American liberties and American slavery : morally and politically illustrated.

Front matter

AMERICAN LIBERTIES

AND

AMERICAN SLAVERY.

Dedication

The following work is humbly and respectfully dedicated by its author to those of his fellow-countrymen, regardless of name or location, who would be more devoted to the highest and best interests of their whole country, and of all their fellow-men, than to pecuniary considerations aloney or to mere sect or party, as such only'

Index

Thb following ie a list of the objections to the discusiion of Slavery propoied to be answered ; in doing which, )he Constitutional principlen of our own free institutions and the fundamental truths of all just government, independent of sect or party, are attempted impartially to be illustrated. It is also conclusively shown, that the slaveholding power in our country, has always been iniidiously but rapidly undermining all our institutions : —

SECTION I. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery at the north, be cause we are meddling with that which is none of our businesa, for it is unconstitutional," Page 45

SECTION II. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery at the north, because it will do no good," ...... 97

SECTION nr.— "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it makes a great excitement," ..... 1S23

SECTION IV. -- " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it will take away the property of slaveholders and bankrupt the south," . 137

SECTION V. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it will let iheniggera all loose among us, and they will murder their masters and overrun our country as vagabonds," .... 151

SECTION VI. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because my idea of republicanism is, that we should aim at the greatest good to the . greatest number, and there are more whites than blacks — therefore T go for the freedom of the whites, and for the slavery of the blacks," . 174

SECTION VII. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the slaves are so ignorant they could not take care of themselves," . 184

SECTION VIII.— "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it makes the slaveholders more cruel to their slaves, and instead of our discussions helping the slave, it puts back his emancipation and only makes his condition worse," ...... 165

SECTION IX.. — "I am opposed to the discussion of »lavek7, because the tiiggeri are all thieves," ... , . . .199 vi

INDEX.

SECTION X. — "I am opposed to tho discusBion of s'laveryi says another, because amalgamation would follow by iDteimarriages with the blacks," Page SJ02

SECl'ION XI. — " I am opposed to the discussiou of slavery, because the blacks are so extremely offeoaiTe, I cannot bear them about me," . 209

SECTION XII. — " I urn opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the Bible tolerates slavery," ...... 224

SECTION XIII.— "lam opposed to the discussion of slavery, because 1 think no better of abolitionists than I do of slaveholders," . . 229

SECTION XIV.--"I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the slaves are not fitted for freedom," .... 231

SECTION XV. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the blacks are an inferior race of beings to the whitest B»d therefore made for servitude to the whites," ...... 234

SECTION XVI. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it if a religious or sectarian matter," ..... 249

SECTION XVII.—" I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because peace is so very desirable," ..... . 293

SECTION XVIII.— " lam opposed to the discussion of slavery, because it is or will become a political subject," .... 29S

SEXTTION XIX. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because I have been at the south, and I never was treated with greater kindness and hospitality, and the masters also treated their servants kindly, and they appeared brisk and happy," . . ... 332

SECTION XX. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because there are a great many amiable and highly rerpectable slaveholders, Among whom are many distinguished ministers of the goopel, and other devoted and pious Christians," ..... 334

SECTION XXI. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, becanno there are hundreds of good slaveholders who would gladly emancipate their slaves at once, if their laws would allow them to do so," . 340

SECTION XXII. — " I nm opposed to the discussion of slavery, because a great many people at the north don't treat their own domestics as they ought," 344

SECTION XXIII.—" lam opposed to the discussion of slavery, because our greatest statesmen and our greatest divines are opposed to its discussion, and they ought to know best, and that it is onl^ a few fanatics, weak minded men and women, who are in favour of discussing it," . 347

INDEX.

vii

SECTION XXIV. — " I am opposed to thr iiscussion of slavery, becauee the Blaveholders will dissolve the Union if v ., discusa it," . Page 353

SECTION XXV. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, becauBe, although I hold to free discussion, and think the subject might be discussed in a way to do good, but these " modern aboJitionists " are so denunciatory and abusive, and manifest such an unchristian spirit, I think the subject of slavery better not to be agitated at all, for it only excites mobs," . 363

SECTION XXVI. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because I do not believe in these people who talk so much about abstract principles of right and wrong, for I believe such principles are all moonshine, . 371

SECTION XXVII. — *' I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the north are already opposed to slavery, and that is enough, . 373

SECTION XXVIII. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the subject is so absorbing, that when men become ecgaged in it they seem to forget every thing else and become men of one idea, and they become so wrought up that their language is denunciatory," . . 377

SECTION XXUC. — *' I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because females are engaged in it," ...... 380

SECTION XXX. — "lam opposed, says honest Frank, to having slavery .discussed, because slavery is right; and I am afraid that the discussion of it through the mere sympathies of the people would utterly abolish it, which I think would be wrong," ..... 384

SECI'ION XXXI. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, for though slavery is.u great sin in the abstract, it is a still greater one to say so. and to attempt to investigate it," ...... 386

SECTION XXXII. — " I am opposed to slavery in the abstract, and believe it to be the great and crymg sin of this nation, but think it inexpedient to discuss it just now," ...... 399

SECTION XXXIII. — "I am an abolitionist, am opposed to slavery, and in favour of its immediate abolishment ; but am opposed to the present leading abolitionists 'discussing it, because they sometimes intermingle in their discussions some of their own peculiar sontimcnts on religious subjects, and I believe their discussions arc injuring and perhaps overthrowing the Christian ministrv and the Christian religion, and I beiicvc I could discuss it far more orthodox," ..... .. 394

SECTION XXXIV. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because abolitionists will not go to the south to discuss the subject," . 401

SECrriON XXXV. — "I am opposed to the diicussion of slavery, because the glavea do not wish to be free," .... 406

I* viii

INDEX.

SECTION XXXVI. — "I am opposed to discussing slavery, and to fasting on the subject, and praying audibly about it, or talking about it among our people, because it will divide our church, and when wo travel south, we shall not bo well received by our slavcholding brethren," . Page 411

BECTION XXXVII. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because abolitionists arc in number but a handful, and it is impossible they should be right, and all the rest of the world wrong," . . . 415

SECTION XXXVIII. — " I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, because the subject is already perfectly well understood by the people," • 420

SECTION XXXIX. — "I am as much opposed to slavery as anyone can be, and think it is a most dreadful evil, but am opposed to having it discussed, because I am a colonizattonist," .... 424

SECTION XL. — "I am opposed to the discussion of slavery, and to emancipation, because the slaves are better off than the poor labouring white people are at the north," ...... 438

COMMUNICATIONS

TO THE AUTHOR AND PUBLISHER.

TO SEYMOUR B. TREADWELL, ESQ,.

Sir:

The cause of the oppressed is one of deep and thrilling interest to us all as a nation, and infinitely more so to us as Christians. Whatever therefore shall tend to enlighten the mind, and bring it up to vigorous and prompt exertions in urging on the day for the liberation of the captive, should be eagerly sought out and put in requisition.

On these premises, we lay before you the following proceedings : At a meeting of 'the Perinton Anti-Slavery Society convened, I. P. Benedict, Esq., Vice President in the chair, it was unanimously

" Resolved, that a Committee be appointed to wait on Sbtmour B. Treadwbll, Esq. and solicit for publication in the several leading Anti-Slavery papers of our land, his ingenious and highly valued address, delivered before its society, at the anniversary, on the fourth day of July, 1837.

" Believing, dear sir, that your address is eminently calculated to enlighten the mind, and rectify its defects on this momentous subject, we doubt not your warm heart in this cause will prompt you to comply with what we in our instructions are directed to ask, viz., a response on your part, corresponding with the request in the abotre-mentioned resolution.

With sentiments of esteem and fellowship.

We remain, dear sir, co-workera with you In pleading the cause of the oppressed."

REPLY.

It is proper here to say to the above named Committee, and through them to all the individuals composing the respectable

X

COHMCNICATIOR-t.

meeting before whom the address alluded to was delivered, that, owing to its length, it was thought not advisable to offer it for publication in the Anti-Slavery Journals.

But by the advices and solicitations of his friends, and from a desire to render himself, if possible, more extensively useful in the cause of the oppressed and his whole beloved country, the author has incorporated its leading principles in the following work, hoping it may be equally acceptable.

S. B. Treadwell.

P, S. This letter and reply are published in this connexion, as explanatory of some of the views found in this work, and also as an apology due to all interested in the request for the publication of said address^ as no direct reply to the request had heretofore been ir.ade.

The following are among some of the letters and notes addressed to the publisher and the author of this volume by gentlemen who have read the work in the manuscript, or in the sheets as they came from the press : —

Rochester, 7lh February, 1838.

Dear Sir:

I have read a large portion of your manuscript, but have been so pressed by other claims upon my time, that I could not read it all ; and return it in the time you set.

I find what I have read full of a good spirit, with many striking, and sound, and useful views ; and will thank you to direct that a copy be sent me of the .vhole work, as soon as it comes from the press, on such terms as apply to others.

Respectfully your obedient servant,

MYRON HOLLEY.

[Since the above was written, coniiiderable additions have been made to this work.]

COMUUNICATIONS.

MR. JOHN S. TAYLOR, Dear Sir :

I have perused, with very great satisfaction, a manuscript copy of "American Liberties and American Slavery, by S. B. Trbadwell, Esq. a work which I understand you are about to publish.

I believe this book to be peculiarly' adapted to disarm existing prejudices, and to confirm in the principles of eternal justice, and true national policy, that portion of our great community whose minds are yet undecided, and consequently open to the plain deductions of sound unsophisticated reason, on the exciting question of Slavery in the United States.

DUNCAN DUNBAR, Pastor of the McDougal-st. Baptist Church. New-York, June 4, 1838.

In the above opinion, I most cheerfully concur.

A. LIBOLT, M. D.

I believe this work will be highly useful.

A. DOOLITTLE, M. D.

MR. J. S. TAYLOR, Sm:

I most cheerfully concur in the above recommendations of this valuable work of which you are the Publisher, and would add, that from the very clear and conclusive illustrations of the author, I know of no publication so well calculated to meet all the objections, not only to the right, but to the perfect safety of all concerned, of immediate emancipation; and also the objections to amply discussing all topics relating both to the liberties and to the slavery of our whole country.

ROBERT SEARS.

xii

COMMUHICATIONS.

Rochester, February 26, 1838.

S. B. TREADWELL, ESGl.

Sir:

Your work on "Liberty and Slavery" I have carefully read in tlie manuscript, and highly approve of the manner in which civil, social, and religious rights are therein treated. These topics I think are there impartially and thoroughly discussed, which cannot but render this work valuable to every American citizen, an important auxiliary to the cause of truth, and interesting to all engaged in benefiting mankind.

Respectfully yours,

HENRY C. FRINK.

New-Y<wk, June 6, 1838.

MR. J. S. TAYLOR, Sir:

In accordance with your request I have examined most of the MS. copy of Mr. S. B. Treadwell's work on " American Liberties and American Slavery," with more than ordinary satisfaction. The popular manner in which the subject istreated, meets the objector on his own ground, and renders it useful to the removal of the very crude and false ideas entertained by a lavge class of the American people, on the important subject of Human Rights. As such, I am happy to recommend this work.

THEODORE WRIGHT,

f^tor of the 1st Coloured Presbyterian Church, N. Y.

I cheerfully concur in the above recommendation.

SAMUEL E. CORNISH, Editor of the Coloured American, N. Y.

MR. J. S. TAYLOR^ Sir:

I have read with much pteasure, illustrations of "American Liberties and American Slavery, by S. B. Treadwell , Esq.," of which you are the Publisher. As one of the people, the writer well understands the palseying circumstances attend*

GOHMONICATIOKS.

ant on the would«be popular watchmen in authority, whether in the " chair of state," on the " walls of Zion," or in charge of that "life or death," the Press.

Let the people thus awake themselves to watchfulness of the dangers and destiny that bethreaten us, and we will never despair of our republict

You will please consider rae as interested to see that the work circulates among my acquaintances.

NEH. BROWN, Presby. Clergyman.

I think the work of Mr. Tiieadwell will contribute to the advancement of the cause of liberty, and of social order.

N. E. JOHNSON,

Ed. Evangelist.

MOBOCRACY.

While in New- York, reading the proof sheets of this volume I received additional and painful confirmation that my humble efibrts for the struggling liberties of my country were not uncalled-for.

I allude to the burning of that splendid "Temple of Liberty" the "Pennsylvania Hall,'' in Philadelphia, by a uob, on the night of the 18th of May, 1838.

THE AUTHOR.

EtlBATA.

Page d5, 3d line from the top, for " called for the safety " — read, "called for, for the safefy," tec.

" 110, 11th line from the tap, for " country " — read, » world." " 222, 7th line from the top, for " tall sturdy oaks ;" read, " tall cedars."

!K6, 14th line from the top, for "BHuiTeth "— read ■' pufTeth." " 408, 7th line from the commencement of the Section, should read, "that while we were not permitted to speak for ourselves, wo did not wish to be free."

PKEFACE.

The publication of the following brief replies to forty objections to the discussion of slavery, and remarks upon constitutional liberty of speech and the press upon colonization and the slave laws, was first thought of by the author, through the suggestion of some of his friends, who are also the friends of the oppressed, soon afler his first public address on the subject. His object in publishing them in book instead of pamphlet form, was the belief that if they could in any degree be useful in subserving the cause of humanity and his country, they might, through booksellers, obtain a more extensive publicity. It will be readily seen, that throughout these hasty and brief remarks, little more is done than barely to suggest some thoughts upon which others who have more leisure, more patience, and more ability, might improve, for the benefit of their country and their fellow men. It will be seen also, that the opposition to the anti-slavery principles and proceedings of the day, or to immediate emancipation, and the opposition to freely discussing the whole subject of slavery, are considered in these remarks to be entirely identified ; as all who are really in favour of fairly and freely discussing any subject, must of course, not only be willing simply, but would be desirous also, and even anxious to hear and to see all sides of it, and to have every possible view of fRElF'ACE.

the whole subject presented, that they might in regard to it, be enabled thereby to judge correctly and impartially. Like an honest and candid juryman, called to judge of important interests between his fellow-men, ho would of course desire that all the testimony relevant to the case under consideration, might be adduced.

Though the people did once, from an extraneous and forestalling influence hastily seern to condemn the free discussion of this subject, still it is now confidently believed that the more enlightened part of them at least have seen their error, and are beginning to feel that we might about as well stop the pulsations of life in the human system and say it might yet long survive, as to stop free discussion and the free circulation of intelligence in a free government upon any plausible or party pretext whatever, and expect it could long be a free government still. The human mind, with its irrepressible energies, has well been compared to imprisoned steam : the more it is pressed the higher it rises, until at length, it will, in some way, find vent.

The author of these brief replies doos not claim the high honour of presenting more important views on this deeply interesting subject than many others, whose attention was much earlier called to it than his own ; but perceiving that the present discussions in the anti-slavery publications are mostly designed, as well as eminently calculated to interest those who have more particularly attended to the progress of the discussions of the subject through its different stages thus far, it was thought that a publication in the form of brief replies to the prevailing objections to the discussion of slavery and immediate emancipation, (though oAen in themselves,

Preface

XV very trivial ones,) would find favour with some <Jthe arguments being addressed to the plain common sense of all) who should feel disposed, if from no higher motives at first than curiosity, to hear what might be said in answer to the great variety of objections herein considered. The subject is also considered somewhat at length in its political, moral, and social influence upon our own nation and the world.

No apology is here deemed necessary or called for, in this our " happy land of freedom^^ for even the most humble and obscure individual, most freely and fully offering his views to the public, on any and all subjects which he may deem as pertaining to the highest and best interests of bis fellow-men and of his country.

The Siamese twins, being coupled together by an insepnrnhlc) fatfi, nnd of r.oiirse, siirrnnnded at all times hy the same circumstances, are always subject to like impressions ; and the consequence is, that they are known never to communicate to each other. There will therefore forever remain with them an identity of person .3 a perfect onekess of mind. The important lesson which it is thought might be drawn from this interesting and extraordinary fact, is, the immense advantage to be derived in the common intercourse of civilized life from free discussion, by comparing mind with mind, by interchange of thought and sentiment, that the people may ultimately arrive at correct conclusions on all subjects for the highest possible good of individuals, of communities, and of nations. If, therefore, the views which are found upon the few following pages, are not founded in truth, it is sincerely hoped, that by free and dmple discussion, it will be shown for the general good of all xvi

FRfiFACE.

concerned. Should they not prove so to be^ on a careful examination, the author would most certainly desire to see them blown aside like chaff before the wind. He does at present feel considerable assurance, that his views in the main, however frankly avowed and plainly eicpressed, will find a ready and a cordial response in the hearts and the good common sense of at least a respectable portion of his esteemed fellow citizens. On the other hand, he is fully aware of the prejudices and the opposition which hi,<? views must meet with, and that too from some, whose good opinion and eoniidencs he would sacrifice much to retain, except the compromise of principle.

The author is the uncompromising advocate for free and lawful discussion in its broadest and most unlimited jBense, — that is of our being: accountable to constitutional laws only, for its abuse. He considers those who differ with him in opinion, have as good aright to differ and to give their reasons for thus differing, as he has to differ from them and to give hia reasons for the difference. He also believes, that no one should by any means be deterred from publicly discussing a subject, upon which there are a diversity of opinions ; for this is the very subject, of all others, that calls loudest for discussion, and which ought most to be discussed. On all subjects upon which there is, and perhaps can be, but one opinion, it is at once obvious that no discussion whatever is called for ; and that man who waits for a majority of the people to be with him before he will dare grapple with and discuss a subject, is Kke a cowardly soldier who lags behind his brave and more valiant comrades until the battle is woni and will then " bring up the rear

PREFACE.

xvii and shout victory ! victory ! at the top of his voice." As to this subject being regarded as a political one, in a party sense, so far from it is the fact, that leading party politicians of every name have always been, and, as they treat every other unpopular subject, regardless of abstract right, they are still giving it (as the phrase is) more " kicks than coppers," that it should by no means attach itself either to their persons or to their political party. Like the proud ungenerous man who denied that he ever knew the name of his poor but worthy friend, because his exterior was such as he imagined would not reflect credit upon himself and his family.

The author can truly say, that so far as this subject is concerned, he desires to know no man's party politics, believing that it has nothing to gain but much to lose by an identity with any political party whatever. He fully believes, that if the moral sense of the good people of these United States does not abolish their slavery, that it never w^ill be abolished ; and should this prove so, and we remain one people^ v/e are forever destined to be a slave-holding nation.

It may be, however, that should the free discussion of this subject be yet strenuously opposed, or any unwise or despotic attempts at legislation should be made to prevent its farther investigation, the right of petition upon it tyrannically denied, or that reckless mob, or brute force should continue its outrages, ravages, and dieath, much longer to put it down, that the people, en masse, would come forth in their might, if not as abolitionists, yet as the fearless unconquerable advocates of their last hope, the constitutional right of petition, free discussion, and the liberty of the press ; and by then:

2* xviii

PREFACE.

honest defence of these, their great, first and last, Heaven-descended rights, a sympathy between the people and professed abolitionists, might, and probably would, unavoidably be felt, from the fact, that upon some great leading and all-important principles, they would most cordially agree. If we have no particular evidence that one is partial to «s, still we are prone to regard him with at least some favour, who is particularly partial, and doing many kind offices to our best friend.

It is believed, moreover, that most men are already abolitionists in sentiment, and it is hopeful that they will, ere long be, in consistent practice ; for even the best principles -lying dormant in the human heart, like "a candle tmder a bushel," can be of no service whatever to mankind. To exert a good influence, good principles must be openly avowed and consistently acted upon.

The author desires to make the request of those into whose hands his remarks may chance to fall, that, in the first place, they would grant him a fair constitutional trial ; that is, of not being rashly or hastily condemned, " contrary to laio and testimony" unheard and unconsidered ; and that they would not let prejudice prevent them from giving his remarks, at least, a cursory perusal. And if, after having looked impartially at all the facts and arguments he has presented, they cannot yet think with him, that they would still do him the special favour to believe that he has at least intended well to his fellow-men and to his country. He could indeed have rejoiced to have seen this all-important subject discussed upon the plan he has proposed, by an abler pen than his own ; but he felt unwilling to pass of!' the stage of life without leaving behind him, at least some humble testimony of

PREFACE.

the light in which he regarded this most thrilling subject, both to the philatithropist, the christian, and the patriot, as being entirely identified, as he considers it, with the destinies of millions of his coloured countrymen not only, but with the destinies of his whole beloved country. He has therefore respectfully, briefly submitted his general views upon it to his friends and fellow-citizens, not as unexceptionable in classical correctness, but rather, as the sentiments of his heart. And he is not only willing, but greatly desirous, that all his fellow-countrymen, and all his fellow men throughout the world, should ever enjoy the same high, underived, and invaluable boon from their Creator, the privilege of thinking and of expressing their thoughts unrestrained in any manner, by the rude and profane hand of tyranny.

How much soever his language in some instances may very possibly grate upon some ears, he has nevertheless endeavoured to bridle his pen, and has not dared to trust himself to speak out the deep indignation of his soul against slavery in all its abominations, (or more strictly slave-holding,) and also against the slave-holder himself, when he knows he should break the accursed yoke from the neck of hisjfellow man and let him go free.

It would be strange if language might not be found in the following pages, in some instances, even literally to convey a different impression from what was intended ; and perhaps in many instances it might easily be made to speak entirely different both from its literal sense and the design of its author. In all this, however, he most cheerfully confides in the good sense and the candour of his reader to put such a construction only, as the

XX

PREFACE* general views of the author would seem to justify. It is confidently believed that no American citizen calling himself a true republican, will take it for granted that no production can possibly be worthy his perusal, because, forsooth, it may not have emanated from some one high up on the list of fame ; for this kind of sycophancy is most certainly derogatory to the true dignity of freemen, for it is only bowing down and doing reverence to ARISTOCRACY. When a new work makes its appearance, there is sometimes a certain class, instead of reading it, will quite content themselves by asking the idle questions, Wlio the author is, or what he is ; what his religion is ; what his politics are ; where received his education, &c. &c. All this, too, is considered to be but the effect of a strong predisposition in human nature to aristocracy instead of democracy.

In reply to any such inquiries, the author would just say in brief, that he professes to be one of, and one with, the people, — making no extraordinary pretensions to wisdom above his fellow-men ; and also, that he claims to be an independent American freeman, and hopes by the favour of Heaven evei to remain so.