Ashé Pyee, the superior country, or, The great attractions of Burma to British enterprise and commerce

Front matter

THE SUPERIOR COUNTRY; OR, Cjie §mt Jf fractions of |hrma so §nt*4 Enterprise ano Commerce. uv COLONEL W. F. B. LAUKIE, j^ AUTHOR OP " OUR BURMESE WARS AND RELATIONS WITH BURMA," ETC. " Look here upon this picture, and on this." Hamlet, Act 3, Scene i. It is evident that the country and the people have before them a great future." Sm Aethur Phayre, at the Society of Arts, May 1881. LONDON : W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATEELOO PLACE, PALL MALL, S.W. 1882. (AU Biyhts Tteserved.) LOS OH . PRINTED LY VV. L.. ALLIN & CO., EJ ./AT^RLOO PU> r.

Preface

. Reader, this is a peaceful book. Unlike its far larger and more ambitious predecessor, it does not deal with war. Peace, national security, and com mercial prosperity are its watch-words ; and if these three can be perpetuated and extended in the " superior country " here under consideration, without war and without annexation, the greater will be the triumph of British statesmanship. Lord Eipon, wishing to carry out the spirit of Lord Canning's proclamation of 1858, last year declared that the continuation of Native States was an advantage to such states, and to Great Britain. Of course, there must be exceptions to such a wise, general rule. Great Britain, unfortunately, too often finds herself, while endeavouring to civilise mankind, in the position of the Psalmist, who was for peace while his enemies sought for war. Peace VI

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. on earth is still very far distant. Nowhere seems she to find " rest with men." The Burmese Question, in the humble opinion of the writer, should now occupy the large share of public attention which has been given throughout the past year or more to Afghanistan ; and when the Viceroy has so forcibly remarked that peace and rest are the real wants of India, in order that the country might "devote itself to the improvement of its agriculture and commerce " — our late military successes and upholding of British prestige in the former region affording suitable opportunity for such a remark — turning from Afghanistan to Burma at this time would seem to be a natural and prudent step. It is just one from financial ruin to financial prosperity, with Commerce beckoning to her enterprising supporters to come on.

As a practical subject of the first importance, the Bur mese comes far nearer to us than many other questions ; for in its settlement a lasting good is sure to follow ; while as regards the solution of other weighty national problems, it must candidly be said, at present — " The dawn is overcast, the morning lours, And heavily in clouds brings in the day." Is it not pleasing, then, to turn from such gloomy prospects, and give attention to where Hope, on

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. VII practical grounds, pictures the dawn of a prosperous and tranquil day breaking out in all Burma ; a land in these fast times of education and so-called national enlightenment shamefully unknown to the intelligent classes of Great Britain. However tribes may be warring against tribes in the East at the present time — however wily European diplo matists may be looking out for the decline of Albion's influence in Asia — let us be placed on sound and profitable as well as peaceful relations with the people of our next-door neighbour, Upper Burma. With the lower portion of the country under our control, paying for years past a surplus revenue of some millions sterling to the Indian Imperial Treasury, surely the upper portion demands far more attention than it has yet received ; for, as hereafter will be urged, the real interests of the two are inseparable.

But, look on the two pictures — on British and Independent Burma ; what a difference in local progress, happiness, and pros perity ! And what a tremendous difference between the results of the last Afghan and the Second Burmese Wars. There is something terribly mono tonous about many of the political questions of the day. " Fresh woods and pastures new " are urgently required by politicians as well as by the public. In the spirit of what Grattan said of Ireland, when

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. he gave her a free trade by opening all her harbours, we may yet hope to see the land of the Golden Foot " rise from her bed and get nearer to the sun." It may hereafter form the subject of grand debates in Parliament. When the great governing intellects now grappling with a most serious and distressing question at home shall have conquered every difficulty, they may, perhaps, devote some of the working of their comprehensive and practical minds to long-neglected Burma and the Burrrese Question, which is simply — "Can we establish sound political and commercial relations with Upper Burma? " Although written or compiled with much peaceful intent, this little book may be deemed a fitting companion to Our Burmese Wars and Relations with Burma ; and in a brief space the writer has endeavoured to entertain as well as instruct.

With a special view to this end, the last three or four chapters are submitted to public notice. To the London Press the Author is very thankful for the kind, judicious, and frequently elaborate critiques his former work had the honour to receive from those competent to form an opinion ; while to other would-be censors who were not com petent—lacking, as they did, the chief requisites for a critic, information and impartiality — he is also obliged, as such amiable litterateurs, taking

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IX up a somewhat novel and important Eastern subject, may eventually be led, through careful study, to become kinder or wiser men, and better critics. The Author cannot conclude this Preface without remarking on the strange contrast between the state of affairs at the end of the last and close of the preceding year. In 1879, all was uncertainty and " toil and trouble " in Afghanistan. Fighting before Cabul ; attacks on General Roberts ; warning to Ayub Khan, as to his holding Herat ; with nume rous Russian intrigues in Central and Western Asia ; while in Eastern, the Chinese seemed to be going ahead in their usual way. And, also, at the close of 1879, although there appeared to be little chance of our being launched into a serious war with Upper Burma, there was a great dispute between the Chief of Karennee and King Theebau, which might have led to blows.

At the end of 1880, things became more settled. A political enchanter seemed to be at work ; success after disaster cheered us on in Afghanistan ; and although a British Resi dent was sadly wanted at Mandalay, the Burmese capital, to supervise the Golden Foot, and procure valuable information, the spirit of affairs was changed, as if by magic. True enough, China appeared to be more resolute than ever to defy X

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. Russia in her long course of hereditary aggression ; while the brave and energetic Skobeleff was engaged among the fierce Turkomans. Then China was ordering Austrian ordnance rifles, in preference to the German, thereby showing independent action and practical knowledge in the selec tion of arms. On the whole, things were in a far better condition throughout Eastern Asia, than they had been for some time but, during the first half of 1881, affairs again, in certain quarters, be came somewhat shrouded in mystery. Upper Burma — too long silent for any good — appeared to be resuming, through its capricious and monopolising King, the old ways of error ; while China was about to conclude a remarkable treaty with Russia — a treaty of the cession of Kuldja (or Hi on the part of the Russians, to be immediately followed up bv the opportune annexation of the great Trans-Cas pian region of the Turkomans — all giving the vast Northern Power, in Central Asia (and, of course, in other parts) an amount of political influence in the East unexampled in our time.

If Russia is ever to be predominant in Ceutral Asia, it would, of course, be suicidal to our Eastern Empire not to keep her clear of approach towards India, S.W. China, and Burma. No doubt, with our usual pluck, we shall always be able to do this, but we must look more to Eastern

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. XI Asia ; and if only sufficient attention were now paid to Upper Burma, we might check various ambitious designs, while a change for the better might be effected by us in that " superior country " — so valuable and yet so little known at home to the enlightened English statesman and the keen British merchant — which attention would certainly, ere long, bring us in both wealth and honour. W. F. B. L. London, July 1881. P.S. — It was intended to publish this little work about the middle of the year ; but deserted London, and the three grand Questions on the tapis — the Egyptian, the Transvaal, and the Irish — would have precluded many readers from looking into the condition and prospects of Burma. Ad vantage has been taken of the delay to continue a miscellaneous record of events, with remarks thereon, from July to October, which, as for the previous months, the writer trusts will add to the utility and interest of his volume — probably the conclusion of his pleasant labours on the subject of Ashe' Pyee, the Superior Country.

October, 1881. CONTENTS. CHAPTEE I. PAGE The Burmese Question. — I. ..... 1 CHAPTEE II. The Burmese Question.— -II 29 CHAPTEE III. British and Upper Burma, and Western China : their Concurrent Commercial Interests ... 67 CHAPTEE IV. British and Upper Burma, and Western China — (continued) CONTENTS. CHAPTEE V. PAGE Du Halde on Trade with China : and how Bussia got in the Wedge ....... 103 CHAPTEE VI. The Forests of Burma ...... 119 CHAPTEE VII. National Character ....... 125 CHAPTEE VIII. The Shoe Question. — Court Etiquette in Burma . 133 CHAPTEE IX. Gautama ......... 137 SUPPLEMENTAEY CHAPTEE. Sir Arthur Phayre on British Burma . . .150 CONTENTS. XV MISCELLANEOUS EECOED. PAGE From February to October 1881 .... 184 ADDENDA TO CHAPTEE IV. Two Provinces of South-West China commercially considered ........ 240 NOTES THE SUPERIOR COUNTRY.

Chapter I. The Burmese Question

— I. Towards the end of 1879, the writer concluded his volume on Our Burmese Wars and Relations with Burma, with a brief account of events before and after the British Resident's departure from Mandalay.* The Envoy having " stalked away,'' the Burmese Nero and his advisers at the capital were loft to the dictates of their own sweet will. Massacres, burying alive, and every other iniquity associated with the cruel " dark places of the earth " might be perpetrated, and humane and generous Great Britain not be one whit the wiser ; for, although the Eesident was never told one half of the deeds of dreadful note committed in the Palace, still, while he remained at Mandalay, there was always some information forthcoming to freeze the blood, or make our hairs stand on end " like quills upon the fret ful porcupine."

Speedily an important opinion was entertained at Ran goon that, in the event of a campaign, it would be rendered * Page 466. easier if, on the declaration of hostilities, Nyoung- Yan (or Nyoungyan) were publicly recognised as the British nominee, and received with royal honours, while a pro clamation was issued placing him on the Burmese throne. This was considered by some to be preferable to the " violent acs" of annexation, while others were firmly con vinced that we must in some fashion or other — to secure the peace and advance the prosperity of British Burma — reign supreme at Mandalay.* Early in December, a Burmese Embassy, which had been for some time detained at Thayetmyo, awaiting per mission from the Indian authoi'ities to proceed, received a communication from the Viceroy, through the Chief Com missioner (Mr. Aitchison), recording the Viceroy's serious dissatisfaction with " the position and treatment of our Resident lately at the Burmese Court."

The Embassy had "not come with authority to propose anything likely to be acceptable." A reference to the Court for further instructions was advised ; otherwise the Ambassador could not be received. t The Embassy remained at Thayetmyo awaiting instructions from Mandalay. And so the author concluded a somewhat " eventful history," at a most uncertain stage of our relations with Burma. Time went on, and with the disappearance of our Resident from the Burmese Court, the " merry,'' but cruel and inexperienced monarch Theebau, and the really valuable land of the Golden Foot, lost much of their interest. Attention in the East was now almost wholly concentred on the wild bleak mountains * Page 47 t Page 476. and hills, the extensive tracts of waste land, and here and there the fertile plains and valleys of Afghanistan, destined to cost England so much blood and so many millions which might have been useful elsewhere.

Early in the New Year (1880) it was expected that papers regarding Theebau and our relations with Burma were to be asked for in the House of Commons. But it was evidently not a convenient season to grant them, for none were forthcoming. The present writer had gladly hoped that the production of such documents would draw attention to the subject of Burmese affairs. In a despairing mood he wrote to the coming Premier, who was soon to ■commence his second brilliant campaign in Midlothian, even from one who with a rare method finds time for everything, hardly expecting an answer.

But an answer did come, and very soon ; and the musmun (purport) of it, as we say iu Hindustani, was an ardent wish " to understand the painful question raised in Burma, on which but little light seems to have been thrown by discussions iu the public press."* And again, with a generous solicitude regarding an Anglo-Indian author's work: — " It cannot be otherwise than a work of great interest and value at the present moment '' ; also, it would not prove " insensibility to the importance of the subject if he did not find an early opportunity of examining it."t Recently, like some far less great, yet able and energetic financiers, having been at war with deficits in Indian and other budgets, of course the Chancellor of the Exchequer could have found t February 25th, 1880. * February 6th, 1880. 1 » but little time for the study of Burmese affairs ; but it may be hoped that if more deficits are to be discovered, and relief sought for, British economists and calculators will turn their serious attention to the undeveloped resources of Upper, and our own possession of British Burma, where, in proportion to the population, the trade is more than ten times greater than that of magnificent and populous India !

The eastern country, " superior to all others," could expect little attention during the unsettled state of Afghan istan. The elections naturally made the subject less than a secondary consideration ; and there can be no doubt that the English people are always touched most by what is nearest to them, or, according to Dr. Johnson, we secure the mind's attention to " domestic rather than Imperial tragedies.'" It is passing strange, but nevertheless a fact, that, towards the close of the nineteenth century, when education has done so much for our country, there are millions of intelligent people who, for the time, would look with greater concern on the destruction of the Crystal Palace or the Alhambra than they would exhibit if we lost India or British Burma ! It will be long before Great Britain really begins to appreciate the vast political and commercial importance of her splendid Eastern Empire.

As time advanced, occasional great events were reported from Mandalay. The King had long surrendered himself to the Nats (spirits), and was more superstitious than ever. Intelligence of Nat propitiation, cruel massacres, burying alive, small-pox, and so forth, came from Rangoon. The steady, wise old Woons (ministers) about the Court had changed the King's warlike intentions towards the British. It was necessary, therefore, to find some other kind of excitement at the capital ; for lotteries, general gambling, drinking, and the reported currency of lead for copper, had done their work. April and May (1880) were probably contemplative months at Mandalay ; but at the end of the latter month, action in the shape of a rebellion began to ring through the Burmese laud. Should the reader have the writer's last volume beside him, at page 387 he will find it recorded that (in February 1879) the Nyoungyan and Nyoungoke Princes, brothers, had found it expedient to flee with their families from the Palace of Mandalay.

They first took refuge in the British Residency, but were, after a time, sent down to Rangoon, and thence to Calcutta. The Nyoungyan Prince was the favourite in the succession, and King Mengdon, Theebau's father, had desired his election. However, young Theebau got the throne, and became, with apparent ease, Lord of all the White Elephants, of Golden Umbrellas, and of Earth and Air. The chief hope of the brothers, it may be pre sumed, was now that Theebau s reign might be a short and a merry one, which, judging from the chapter on the Royal Progress,* seemed a contingency not far distant. Nyoungoke at length proved himself to be more impatient and ambitious than his elder brother, Nyoungyan. With a small force of "raiders" (May 24, 1880) he suddenly appeared near the British frontier, cut the telegraph * See Paper VI., " A Sketch of King Theebau's Progress," in Our Burmesa Wars and Relations with Burma, page 374. between our boundary and Mandalay ; and so began what seemed like a bold and determined endeavour to stir up a rebellion against King Theebau.

The insurgents, at first successful, were repulsed at Minhla, some sixty miles from the frontier, defended by Royal troops, guns, and a fort. The Burmese local authorities became speedily alarmed at the insurrection, and the Woon (governor) of Sillaymyo* had (2oth) seized the Yunan, British steamer, bound from Mandalay to Rangoon. It was said that the silly Woon pretended to believe that the English had invaded his country. However that may be, the steamer was detained for thirty-six hours. A few days after this detention — in some respects as great an insult as that which brought on the second Burmese War — it was announced from Thayetmyo that the insurgents were encamped near the boundary pillar, and the Burmese Government had addressed a communication to the British Government, through the Burmese Commissioners, who were still at Thayetmyo, to the effect that the insurrection was only a sort of dacoit outbreak.f and had " no political significance."

No notice, it was asserted, had been taken of this despatch, because " all friendly intercourse and show of courtesy " had ceased between the representatives of the two Governments. With reference to the Burmese Embassy — which seemed to be a political or diplomatic fixture — by the middle of May the Chief Commissioner had written to the Ambassadors * A village on the banks of the Irawadi, about twenty-five milea above Minhla. t One of plunderers. at Thayetmyo that it was " necessary to postpone their business for the present." The Embassy was requested to return to Mandalay, at a time when the telegraph to that station was interrupted. It was further announced from Rangoon that the evidence was complete that certain con templated April sacrifices had been begun, and " were only stopped on the representation of the Ambassadors that the British Government would intervene."

There was constant quarrelling and intriguing among the Ministers at Mandalay ; and, " in spite of Mr. Aitchison's letter," the Embassy still remained at Thayetmyo * The Embassy had positively done nothing to improve our relations with Theebau and Upper Burma ; but " a variety of obviously inadmissible and grotesquely incongruous propositions and pretensions were put forward by the Burmese Government," and the various points already at issue between the two Governments wrere steadily ignored The Envoy was told that if he was not likely soon to have something more satisfactory to suggest he should return " as speedily as convenient " He could not be got to specify the questions which he was empowered to discuss ; and, after requesting leave to move forward to Rangoon, he had been " reminded that, according to all diplomatic usages, a substantial basis and the definite points for the negotiation must be settled before a personal discussion can begin.

"t But it would be easier to square the circle than obtain such desirable hypotheses ; and not even a Talleyrand or a Lord Palmer ston could have advantageously extracted a substantial * Daily News. t Times Correspondent. basis or a definite point from a wily Burmese diplomatist. The Burmese idea of diplomacy in Mandalay at the present time is a brief but comprehensive one. It simply amounts to this : " Restore Pegu, with all her fine ports, to the Golden Foot, and we will trade with you as much as you like ; but there are certain time-honoured monopolies which the King must have ; Free Trade must leave these alone," concluding in the style of the old Burmese State papers — This is Burman custom! And so the unchange able rulers of the Burman race, in an age of progress, strive to obstruct the mighty advancing tide of human thought and civilisation.

By the middle of June, it was thought that the rebellion in Upper Burma had entirely collapsed ; but this was a mistake, as followers of the adventurous Prince were spring ing up in several directions. There can be little doubt, if Nyoungoke had played his cards well, and with some military genius, he might have paid King Theebau a visit at Mandalay during the month of June ; and it was said, probably with some truth, that had Nyoungyan appeared on the scene, he " would have commanded a much larger following than his brother." But he wisely remained in Calcutta — like Abdul Rahman for Afghanistan — the " coming man " for Burma. The Burmese Envoy at Tha yetmyo had at last left. Strong hints, and, it was said, threatened stoppage of allowances — the best hint of all — at length sent him back to Mandalay, where, doubtless, he was not received in a very gracious manner by his Sove reign.

It was again well said that the future position of the British Resident at Mandalay appeared to be " one essential preliminary point for determination before the question of diplomatic relations could be effectively entered upon, and on that point he had no satisfactory proposals to make." After some fruitless efforts on the part of the Prince, the King's troops, headed by the only available Bandoola, the Mingoon Woon, arrived on the frontier by steamer, entirely defeated the insurgents, and gained a practically " blood less " victory. Prince Nyoungoke's was a rather inglorious end ; he was captured by our police, lodged in the Circuit house of Thayetmyo, and strongly guarded, previous to his being sent back to Calcutta. By the end of June, the rebellion had completely col lapsed. Nyoungoke was considered to have " abused the asylum afforded to him by us, in that he made our frontier the base for his attack on Burma."

He was sent back under arrest to Calcutta, where he arrived early in July. King Theebau was apparently becoming conciliatory, and had been drilling very small bodies of troops at Man dalay. It was telegraphed from Calcutta* that Mr. Bernard had taken over the Chief Commissionership from Mr. Aitchison, who had proceeded to Simla to take his seat in Council. At a dinner given by the Rangoon community on the occa sion, in his speech Mr. Barnard gave no indication as to the policy which would be pursued by the British Govern ment regarding Burma ; but it would not be one of annexa tion. "To be, or not to be," with reference to Upper Times Correspondent, July 11th. Burma's independence, then, — or, more directly, in the case of King Theebau, the French translator's rendering Vivre ou mourir* — was not yet " the question."

And it was highly necessary that " Afghan complications " should pass quite away before the necessary amount of public interest could be concentrated on Burmese affairs As to the present Golden Foot, it has been remarked to the writer, by a learned and zealous Member of Parliament, that he may not be so black as he has been painted ; but at this stage, the remarks of an able and acute military officer, who knows Upper and Lower Burma very well, may be usefully cited : — " Until Upper Burma is blessed with a ruler who will not consider it his only duty to sit in his palace, and listen to accounts of his country, which are only framed with a view to tickle his ear and flatter his vanity, the country will never improve ; and a policy of interference may be forced upon us, however reluctant we mav be to enter upon it, for the protection of our trading interests."

Thus, the Burmese is, in many respects, essentially a commercial question, as, in fact, nearly all the questions of lasting importance which come forth on Eastern Asia, must invariably be. Of " a very fine country," the highly intelligent officer already quoted gives a most flourishing description. To use the language of Richard Oobden, in an essay written by him in hs36, upon Russia, Turkey, and England, Upper Burma may be described with regard to its present backward condition commerciallv, as follows : — Etre, ou pas etre ? " Nothing but a tyrannical despotism, at once sanguinary and lawless, could have had the effect of repelling com merce from its noble water highways ; but, alas ! the thou sands of merchants who might have been tempted to embark in profitable commercial speculations, would have sought in vain for the rich freights of silk, cotton, wool, cutch, earth-oil. and precious stones, which ought to have awaited their advent.

Such is the character of its rulers, that no native capitalists even have been emboldened to accumulate a store of merchandise to tempt the rapacity of a dissolute set of kings." Regarding the Burmese Embassy, King Theebau and the British Government, the British public are much indebted to a London Correspondent* at Rangoon, who was most zealous in furnishing interesting information. Before the departure of Naingangya Woondouk (in this case a diplomatic Secretary of State), the chief of the Embassy, from Thayetmyo, it appeared that the Deputy Commissioner (Colonel Davies) had informed that high functionary, by order of the Viceroy, of Lord Lytton's wish to leave his successor perfectly free to take up the subject of a treaty with the King of Burma, or leave it alone. During the settlement of the difficulty in Afghanistan — unless in a case of actual invasion — it was not easy to find leisure for the discussion of Burmese affairs ; and as there did not seem to be any intention on the part of the Embassy to come to a settlement, as had been suggested six months before, nothing could be more reasonable than the request, by letter, to leave for Mandalay.

The letter to Daily News, July 9th, 1880. the Woondouk, wrote the above Correspondent towards the middle of June, "is all the more unexpected, because the general idea among the Burmans was that, with Mr. Glad stone in power, they would be able to conclude a treaty immediately, and get all they asked for. The Mandalay Gazette exulted over the return of the Liberals to power, and said, ' The new Premier, as a Knight of the Tsalwe, will be reasonable, and not persist in the foolish and pre sumptuous course of his predecessor.' " To have been reasonable where no reason existed, would have puzzled even a cleverer and more shrewd statesman than the late Premier. The Correspondent proceeds to give us some interesting particulars regarding " the boast of heraldry, the pomp of power," in Burma, to which I shall add a note, also new: " It may probably be news to most people in England, that Mr. Gladstone is a Knight of the most elephantine and ancient Burmese Order of Knighthood ; but it is a fact nevertheless.

The late King, Mengdon Meng, sent him by the Kinwoon Mingyee the collar of the fifteen strings, the second in rank under that of the princes of the blood, who have twenty-one strings. The King himself has twenty-four. The knights of premier rank glory in eighteen." This badge of the order of nobility among the Burmese consist of six classes. t From the highest authority, I shall now state as follows : — Some Orientalists and others appear to entertain the idea that there is an order styled " The Golden Sun of Burma"; but there is no such order. However, the King of Burma claims descent from * For an account of the order of the Tsalwe (or Tsalway), see General Fytche's Burma Past and Present, vol i.p. 232 (nose). the Kshatrya Rajas of India of the " solar race," and con fers titles, adopting the recipients into the " race of the sun."

Perhaps this is what is alluded to by those who bring forward the " Golden Sun of Burma" to enlighten the public. After this brief digression, it may be well to return to the Rangoon Correspondent, who reported at the end of June that King Theebau was " making a great show of being civil to us," giving some interesting particulars regarding the Naingangya Woondouk. From these we may learn the wholesome lesson how great men in the East in office sometimes escape punishment, just as they do occasionally in Russia, Turkey, and other European countries. Such a vast amount of material for future history is now furnished by Correspondents of the London press, that it ia folly to neglect what is thus presented to us even in our own time. We have yet to learn that there is more in a Woon or a Woondouk than " is dreamt of in our philosophy."