Chronicles of the First Plantin of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, from 1623 to 1636. Now first collected from original records and contemporaneous manuscripts, and illustrated with notes

Front matter

GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS CHRONICLES OF THE FIRST PLANTERS OF THE COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY, FROM 1623 TO 1636. NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANEOUS MANUSCRIPTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES. By ALEXANDER YOUNG. •H ut patribus, sit Deus nobia. BOSTON: CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. MDCCCXLVI. Entered according to Act os Congress, in the year 1846, by Alexander Young, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. boston: TKINTED BY FREEMAN AND BOLLES, DEVONSHIRE STREET. TO THE. HONORABLE LEMUEL SHAW, LL.D. CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY HIS FRIEND AND PASTOR.

Preface

. The unexpected favor with which the publication of the " Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth," was received, whilst it furnished gratifying proof of a growing interest in the early annals of New-England, encouraged the editor to enter into the collateral but broader field of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and to gather up here the scattered sheaves of a no less abundant harvest. The present volume, it is believed, will be found to contain every authentic document relating to the planting of the Colony of Massachusetts, from its first faint dawnings in 1623 to the full sunrise of 1636, with the single exception of Winthrop's His tory, to which it may be considered an introduction or supplement. Its chief and peculiar value, as well as that of its predecessor, consists in the fact that it imbodies the earliest materials for the History of our Commonwealth, written by men who lived at the time, on the spot, and were personally engaged in VI

PREFACE.

. the transactions which they record. Such documents can never become obsolete, can never be superseded by subsequent narratives, however ekquent or beau tiful, but must always be appealed to as the solid groundwork of our history. In the estimation of not a few, the severe and simple beauty of their Doric structure outvies the florid ornaments of more stately and ambitious edifices. The numerous references in the Notes, though to some they may appear unnecessary, will enable the reader to verify my statements, and will point him to the sources of additional information. The former volume of Chronicles is included among the works referred to, to save the necessity of repeating what has already been said. No nation or state has a nobler origin or lineage than Massachusetts. My reverence for the character of its founders constantly rises with the closer study of their lives, and a clearer insight into their principles and motives.

Much as has been said in com mendation of them, their worth has never been over rated, and we should never be tired of recounting their virtues. "Vestra autem pietas, viri exules, quæ maluit patriam quam Evangelium deserere, com modisque carere temporariis quam permisceri sacris a Christo alienis, egregiam sane meretur laudem." ALEXANDER YOUNG. Boston, June 1, 1846. CONTENTS. Chap. pAO,,. I. John White's Brief Relation of the Occasion of Planting of this Colony . . . . l II. William Hubbard's' Narrative of the Discovery and first Planting of the Massachusetts 17 ni. The Original Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-England 37 IV. Governor Cradock's Letter to Captain John En- DICOTT ...... 129 V. The Company's First General Letter of Instructions to Endicott and his Council . . 141 VI.

The Company's Second General Letter of Instructions to Endicott and his Council . . 172 VII. The Form of Government for the Colony . 192 VIII. The Allotment of the Lands . . . 197 IX. Oaths of Office for the Governor and Council 201 X. The Company's Agreement with the Ministers 205 XI. Francis Hioginson's Journal of his Voyage . 213 XII. Francis Higginson's New-England's Plantation 239 XIII. General Considerations for Planting New-England 269 XIV. The Agreement at Cambridge . . . 279 XV. The Company's Letters to Higglnson and Endicott CONTENTS. VIII CHiP. PaGI;- XVI. The Governor and Company's Humble Request to their Brethren in and of the Church of England 293 XVII. Deputy Governor Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln ..... 301 XVni. Captain Roger Clap's Memoirs . . . 343 XIX. The Early Records of Charlestown . . 369 XX.

William Wood's Description of Massachusetts 389 XXI. John Cotton's Life and Letters . . 417 Samuel Whiting's Life of John Cotton . 419 . Cotton's Letter to his Wife . . . 432 Cotton's Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln . 434 Cotton's Reasons for his Removal to New-England 438 XXH. Richard Mather's Journal . . . 445 XXIII. Anthony Thacher's Narrative of his Shipwreck 483 XXIV. Thomas Shepard's Memoir of his own Life . WHITE'S BRIEF RELATION. I The Planters Plea. Or the Grovnds of Plantations Examined, and vsuall Objections answered. Together with a manifestation of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a Plantation in New-England : For the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the Action. 2 Thess. v. 21. Prove all things, and holdefast that ivhich is good. London. Printed by William Tones. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 88. CHAP, I. 1620, Nov 9. Old style

Chapter I

A BRIEF RELATION OF THE OCCASION OF PLANTING OF THIS COLONY. The ensuing faithful and unpartial narration of the first occasions, beginning, and progress ofthe whole work, is laid before the eyes of all that desire to receive satisfaction, by such as have been privy to the very first conceiving and contriving of this project of planting this Colony,1 and to the several passages that have happened since ; who also, in that they relate, consider they have the searcher of all hearts and observer of all men's ways witness of the truth and falsehood that they deliver. About ten years since, a company of English, part out ofthe Low Countries, and some out of Lon don and other parts, associating themselves into one body, with an intention to plant in Virginia, in their passage thither being taken short by the wind, in the depth of winter, the whole ground being under snow, were forced with their provisions to land themselves 1 This fact gives to the Narrative the sanction of the highest authority.

THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH. CHAP, I 162 0 Dec. 11 in New-England, upon a small bay beyond Matta chusets,1 in the place which they now inhabit, and call by the name of New Plymouth.2 The ground being covered a foot thick with snow, and they being without shelter, and having amongst them divers women and children, no marvel if they lost some3 of their company ; it may be wondered how they saved the rest. But notwithstanding this sharp encounter at the first, and some miscarriages afterward, yet, conceiving God's providence had directed them unto that place, and finding great charge and difficulty in removing, they resolved to fix themselves there ; and being assisted by some of their friends in London,4 having passed over most of the greatest difficulties that usually encounter new "planters, they began to subsist at length in a reasonably comfortable man ner; being, notwithstanding, men but of mean and weak estates of themselves ;5 and after a year's experience or two ofthe soil and inhabitants, sent home tidings of both, and of their well-being there, which 1 It seems to us somewhat strange to speak of Plymouth as on a " small bay beyond Massachusetts."

But for some time after the first settlement of the country, the name Mas sachusetts was usually confined to the territory lying around Boston harbour, from Nahant to Point Al derton. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 27, 121. 8 We find here no allusion what ever to the alleged treachery of the captain of the Mayflower, who is said by Morton in his New-England's Memorial, p. 34, to have been brib ed by the Dutch to carry that vessel north of their plantation on Hud son's river. See this charge examined in the Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers ofthe Colony of Plymouth, by the editor of this volume, p. 101, note 2. 3 Before the first of April, that is, in less than four months, forty four of the hundred persons who constituted the company, died. See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 198. 4 Some of these friends in London were also interested in the Massa chusetts Company ; such as John White, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and John Po cock.

See the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society iii. 48. 6 With the exception of Winslow and Standish, the first settlers of Plymouth Colony were, in point of family and property, much inferior to those of Massachusetts. ORIGIN OF THIS COLONY. CHAP, I. 1623 occasioned other men to take knowledge ofthe place, and to take it into consideration.1 About the year 1623, some western merchants, who had continued a trade of fishing for cod and bar tering for furs in those parts for divers years before,2 conceiving that a Colony planted on the coast might further them in those employments, bethought them selves how they might bring that project to effect, and communicated their purpose to others, alleging the conveniency of compassing their project with a small charge, by the opportunity of their fishing trade, in which they accustomed to double-man their ships, that, by the help of many hands, they might despatch their voyage and lade their ship with fish while the fishing season lasted ; which could not be done with a bare sailing company.

Now it was conceived that, the fishing being ended, the spare men that were above their necessary sailors, might be left behind with provisions for a year ; and when that ship returned the next year, they might assist them in fishing, as they had done the former year ; and, in the mean time, might employ themselves in building, and planting corn, which, with the provisions of fish, fowl and venison, that the land yielded, would afford them the chief of their food. This proposition of theirs took so well, that 1 The publication in. London, in 1622, of Bradford and Winslow's Journal, and in 1624, of Winslow's Good News from New-England, un doubtedly did much to draw the at tention of the people of England to the subject of colonizing the northern part of this continent. See both of these documents in the Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 109 and 269. 2 In the year 1620 there went six or seven ships from the west of England to fish on the northeastern coasts of New-England; in 1621, ten or twelve ; in 1622, thirty-five ; in 1623, about forty ; and in 1624, about fifty.

See Prince's Annals, pp. 157, 185, 201, 210, 224, (8vo. ed. Boston, 1826.) DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION. CHAP, I. 1623 it drew on divers persons to join with them in this project ; the rather because it was conceived that not only their own fishermen, but the rest of our nation that went thither on the same errand, might be much advantaged, not only by fresh victual, which that Colony might spare them in time, but withal, and more, by the benefit of their ministers' labors, which they might enjoy during the fishing season ; whereas otherwise, being usually upon those voyages nine or ten months in the year, they were left all the while without any means of instruction at all.1 Compassion towards the fishermen, and partly some expectation of gain, prevailed so far that for the planting of a Colony in New-England there was raised a stock of more than £3000, intended to be paid in in five years, but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time.

How this stock was employed, and by what errors and oversights it was wasted, is, I confess, not much pertinent to this subject in hand. Notwithstanding, because the knowledge thereof may be of use for other men's direction, let me crave leave, in a short digression, to present unto the reader's view the i,.. There were more than a few attempts of the English to people and improve the parts of New-Eng land which were to the northward of New Plymouth. But the designs of those attempts being aimed no higher than the advancement of some worldly interests, a constant series of disasters has confounded them, until there was a plantation erected upon the nobler designs of Christianity. And that plantation, though it has had more adversaries than perhaps any one upon earth, yet, having obtained help from God, it continues to this day.

There have been very fine settlements in the northeast regions ; but what is be come of them" I have heard that one of our ministers, once preaching to a congregation there, urged them to approve themselves a religious people from this consideration, that otherwise they would contradict the main end of planting this wilderness. Whereupon a well-known person, then in the assembly, cried out, ' Sir, you are mistaken. You think you are preaching to the people at the Bay. Our main end was to catch fish.' ' Mather's Magnalia, i. 61, (Hartford ed. 1820.) FOURTEEN MEN AT CAPE ANN. CHAP I. 1623 1624 whole order of the managing of such moneys as were collected, with the success and issue of the business undertaken. The first employment, then, of this new raised stock was in buying a small ship of fifty tons, which was, with as much speed as might be, despatched towards New England upon a fishing voyage ; the charge of which ship, with a new suit of sails, and other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more than £300.

Now by reason the voyage was under taken too late, she came at least a month or six weeks later than the rest of the fishing ships that went for that coast ; and by that means wanting fish to make up her lading, the master thought good to pass into Mattachusets Bay,1 to try whether that would yield him any ; which he performed, and speeding there better than he had reason to expect, having left his spare men behind him in the country at Cape Anne, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spain, and so home. The charge of this voyage, with provision for fourteen spare men left in the country, amounted to above £800, with the £.300 expended upon the ship, mentioned before. And the whole provenue, besides the ship, which remained to us3 still, amounted not to above £200. So the expense, above the return of that voyage, came to £600, and upwards.

The next year was brought to the former ship a Flemish fly-boat,3 of about a hundred and forty tons; paper, White, was one of the ad venturers. 3 The Half-Moon, in which Henry 1 See note " on page 4. 2 From this expression, us, it would seem that the author of this TWO FISHING-VESSELS EMPLOYED. CHAP, I. 1624 which being unfit for a fishing voyage, as being built merely for burthen, and wanting lodging for the men which she needed for such an employment, they added unto her another deck, (which seldom proves well with Flemish buildings,) by which means she was carved so high that she proved wait,1 and unable to bear any sail ; so that before she could pass on upon her voyage, they were fain to shift her first, and put her upon a better trim, and afterwards, that proving to little purpose, to unlade her, and take her up and fur her.

Which notwithstanding it were performed with as much speed as might be, yet the year was above a month too far spent before she could despatch to set to sea again. And when she arrived in the country, being directed by the master ofthe smaller ship, upon the success of his former year's voyage, to fish at Cape Anne, not far from Mattachusets Bay,2 sped very ill, as did also the smaller ship that led her thither, and found little fish ; so that the greater ship returned with little more than a third part of her lading, and came back (contrary to her order, by which she was consigned to Bourdeaux,) directly for England ; so that the Com pany of Adventurers was put to a new charge to hire a small ship to carry that little quantity of fish she brought home to market. The charge of this voyage, with both the ships, Hudson discovered the noble river now called by his name, and explor ed it above Albany, was a fly-boat or yacht of eighty tons.

See Moul ton's History of the State of New York, pp. 202, 245, and Brodhead's Address before the New York Hist. Society, p. 14. wait, when she has not her due bal last, that is, not enough to enable her to bear her sails or keep her stiff. Hubbard, in his History of New England, p. 322, speaking of Lamberton's ill-fated ship, says that she "was ill built, very wait-sid ed." 1 Walt, crank. A ship is said to 2 See note " on page 4. THIRTY-TWO MEN AT CAPE ANN. CHAP, I. 1624 1625 amounted to about £2200 ; whereof £800 and up ward must be accounted for the building and other charges about the greater ship. By these two ships were left behind in the country about thirty-two men, the charges of whose wages and provision amounted to at the least £500 of the sum formerly mentioned. The provenue of both the voyages that year exceeded not the sum of £500, at the most.

Toe third year, 1625, both ships, with a small vessel of forty tons, which carried kine1 with other provisions, were again set to sea upon the same voyage, with the charge of £2000, of which sum the Company borrowed and became indebted for £1000, and upwards. The great ship, being commanded by a very able master, having passed on about two hundred leagues in her voyage, found herself so leaky by the carpenter's fault, (that looked not well to her calking,) that she bare up the helm and returned for Weymouth, and having unladen her provisions and mended her leak, set herself to sea again, resolving to take advice of the wind whether to pass on her former voyage, or to turn into Newfoundland ; which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent that the master and company despaired of doing any good in New-England, where the fish falls in two or three months sooner than at Newfoundland.

There she took fish, good store, and much more than she could lade home. The overplus should have been sold and delivered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there, if the voyage had been well manlow. See Prince's Annals, p. 225. (8vo. ed. Boston, 1826.) 1 The first cattle, a bull and three heifers, were brought to Plymouth in March, 1624, by Edward Wins- ILL SUCCESS OF THE ENTERPRISE. CHAP, I 1625 aged. But that could not be done, by reason that the ship, before she went, was not certain where to make her fish. By this accident it fell out that a good quantity of the fish she took was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another ship. At the return of the ships that year, fish, by rea son of our wars with Spain, falling to a very low rate, the Company endeavoured to send the greater ship for France.

But she being taken short with a contrary wind, in the west country, and intelligence given in the mean time that those markets were overlaid, they were enforced to bring her back again, and to sell her fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the fish of the smaller ship, the New-England fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale, or thereabout, the Newfoundland fish at six shillings four pence the hundred ; of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised upon it after the ship's return. By this reason the fish, which at a market in all likelihood might have yielded well nigh £2000, amounted not, with all the provenue ofthe voyage, to above £1100. Unto these losses by fishing, were added two other no small disadvantages ; the one in the country by our land-men, who being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders, and did the Company little service ; the other by the fall of the price of shipping, which was now abated to more than the one half ; by which means it came to pass, that our ships, which stood us in little less than £1200, were sold for £480.

The occasions and means then of wasting this stock are apparently these: first, the ill choice ofthe place ABANDONMENT OF THE ENTERPRISE. CHAP, 1 1626 for fishing. The next, the ill carriage of our men at land, who having stood us in two years and a half in well nigh £1000 charge, never yielded £100 profit. The last, the ill sales of fish and shipping. By all which the Adventurers were so far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prosecution of this de sign, and took order for the dissolving of the com pany on land, and sold away their shipping and other provisions. Two things withal may be intimated by the way ; the first, that the very project itself of planting by the help of a fishing voyage, can never answer the success that it seems to promise ; which experienced fishermen easily have foreseen beforehand, and by that means have prevented divers ensuing errors.

Where of, amongst divers other reasons, these may serve for two ; first, that no sure fishing-place in the land is fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing, at least near the shore ; and, secondly, rarely any fishermen will work at land, neither are husbandmen fit for fishermen but with long use and experience. The second thing to be observed is, that nothing new fell out in the managing of this stock, seeing experience hath taught us that, as in building houses, the first stones of the foundation are buried under ground and are not seen, so in planting colonies, the first stocks employed that way are con sumed, although they serve for a foundation to the work. But to return to our former subject, from which we digressed. Upon the manifestation of the West ern Adventurers' resolution to give off their work, SETTLEMENT AT NAHUMKEIK.

CHAP. I. 1626 1627 most part of the land-men, being sent for, returned. But a few of the most honest and industrious resolved to stay behind, and to take charge of the cattle sent over the year before ; which they performed accord ingly. And not liking their seat at Cape Anne, chosen especially for the supposed commodity of fish ing, they transported themselves to Nahum-Keike,1 about four or five leagues distant to the south-west from Cape Anne. Some then of the Adventurers, that still continued their desire to set forward the plantation of a Colony there, conceiving that if some more cattle were sent over to those few men left behind, they might not only be a means of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already in the country, but of inviting some other of their friends and acquaintance to come over to them, adventured to send over twelve kine and bulls more ; and conferring casually with some gen tlemen of London,2 moved them to add unto them as many more.

By which occasion, the business came to agitation afresh in London, and being at first approved by some and disliked by others, by argument 1 The author, White, in another part of his work, after referring to the opinion held by some that the Indians might formerly have had some intercourse with the Jews, ob serves, " Howsoever it be, it falls out that the name of the place which our late Colony hath chosen for their seat, proves to be perfect Hebrew, being called Nahum Keike, by inter pretation, The Bosom of Consola tion." Cotton Mather also says, " Of which place I have somewhere met with an odd observation, that the name of it was rather Hebrew than Indian ; for Nahum signifies Comfort, and Keik signifies a Haven ; and our English not only found it a haven of comfort, but happened also to put a Hebrew name upon it ; for they called it Salem, for the peace which they had and hoped in it ; and so it is called unto this day."

Ma ther probably derived this whimsical etymology from Scottow, who says, " Its original name was called Naum kek, the Bosom of Consolation, being its signification, as the learned have observed." See Planter's Plea, p. 14, Mather's Magnalia, i. 63, and Joshua Scottow's Narrative of the Planting of the Massachusetts Colo ny, p. 51, (Boston, 1694.) * Their names will appear here after in the records of the Com pany. THE EMIGRATION WITH ENDICOTT. 13 CHAP. I 1627 1628 June •Jo Sept, 6 and disputation it grew to be more vulgar ; insomuch that some men showing some good affection to the work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men might be procured to go over, inquiry was made whether any would be willing to engage their per sons in the voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that among others they lighted at last on Master Ende cott,1 a man well known to divers persons of good note, who manifested much willingness to accept of the offer as soon as it was tendered ; which gave great encouragement to such as were upon the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new Colony upon the old foundation.

Hereupon divers persons having subscribed for the raising of a reasonable sum of money, a patent was granted with large encouragements every way by his most excellent Majesty.2 Master Endecott was sent over Governor, assisted with a few men, and arriving in safety there in September, 1628,3 and uniting his own men with those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty4 persons. 1 " A fit instrument to begin this wildernesswork, of courage bold, undaunted, yet sociable, and of a cheerful spirit, loving and austere, applying himself to either, as occa sion served." Edward Johnson's Wonderworking Providence, ch. ix. (London, 1654.) 1 "Deputy governor Dudley, Mr. Hubbard, and others, wrongly place Mr. Endicott's voyage after the grant of the royal charter, whereas he came above eight months be fore."

The patent of the Massa chusetts Company was confirmed by the king, Charles I. March 4, 1629. Edward Johnson says it was " pro cured by advice of one Mr. White, an honest counsellor-at-law, as also furthered by the honored Mr. Rich ard Bellingham." A previous pa tent had been obtained from the Council for New England, March 19, 1628. It was under this that Endicott came out, and not under the broad seal of England, as erro neously stated by Gov. Bradford, Secretary Morton, and Edward John son. See Prince's Annals, pp. 249, 250, 254 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 63; and Morton's New-England's Memo rial, p. 137, (Davis's edition, Bos ton, 1826.) 3 This was the first emigration under the authority of the Massa chusetts Company. 4 It will be seen from Higginson's Narrative, in a subsequent part of THE EMIGRATION WITH HIGGINSON.

CHAP. I. 1628 1629 His prosperous journey, and safe arrival of himself and all his company, and good report which he sent back of the country, gave such encouragement to the work, that more adventurers joining with the first undertakers, and all engaging themselves more deeply for the prosecution of the design, they sent over the next year about three hundred persons more,1 most servants, with a convenient proportion of rother beasts,3 to the number of sixty or seventy, or there about, and some mares and horses ; of which the kine came safe for the most part, but the greater part of the horses died, so that there remained not above twelve or fourteen alive. By this time the often agitation of this affair in sundry parts ofthe kingdom, the good report of Cap tain Endecott's government, and the increase of the Colony, began to awaken the spirits of some persons of competent estates,3 not formerly engaged.

Con sidering that they lived either without any useful employment at home, and might be more serviceable in assisting the planting of a Colony in New-England, [they] took at last a resolution to unite themselves for the prosecution of that work. And, as it usually falls out, some other of their acquaintance, seeing such men of good estates3 engaged in the voyage, this volume, that on his arrival at Salem in June, 1629, he found there about a hundred persons with Endi cott. try Words, p. 51, and Richardson's Eng. Diet, under Rout. 3 Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Sal tonstall, Dudley, Cradock, the Vas sals, and most of the Massachusetts Company, were men of " good " and "competent estates." Winthrop had an estate of six or seven hun dred pounds a year, and Johnson's interest in the New-England adventure was six hundred pounds.

See Hutchinson's History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i. 14, 16. (London, 1760.) 1 This was the second emigration, under Higginson. He says, " We brought with us about two hundred passengers and planters more." 2 Cows, oxen. " The old Saxon word hrutan signifies to snort, snore, or rout in sleeping. To rowt or rawt is to low like an ox or cow. Hence also the Saxon hruther, bos, a rother-beast." Ray's North Coun- THE EMIGRATION WITH WINTHROP. 15 CHAP I. 1630 April some for love to their persons, and others upon other respects, united unto them ; which together made up a competent number, (perhaps far less than is re ported,) and embarked themselves for a voyage to New-England, where I hope they are long since safely arrived.1 This is an unpartial though brief relation of the occasion of planting of this Colony.