opinion of the press — Herkimer Mass Convention — address by John Van Buren — resolutions — speeches of David Wilmot and John VanBuren 45—72

Chapter IV

Call forUtica Convention of February, 48, to nominate delegates^usages of the party — history of the doings of the Syracuse Convention — origin of the Hunker and Bambtoier delegation — Utica Convention of February, *48— able address by John Van Buren — ^resolutions— extract firom speech of Geo. Rathbun on Gen. Cass . 72 — 96

Chapter V

Baltimore Convention— conspiracy defeated — both sets of delegfttes admitted — ^vote of New- York annulled — ^Barnburners retire — address to their constituents — convention called to nominate for the Presidency — Convention at Utica, June, '48 — Martin Van Buren nominated by acclamation~-hifl able letter — General Jackson's view of his defeat in 1844— resolutions— address by Mr. Butler . . . 96—137

Chapter VI

Buffalo Convention — calls which ledi to it. First day: — Organization— sublime spectacle— speeches— appointment of committee on resolutions— of four hundred and sixty-six conferees to select candidates. Second day : — ^eches — report of Platform — speeches— report of conferees, of Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams, as candidates— account of meeting of conferees — speeches— letter of Mr. Van Buren read — adjournment and procession formed — letter of the committee to Van Buren — hisfi^nkand able reply— reply of Charles . Francis Adams . . . 137 — 150

ffistory of free soil question, during the last or 30th Congress— character of speeches by Senator Dix — speech of Senator Dix on the Oregon bill— synopsis of his speeeh on the Compromise bill — ^iech of Mr. Webster on the Compromise bill — the two moral questions — connection with the issue—results to which they tend— the tihiree Presidential candidates — true position of Cass-^positioa of Taylor— position and character of Van Buren . . . .... . . 151—176

Chapter I

LATE FOREIGN EVENTS— OUR CONFEDERACY— THE PRESENT CRISIS — TWO MORAL POINTS INVOLVED — -MORAL POINTS, HOW VIEWED.

The years '46, '1 and *8 have already become memorable in history. : Into this period, in rapid succession, have been crowded events of momentous importance to the human race. In our own country, beloved and cherished above all others for her free institutions and her liberty. Congress has passed many organic and important laws for the common welfare. Since the opening of '46, it* has ratified no less than twelve treaties with foreign powers. By one, it has settled that long vexed and harassing question of our western boundary beyond the Rocky Mountains ; by another, it has established peace and perpetual friendship with a leading nation of the world, and opened to our commerce five most valuable ports of its empire ; by others, it has given us reciprocity and equality with nations to which our commerce is rapidly extending, and last, and not least, by another still, it has added a vast territory to our limits, equivalent to 14 of the Empire State, and which more than any or all of these compacts, is to effect the future destiny of our republic. For a distance of nearly 700 miles north and south, and nearly 1000 east and west, from the Rio Grande and the Anahuac mountains on the east, the Gulf of California on the south, and Oregon on the north, it extends our empire to the shores of the Pacific, making 650,000 square milesj and 452 millions of acres. Within this is found the maritime valley of California, more than 500 miles long and 150 broad— the Italy of America in climate and sky — the region of the; vine and olive, and rich beyond many other parts of the earth for all the grains of our Atlantic, coast. As a diamond, on its bosom rests the bay of Francisco, adequate to the navies of the world; But a short pathway will lead its ships to the Eastern Empire. Here the tide of civilization is to ej;tend, and this valley, the broader interior and the banks of the Rio Grande, are by this compact to be peopled with myriads of freemen, or with millions of slaves. In the lines of this issue have fallen many gallant and noble spirits. It has cost treasure and blood, — seventy-five millions and twenty thousand men. These are some of the events which have passed before us fraught •with the deepest interests of humanity, and of a magnitude to form an era in our^history. ■

* The Ezecntive makes and the Senate ratiSes treaties.

• LATE FOREIGN EVENTS.

In the old world, events still more striking, and of profounder issues, have crowded these calenders. The last strongholds of feudalism, as if by the decay of time, have given way ; throne after throne has crumbled and fallen ; dynasties have been destroyed; orders of nobility have been abolished, and kings and princes have fled in exile for safety, before the sweeping power of revolution. From the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea, and from the English Channel to the Empire of Russia, it has upturned the foundations of society. It has passed over one empire, nine kingdoms, and neai'ly forty states. On a wide extent of these ruins has arisen the fair form of free republics, and on much of it, if not all, a living, law-abiding liberty. If you pass even hastily over these events, the mind is at all points carried back to remote cause. It sees the contagion of one revolution the occasion, not the cause, of another. The cause has long existed, deep in accumulated wrongs and injuries. The occasion but stirs up these wrongs from their lowest depth, and that sense of injustice, for which God and not man has given the soul a capacity, becomes a moving and resistless force. At every step, we trace the true causes to the mazes of that cabinet policy for which the modern European states system has been distinguished. By this, kings and princes have given to their subjects the form without the life of constitutional liberty, while by a slow and silent process they have drawn around them a cordon of power, through which no force or combination of force, within its limits, could apparently break. But the finger of Providence has here and there moved silently and indirectly in matters trivial to human eyes, yet pointing and directing the while those higher and startling events, which unseen have come suddenly and in their terrible might, to break this power, and to give, for all time to come, the oppressor and oppressed a common level. More than this ; in each and all, we have witnessed in the political world the unerring operation of Newton's law of forces in the natural. Every reaction for the rest and peace of liberty has moved forward with a force and rapidity precisely in the ratio of the power which had depressed and enslaved the millions within its sphere. It is the law of all revolutions wherein justice and equal rights are the end. He who created all men equal and of one blood has so ordained it. -

These later movements in the cause of freedom in Europe extend back to the English parliament of '46 and '7. For a half a century questions of so much moment had not engaged it. The English Poor Law reaches back to the middle of the 14th century. It is venerable for its antiquity, if not detestable for its ponderous machinery, and as an engine of the most flagrant abuse. It has long been swelling the list of English paupers. It is annually swallowing up not less than Ave millionsr sterling. It had become one of the most perplexing questions in parliamentary legislation. But with famine, decimating suffering and distracted Ireland, with scarcity threatening a like calamity to Scot-, land, Germany, and France, the extension and revision of this poor law was forced upon parliament at the opening of '46. The corn law had before been the great question of the day. But the starving condition of the nations now made the complete abolition of the corn duty more than ever necessary. This also became one of the great questions which engrossed it. Following this, came a system of national education, forced upon it, by the wants and demands of the people. These were important and grave subjects. They involved some of the highest principles in the bill of rights, of a free people. On these, some of England's greatest minds took bold and high ground for reform. Among these were Peel, Cdbden, Bright, and Russel. For a half century parliament had not held so bright a gsilaxy of civil reformers. They came into the conflict with the firmest reliance on the justice of their cause. Their victory was decisive and important. The corn laws were abolished. In the eye of the world it \yas the result of a momentary pressure. Its estimate therefore, for good or evil, ^. as less important. But it was not the less a decided advance in the cause of freedom. The contest on all these questions was severe and protracted, yet from the crucible of discussion came out the pure gold. Higher and purer principles were made the basis , of legislation. The pulsations of a higher freedom which now beat but a little stronger in one state of the great system, vibrated to the remotest extremity of the body politic.

The moral effect of the famine was to the sartie great end- This signal Providence by which two millions of the IrisK people were swept in the most fearful manner, into a cominon' and premature grave ; this scarcity which in numerous countries pressed so hard on the destitute, gave occasion, both to America and other nations, for one of the brightest examples of benevolence ever recorded in history. It was more than doUbly blest; It saved the dying ; it quickened the heart of every nation, moved to the deed of mercy. . Still more, it begat in the minds of every nation whose ear had heard even the lowest note of their cry^ the same heaven-born impulse. It impressed prince aind peasant^ rich and poor, with the same God-like sentiment, that if upon the wide family of nations there may fall a common calamity, to it also, there must belong an universal brotherhood of right. In all the nations it had not equal force. To some it gave hope ; to others faith. But it was this sentiment whatever the cause — whether scarcity or famine, or new light breaking in upon the mind and heart of man ; it was this, which especially pervaded the masses of the people. When the first blow was struck for

1.0

LATE FOREIGN EVENTS.

freedom, thi^ sentiment bebaiiie .a mighty.impulse, and like eleci- , trie fire passed into every mind, and what before were, dreamy yisionsj now became; joyful reality.

Following the course of this movement, wie pass ^o Italy.. On the 1st of November, 1814, a Congress of nations met at the Austrian City of Vienna. There were present the' Emperors of Austria and Russia, the Kings of Prussiai Denmark, Bavaria, and Wirtemburg, and the Dukes of the smaller states. Of Ministersi there \<rere Cardinal Gonsalvi, of^Rome ; Prince Metterhich, of Austria;; Lord Qastliereagh, and Duke of Wellington, of Great Britain ; Von Humbolt, and Prince Hardenburg, of Prussia ; and of France, Talleyrand and Dalberg. During its sitting, Napoleon Reappeared in France. ' After a session of four and a naif months eight of these powers united in a general declaration. On the 25th of March, Austria, Prussia, England, and Russia, had united in a compact, to maintain against him for twenty years the tranquillity and independence of Europe ;. each to furnish an army of 150,000 men.

Napoleon demanded the Rhine, on the one hand, and the Alps, with all the points of attack, on the other,, as the bouridary of Prance ; for his step-son the empire of Italy ; and that his brothers be indemnified. On the 1.6th of June following, having crossed the boundary of France with 170,000 nien, he fought at Ligny gainst Blucher. Three days after he met the allied army at Watetloo, under Wellington, where he was cut to pieces, and his star set for ever. With his fall departed the hopes of Italy. In the divisions of the Continent, by this Congress, she Was given over to the control of Austria.

; This league of sovereigns was not alone against Napoleon ; it was. also a plan for fortifying the monarchies of Europe, and for dividing the people among these powers. Greece, which had been given to the Sultan, first arose in rebellion. Then followed Poland ; and now comes Italy. Napoleon had improved her cities — ^he had given her many free institutions ; but from that time she was completely under the ban of tyranny. From the will of the Prince of Austria proceeded all her laws. Few countries have a better position for an independent government. A peninsular, the. Gulif of Venice on the east, the Mediterranean on the west, and the Alps on the norths— it has the richest soil on the Continent, the most serene and healthful climate, covering an area of 118,000 square miles, and containing 22 millions of people. It has nine states, or kingdoms, some of which have been the theatre of many of the greatest events of the world. ^ Here was once the birthplace of law, and the source of civilization. Now th^e was no liberty of speech, or of the press — ^no freedom of opinion ; the assumption of any was punishable by death. The army wasxjomposed of the merest mercenaries; the police wct»

LATE FOREIGN EVENTS, H

from the banditti or prisons. ! There could bb no trial but bv secret and special commission. The common law was dead liette^r^ In every department there was the ^most odious tyranny, " Even the sacred o0ice of the confessional was perverted ; and under the garb of the priest was found the spy of the minister of; state, or of Austria."*

Gn the 16th of June, -46, Cardinal Ferretti, Bishop of Jmola, or Pius IX, was elected Pope. He descended from a^noble family, was . educated as an officer in the army of Napoleon, but ^iftert wards became a missionary at Chili, and at JVtontevideb, South America, and thence Bishop of Imola, . In Pius, Italy found her true reformer, and with his reign the beginning of a brighter day. With twenty-two . millions of people* before him, depressed to the lowest point of endurance, he went boldly forward id. reforms, which have extended his fame and praise over the iglobei •He suppressed the secret,; cruel tribunals, for the seizure and trial; of political offenders; Appointed a council of six t6 deliberate on pubUc affairs ; gave public iaudiehce to the people ; removed his tyrant minister, Lambruschini, still the tool of Austria; united, th^ two highest offices of the State, and conferred them on a worthier rhan. His own brother was in exile, and by exiles from ievery quarter was he entreated.. On the 16th of July he proclaimed a general amnesty for all political offenders. More than, 3000 were then siBt at liberty, while the Pope headed a subscription ifor those who had been ruined by, imprisonment.

In August the Pope formed: a, special commission to investigate the subject, and provide a system of education for the poor. The old code of law was abolished, and six of the ablest , men in the kingdom appointed to compile another. It gave trial by jury, and comprised, in the main, the judicial and penal systems of two of the ablest writers of Italy.f The censorship of the press was abolished, and immediately ten newspapers, by reviving the old and establishing new, sprang into existence at Rome, — ^the first printed in English. To public was added private liberality in the establishment of free evening schools for adults, and the opening of the Vatican library to all students at Rome. The influence of these reforms soon extended not only to all the sta,tes of Italy but to the heart of Austria and other por.r^rs on: the continent' The jealousy of Austria was awakened ; she feared the loss of power. She inarched her forces through the Lombardo- Venetian territory, and encamped within the limits of the Pope. She attempted both by force and by entreaty to ari-ay all the princes of Italy against this liberal movement. But the desire for a. higher free-

* See acconnt of the reforms of Pope Pius, in Whig Review for November, 1847. By Senor Secchi de Cassali.

t Marquis Beccaria on Crimes and their Ptmisbneait: He died No?., 1793. Filangieri on the Science of Legislation— died 1788;

LATE FOREIGN EVENTS.

dom had taken too deep a hold in the hearts of the people to be checked by either. The states of the Church, Sardiriiai and Tuscany, now in the van of progress, were soon united in a compa-^t, offensive and Jefensive, against these encroachments. Yet Austria, boldejr still in aggression, 'occupied, Ferrara, and through her emissaries plotted the foulest conspiracies against the life of the Pope.* The nation?il spirit and pride of Italy were thus roused to a pitch above any -other period in her history, and in less than one month 32,000 volunteer soldiers had enrolled under th^ flag of Pius. Then commenced in earnest the struggle for Jtalian independence and nationality. . Outbreaks and revolutions have succeeded, until the wayward and despotic spirit of the few Italian princes who had immovably arrayed themselves against the spread of free principles, is broken, and must ere long be entirely subdued^ in the growing and vigorous national spirit which pervades and animates the Italian states. Pope Pius, though perhaps reluctantly, has been forced to yield the civil power into the hands of his ministry, thus virtually separating the church from the state; The latter is now free to raise and conduct a national army. The civil power is no longer legally or morally responsible to the church. The subjects of the church may extend beyond the domain of Italy, as the subjects of a foreign power, while the army, arrayed against that power in the national defence, no longer implicates the church as suicidal to itself. The church is, therefore, clear of the charge of war against her own brethren. • As a distinct and controlling body, she ceases to be the agent or instrument of war. In the eyes of the Christian world she remains unsullied by its acts, while her numerical force becomes a tower of strength to the army. The civil power alone directs the arm of national defence, moving it with ten-fold strength without the pale of the church, and knowing its enemies only as enemies. This is the condition of Italy, under which all her states have united in an offensive and defensive league against foreign power. Austria has driven out from their territory a portion of her people. But the cloud which for a time rests over the prospects of the nation, will pass away. The German states have advanced too far towards a liberal constitutional, if not republican government, to permit even her strongest power, if it could, to sever these states, and destroy the nationality of Italy. And if the German Diet fail, the combined mediation or the sword of higher powers will assuredly intervene. Whatever, therefore, the trials of the present, Italy has already come into the possession of the great principle of free government. The retrograde df a half century cannot carry her back to the depression and weakness of the reigu of her former sovereign. The freedom of speech, religious opinions, the press, are all essentially protected. The hopes of freedom have so quick-