The Second Empire as exhibited in French Literature. 1852-1863

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THE SECOND EMPIRE AS EXHIBITED IK FRENCH LITERATURE 1852-1863 BY- SIR C. F. LASCELLES WRAXALL, Bart. AUTHOR OF "LIFE AKD TIMES OF CAF.OLIKE MATILDA " ETC. IN TWO VOLUMES YOL. I LONDON JOHN MAXWELL AND COMPANY 122, FLEET STEEET MDCCCLXV [.All righta reserved^ LONDON ! EATILL AND DWARD8, PRINTERS, CHANDOS rHBBT, COTBNT GARDEN. CONTENTS or THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAP. PAGE I. THE FOUNDATION OF THE SECOND EMPIRE ... 1 II. EDMOND AEOUT 33 III. FRANCE IN 1793 62 IV. LIFE AT THE FRENCH WATERING-PLACES ... 84 V. A FRENCHMAN IN KENTUCKY 110 VI. DUMAS THE YOUNGER 127 VII. A FISH OUT OF WATER 151 VIIL ITALY IN 1848 169 IX. ROMANCE AND REALITY 187 X. HONORE DE BALZAC 208 XI. FRENCH FASHIONABLE LIFE 229 XII. DOWN THE NILE 254. CONTENTS. PXGJ 275 CH.VP- XIII. AN ILLEGITIMATE DRAMA XIV. ROUGE ET NOIR -'94 XV. ALEXANDRE DUMAS IN ST. PETERSBURG . - . 310 XVI. THE MYSTERIES OF THE DESERT 341 XVII. A ROMANCE OF THE LANDES ....... THE SECOXD EMPIRE

Chapter I. The Foundation Of The Second Empire

At the time when Gillray was publishing his amusing caricatures; when Napoleon was regarded in the light of an ogre, pre-eminently useful for frightening small children ; when the man who dared to express a doubt whether one Englishman was equal any day to three Frenchmen, was looked upon as an idiot ; in the days, in short, when rotten boroughs aud Catholic oppression were considered the two bulwarks of the throne — what would have been the awful fate of the rash prophet daring to predict that, in the year 1855, the Gillray of the day would be drawing pictures of an Englishman and a Frenchman grasping the right hand of fellowship, and the nation would receive them with hearty applause ? We can imagine the shouts of unextinguished laughter our respected forefathers would have raised at such an idea, as they sat over their port, and thrashed the French in their minds.

But port has gone out of fashion, and with it a great deal of the prejudice which believed that men who drank claret were utter milksops ; VOL. I. while the daring acts of the French army in the Crimea have extinguished the last lingering doubt that stamina and pluck are only producible by beef and beer. There was a time, however, and not so long back, when the old prejudices were in a fair way of being roused, and the approximation produced by the Great Exhibition removed to the days of Henry V. and Agin court by the coup d'etat of the 2nd December. Englishmen are so fond of fitting their constitutionalism to European nations, and fancying that the garment will not require the slightest alteration, that they cannot endure the notion of any one trying to take it in, or render it in accordance with the present fashions.

But the Prince-President went on his way calmly and serenely, caring little for the attacks made upon him, while he kept one object steadily in view ; and the almost universal recognition granted to his exertions is a sufficient proof of the wisdom of his enlightened policy. France remained tranquil under the only form of government which can keep her turbulent spirits in order, and the time arrived when the motives of the Imperial policy should be made known, not as an apology for the past but as a sure omen for the future. But it was a very dangerous task for any Frenchman to assume : the history of the Empire is so indissolubly connected with the great names which have so recently fretted their brief hour on the political stage, that any impartial author must anticipate a hornet's nest buzzing about his ears.

One man in France has had the courage to undertake the ungrateful task, and no one can deny his competency. M. Granier de Cassagnac* is known as one of the most uncompromising friends of order, at a period when it was a very difficult task to decide whether the Prince- President or the " Sword of France" would be accommodated with apartments at Vincennes. During the struggles of the turbulent Assembly to remove the President, M. Cassagnac shunned no peril in showing the nation in whom they had to trust ; and Dr. V.ron, with a courage for which we had not given him credit, opened the columns of the Constitutionnel to the defender of the Prince, in the face of certain fine and possible imprisonment. M. Cassagnac set about his difficult labours of justifying the Empire in the face of Europe in a most tolerant spirit, and while drawing attention to the faults which entailed the overthrow7 of the " Napoleon of Peace," he has not thought his cause could be strengthened by that violent abuse which so many French writers are apt to heap on the fallen.

After seventeen years of ardent turmoil followed by a profound calm, the Government of Louis Philippe appeared to contain all the guarantees of solidity, and few suspected that a body of factious men were about to hurl their country once more into the caldron of revolution. It is true that outbreaks had shown the existence of a strong democratic power among the nation ■ but these had been put down with such ease that the king felt no apprehension as to their conquering * Histoire de la Chute du Roi Louis Philippe, de la Republique de 1848 et du Rctablissement de l'Empire. Paris : Henri Plon. 1—2 his government. The Revolution of 1830 gave birth to the new system of secret societies, which disturbed the country at intervals ; the most important and dangerous being that of Amis du Peuple, which was defeated by Marshal Lobau on the 5th of June, 1832.

This was followed by the society of the Droits de 1'Homme, which broke out in Lyons on the 9th, in Paris on the 1 3th of April, 1834. This society gave its last dying gasp in the attempted assassination of the king in 1835. These decided blow7s intimidated the leaders, and only two incorrigible agitators remained on the field, Barbes and Blanqui, who founded, in 1835, the Societe des Families. This is the only society, our. author remarks, which had not time for bloodshed, as it was dispersed the next year, while Martyn Bernard created in its stead the Societe des Saisons, also broken up in the sanguinary conflict of the 12th May, 1839. After the death of the Due d'Orleans in 1842, the conspirators again recovered, but the clubs never regained their pristine popularity ; for it has been proved that the total of the revolutionary party at the end of 1 S47 only amounted to fifteen hundred men, disorganized and unarmed.

The chiefs of this party were quite unpre pared for action. EveD three days before the catastrophe the conspirators had formed no plans. Albert himself confessed that no measures had been taken. In fact, the revolutionary party had never been so powerless, and the police, though acquainted with their meeting places, took no trouble to disperse them. How, then did the Revolution take place ? The Government in 1847 had been greatly strengthened by the recent elections ; the Spanish marriage had gained Louis Philippe considerable credit everywhere but in England ; and the Ministry was strong both at home and abroad. The Opposition was thoroughly defeated, and of course began plotting instead of accepting the situation. In this they were greatly assisted by M. Duvergier de Hauranne, who hit on the idea of agitating the country by tumultuous banquets, and by arousing the passions of the populace, forcing the king to dismiss a Ministry which was supported by a powerful majority.

He gained over Odillon Barrot to his views, and coalecsed with the revolutionists, as represented by the National. The agitation once resolved on, the first banquet took ph.ce at the Chateau Rouge, at which M. Ledru Rollin refused to be present, as he feared to compromise his principles. Eventually, however, the position of the Republicans was defined, and M. Rollin was enabled at Lille to announce " the overflow of the Nile, which would clear away all impurities and leave on the banks the germ of fecundity and new life." The French Chambers reopened on the 28th of December, 1847, and the king threw down the gauntlet in his speech from the throne. He appealed to the good sense of the country against " the agitation raised by hostile passions or blind excitement." The Opposition was beaten on the amendment, and, at a meeting held at Odillon Barrot's, it was decided that the Paris banquet should take place on the 22nd of February, the National remarking ominously, " The contest of words must pass into action."

The Govern ment, confiding in its majority, decided on trying the question of the banquets in a court of law, and the Opposition withdrew on the 20th of February the pro posed banquet. But the Republican party was not dis posed to let the opportunity slip, and M. Marrast, as representative of she Reforme paper, published a mani festo on the 21st, ignoring entirely the movements of the Opposition. Odillon Barrot gave way to the arguments of the Republicans, and the meeting was finally to take place, Ledru Rollin and Louis Blanc warning the people through the Reforme against any rash ex citement. Guizot and Duchatel had taken the requisite measures against insurrection. Paris contained twenty-five thou sand soldiers, and the adjacent garrisons could double the number. Paris would have been occupied at an early hour of the 22nd, but the withdrawing of the dynastic deputies late on the night of the 21st induced the king to believe in the continuance of tranquillity.

The troops were countermanded, and the day passed over quietly. The secret society #of the Saisons had received orders to hold themselves in reserve, but the demonstration was restricted to stones thrown at the police and an attack on a gunsmith's shop. In the opinion of the professional conspirators, the 22nd of February was a barren day. " It is not at all clear," said M. Caussidiere, at nightfall ; " there is certainly a mob, but that is all : they will not even get to firing." A meeting was held at nine in the evening under the colonnade of the Palais Royal, and it was seen that there was nothing republican in the movement. The Government prepared for the next day, and committed its gravest fault by calling out the Garde Nationale The bourgeois of Paris, who are always Fronde urs, determined to profit by this summons to exert au irre sistible pressure on the kiDg.

They drew up a petition condemnatory of the Ministry, and stated that they were going to prevent the effusion of blood. The conspirators took advantage of this, and M. Flocon hastily went to the office of the Reforme to order every republican to put on the national uniform and go about at the head of the detachments, shouting Vive la Reforme ! The Republic might be attainable in that way. During the 23rd the secret societies made their appearance, and gave an aggressive character to the outbreak. The Quartiers St. Martin and du Temple were soon covered with barricades, and the mob searched the houses for the firelocks of the National Guard. During this time a strange scene was going on at the Tuileries. The queen strongly urged the retirement of M. Guizot as the only way of satisfying the people, saying, " If M. Guizot has the least sentiment of devotion for the king and for France, he will not remain a moment longer in power.

He is destroying the king." The Due de Mont pensier suggested that laws for parliamentary and electoral reform should be laid before the Chambers at once, but thisM. Duchatel firmly declined. " The king without concealing the perils of the situation, urged the repugnance he felt at the idea of separating from his Minister. He added, ' I would sooner abdicate.' ' You must not say that/ the queen replied: 'you belong to France, not to yourself 'It is true,' the king replied. ' I am more unhappy than my Ministers ! I cannot hand in my resignation.' Then, turning to M. Guizot, ' Do you believe, my dear President, that the Cabinet is in a position to hold its ground against the difficulties, aud triumph over them V ' Sire,' Guizot replied, ' when the king asks such a question, he resolves it. The Cabinet might conquer in the streets, but it cannot at the same time conquer the royal family and the crown.

Any doubt about its strength at the Tuileries destroys its exercise of power. The Cabinet can only resign.' .... The separation then took place and was very touching. The king embraced his ministers, and shed tears, ' You will always be the king's friend ?' said the queen ; ' you will support him ?' Luois Philippe shook hands with MM. Duchatel and Guizot once more at the door. ' How happy you are! You leave me with honour ; I remain with disgrace.' " The short-sighted bourgeoisie delighted in the news of the ministerial resignation, not seeing in it the over throw of Constitutionalism. The Garde Nationale returned home and illuminated their houses, leaving the capital a prey to the galley-slaves, thieves, &c, wbo, as they had not turned out on account of M. Guizot, did not think proper to retire for his successor, Mold.

The streets were crowded with the scum of the nation, the same men to whom Barbes promised a milliard on the 15th of May and Cavaignac dug a sepulchre for on the 24th of May. The retirement of the Garde Nationale threw the National and Reforme party into great embarrass ment. They did not dare to attack the Government openly, and hence sought some covert way to irritate and raise the people of Paris. The revolutionary traditions offered them a precedent. On the 17th of July, 1791, Bailly and Lafayette were ordered by the Constituent Assembly to disperse the factious assembled round the altar of the country. The insurgents rushed upon the troops, one of them firing a pistol-shot, to which the troops responded by a general fire. In 1848 the Jacobins devised precisely the same plan. " About ten in the evening a band of some three hundred persons went down the Boulevards.

Marrast addressed them from the balcony of the National. They then proceeded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a hearse following in their rear. The small garrison got under arms at the approach ol the mob, and covered the hotel. The mob advanced, brandishing muskets and sabres, as if resolved to force a passage. Then the leader of the mob, ' a man in a grey paletot, with thin face and long hair,' in whom everybody afterwards thought M. Charles Lagrange could be recognised, put out his arm and fired a pistol. Upon this sudden attack the troops fired in return, and the road was covered with dead and wounded. The miserable victims of this terrible machination had scarce fallen, ere their bodies were piled up artistically on the hearse, and the man in the grey paletot, placing himself at the head, ordered the procession to set out for the National office.

The Government gave the command of the armed power to Marshal Bugeaud, owing to the express wishes of the king; but the indecision prevailing in the Tuileries was fatal. By eleven the next morning Mole had resigned again, and the formation of a Government was entrusted to M. Thiers, conjointly with Odillon Barrot. The new Ministry withdrew the command from Bugeaud, ordered the immediate retirement of the troops, and entrusted to the National Guard the resto ration of order. The marshal at first refused to obey, but at length received direct instructions from the king, through the Due de Nemours. Barrot proceeded to put down the Revolution by holding addresses to the people, and, confident in his popularity, telegraphed to the pro vinces that all was order, at the very moment that Louis Philippe was signing his abdication !

The latter step was brought about by M. de Girardin, supported by a portion of the royal family. The king was so re peatedly told that his abdication could alone stop the insurrection, that, sincerely convinced the middle classes had changed their opinion about him, he laid down, in behalf of his grandson, an authority reclaimed by the persons who had entrusted it to him. Such was the sentiment which dictated the abdication of the king. Two persons of all those present were convinced that the secret societies would not be checked by pieces of paper stuck up on the walls. M. Piscatory cried, " Do not abdicate, sire. Your abdication will be the Republic in an hour." Marshal Bugeaud also implored the king to stop, for such an act would disarm the troops; the in surrection was approaching, and all that was left was to fight.

The queen, who had seen her error of the previous days, supported these remarks, but, unfortunately, the evil genius returned with the Due de Mont pensier, Girardin, and Cre'mieux. The king was roughly forced to sign his abdication, and all that was left of the lately so powerful monarchy was a lady walking through the mud, leading two children, on her road to the Palais Bourbon. The Assembly was at first disposed in favour of the regency, but the sections, led by Caus sidiere, invaded the hall, and the knell of royalty had tolled. A provisional government was hurriedly formed, with De Lamartine at its head, who proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, under the auspices of M. Bocage, a distinguished actor of the Porte St. Martin. As soon as he had gone, Ledru Rollin proceeded to select a government of his own, which also migrated to the Hotel de Ville. but both found, to their surprise, their places occupied by two other provisional governments, which had also nominated themselves.

However, they thought it advisable to come to an agreement, and M. de Lamar tine proceeded to draw up his manifesto. For a time he strenuously resisted any mention of the Republic, but a hint that the sections were marching on the Hotel de Ville decided the question. The Republic was pro claimed, and the magnificent provisional government commenced its duties. The first step after tranquillity was in a measure restored was the establishment of the national workshops, which were urgently required to support the thousands whom the Revolution had sum moned into the streets, and who, had they not been kept at Government expense, would have indulged in the most fearful brigandage. They amounted to about five thousand, but the Government, not daring to avow that it owed its existence to these men, pursued the svstem till it attained gigantic proportions.

By the 15th of June, the workmen amounted to 117,300. The internal dis sensions in the Government added to the difficulty entailed by the maintenance of the workmen. The chief trouble was occasioned by Ledru Rollin, who represented the old Jacobin party. " He would have overthrown society," says our author, " to reproduce some great scene designed by David. He sent work men who wanted a dinner to the Opera ; he reanimated agricultural labour by Parisian fetes, in which the horns of the oxen were gilded before kdling them, and double wages were given to young girls to walk about all day." M. Flocon was another revolutionary dramaturge. M. Louis Blanc, although having the least claim on Govern ment, as he had not fought or worked in the Revolution, was a perennial nuisance with his theories about the rights of labour.

Albert was, in fact, the only man of action in the extreme party, and observed a modest and reserved attitude which was not without dignity. Op posed to Ledru Rollin and Flocon, who wished to revert to the old Revolution, and Louis Blanc and Albert, who wanted to commence an entirely new one, were grouped Arago, Cremieux, Garnier-Pages, &lc, who desired merely to hold on by the present Revolution, pacify and consolidate it, that it might eventually become a durable and convenient power. " Between these parties moved M. de Lamartine, smiling on all, joining none. If we examine the testi mony of his colleagues, we find that he claimed a character of personal preponderance, reducing itself to being applauded. He was always held in readiness in a room, with his scarf on, like a high priest in sacerdotal robes.

"When a mob invaded the Hotel de Ville, the performer on the lyre was sent for and placed on a table ; and there, before the Parisian crowd, which is eminently artistic, M. de Lamartine held his mellifluous addresses, which bore some resemblance to his auditory in having no beginning or end. At starting, this music, which was harmonious, though vague and somewhat monotonous, pleased by its novelty, and at times lulled to sleep the popular delirium. The abuse of it diminished its empire ; the mob first ceased to applaud, and ended by ceasing to listen." It seems, from the general evidence, that Lamartine was all things to all men ; with Marrast he blamed the revolutionary intemperance of Ledru Rollin ; with Ledru Rollin he deplored the gentleness of Marrast. He flattered the National Guard and caressed Blanqui ; he humoured Sobrier and soothed Caussidiere.

To excuse his relations with Blauqui, M. de Lamartine was in the habit of saying " I conspire with Blanqui as the con ductor conspires with the lightning." The excuse may be true ; still, it must have been a strange Government in which conspiracies were required. The Government soon broke up into factions, at the head of which were Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc, and Blanqui. The last named was the leader of the socialistic part}7, and in spired terror in the two others, and it may be assumed that the fear of his success alone saved France from the horrors of a Ledru Rollin dictatorship on the 17th of March and the 1 6th of April. The final measures taken by Ledru Rollin for precipitating the crisis, showed him that he had but a choice of evils before him — the influence of Louis Blanc was menacing, the victory of Blanqui probable.

The first would lead to communism, the second to the scaffold. Ledru Rollin hesitated, and at last went to Lamartine and confessed all. The Government had so greatly neglected to consolidate its power that the issue seemed highly doubtful. " Beat to arms," said Lamartine, " and if by chance the Garde Nationale still exists, we are saved." Lamartine had made his will and placed his wife in safety, and he awaited the result. The mob appeared in immense bodies, and all seemed to forebode a sanguinary termi nation, when the 10th legion came up, and the Garde Mobile cleared the streets. The party of order had gained its first victory. The elections were scarcely over, and Lamartiue's popularity faded, ere the Government again suffered an attack on the 15th of May. A petition was presented on behalf of the Poles, and the Chambers were suddenly invaded by an armed mob : Barbes and Louis Blanc, forgetting that they had the honour of being deputies, ranging themselves on the side of the invaders, while the former demanded a tax of a milliard on the rich, and the out lawry of his colleagues.* The most fearful confusion ensued : M. Buchez, president of the Assembly, was intimidated into withdrawing the appeal to arms sent out to the National Guard, and a M. Huber declared the National Assembly dissolved.

The mob bore Louis Blanc, Sobrier, and Barbes triumphantly on their shoulders, and planted the red cap on the end of a pike upon the tribune. At four o'clock the Garde Mobile cleared the Assembly, and the Government was saved once more. Barbes, Blanqui, Albert, Raspail, and Sobrier disappeared from the scene, but>the Government was not strengthened by the victory. A tacit truce was formed, however, and the Socialists and the clubs had determined to defer any attempt till the 14th of July, the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille — when the dissolution of the national workshops played into their hands. The Government was quite unable to support one hundred thousand men any longer, and on the 18th of June determined on sending them to work in the Valley of the Loire. But the partisans of the Socialists prevented their departure, and thus paved the way for the terrible 24th of June, when the workmen were at once the instruments and the victims.

The Government, in the face of the perils which threatened to overwhelm it, had no resource but ap- * On hearing this proposition, a clubbist exclaimed at the foot of the tribune : " No, no, Barbes, 'tis not that ; thou art mistaken : two hours of pillage.'" — Moniteur, 16th May, 1848. pointing Cavaignac dictator. The forces collected on either side may be estimated at twenty-five thousand insurgents, of whom about twelve thousand were ticket of-leave men and criminals ; while Cavaignac had forty thousand troops, including the Garde Mobile, and without counting the National Guard, which behaved very gallantly. Still the insurrection lasted four days : the army lost three generals who had gained a reputation in Africa, while the insurgents suffered a loss of three thousand killed and fifteen thousand prisoners.

On the 28th of June the dictatorship of General Cavaignac was regularly established, and France began to breathe once more after the turmoil she had endured since February, But the Assembly was far from being tranquil : the Constitution of the country bad to be drawn up, and the plan for the presidential election settled, and to this must be added a systematic attack on the head of the executive and his ministry. Cavaignac having done his work honourably, and saved the lives of the deputies, they could not, naturally, display their gratitude more forcibly than by opposing every act of his Government- Still it was believed that he had a very good chance of attaining the presidency, for the bourgeoisie was greatly attached to him, as the man who had preserved order — when a new candidate was suddenly announced in the person of Prince Louis Napoleon.

Nothing could withstand the prestige of his family name, and the 10th of December saw him elected President of the Republic by a majority of four million votes over Cavaignac, while, to show the vanity of human wishes, we may mention that Lamartine, who had been the object of popular adoration in March, received just eighteen thousand votes. But even at his installation some far-sighted men were enabled to see there was more in the Presi dent than met the eye. On the same evening some men of rank were jesting about the prince, one saying, " Well, will he give us the Empire ?" " Do not laugh, gentlemen," M. Marrast replied ; " I had an hour's con versation with him to-day. We are all lost. He knows all the power of his name. He knows what he can do ; and all that he can, he will do." But there were great difficulties in Napoleon's path at the outset ; the Constituent Asssembly had ardently desired Cavaignac's election, and saw in his defeat a victory over themselves.

The President was in the dilemma that he was compelled to check an Assembly which he could not dissolve, by means of a majority which he could not master. Still the Assembly received a violent blow by a motion being carried that it should be dissolved and the general election take place in June next. This was followed by a Bill, introduced by Leon Faucher, to put down the clubs. This caused great excitement, and M. Proudhon, as champion of the Republicans, proposed a coup d'etat against the President. A slight disturbance connected with the reorganization of the Garde Mobile offering occasion for insurrection, the movement was settled for the 29th of January. But in Louis Bonaparte the clubbists found a very different opponent, and he astonished them by arresting two hundred of the principals during the night, and VOL. I. displaying such an imposing armed force, that all opposition was futile.

The effect of these decisive measures was so great, that General Changarnier repeatedly said at that period, " It would be as easy to re-establish the Empire as to do up a paper of bonbons." The elections were to prove the touchstone of the Assembly, and in reference to them our author writes a curious passage, evidently intended to appeal to present circumstances, "The provisional government has been sharply re proached for influencing the general elections of 1848. It is incontestable that a government should not sub stitute itself for the general will of the country, but enlighten it on its choice and acts. When M. Jules Favre, secretary-general of the Ministry of the Interior, asked the commissioners to send him all the lists of candidates, that M. Ledru Rollin might draw them up himself, he doubtlessly exaggerated his right and his duty, and exposed himself to favour factitious candidates who had no root among the people whose wants and wishes they were to personify.

When M. Ledru Rollin gave the State moneys to unknown clubbists, and covered the country with canditates without capacity or respon sibility, he insulted the majesty of his people; but when he stated in his circular of April 7, 1848, 'If I am asked wdiether the Government ought to act upon the elections or confine itself to watching the regularity of the operations, I have no hesitation in replying that the Government cannot, without the penalty of abdication or treason, restrict itself to the mere receipt of the election returns. It must work, by means of its agents, to enlighten the country.' M. Ledru Rollin was right : governing means directing." While preparations were being made for the coming elections, and the people, much to M. de Cassagnac's regret, was not receiving the necessary direction in the way of voting, the events taking place in Italy created an intense excitement in France.