The revolutions of Spain, from 1808 to the end of 1836. With biographical sketches of the most distinguished personages, and a narrative of the war in the Peninsula down to the present time, etc

Front matter

REVOLUTIONS OF SPAIN, FROM 1808 TO THE END OF 1836 VOL. I LONDOI, : FlllKTED BY SAMUEL B£.\TLEV, Dorset Slreel, Fleet Sfeet. . ! | THE REVOLUTIONS OF SPAIN, > FROM 1808 TO THE END OF 1836. WITH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE MOST DISTINGUISHED PERSONAGES, AND A NARRATIVE OF THE WAR IN THE PENINSULA DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME, FROM THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES. By W. WALTON. Esq. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, $\Alutfytt in ©rtlinarp to Wi |ftajegt». 1837.

Preface

A wish to make myself thoroughly ac quainted with the origin and progress of the Spanish contest, induced me to visit the theatre of wrar; and a conviction that the most erroneous ideas prevail upon this interesting subject, now urges me to offer to the public the result of my inquiries. The views of those who seized upon power in Spain are not only misunderstood, but their habits and character are entirely unknown. A patient investigation will convince us, that while they professed to regenerate their country, and lay the foundation of peace and prosperity, they have called into action the most dangerous elements of political and religious strife, torn asunder every bond of society, and finally involved them selves in difficulties which they confess their in ability to remove except by the exertion of dic tatorial powers.

The question, therefore, no longer is, who shall have the throne ; but who can restore order, allay party feeling, and reunite the various sections of

PREFACE.

. VI which the Spanish monarchy was composed at the death of Ferdinand VII. There are only royalists and republicans in Spain ; in that country there is no middle party : and it becomes a matter of the most serious and pressing consideration for all who have the tranquillity of Europe at heart, to determine which ought to prevail. The liberals have failed in all their endeavours ; and after attempting to establish a system of terror and tragalism during a period of three years, — after trying a wicked experiment on the understandings, as well as the forbearance of the Spanish people, — after resorting to a war of extermination, to plans of spoliation, to conscriptions, to anticipations of the revenue, to forced loans, and to other expedients which would have disgraced the worst days of the French Revolution, we find them where they began.

Who then can restore order to such a chaos? — The prince alone who unites sufficient wisdom, temper, and influ ence to devise and establish a system of government that may be acceptable to the great majority of Spaniards. The people demand repose ; and that repose they cannot possess till they know under what institutions they are to live. They are tired of pernicious experiments and never-ending changes. They are disgusted with the follies and crimes committed in Madrid; and revolt at the mock ery of reassembling the Cortes of 1812 at a mo-

PREFACE.

. VII ment of terror and disorder, when no respectable person dares to appear either as a candidate or an elector. They scorn the talkative patriots who profess to consolidate a throne assailed on all sides, and to revise a constitution already twice tried and as often condemned, — a constitution pronounced illegal and ' unsuitable by every dis passionate person, whether native or foreigner, who has inquired into the manner in which it was originally framed, and how it operated during the short period of its existence. In this complicated state of things, I have deemed it best to present the whole question at one view, commencing by an outline of the national institutions, such as they are known to the great body of the Spanish people, in order that they may be contrasted with those which the theorists of the day wish to establish in their stead.

This plan naturally carries me back to a remote period ; but all that regards the ancient institutions — a subject with which we are only imperfectly acquainted — is comprised in the In troduction. The narrative commences with the year 1808 ; not only because the Spanish reformers who have entailed so many calamities on their country first came into notice at that period, but because the real character of the prince whose persecutions and vicissitudes I have undertaken to record, then began to show itself. I have not only traced his

PREFACE.

. VIII motives of action, and pointed out the pledges which he has given to revive the ancient institu tions, as the only means of allaying party feuds and enabling the people to enjoy repose ; but, by showing what he has accomplished in the northern provinces by his firmness and perseverance, I have given some idea of what may be expected from him, should he ascend the throne of Castile. Every well-wisher to the human race must be anxious for the termination of such a war as that of which I present the details ; a war that has produced unexampled wretchedness, but which has also been illustrated by splendid instances of heroism and devotion. Precautions, too, should be taken against the recurrence of such calamities as those which it has fallen to my lot to enume rate. This must be the interest of every one directly or indirectly connected with the affairs of Spain; and it may be accomplished if adequate means be employed.

The prejudices of a few hundred persons, of whom some are foreigners, are alone to be over come; and this can be done if the sentiments and interests of the Spanish people are properly con sulted. The matter concerns them, and they ought to be left to decide it for themselves. Interference has only aggravated their misfortunes. But, before it is possible to form a just conception of the state of Spain, it is not only necessary to take a view of the military opera-

PREFACE.

. IX tions of the contending parties, but also to con trast the two courts of the rival competitors for the throne. Alonzo V. of Aragon was the hero of his age, and sincerely devoted to the welfare of his kingdom. He was not, however, without calumnia tors, and some of them even frequented his palace ; but, instead of punishing them, he used to say, " Sovereigns cannot help making ingrates, but they shall never prevent me from being equi table and beneficent." He frequently walked out unattended ; and when his courtiers com plained of it, and observed, that his personal secu rity required the attendance of guards, — " Ty rants," he would reply, "require guards, but mine are my conscience and the love of my subjects." Such in practice has been the conduct of Charles V. since he reached the northern pro vinces ; and when the real history of his life is examined, there will be little hesitation in pro nouncing who is best calculated to restore tranquillity to Spain, and promote the general felicity of the inhabitants, — Carlos or Christina. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. Introduction. .... Page 1

Chapter I

Godoy's Rise. — His erroneous Policy. — Dissensions in the Royal Family. — The Invasion of 1808. — Prince Ferdinand charged with Treason. — A characteristic Trait of Don Car los. — Plots and Counterplots. — Scenes at the Escurial and Aranjuez. — The Guards and Manchegans. — Attempted Flight of Charles IV. — An Affray. — Sympathies. — Spanish Gravity during a tumult. — Godoy's life saved by an incident. — Com motion at Madrid. ..... 95

Chapter II

Abdication and Protest of Charles IV. — Ferdinand Vllth's Entry into Madrid. — First Measures. — Suspicions of the French. — Godoy released. — Royal Family entrapped. — Scenes at Bayonne. — Ebullitions of popular feeling. — Ferdinand VII. orders Cortes to be convened. — Elements of Resistance. — Delays. — Central Junta assumes power. — Illegality of this step. — Defective Organisation. — Origin of parties. — Madrid evacuated. — Devotion of the Inhabitants Errors of the Central Junta. — Jovellanos. . . . . CONTENTS. XII

Chapter III

Flight of the Central Junta.— Fall of Madrid.— Sacrifices of the Inhabitants. — Sir John Moore's perilous position.— Our early errors in Spain. — Central Junta at Seville. — Their plans. — Propose the convocation of Cortes. — The period in definite—Why.—Fall of Seville, and Flight of the Central Junta. — Re-appear at La Isla, and name a Regency. — The Duke of Orleans.— New Electoral Law. — Meeting of the Cortes of 1810. .... . Page 143

Chapter IV

The Cortes become a Constituent Assembly — Principles avowed. — Organic Changes — Unseasonable — -Weaken the Po pular Cause. — Rage for Legislation. — Divisions and Party Enmities. — Scenes in Cadiz. — The Central Junta and South America. — General Castaiios. — New Constitution proclaimed. — Composition of the Cortes. — Substitutes. — No Principle of Representation observed. . . . . 163

Chapter V

Principles and Effects of the Constitution. — Opposition.— Prospects of the War change. — French expelled Treaty of Valencay — Rejected. — Ferdinand VII. returns. — Violent Pro ceedings of the Cortes. — They declare War against the King. — He lingers in Valencia — A Reaction in Public Opinion. — Manifesto of May 4th. — The Constitution overthrown. — The King reaches Madrid. .... CONTENTS. XIII

Chapter VI

Reflections on the Overthrow of the Constitution. — The King's Position. — Tranquillity not restored. — -Conspiracies follow. — Attempts at a Reaction. — Consequences of Failures. — The King does not redeem his Pledge. — Military Mutiny of La Isla.— Apathy of the Government. — The Constitution forced upon the King. ..... Page 202

Chapter VII

Dangers of a Military Revolution. — Reprobated by the Allied Powers. — Measures of the New Cortes. — Disband the La Isla Army. — Banishments. — Discontent — Riego and his Comrades. — Attempted Reaction. — Suppression of Convents. — Demands of the Liberals rise. — -The King submits. — Mur der of Curate Tamajon. - — Curate Merino. — An Affray. — King's perilous Position. — Verona Negotiations. — Civil War. — The Trappist. — The Seo de Urgel Regency Mataflorida and Baron de Eroles. — Bessieres. . . . 224

Chapter VIII

The Guards mutiny, and attack the Capital — Repulsed, and capitulate. — Catalonia. — Mina's Cruelties. — Castell-fullit. — Romagosa. — The Allied Powers present angry notes. — Insulting Answers. — Mr. Canning and the Spanish Liberals. — France declares War. — Liberals resolve to remove the King to Seville. — Proclamations of the French and Regency. — Eguia. — Erro. — Scenes on the Bidassoa. — Disappointed Refugees. . . . . . . CONTENTS.

Chapter IX

Progress of the French. — Strength and Resources of the Constitutionalists. — Madrid surrenders. — The O'Donnels.— The Bishop of Vich, Milans, and Manso.— Defence of Catalo nia. — King deprived of his Liberty. — Removal to Cadiz. — Re action at Seville Scenes on the Shallows. — Morillo and Bal lesteros declare against the Constitution. — Zayas and Villa campa. — Riego's last Attempt. — Galicia. — Noyade at Corunna. — Prison Assassinations at Granada. — Symptoms of Despon dency in Cadiz. — The King released — The Princess de Beira and the Fleurs de Lis. — The King's first Measures. — Follies of the Constitutionalists. .... Page 286

Chapter X

Mr. Canning's Policy towards Spain. — Its Errors. — Mis leads the Liberals. — Ferdinand Vllth's difficulties on reaching Madrid Subdivision of Parties. — New Ministry. — Its early intentions moderate. — Casa Irujo, Ofalla, and Ugarte. — Why an Amnesty was not granted. — The Cortes Bonds. — Early Partialities in favour of Ferdinand VII. . . 330

Chapter XI

Difficulties after the Restoration. — Amnesty and its exceptions. — Purifications. — Refugees. — Eager to regain power. — Attacks upon the Spanish Coast. — Valdez at Tarifa. — Iglesias. — Bazan. — The Richart Conspiracy Renovales. — Commo tions in Catalonia. — Their object. — Zambrano. — Intrigues against Don Carlos. — The King's Jealousies. — Scenes near the Pyrenees — Alexander and Joseph O'Donnel. — Spanish Lines attacked. — Torrijos. — Failures. — Persevering Efforts of the Constitutionalists. — The Country prospers during their absence. ...... CONTENTS. XV

Chapter XII

A new Era — The King's fourth Marriage. — Its consequences. — His Character changes. — Grijalva, the Favourite. — The Law of Succession. — Expedient devised to change it. — The Pragmatic Sanction — Its real object. — Illegality of the measure. — The Partida Laws. — Ancient Practice regarding the Succession. — The Queen's Accouchement. — Disappoint ment. — The King's Illness and reported Death. — Alarm. — The Crown offered to Don Carlos — Rejected. — A Midnight Conference. — The Pragmatic Sanction annulled . Page REVOLUTIONS OF SPAIN FROM 1808 TO 1836.

Introduction

. In the celebrated conference of nations which followed the final overthrow of Napoleon, the maintenance of general tranquillity formed the basis of an European league, the leading object of which was to prevent the recurrence of war by resorting to a system of mediation ; recognising, on the one hand, the perfect independence of each State in its own internal concerns, and, on the other, guarding against everything likely to affect the common safety of all. With respect to Spain and her present diffi culties, this principle, however, the advantages of which have been fully recognised by other nations, has been overlooked, or wholly abandoned. A country which suffered more than any other from the inroads of the common enemy, — a people who contributed to humble, and finally to crush VOL. i. b

INTRODUCTION.

. his power, — seem to be debarred from the benefits of a compact to which they were equally a party. Yet, after the noble stand Spain made against the despoiler of thrones, — after having her fields de solated, and her cultivators carried into captivity, — after being for six years bathed in tears and crimsoned with the blood of her children, — she has surely some claim to the good wishes and good offices of those who applauded her efforts and were benefited by her sacrifices, — some title to repose — some right to have her wounds healed and her social condition bettered. Relieved from a yoke alike hateful to those upon whom it was forced and to those who resisted it, Spain had reason to hope that her maternal bosom would be open to all her sons, — that party distinctions would be laid aside, past errors forgotten, and all cordially co-operate in the improvement of institutions in which all were interested.

Unfortunately these hopes were not realized. No approximation of parties followed, — confidence was not restored, — old feuds were kept alive ; while that spirit of calumny, which showed itself before the dissolution of the central Junta, exercised its baneful influence long after the expulsion of the French. Nothing was done to promote oblivion of the past— to put an end to protracted misfortunes by the revival of old attachments, by conciliation and an appeal to the national pride,— finally, by sincere endeavours

INTRODUCTION.

. to reunite the social bonds, and convert a divided nation into one family. Really it would seem that for Spain there was no repose, — that she was condemned to the operation of a slow fever, continually preying upon her vitals, and driving her to the verge of dissolution. On her soil, the cessation of anarchy and the restoration of order meet with insurmountable difficulties. Judging from a distance, one would be inclined to think that there was something rotten in the State, — some disorganising element — some revolutionary mania, that marred all efforts and baffled all control. Yet, in reality, such is not the fact. Examine her more closely, and it will be found that none of these frightful symptoms exist. Excepting some of the large towns, the country is sound at heart — uncontaminated by the theories of the French school, and panting only for repose.

National prejudices and old predilections are as strong as ever. The same analogy in the wants, the same identity in the wishes, of the people prevail. The same good sense and correct feeling are seen as when Napoleon entrapped the royal family, and possessed himself of the principal fortresses. The same patriotism glows in the peasant's breast which then produced traits of heroism worthy of ancient Rome, and would ensure similar results were the national energies again called forth. b

INTRODUCTION.

. This is a modern portrait ; but, if we study their history, we shall find that the Spaniards were far advanced in civilization and jurispru dence at a time when we were only starting in the same course. In their opposition to the Moors, we behold them displaying a valour, mag nanimity, and firmness, never surpassed ; often vanquished, yet never desponding, and eventually setting their country free. We find them, too, not only sustaining the highest military reputation, but evincing sound judgment and ability in other more desirable respects ; while in those feats of chivalry — those wild enterprises of romantic valour which distinguished them in two hemispheres during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they showed how well they were fitted for high and arduous undertakings. These distinctive traits are not obliterated ; whence then can it arise that, of late, we see such frequent convulsions, such continued disunion, such apathy, such versatility, so many legislative follies, and so many changes in the scenes of the political drama ?

Statesmen of all ranks and creeds are at a loss how to reconcile these contradictions ; and hence the sincerest friends of order — those who are most interested in the preservation of peace, scarcely know how to afford relief, or even to give advice. Most persons are agreed that Spain is hurrying on to a fearful crisis, — that unless a remedy be

INTRODUCTION.

. speedily provided for the calamities with which she is assailed, the torrent of anarchy and con fusion will overwhelm the country ; and yet few are disposed to examine the real cause of these calamities, or to search out the secret spring from which they flow. The task is indeed arduous : for although the relations of foreigners with Spain, of late years, have been both many and intimate, neither the French nor ourselves seem capable of appreciating the peculiarities of the national character ; while such is the confusion of ideas — so perplexing has the question become, so dexterous the fallacies put forth to promote de ception, that it is difficult to determine how or where to commence the investigation. It is, however, consoling to see that Spanish affairs be gin to excite a more lively interest and to be bet ter understood upon the Continent : for, whatever may be the political principles or private wishes of the northern cabinets, they doubtless feel an anxious desire to see Spain restored to tranquillity ; no longer viewing the question as be tween two rival competitors for a throne, but as a struggle between monarchy and republicanism.

The contest in Spain presents a question para mount in importance to any that has arisen there since the French invasion, — a question which in volves the rights and franchises of a whole king dom, and in the result of which surrounding na tions are deeply interested. The point really at

INTRODUCTION.

. issue is, whether one million shall trample upon thirteen times that number of their fellow-countrymen, — whether a minority, a headstrong fac tion, shall, contrary to the wishes and interests of the great majority, abolish ancient institutions, abrogate established laws, and force their theore tical improvements upon a people who consider them as useless innovations and unjustifiable spo liations. Away with the mask of liberality, the cant of principle ! The dispute now left to the decision of the sword is, not who shall have the throne, but which party shall have political as cendency : not whether acknowledged abuses shall be removed, and judicious reforms intro duced; but whether a league, banded together for interested purposes and actuated by a desperate infatuation, shall compel the people of Spain to accept a new constitution, spurned by the majority as a foul abortion, and condemned as being unsuitable, illegal, and unjust.

This is the true origin of the struggle now going on. If traced to their source, the misfor tunes of Spain will be found to have commenced at the time when a few theorists in Cadiz attempted to introduce a new order of things, by sub stituting their own crude speculations for ancient laws and usages. To understand the real nature and extent of these changes, it will however be necessary to define and establish what those an cient laws and usages actually were; first, by

INTRODUCTION.

. proving that in former times the Spaniards possessed a constitution suited to their wants and wishes, and then showing the practical operation of that constitution as observed in the Cortes. The matrimonial union of the House of Castile with that of Aragon, and a subsequent alliance with Austria, produced the most extensive empire witnessed since the days of Charlemagne.* Spain was thus placed at the head of Europe, and became the leading power. Had the mass of strength which then passed into the hands of her ministers been well managed, the duration of her grandeur would have been more lasting ; but she was des tined to be the victim of errors, committed by those to whom her welfare was confided. Her rise and decline were equally extraordinary. The first was gradual, the latter accelerated by a con currence of those causes which most contribute to the downfall of kingdoms.

During the Austrian dynasty, misgovernment at home and improvi dence abroad plunged Spain into a series of difficulties, from which the fostering care of the * The various countries thus incorporated not having till then been under the same sway, the following new title was adopted: — "Don Fernando and Dona Isabel, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarves, Algeciras, and Gibraltar; Counts of Bar celona; Lords of Biscay and Molina; Dukes of Athens and Neopatria; Counts of Roussillon and Cerdania; Marquesses of Oristan and Gocian." — Garivay, lib. xviii, cap. 14.

INTRODUCTION.

. Bourbon sovereigns was scarcely able to retrieve her. Spanish annals abound with interesting remarks on the causes of this decline; but the present in quiry is rather directed to the national institutions and their practical operation, than to war or politics. It is perhaps the most difficult study of the two ; for on the precise nature of the legislative functions exercised by the Cortes doubts long existed, which the royal academy of Madrid, as well as Marina, Sempere, and other modern writers, have endeavoured to clear up, although not always agreeing in opinion. The disputes between the Afrancesados and Liberates, in which the most eminent pens on both sides were engaged, have how ever thrown great light upon the subject. From the days of Alonzo I. almost every sovereign had his particular chronicle, or history, usually writ ten by command of his successor, whilst events were still fresh in the memories of all.

In these narratives, the battles, deeds of valour, matrimonial alliances, embassies, pageants, and other stirring and important occurrences, are recorded; but, as Jo vellanos justly lamented,* the early histories of Spain do not pointedly mark the progress and changes made in the constitution, or describe, with anything like accuracy, the civil action of the government. * Discourse pronounced before the Royal Academy of Madrid in 1780.

INTRODUCTION.

. History informs us that the early Germans had councils, at which matters of general import were debated and settled,* and that they carried with them their own institutions to those countries which they occupied after the dissolution of the Roman empire. The Goths who conquered Spain were, beyond doubt, governed by kings, with the assistance of a council composed of nobles and commons. If the questions to be discussed were momentous, the attendance of both orders was required ; if not, that of the first sufficed : but crimes affecting the State were judged in general assembly. Their institutions were subsequently im proved by contact with the Romans, and modi fied by local circumstances. After attaining the western limit of their conquests, finding them selves possessed of a genial climate and rich soil, they laid aside the falchion and became agricul turists.

Blending with the natives, they still retained most of their own customs, among which some of Roman origin were intermixed. Their rulers enjoyed the confidence — often the love of the people, who, so long as the highest dignity was elective, controlled those entrusted with the supreme command. For the sake of economy, the government was simplified, so far as was thought consistent with the rights of the commu nity ; but, in the end, this security proved fatal : * De minoribus rebus principes consultant, de majoribus omnes. — Tac. de Mor. Germ. c. 11.

INTRODUCTION.

. the councils no longer met on fixed days, — they were convened only at the sovereign's will. This relaxation in ancient usages led to changes as well as abuses ; and it is an established fact, that in the last century and a half of Gothic dominion in Spain, the general council met no more than eighteen times. Eventually, the king was elected solely by the nobles and clergy, the popular voice being excluded. After the conversion of the Goths, the clergy attained so great an ascendency, that at the seventh Council of Toledo, seventy four bishops and abbots took their seats, when only sixteen nobles were present ; a proportion which afterwards varied. The nobles attended more by virtue of their courtly offices, than any right or privilege attached to their order. From the thirteenth to the sixteenth meeting of the Council of Toledo, the names of more nobles are noticed on the acts, summoned by royal mandate.

Independently of those held at Toledo, other coun cils sat at Coyanca, in 1050; Palencia, in 1159; and at Leon, in 1220. After the death of Don Rodrigo,* the natives * Don Rodrigo was the last of the Gothic kings, and the first to whom the Spaniards applied the title of Don. He commenced his reign in 711, and perished in the memorable battle near Xerez, fought against the Moors, when the power of the Goths was destroyed. The conqueror's son, Ab dalazir, afterwards became enamoured of his widow, Egilona, and married her, allowing her the use of her own religion. She thus reigned as queen a second time, holding her residence at Seville. It is singular that the first history of this king was

INTRODUCTION.

. who refused submission to the Mahometan in vaders, sheltered themselves in the Asturian and Pyrenean mountains, where they kept on the defensive, having no other rulers than their military leaders — no restraints on their actions except those which their wants required. As they gained strength and territory, they became better or ganised, when their institutions assumed the feu dal character. Alonzo I. re-established the go vernment at Oviedo, under the forms it previously bore at Toledo ; and the Fuero Juzgo continued to be the code by which the Christians, freed from the Moslem yoke, were governed. The privileges profusely granted to the ricos hombres, or rich and illustrious men, in return for their sacrifices of property or deeds of valour, created a new order of things. The sovereign's poverty prevented him from otherwise rewarding those who were daily in the enemy's presence ; but, in the course of time, these privileged classes became nearly as powerful as their master, and, in a corresponding degree, audacious.

They raised, equipped, and commanded large bodies of men, having the right of pendon y caldera (banner and kettle), by virtue of which they levied soldiers, as well as resources to support them. By successive grants they were enriched, and frequently entered into leagues among themselves for the security of their acwritten in Arabic by the Alcayde Albucacim Tarif, and after wards translated into Spanish, under the title of Historia Ver dadera del Rey Don Rodrigo. Ed. Madrid, 1676.

INTRODUCTION.

. quisitions. One of the characteristic privileges conferred upon the nobles was that of a seat in the assembly, afterwards called Cortes, when their convocation was notified by writ, or sum mons.* Many years elapsed before the Tiers Etat, or commoners, were called to the national assembly. The districts wrested from the Moors presented scenes of desolation, occasioned by the ravages of contending armies. It therefore became necessary to replenish them with cultivators, and, in many instances, to build new towns. Then it was that the sovereigns felt the value of an in dustrious peasantry and good artisans. These classes were accordingly encouraged by donations of lands and exemptions. To promote settle ments, towns were incorporated, and franchises bestowed upon them, corresponding to their ser vices and importance, which were prized by the possessors, and carefully recorded in charters.

This is the origin of the innumerable fueros, one of the most estimable of which is that granted to certain places to send deputies to the Cortes. As the commoners became rich and powerful, they united in brotherhoods for mutual protection ; and in the course of time served as useful * The grandees of the present day, among other privileges, enjoy that of being covered in the king's presence. There are three classes, distinguished by the manner of covering them selves when they do homage for the first time.

INTRODUCTION.

. 13 instruments in the suppression of anarchy, as well as in checking the arrogance of the nobles. Their wealth and influence rendered them va luable auxiliaries to the reigning monarch, and they were called into more conspicuous notice. They sat, for the first time, at the Cortes of Leon, in 1188, and afterwards at those of Bene vente, in 1202, in the character of delegates from cities and towns. The Tiers Etat were specially favoured by several monarchs, not always, it must be confessed, for equitable purposes. In the Cortes of Valladolid, Sancho IV. not only con firmed the franchises of privileged cities and towns, but also permitted, and even ordained them to unite for their mutual protection. Several new brotherhoods were formed by vir tue of this privilege, representatives from which some years afterwards met at Medina del Campo, and came to the following resolutions : — "That when the king assembles Cortes, each city ought to send to them two of its ablest individuals, most distinguished for their love of God and the public welfare."