The History of the War for the preservation of the Federal Union ... interwoven with which are sketches of the lives and characters of prominent leaders on both sides, etc

Front matter

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. THE HISTORY OF THE WAR FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE FEDERAL UNION. comprising A FULL AND IMPARTIAL ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES THAT LED TO IT THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE REBELLION; THE SEPARATE ACTION OF EACH SOUTHERN STATE IN SECEDING; THE FORMATION OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES GOVERN- MENT, AND THE EFFORTS MADE BY THAT GOV- MENT TO GAIN ITS INDEPENDENCE. ALSO, THE MILITARY AND NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN TOE UNION AND CONFEDERATE ARMIES AND NAVIES. INTERWOVEN WITH WHICH ARE Sketches of the Lives and Characters of Prominent Leaders on both sides. IN ALL MAKING A Complete History of the Great Rebellion from its Earliest Beginning to its Close. Preceded by a Chapter giving the History of the South Carolina Nullification Scheme in 1832, in which will be seen the Formal Attempt of the South to dissolve the Federal Union.

BY LORENZO H. WHITNEY. A- ILLUSTRATED AND EMBELLISHED WITH |attU cStms nl f oriraits cf gistinpisjrrfc ftsto. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. BY LIPPINCOTT 4 CO. 1863. Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1S63, by BY LORENZO H. WHITNEY. in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of niinois. PEEFACE. When the Author first conceived the idea of writing the history of this war, he was an officer in the Union Army of the Potomac, and at that time had no expectation of commencing the work until after the contest was decided and the country had settled back to a state of peace. But circumstances beyond his control im pelled him to the task much sooner than he expected. In undertaking it thus early, he does not disguise from himself the knowledge of the many difficulties and em barrassments that surround a writer engaged in discuss ing the questions lying at the bottom of the present contest.

The passions are still deeply stirred ; the strug gle yet goes on ; its issue yet trembles in the balance ; and its termination is yet to decide whether it is a gigantic Rebellion or a Revolution. Its name, and almost its character, as a National controversy is yet to be determined. But whether a Rebellion or Revolution, it is most deeply and terribly important, not only to all Americans, but to numberless millions in the old world. Its very importance aug ments the difficulties of the writer, as from the nature and magnitude of the questions involved, his sympathies

Preface

. IV become enlisted upon one side or the other, and his judgment is liable to be warped in support of his favorite theory. As a citizen loyal to the Government that has blessed and protected him, the Author acknowledges that all his sympathies are warmly drawn out in its behalf, — that he most earnestly wishes the Federal Government a glorious triumph over all its enemies. But while this is true, he has endeavored to suppress within his own bosom every feeling of animosity toward those who are acting in opposition to what he believes to be the peace and well-being of society and the best interests of man kind. If, however, in the prosecution of this work, he uses the terms traitors, rebels, and conspirators, it is not because of smothered wrath, but because those to whom they are applied are such in every sense of the word, and no other terms will justly apply.

To the reader the Author would say, that very little of the " Philosophy of History " will be found in the following pages. He has not attempted to act the part of the philosopher, and undoubtedly could not if he would ; and whenever he has caught himself speculating, he has immediately bridled his errant contemplations and come back to the regions of reality and stern facts. The points touched upon he has endeavored to make perspicuous, often perhaps at the expense of elegance of expression and beauty of comparison. For the work but one merit is claimed — that is, it is truthful. Many, and the best authorities have been sought out and consulted, and in all cases it has been

PREFACE.

. V my endeavor to ascertain facts, then state them without varnish or exaggeration. Upon important subjects, and at critical or interesting junctures, copious quotations from the writings and speeches of the chief actors on both sides have unhesitatingly been made. This plan, though somewhat unsuited to the general reader, is always approved by the thorough student of history. As the war burst suddenly upon the country, and many characters previously occupying inferior stations were all at once lifted into conspicuous places, generally after noticing them in the text a note has been added at the bottom, briefly sketching their career, and thus without making an interruption in the narrative, the reader is given an idea of their fitness or unfitness for their positions. This plan has been adopted toward the most eminent characters as well, as it relieved the writer from the liability to digress.

The Author feels justified in adding, that he began the present work with but a vague idea of the magnitude of the undertaking, and no doubt with but poor qualifications as to age, experience, and power as a writer, to do justice to so great a subject; but having once em barked in the enterprise, he has allowed no discourage ments (and he has had many) to thwart him from his purpose. LORENZO H. WHITNEY. Dixon, Illinois, March, 1863. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Introduction

pAGE 13

Chapter II

A Summary View of the Inception of the Rebellion — The Causes that led to it — The Enslavement of the African Race the Great Cause — The Sentiments of the North and South respecting Slavery — The Agitation concerning it — Position of Parties — The Presidential Election in 1856 — The Issue — Disunion Sentiments avowed at the South — Buchanan elected — The Irrepressible Conflict Doctrine announced — Treasonable Speech of Jefferson Davis in 1858 — A Dissolution of the Union advised — Misrepresentations of the Republican Party — Resolution in the South Carolina Legislature in 1859, proposing to form a Southern Confederacy — Memminger sent to Richmond to learn the Views of Virginia — Opening of the Year 1860 — Presidential Nominations — The Issue — The Canvass — Lincoln's Election — The Meagre Vote given him at the South — Was constitutionally elected 48

Chapter III

News of the Presidential Election at the South — South Carolina at once prepares for Disunion — Governor Gist's Message — The Southern Argument — Offer of Troops from Georgia — Legislature of South Carolina calls out ten thousand men — Governor Gist urges the South Carolina Legislature to persevere in its efforts for Disunion — No cause for South Carolina's secession — Governor Pickens declares for Disunion — South Carolina secedes — The Ordinance of Secession — The Declaration of Causes which induced South Carolina to secede — Secession is Revolution — But ■ no such Cause existed for the Secession of South Carolina, as for Hungary CONTENTS. 66 to secede or rebel against Austria — South Carolina asks the Slave States to join her in forming a Slaveholding Confederacy — An Address to the People of the South

Chapter IV

Georgia moves for Secession — The Legislature appropriates one million dollars to arm the State — Governor Brown's Message in favor of Secession — Alexander H. Stephens opposes Secession at first, but finally gives his adhesion to it — The Convention passes the Ordinance of Secession — 208 in favor to 89 against it — Florida secedes — Alabama meets in Convention by her Delegates — Delegates from the northern portion of the State oppose Secession — On the fourth day they yield their Objections, and a Secession Ordinance is passed — Louisiana secedes — Movement for a Southern Confederacy of the six seceding States 87

Chapter V

The Meeting of Congress — President Buchanan's Message — His Apology for the threatened Treason of the South — Declares the Existence of Civil War to be a perpetual Severance of the Union — Says Congress has no power to coerce a seceding State — Proposes Amendments to the Constitution guaranteeing Protection to Slavery — Propositions not regarded by a Majority of Congress — Senator Crittenden's proposed Amendments to the Constitution — Senator Hale's Views of Compromise — Senator Douglas thinks Civil War means Disunion — ■ He favors Compromise — Senator Crittenden moves to refer his Proposition to the People — His Speech on the same — The Forts in Charleston Harbor — Fort Moultrie garrisoned by Major Anderson — Threatening Aspect at Charleston — Floyd's Treason — Fort Moultrie abandoned — Sumter occupied , 103

Chapter VI

Major Anderson's Occupation of Fort Sumter causes Great Excitement at Charleston — Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney occupied by Carolina Troops — Appearance of the Fort — Commissioners sent to Washington to negotiate for the Federal Property in South Carolina — Their Letter to the President — His Reply — Humiliation of the Government — Commissioners' Second Letter — Buchanan declines to receive it Floyd's Resignation — His Reasons — Mississippi sends a Commissioner to Maryland Addresses the Citizens of Baltimore — Maryland's Position Governor Hicks urged to convene the Legislature — Union men memorialize him against it — His Address to the People — The Secession Feeling in Kentucky — Governor Magoffin — Tennessee — Governor Harris's Treason A Convention called — New York Resolutions condemned — Misconstrued intentionally by the Conspirators , J30- CONTENTS. IX 161 199

Chapter VII

The Government sends Reinforcements to the Garrison at Charleston — The Star of the West — Is fired into by Rebel Batteries from Morris Island — Returns to New York — Major Anderson and Governor Pickens — Buchanan's Message — Conspiracy of Senators — Senator Toombs's Address to his Constituents — Washington threatened — Jefferson Davis's Farewell Oration in Congress — The difference between Nullification and Secession ■ — The Surrender of Fort Sumter demanded by Governor Pickens — Anderson's Reply — An Envoy sent to Washington — His Mission unsuccessful — Texas preparing for Disunion — Knights of the Golden Circle — Union Meeting in Austin — Governor Houston — General Twiggs — His Treason — Wigfall's Treason — The State secedes — Virginia becoming disaffected — Governor Letcher convenes the Legislature — Union feeling at Richmond — The Legislature asks for Commissioners from each State, to assemble at Washington, to settle the Controversy — Resolutions recommended by the President — Union feeling in Western Virginia — Action of North Carolina — Seizure of Forts Johnson and Caswell — Governor Ellis restores them to the Federal Government — General State of the Country

Chapter VIII

Meeting of the Peace Conference — Meeting of the Montgomery Congress — Howell Cobb elected President — His Address — The Constitution of the United States adopted, with a few Amendments — A stringent Fugitive Slave Law passed, but the Foreign Slave-trade abolished — A Reconstruction of the Union suggested by Southern Journals, but not mentioned by the Montgomery Congress — Jefferson Davis elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy — Grand Pageant at Davis's Inauguration — His Inaugural Address — Confederate States Flag — Lincoln sets out for Washington — His Triumphal Journey — Precautions against Danger — Counting of the Electoral Vote — Its Result made known to Lincoln — Plot to Assassinate the President — Its Discovery — His Night Journey from Harrisburg to Washington — The Assassins disappointed — His Family pursued by a Mob in Baltimore — Peace Conference submits its Propositions and adjourns — Congress refuses to submit the Propositions of the Peace Conference to the People...

Chapter IX

President Buchanan goes out of Office — His strange and inexplicable Conduct He talked Patriotism, but acted like a Traitor — Lincoln's Inauguration — Precautions taken by General Scott to prevent an Outbreak — CONTENTS. X Lincoln's Inaugural Address — Its Misrepresentation at the South — The Rebels declare that it means War — Condition of the Country when Lin coln was Inaugurated — Treason of General Twiggs — He surrenders his Command — Col. Van Dorn and the United States Troops — Army organized by the Confederate States — Vice-President Stephens's Exposition of the Principles upon which the Southern Confederacy was founded — Slavery the Basis — The Confederacy a de facto Government — Provisions for collecting Revenue on Merchandise imported from the Loyal States — The Confederate Cabinet — The Navigation of the Mississippi River — Commissioners sent to Europe to ask that the Confederate States be rec ognized as an Independent Nation_ — Commissioners sent to Washing ton for the same Purpose — Their Mission at Washington a Failure — Who responsible for the War — Efforts to get Virginia to join the Confederate States. — Speeches of the Confederate Commissioners to the Virginia Convention — Washington — Fort Sumter — Fort Pickens 239

Chapter X

Forts Sumter and Pickens to be reinforced — The Evacuation of Fort Sumter demanded — Major Anderson refuses — The Bombardment began — Fort Sumter set on fire — The Confederates demand its Surrender — The White Flag raised — Terms of Capitulation — Enthusiasm in Charleston — Governor Pickens's Speech — General Beauregard congratulates his Troops on their Success — The effect of the Siege of Fort Sumter at the North — The President's Proclamation calling out Troops to suppress the Rebellion — Its Effect on the Nation — Jreason in the North — Opinions of the Press — Uprising of the People — At the South the Proclamatiou looked upon as a Declaration of War — Kentucky's Response — Tennessee's Response — North Carolina — Virginia — Commissioners to President Lincoln — Action of the Virginia Convention— Virginia secedes — Jeff.

Davis's Proclamation offering Letters of Marque and Reprisal — Lincoln's Proclamation blockading Southern Ports — Privateering declared to be Piracy and punishable as such — English Manufactures affected by the Blockade — England's Position when similarly affected by a Spanish Blockade 287

Chapter XI

Reinforcement of Fort Pickens — How it was accomplished The Boldness of the Enterprise — General Bragg's Plan to capture it How he was defeated — Arrival of further Reinforcements — Fort Pickens safe Washington threatened — Lincoln's Call answered — Massachusetts leads the Van — The Sixth Regiment on. its way to the Capital — Attacked by a Mob in Baltimore — The Killed and Wounded — Massachusetts sends CONTENTS. XI 331 411 for her Dead — The Mayor of Baltimore — Governor Andrew of Massa chusetts — ■ Importance of the Event to the South — Governor Hicks's Tele gram to Lincoln — Commissioners sent — Their Manifesto — The Presi dent's Reply — Further Correspondence — Harper's Ferry — Its Arsenal — Attempt by Governor Letcher to seize it — • It is burned by the Federal Commander, to prevent its falling into the Hands of the Rebels — Retreat of the Garrison — Harper's Ferry occupied by Virginia Troops — Norfolk — Its Situation — Gosport Navy-yard — The Navy there — Norfolk Block aded by order of Governor Letcher ■ — Inefficiency of the Blockade — The Burning of the Navy-yard — The Burning of the Fleet — Extent of the Fire — Federal Loss and Rebel Captures — Action of Commodore McAuly.

CIIAPTERXII. The Capture of the Star of the West and the United States Troops in Texas — Colonel Waite and the Rebel Officers — Colonels Van Dorn and Reeve — The Surrender of Colonel Reeve — Governor Houston — His Apostasy and Advice — Washington again — The New York Seventh — Its March to Annapolis — Governor Hicks — General Butler — His Promptness and Energy — Takes Possession of the Annapolis Railroad — Maryland's Neutrality — The Seventh New York arrives in Washington — The Route guarded — General Butler — The Mayor of Baltimore — His Interview with the President — "Through Baltimore," the Cry — Butler at the Relay House — Virginia — A. H. Stephens urges Virginia to join the Confederacy — His Advice followed — Confederate Congress — Davis's Message — Professes to want Peace — The Question of War : shall it be Offensive or Defensive? — Stephens expects Washington — Rebel Congress recognizes a State of War — It offers a Bounty for the Murder of Federal Sailors — The Confederate Loan — How secured — Its Success 376

Chapter XIII

Governor Letcher's Proclamations— The Blockade— Another Call for Troops — Arkansas secedes — North Carolina follows — Her Capture of Federal Property — Tennessee enters into a Military League with the Confederate States — Prepares to secede — Proposition submitted to the People — Ballot-boxes filled with spurious Votes, and a reported Secession Majority — East Tennessee against Secession — Parson Brownlow — His Patriotism John Bell — His Treason — Persecution of the Unionists — Their Patriotism — West Tennessee — Troops assembled there— Western Virginia — Convention at Wheeling — Its Address to the People — Governor Letcher's Address — Sends Troops to Western Virginia — State Offices declared vacant by the Wheeling Convention — Provisional Officers appointed — Frank Pierpont elected Provisional Governor — His Address — The organization of Union aud Confederate Military Companies CONTENTS. XII

Chapter XIV

Rapid Increase of the Federal Army— Washington safe— Baltimore occupied by General Butler — Quiet restored in the City — Depression of Secession in Maryland — Union Sentiment revived — Reverdy Johnson's Appeal to the Marylanders — The Maryland Legislature — Its semi-treason — Scott at Washington, preparing to assume the offensive — Governor Jackson of Missouri — Declares the Interests of Missouri with the Slaveholding States — His attempted Capture of the Arsenal at St. Louis — Governor Yates of Illinois sends a Requisition for ten thousand Arms — The Requisition filled — Twenty-one thousand Muskets brought from St. Louis to Illinois — General Lyon's Capture of General Frost's Forces at Camp Jackson — The Riot in St. Louis — The Excitement at Jefferson City — Another Riot in St. Louis — General Harney's Proclamation — His Loyalty suspected — Declares for the Union — His League with Price — Is superseded by General Lyon — Lyon's energy — Jackson frightened — His Proclamation ■ — Lyon's Counter-Proclamation — Cairo — Its Situation — Occupied by Federal Troops — Bird's Point — Governor Magoffin and Kentucky Neutrality — The Border State Convention — Its Address to the People of the United States, etc 448

Chapter XV

A Day of Thanksgiving for the Confederacy — Advance into Virginia — Capture of Alexandria — Assassination of Colonel Ellsworth — -The National Sorrow — The Act, how regarded at North and South — The Invasion of Virginia — How regarded by Virginians — Fortress Monroe — Its Strength and Situation — -The Attack on Sewall's Point — The Result — Hampton — Acquia Creek — Western Virginia — McClellan appointed to command the Department of the Ohio — His Life and Military Genius — Advances his Forces into Western Virginia — His Proclamation to the People, and to his Soldiers — Advance upon Grafton — Rebels retreat — Reinforcements arrive, and a March upon Philippi planned — Two Columns move against the Enemy — March during a Storm — Philippi abandoned by the Rebels — Occupied by Federal Troops — Colonel Kelly wounded Affair at Little Bethel — Terrible Blunder — March on Big Bethel The Position — Order of Battle — Gallantry and Death of Lieutenant Greble Major Winthrop — His Heroic Death — Another Blunder — The Federals retreat — The Reasons of the Federal Failure

INTRODUCTION.

. The year 1775 sound Massachusetts, New Hamp shire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jer sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, struggling with the British Crown for their independence. They were then mere colonies ; and, though occupying a scope of territory stretching along the coast of the Atlantic from New Brunswick on the north to Florida on the south, held within their limits a population numbering scarce three million souls. They had been settled by English, Scotch, Irish, Dutch, Swedes, Danes, French, and Fins; and when the sword was first drawm by them to defend themselves against the encroachments of British oppression, each colony was independent of the other, — having its own local government, its laws, and its rulers.

But when the government of Great Britain began sending over armies to subjugate them, — when the fiery bolts of war began falling about them, — they met together in council and adopted " Articles of Confederation and Per petual Union" between each other, under the style of " The United States of America." By these Articles of Confederation each State retained its sovereignty, freedom, and independence ; and every power, jurisdiction, and right which was not expressly delegated to the

INTRODUCTION.

. XIV United States in Congress assembled. The States sever ally entered into a " firm league of friendship " with each other for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare ; and bound themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon, them on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretext whatever. To cement this league of friendship more firmly, it was provided that the free inhabitants of each State should be entitled to all the privileges and immu nities of the free citizens in the several States, and that the people of each State should have free ingress and egress to and from any other State, and enjoy the same privileges of trade and commerce. Full faith and credit was to be given in each State to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other ; while " for the more convenient manage ment of the general interests of the United States," delegates were to be annually appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each State might direct, to meet in Congress on the, first Monday in November in every year.

Each State could have but one vote, was re quired to have not less than two nor more than seven delegates, to be maintained at its own expense. Nor could any State send an embassy to, or receive an em bassy from, or enter into any conference or alliance with any king, prince,, or foreign power, or lay imposts or duties, without the consent of Congress. And to that body was given the sole and exclusive right of de termining on peace or war, except when a State was actually invaded by enemies. These and other stipula tions being assented to, it was finally provided that the Articles of Confederation should be inviolably observed by every State, and "that the Union should be per petual."

INTRODUCTION.

. XV This league, or confederation, inefficient as in many respects if was, carried the parties making it triumph antly through their struggle with the colossal power of Great Britain, and wrung a reluctant acknowledgment from that Government that th'ey were free, sovereign, and independent States. Peace followed. But independence and peace did not bring in their immediate train, all the advantages which an ardent and sanguine people had anticipated. The war with Great Britain had been long and doubtfully waged. Public and pri vate debts had in the •meantime accumulated to an enormous amount. These debts pressed heavily upon the people ; and, with all their enterprise and all their resources, they were unable to lift themselves above the flood that was bearing them down. As time swept by, the cause of this distress became more and more appar ent: it was traceable to the Articles of Confederation.

These gave Congress no power to make commercial treaties with foreign nations binding upon individual States. In fact, these articles conferred upon Congress no power to regulate commerce ; and,, unprotected by treaties, American merchants were preyed upon by those of other countries, their enterprise and industry fettered, and their occupation made burdensome and degrading. The consequence was, commerce languished; and, lacking its vivifying influence, the country sunk deeper and deeper in debt, and the distress — felt at first only in this department of industry — soon became wide-spread and universal. The energies of the country became dormant. A rebellion was threatened. In Mas sachusetts, two thousand men, goaded to desperation by the pressure of their condition, assembled and de manded that the collection of debts be suspended.* The * This was Shay's Rebellion, which took place in the year 1786.

INTRODUCTION.

. XVI insurgents were dispersed, — but the distress continued. Public credit depreciated ; and so worthless Were public securities considered that it became difficult to dispose of them at one-eighth of their nominal value. This was owing to the fact that the Articles of Confederation gave Congress no power to raise money, but merely to make requisitions upon the States, — which were often disregarded, — and Congress had no authority to enforce obedience. Foreign nations began to look suspiciously upon a power thus weak ; and John Adams, then a minister at one of the courts of Europe, seeing in what light the American Confederation was regarded, wrote to Con gress, urging the necessity of effecting a closer union of the States, and of clothing the General Government with greater and more efficient powers.

The Confed eration was rapidly sinking, not only in the estimation of foreign governments, but some of its own framers did not hesitate to term it " a Rope of Sand." Its imper fections daily became more visible. It had no supreme executive power ; its legislative authority was prescribed to narrow limits; and it was without a supreme judic iary to decide civil controversies. "While the war which engendered it lasted, its imperfections were less sensibly felt, and what it lacked in energy was supplied by the spirit and enthusiasm of the moment ; but " when dan ger's troubled night was o'er," when war's stern clarion gave way to soft notes of peace, patriotism was superseded by selfishness, and intrigue usurped the place of national virtue; then for the first the Confederation was found insufficient to accomplish the purposes of a national government.

A conviction of the inherent weakness of the central power — that the Confederation was, indeed, scarce more than " a rope of sand," — that a stronger and more pow-

INTRODUCTION.

. XVII erful government should take its place, gradually forced itself upon the minds of the people. But it is a notable fact that, however much the country needed a stronger government, no public man had yet come forward with a plan for one. Finally, James Madison, of Virginia, seeing the disordered and languishing condition of com merce, proposed a convention of commissioners from five of the Middle States to meet at Annapolis, Maryland, for the purpose of devising and recommending to the several States a uniform system of commercial rules. These commissioners met ; and, after deliberating a con siderable period upon the subject, arrived at the conclu sion that nothing short of a thorough reform of the exj.sting government could give to commerce that pro tection and encouragement that it needed.

These views were embodied in a report, and laid before Congress. That body passed a resolution, in consequence, recommending a convention of delegates from all the States to meet at Philadelphia, to revise the Articles of Confed eration. This recommendation was responded to by all the States except Rhode Island; amd, in May, 1787, the Convention met. They had met to merely revise the old Confederation ; but, after twenty-one days' de liberation, they passed a resolution declaring " that a National Government ought to be established, consisting of a supreme Legislature, Executive, and Judiciary." From that moment, the labor upon our present Con stitution commenced. Two plans were shortly proposed. One of these came from Edmund Randolph, of Virginia; the other from Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina.

Randolph's plan was to erect a national legislature of two branches, the more numerous to be chosen by the people ; the right of suffrage to rate according to the free population, or taxes paid ; a Chief, or National Executive, and a National Judiciary, both elected or

INTRODUCTION.

. XVIII chosen by the National Legislature. This scheme gave the National Legislature authority to negative all State laws inconsistent with the Articles of Union ; and cre ated the Executive and Judiciary a Council of Revision, with a qualified negative upon all laws, National as well as State. These were its vital points. Pinckney's plan was strikingly similar, but attained its object by simpler means. • Both plans met the opposition of New York, New Jersey, and Delaware. They were for merely revising the Confederation, but wished to make the acts of Con gress, and the treaties made by it, the supreme law of the land. The New York plan was to restrict the ac tion of the National Government to the States ; while the Virginia and South Carolina plans were, to vest in Congress full power to act, not only upon States, but directly upon individuals as members of a consolidated power.

The Virginia plan merged " State sovereignty" in a National Government : the New York plan left the States in possession of their sovereignty, and every right not expressly granted away. The puzzling question for the Convention was, which plan should they adopt? The issue was clearly stated. " The true question is," said Randolph, " wmether we shall adhere to the Fed eral plan, or introduce the National plan. But let me tell you, a National Government alone, properly consti tuted, will answer the purpose." And a National plan was in the end adopted. For four months the Conven tion, with closed doors, deliberated. At the end of that time, their labors were perfected; and the "Constitution of the United States," as we now have it, (with the exception of a few amendments since added), was given forth to the world. It found opposers, as well as advo cates, both equally zealous for its approval and for its