Methodism and the centennial of American independence ; the loyal and liberal services of the Methodist Episcopal Church during the first century of the United States. With a brief history of the various branches of Methodism and full statistical tables

Front matter

METHODISM

AND THE

OR,

Dedication

TO THE MB^IOKT OP

Our lamented Christian Fathers of the First Century of the Great Republic,

and to all now living who love the Religious and Civil Prosperity

Part I. Loyal And Patriotic Services

Chapter Page

Introduction 9

I. John Wesley a Friend of the American Colonies 13 II. Asbury's Adoption of the American Cause and

Country 38

III. Loyalty of the Native Ministry and Membership 44

IV. The Constitution of the Church Loyal 57

V. Protests against National Evils 66

VI. The Public School Question : Denominational or

Common Schools 80

VII. The Public School Question : Christian Aspect

of Common Law 95

Part II. Liberal Character And Tendency Of The

CHURCH.

I. Liberal Views of Church Government 111

II. The Origin of Episcopacy : Prelatical and Erroneous Opinions 125

III. The Origin of Episcopacy : Liberal and True

Doctrine 141

IV. How Methodism in Great Britain failed to be-

come Episcopal : Wesley's Desire and Efforts

to make it such 163

V. Dilemma of British Methodism 175

8 Contents.

Chapter Pagh

VI. How the Methodist Church in the United States became Episcopal — The Episcopacy a

Strong Bond of Union x92

VII. Offices in the Old and New Testament Ministry 2°8

VIII. The Nature of the Presiding Eldership 219

IX. Choosing or Appointing Pastors — Ministerial

Term in Cities 230

X. Powers of the Laity : Reception and Expulsion

of Members 247

XI. Powers of the Laity — Lay Delegation — Revenues 265

XII. Women's Work in the Church 282

XIII. Liberality of Doctrine 295

XIV. Methods of Propagandism 304

XV. Development and Liberal Tendency — Changes

Proposed 335

XVI. Providential Favor attending the Church 355

XVII. Brief History of other Methodisms in the

United States 368

XVIII. Union of Methodisms 372

Introduction

WE have no desire long to detain the attention of the reader. We presume that he cares but little to know who we are personally if we but clearly present the thoughts we have to offer, and if those thoughts are, in themselves, instructive. He need not be told that the topics discussed are timely and fresh, for, though they may appear so to us, they may not so present themselves to him. If, however, they should seem to him trite, we trust he will "hear us for our cause," and then decide according to his sovereign pleasure. Any words of commendation to an intelligent public cannot induce a favorable conclusion. We trust that after reading the following action of the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, at its session of 1872, respecting the matters herein treated, our little book will be deemed a tract for the times.

GENERAL CONFERENCE ACTION.

" Htjjercas, the fourth of July, 1876, will be the centennial anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence; and,

" 38%'tag, a loyal and patriotic sentiment must prompt every citizen to join in some appropriate commemoration of the event ; and,

" W&fytxm, the Methodist Church was the first, through a deputation of her chief ministers, to give a pledge of support to the Government in the days of Washington ;

I0 Introduction.

and, ever maintaining an unswerving loyalty, was second to none in the struggle for the perpetuation of that government in the days of Lincoln,

" iljucfore, it is meet that we, the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, formally express our gratification that Congress has directed timely arrangements to be made for the celebration of this first National Centenary.

'' Furthermore, while all loyal people will be prompted by their patriotism to participate in the commemorative ceremonies thus appointed, it will be an occasion on which our Church and people will seek, by appropriate religious services, to declare their faith in, and cognizance of, the overruling providence of Almighty God, and especially that under his guidance our fathers, by their heroism and sacrifices, maintained the Declaration of Independence, and by their wisdom and devotion established our Republican institutions; that under his favor our country has enjoyed during the century long intervals of peace, and an unprecedented prosperity ; that under his blessings those arts and sciences and forms of industry which develop the resources of a land and elevate the character of a people have been fostered ; that under his providence the means of intelligence have been multiplied, the cause of education promoted, and our free-school system, the fruit of American Protestantism and the bulwark of American freedom firmly established ; that under his control the nation has been led to abolish slavery and reinvest the emancipated with every civil and political right; that under his restraints, during the prosperous periods of peace and the terrible seasons of war, our people, by respect to authority and obedience to law, have proven to the world that -governments may be permanent where man is free; and that, under his special care, our Church has been protected m her religious liberty, and our people

Introduction. i i

have shared in the common happiness and prosperity ; therefore be it by this General Conference

"Resolved, i. That the Centenary of American Independence shall be appropriately celebrated by all our Churches and people with devout thanksgiving to Almighty God, by special religious services, and liberal thank-offerings.

"Resolved, 2. That the thanksgiving services shall begin with the first Sabbath of June in 1876, and close on the fourth day of July, to be celebrated at such times and places as may best suit the convenience of the Societies. " Resolved, 3. That the primary object shall be the spiritual improvement of our people, especially by reviewing what God hath wrought for our Nation, and by cultivating feelings of gratitude to Him for the benefits of civil and religious liberty.

" Resolved, 4. That this gratitude shall have an appropriate expression of pecuniary contributions from our people according to the measure of their ability, so to be appropriated as to increase the efficiency of our denomination in promoting the welfare of our country.

"Resolved, 5. That as the Church and State, by their respective agencies, are brought into a more direct and vital co-operation in the education of the people than at any other point of their distinct movements, and as our Church does directly promote the welfare of the country by her educational institutions, therefore a most fitting commemoration of the National Centenary will be liberal offerings from our people to strengthen those educational institutions.

"Resolved, 6. That the gifts of our people shall be devoted to the cause of education, and shall be applied either to a local or a general object. The local object shall be the endowment of educational institutions under the patronage of our Annual Conferences, and the increase of existing educational funds. The general object shall be the

12 Introduction.

aid of needy young men called to the ministry, or needy young women called to the missionary work in our Church, in preparing for their respective spheres of duty, and the contributions for this object, together with all contributions not designated for other objects, shall constitute a fund to be known as the National Centenary Fund, to be held in trust and administered by the Board of Education of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the principal forever to remain intact — the interest alone to be used for the above-named purposes, under such regulations as the General Conference shall from time to time prescribe.

"Resolved, 7. That each Annual Conference shall in 1874 provide for a memorial discourse to be delivered before its own body during its session first preceding the fourth of July, 1876, and shall during its session in x^75 g*ve tne necessary directions to secure in all our Churches the observance of the commemorative services in 1876 recommended by the Board of Bishops.

" Resolved, 8. That the Board of Bishops shall devise a programme of religious services for the fitting commemoration of the event, and each Bishop shall present it to the annual conferences over which he may preside during 1875, and bring this action of the General Conference to the timely notice of the Annual Conferences.

''''Resolved, 9. That the Board of Bishops shall prepare a commemorative address, and present it to the next General Conference on the first day of the session, to be immediately published to the Church, with such recommendations from the General Conference as will enlist all our people in the cheerful and devout observance of those special thanksgiving services which shall be the most appropriate and fervent expression of gratitude to Almighty God, of faith in Jesus Christ the Saviour and Ruler of the world, of love to our country, and of loyalty to the free institutions which are based upon the immortal Declaration."-/^^/ of Gen^ Conf ^

METHODISM

AND THE

AMERICAN CENTENNIAL.

PART I.

LOYAL AND PATRIOTIC SERVICES,

CHAPTER I. John Wesley a Friend of the American Colonies

T~\URING the period of the American Revolution -*— ^ there were few greater men in England than John Wesley. His writings were, for the most part, largely read by all classes, especially what he wrote upon the American question, the then great subject of national thought and disquisition. These writings show that Wesley was friendly to the American cause. As a prevenient fact to the showing of this, however, let us note the nature of his loyalty to the king.

In 1744 he said, speaking for himself and his societies, they were " steadily attached to his Majesty's royal person and illustrious house, and ready to obey him to the uttermost in all things which they conceived to be agreeable to the written word of God." — Tyerman, vol. i, p.%39- Again, he said, in 1774, " We cannot, indeed, say or do either more or less than we apprehend consistent with the written word of God ; but we are ready to obey your Majesty to the uttermost in all things which zve conceive to be agreeable thereto? — Wesley's Works, vol. iii, p. 310.

Here are two extracts from his life separated by a period of thirty years, and bearing directly on the character of his loyalty to the king. Instead of it being a slavish loyalty, is it not the most intelligent, liberal, and scriptural kind of obedience ? We hesitate not to say that it is such obedience as any and every citizen is bound by the word of God and an enlightened conscience to render to all who are in authority, be their office what it may. Wesley was not, then, a violent monarchist, though certainly not a republican. But there was in his great heart sympathy for all oppressed people, and an utter hatred of tyranny. It has been affirmed that all through the critical period of our Revolutionary War he was our enemy. This we deny, and proceed at once to make good that denial.

As a general principle, John Wesley was opposed to war. He says, " What an amazing way of deciding controversies ! What must mankind be, before such a thing as war could ever be known or thought of upon earth ! How shocking, how inconceivable, a want must there have been of common understanding, as well as common humanity, before any two governors or any two nations in the universe could once think of such a method of decision." — Wesley 's Works, vol. v, p. 51 2.

To Wesley war was an " amazing," " shocking " way of deciding national controversies. But most men consider that if ever war be justifiable it is in case of an invasion. There were two instances of this kind in the life-time of Wesley. Jackson, in his " Life of Charles Wesley," says, (p. 520,) " Mr. John Wesley, it would appear from a passage in one of his brother's letters, advised some of his men to learn the military exercise, that they might be better prepared to defend their country and home in case the threat of invasion (by the French, 1756) should be carried into execution." This much he could do without contradicting the general principle by which he was governed in his opposition to the dreadful arbitrament of the sword to decide questions of controversy.

It also appears that about the year 1780 the kingdom was again in imminent danger of invasion. Wesley then offered to raise some troops for its defense ; but in two years after this he writes thus : " Two or three years ago, when the kingdom was in imminent danger, I made an offer to the Government of raising some men. The secretary of war (by the king's order) wrote me word that it was not necessary ; but if ever it should be necessary his Majesty would let me know. I never renewed the offer, and never intended it ; but Captain Webb, without my knowing any thing of the matter, went to Col. B., the new secretary of war, and renewed that offer." — Works, vol. vii, p. 8 1. Wesley seems hereto reflect upon this offer to engage in the defense of his country and home. The offer was so seemingly contrary to his general principles upon war, that he appears to have regretted immediately that he had even made the offer, and says he " never intended " to renew it.

Having proven that Wesley was in general opposed to war, we will now establish the particular fact that he was opposed to the English treatment of the American question ; that he was opposed to the British Government making war upon the Colonies. And if we show this, will it not prove his sympathy with the Colonies ?

In 1770, in a tract entitled "Free Thoughts on Public Affairs," he says, " I do not defend the measures which have been taken with regard to America ; I doubt whether any man can defend them, either on the foot of law, equity, or prudence?

On Feb. 9, 1775, both houses of Parliament informed the king that the colonists were in rebellion, and requested the king to take the most effective measures to enforce obedience. The king's reply was a request to Parliament to increase both the naval and military forces. This meant to prepare for war against the Colonies. John Wesley, in about two weeks, preached an impressive sermon on the « horrid

Wesley a Friend of the American Colonies. IJ

effects of a civil war," in which he said " that of all scourges from God war was the most to be deprecated, because it often swept away all traces of religion, and even of humanity," Even his text was suggestive : " Let my counsel be acceptable unto thee, and break off thy sins by righteousness, and thine iniquities by showing mercy to the poor ; if it may be a lengthening of thy tranquillity'' Dan. iv, 27. This discourse adds proof to our former proposition, that Wesley deprecated war. Five years before, as we have seen, he had publicly blamed the Government for not " showing mercy to the poor " Colonies, and now he urges England to " break off her sins " and not engage in the war, that there might be a "lengthening of her tranquillity."

For a long time he fondly hoped and prayed that England might not engage in war with the Colonies. In May 19, 1775, he wrote to Mr. Rankin, then in America, saying, " Never was there a time when it was more necessary for all that fear God, both in England and in America, to wrestle with God in mighty prayer. In all the other judgments of God the inhabitants of the earth learn righteousness ; but wherever war breaks out God is forgotten, if he be not set at open defiance. What a glorious work of God was at Cambuslang and Kilsyth from 1740 to 1744! But the war that followed tore it all up by the roots, and left scarce any trace of it behind."

We here publish in full his celebrated letter to

Lord North, prime minister of England, a copy of which was sent to Dartmouth, the secretary of the colonies. It is taken from Macmillan's Magazine, 1 87 1.

The following remarkable letter from John Wesley to Lord Dartmouth, the then colonial secretary, which, through the kindness of the present earl, is for the first time published from the original in the archives of his family, cannot fail to be read with much interest and instruction at a juncture in many respects like that at which its burning words were called forth. It is the kind of letter, mutatis mutandis, that ought to have been written by the pope to the emperor of the French at the unprovoked beginning of the present war, or by any French ecclesiastic who believes that his country is laboring under a fatal illusion in refusing to acknowledge its defeat, and in believing that the loss of an inch of territory is the destruction of the whole nation. It might even be written by some German pastor or professor, who thinks that he might persuade the king or Count Bismarck to moderate, for the sake of peace, even their just demands. That Wesley was right we now all acknowledge. It is possible that had any one of the personages whom we have imagined so spoken, they might have been right also.

" My Lord : — I would not speak — as it may seem to be concerning myself with things that lie out of my province— but I dare not refrain from it any longer. I think silence in the present case would be a sin against God, against my country, and against my own soul.

- But what hope can I have of doing good, of making the least impression upon your lordship, where so many have spoken in vain, and those far better qualified to speak on so delicate a subject ?

-They were better qualified in some respects ; in others thev were not. They had not less bias upon their minds Thev were not free from worldly hopes and fears Th ' • were engaged : and how easily do these blind the eyes of the understanding ? They were not more impartial. Most of them were prejudiced in the highest degree. They neither loved the king nor his ministers. Rather, they hated them with a perfect hatred. And your lordship knowing this, if you was a man, could not avoid having some prejudice to them ; in which case it would be hardly possible to feel the full force of their arguments.

" They had not better means of information, of knowing the real tempers and sentiments, either of the Americans on the one hand, or of the English, Irish, and Scots on the other. Above all, they trusted in themselves, in their own power of convincing and persuading. I trust only in the living God, who hath the hearts of all men in his hand.

" And whether my writing do any good or no, it need do no harm. For it rests within your lordship's breast, whether any eye but your own shall see it.

"All my prejudices are against the Americans. For I am a high-churchman, the son of a high-churchman, bred up from my childhood in the highest notions of passive obedience and non-resistance. And yet, in spite of all my rooted prejudice, I cannot avoid thinking (if I think at all) that an oppressed people asked for nothing more than their legal rights, and that in the most modest and inoffensive manner which the nature of the thing would allow. But waiving this, waiving all considerations of right and wrong, I ask, ' Is it common sense to use force toward the Americans ? '

" A letter now before me says, ' Four hundred of the regulars and forty of the militia were killed in the last skirmish.' What a disproportion ! And this is the first essay of raw men against regular troops !

" You see, my lord, whatever has been affirmed, these men will not be frightened. And it seems they will not be conquered so easily as was at first imagined. They will probably dispute every inch of ground, and, if they die, die sword in hand.

" Indeed, some of our valiant officers say, ' Two thousand men will clear America of these rebels.' No, nor twenty thousand, nor perhaps treble that number, be they rebels or not. They are as strong men as you ; they are as valiant as you, if not abundantly more valiant. For they are one and all enthusiasts ; enthusiasts for liberty. They are calm, deliberate enthusiasts. And we know how this principle

" ' Breathes into softest souls stern love and war, And thirst of vengeance, and contempt of death.'

We know men animated with this will leap into a fire or rush upon a cannon's mouth.

'"But they have no experience of war.' And how much more have our troops ? How few of them ever saw a battle ? ' But they have no discipline.' That is an entire mistake. Already they have near as much as our army. And they will learn more of it every day. So that in a short time they will understand it as well as their assailants.

" ' But they are divided among themselves, so you are informed by various letters and memorials.' So, I doubt not, was poor Rehoboam informed concerning the ten tribes. So (nearer our times) was Philip informed concerning the people of the Netherlands. No, my lord, they are terribly united ; not in the province of New England only, but down as low as the Jerseys and Pennsylvania the bulk of the people are so united that to speak a word in favor of the present English measures would almost endanger a man's life. Those who inform me of this (one of whom was with me last week, lately came from Philadelphia) are no sycophants ; they say nothing to curry favor ; they have nothing to gain or lose by me. But they speak with sorrow of heart what they have seen with their eyes and heard with their own ears.

" Those men think, one and all, be it right or wrong, that they are contending pro arts et focis, for their wives, children, and liberty. What advantage have they herein over men that fight only for pay ? none of whom care a straw for the cause wherein they are engaged, most of whom strongly disapprove it. & *

" Have they not another considerable advantage ? Is there occasion to recruit the troops ? Their supplies are at hand, all round about them ; ours are three thousand miles off.

" Are we then able to conquer the Americans, suppose they are left to themselves ? Suppose all our neighbors stand stock still, and leave us and them to fight it out ? But are we sure of this ? Are we sure that all our neighbors will stand stock still ? I doubt they have not promised it. And if they had, could we rely upon those promises ?

" Yet it is not probable they will send ships or men to America. Is there not a shorter way ? Do they not know where England and Ireland lie ? And have they not troops as well as ships in readiness ? All Europe is well apprised of this ; only the English know nothing of the matter. What if they find means to land but ten thousand men ? Where are the troops in England or Ireland to oppose them ? Why, cutting the throats of their brethren in America ! Poor England in the meantime !

" ' But we have our militia, our valiant, disciplined militia ; these will effectually oppose them.' Give me leave, my lord, to relate a little circumstance of which one then on the spot informed me. In 1716 a large body of militia were marching toward Preston against the rebels. In a wood which they were marching by a boy happened to discharge his fowlingpiece. The soldiers gave all for lost, and by common consent threw down their arms and ran for life. So much dependence is to be placed on our valorous militia !

" But, my lord, this is not all. We have thousands of enemies, perhaps more dangerous than French or Spaniards. They are landed already ; they fill our cities, our towns, our villages. As I travel four or five thousand miles every year, I have an opportunity of conversing freely with more persons of every denomination than any one else in the three kingdoms. I cannot, therefore, but know the general disposition of the people, English, Scots, and Irish ; and I know a huge majority of them are exasperated almost to madness. Exactly so they were throughout England and Scotland about the year 1640, and in great measure by that same means ; by inflammatory papers, which were spread, as they are now, with the utmost diligence in every corner of the land. Hereby the bulk of the people were effectually cured of all love and reverence of the king. So that, first despising, then hating him, they were just ripe for open rebellion. And I assure your lordship so they are now ; they want nothing but a leader.

" Two circumstances more deserve to be considered : the one, that there was at that time a general decay of trade, almost throughout the kingdom ; the other, that there was an uncommon dearness of provisions. The case is the same in both respects at this day. So that even now there are multitudes of people that, having nothing to do and nothing to eat, are ready for the first bidder ; and that, without inquiring into the merits of the cause, would flock to any that would give them bread.

" Upon the whole, I am really sometimes afraid that ' this evil is of the Lord.' When I consider (to say nothing of ten thousand other vices shocking to human nature) the astonishing luxury of the rich, and the profaneness of rich and poor, I doubt whether general dissoluteness of manners does not demand a general visitation. Perhaps the decree is already gone forth from the Governor of the world. Perhaps even now,

'"As he that buys surveys a ground,

So the destroying angel measures it around.

Calm he surveys the perishing nation,

Ruin behind him stalks, and empty desolation.'

" But we Englishmen are too wise to acknowledge that God has any thing to do in the world ! Otherwise should we not seek him by fasting and prayer before he lets the lifted thunder drop ? O, my lord, if your lordship can do any thing let it not be wanting ! For God's sake, for the sake of the king, of the nation, of your lovely family, remember Rehoboam ! Remember Philip the Second ! Remember King Charles the First !

" I am, with true regard, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, John Wesley.

" June 15, 1775, in the way to Dublin."

It will be observed that in Mr. Wesley's letter to Lord North he says : " A letter now before me says, ' Four hundred of the regulars and forty of the militia were killed in the last skirmish.' What a disproportion ! And this is the first essay of raw men against regular troops." That this was the battle of Lexington and Concord will appear evident from two considerations : first, it was about the number killed in that battle ; and, second, the battle of Bunker Hill, the next in order, occurred June 17th, 1775, only two days after the letter to Lord North was written. At that time no news could have reached England in two days. But as the battle of Lexington and Concord occurred April 19th, 1775, this gives ample time for the news to reach Wesley before the 15 th of June, 1775, the date of his letter to Lord North.

Tyerman says of these letters (vol. iii, p. 200) that they "are full of warnings and foresight, which were terribly fulfilled, and for fidelity, fullness, terseness — in short, for multum in parvo — were, perhaps, without a parallel in the correspondence of these ministers of state." It was certainly a clear and emphatic plea for the colonies when he said of them " that an oppressed people asked for nothing more than their legal rights, and that in the most modest and inoffeitsive manner which the nature of the thing would allow."

In this letter, addressed to the prime minister, Lord North, Wesley tried to persuade England not to engage in war with the colonies, as the letter clearly proves. He first tried to prove that " they [the colonies] ask for nothing but their legal rights." He then says : " But waiving this, waiving all considerations of right and wrong, I ask, Is it common sense to use force toward the Americans ? You see, my lord, whatever has been affirmed, these men will not be frightened. And it seems they will not be conquered as easily as was first imagined. They will probably dispute every inch of ground, and if they die, die sword in hand." What prophetic words ! It is abundantly clear that Mr. Wesley sought to prevent force being used against the Americans.

Again, October 20, 1775, he wrote to Mr. Rankin in America: " I am entirely of your mind. I am persuaded love and tender measures will do far more than violence. And if I should have an interview with a great man, [probably Lord North,] which seems to be not unlikely, I will tell him so without circumlocution." All the above certainly proves our founder's sympathy with the cause of the American colonies.