Oriental Harems and Scenery. Translated from the French of the Princess Belgiojoso

Chapter I. The Dere-beys The Mufti Of Tcherkess

The Valley of Ciaq-Maq-Oglou, 15 Verandchier, 16 Osnian-Pasha, 17 The Pasha's Heirs, 21 Ideas of Hospitality, 25 The Mufti's House, 27 The Harem 27 Rouging, 29 A Model Mussulman, 31 The Mufti's Wives, 32 Paternal Tenderness, 33 Polygamic Morality 35 Asiatic Toivns, 37

Chapter II. Angora And The Dervishes

Journey from Tcherkess to Angora, 38 A Troublesome Official, 39 The Mufti of Tcherkess, 40 Character of the Dervish, 41 A Novel Stove, 45 Angora Goats, 4G Angora Cats, 47 Docility of Animals, . 49 A Visit from the Dervishes, 60 Miraculous Feats, 53 Risks of Travel VI CONTENTS.

Chapter III

CÆSAREA AND THE TOWNS OF THE TAURUS. Kupru, 57 A Feline Malady, 58 Kirchcir, "0 Arab Impudence, 63 Cæsarea, 65 An Armenian Festival, 67 Armenian Costume, 69 Dancing, 71 A Greek School, 73 A Night in the Taurus, 76 Lead Mines, 77 The Taurus, 78 CHAPTER IY, THE MOUNTAINS OF THE GIAOUE (THE DJAOUR-DAGHDA ) A FELLAH VILLAGE THE PASHA OF ADANA. Djaour-Daghda, 80 Mussulman Love of Nature, 81 Mountaineers, 83 A Grand Seignior, 84 Colonized Fellahs, 85 Syrian Fellahs, 87 A Courtyard Picture, 88 Turkish Ideas of Chairs, 92 The Pasha of Adana, 93 Financial Generosity, . 97 Leave-taking, 98 CHAPTER Y. THE BEY OF THE DJAOUR-DAGHDA AND HIS HAREM. Compliments, 101 Dede-Bey, 102 The Gate of Shadows, . 103 Wayside Hosts, IOC Varieties of Harems, 107 Turkish Character, 108 A Blind Patient, HO CONTENTS. VII Domestic Habits, 113 Abnormal Practices . . .11,5 The Turk of the Middle Classes, 117 Georgians and Circassians, 119 Juvenile Depravity, , joj Painful Contrasts, , 123 Mustuk-Bey, , 125 Madame Mustuk, , 126 The Limit of Curiosity, 129 A Turcoman Beauty 131

CHAPTER VI. THE VALLEY OF ANTIOCH LATAKIEH SYRIAN WOMEN,

Alexandretta, 135 House-cleaning, 138 Standard of Measurement, 141 Environs of Antioch, 143 Military Companions, 145 Instincts of a Horse 147 A Turkish Office-holder, 149 A Panic, 151 A Traveller's Comforts, 155 The Houses of Latakieh, 157 Costume of Syrian Ladies, 159 Syrian Beauty 161

CHAPTER VII. THE LEGEND OF

SULTAN" IBRAHIM A HALT AT TRIPOLI BADOUN ENGLISH MISSIONARIES IN SYRIA. Gublettah, 163 Arab Mendicants, 167 An Oasis, 169 Tortosa, 171 A Repulse, 173 A Cool Reception, 175 Human Nature, 179 Mishaps, 181 Missionaries, 183 Character of Converts, 185 Beyrout, • CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII. THE MOUNTAINS OF GALILEE AND THE ANCIENT KINGDOM OF JUDEA,

Sidon, 189 Sur 190 A Massacre, 191 Illness of our Horses, 193 Monastic Hospitality, 197 Nazareth 198 Nablous, 200 Hatred of Christians, 203

CHAPTER IX. THE MONUMENTS

8F THE BIBLE AND THE NEW TESTAMENT IN AND ABOUT JERUSALEM. Jerusalem, 205 Abyssinian Christians, 206 The Walls of Jerusalem, . .207 Sacred Localities, 209 The Mosque of Omar, 211 Dangers of Curiosity, 213 Solomon's Gardens, 215 A Trip to the Dead Sea, 217 San Saba, 218 The River Jordan, 221 Jericho, 223

CHAPTER X PROTESTANTS AND JEWS AT JERUSALEM HOSPITALS LEPERS.

Hospitality of Christians in the Orient, 224 Wailing-place of the Jews, 225 The Lepers' Quarter, . . 227 A Leper Family, 230 Departure, 031

CHAPTER XI. THE KORAN, AND REFORM IN TURKEY

Reflections, -30 The Koran and Reform .,.,,, CONTENTS. IX

CHAPTER XII. NABLOUS THE PLAIN OF

ESDRÆLON, NAZARETH TIBERIAS ASIATIC BEAUTY ENGLISH TRAVELLERS. Untoward Incident, 247 Arab Sympathy, 251 A Canine Adventure, 252 Mohammed Zaffedy, 254 Nazareth, 255 English Obtuseness, 257 A Celebrated Beauty, 259 Tiberian Landscape, 260 War, 262

CHAPTER XIII. SAFED

— PIETY AND MISFORTUNES OF THE ENGLISH CONSUL ADVENTURES ON THE DESERT SEIFFA. Safed, 264 A Pious Consul, 265 Trouble with a Dragoman, 268 Forced Companions, 273 A Picturesque Region, 275 Seiffa, 277 A Thieving Governor, 279

CHAPTER XIV. DAMASCUS AND ITS ENVIRONS ORIENTAL HOUSES DANCING GIRLS.

Damascus, 282 Dog Rights, 283 Beautiful Residences, 285 Gardens, 289 Christian Refugees, 290 The Dancing Festival, 293 Khadoun, 295 A Re-engagement, 297 The Last Act, 299 Remorse, 301 1* X CONTENTS,

CHAPTER XV. DAMASCUS CONTINUED POLITICAL REFUGEES SANTONS HASH- EESH BLUDAN AN AMERICAN

BOARDING-SCHOOL ON ITS TRAVELS. Damascus continued, ......... 302 Social Contrasts, 303 Santons, 304 A Hasheesh Entertainment 305 Litters, 309 The Plain of Damascus, 311 A Tragedy, 312 The English Consul at Bludan, 314 A Travelling Boarding School, ....... 315 Arab Hospitality, .......... 317 A Night Adventure, 318

CHAPTER XVI. BAALBEC THE METUALIS GENUINE ARAB HOSPITALITY MOUNT LEBANON AND THE

CEDARS. Ride to Baalbec, 321 A Metuali Family, 323 Baalbec, 325 Specimens of Accuracy, 327 More Show than Substance, 329 Trials of Patience, 331 Scenic Peculiarities, 333 The Village of Bakriva 335 The Cedars of Lebanon, 337 Every one his own Architect, 338

CHAPTER XVII. HOMS

A BASHI-BOZOUK GARRISON OF BROTHERS ORIENTAL GARDENS AND NIGHTS KURDISH AND TURCOMAN SHEPHERDS. Governor of Horns, ....... . 341 Wives and Slaves, 343 The Ten Brothers, 345 Hama, 35I CONTENTS, XI Heat and Sleep, 353 Nights in Syria 354 A Caravan of Invalids, 357 Legal Resources, 359 Hovels, 361 Furniture, 363 Water Rights, 365 An Invalid Dog, 366

CHAPTER XVIII. ALEPPO

— A PECULIAR MALADY A BALL AND A WEDDING INSTINCT OF HORSES A TURCOMAN SHEPHERD LORD. Houses of Aleppo, 368 The Aleppo Button, 370 Dancing at Aleppo, ......... 373 A Wedding — Manners of the Bride, 374 The Ceremony, 376 Military Honors, 378 Treatment of Lunatics, 381 A Colt's Gratitude, 383 The Dangers of Ignorance, 386 Strange Patients, 387 Turcoman Tents and Customs, 389 Progress of Constitutional Law, 391

CHAPTER XIX. MUSTUK-BEY AND THE MULETEER VARIOUS PHASES OF HOSPITA- LITY

— THE PASHA OF KONIEH AND HIS HAREM KURDISH FE- MALES KURDISH HORSES HOME. A Victim of Suspicion, 395 The Workings of Conscience, 397 Quarantine, 399 Ruins, 401 Erreghli, 403 The Mirage, 405 A Model Pasha, CONTENTS. A Princely Household, 409 An Adventuress, *" Woman's Rights, 413 Funereal Monuments, *15 Intelligence of Muleteers, 417 Kurdish Women, *" Conclusion, *21 PEEFACE. The intelligent traveller is generally the precursor of the his torian ; the first gives the materials, the latter works them up and explains them. The authoress of the work now given in a translated form to the public, is a very close observer, and very artistic in giving the results of her observations. Being a wo man, family life in the East seems to have had great attraction for her, and forms the most charming and instructive part of her work.

Nothing seems to stand in more startling contrast than the domestic, social and political condition of the East when com pared to that of the West. And if we inquire as to what this strange contrast is due, we are sorely perplexed to form an an swer. Is it due to difference of climate, of race, of religion, of government, or to all these combined ? Are the people capable of absorbing the elements of western civilization and conse quently of attaining the same point of moral and intellectual culture ? Before a general history of the world can be written so as to explain these anomalies, the questions here propounded must find a satisfactory answer. Meanwhile we may all take

Preface

. pleasure in recurring to the pages of every intelligent traveller by way of seeing to what extent the state of our own country may correspond to that of others, and in what important par ticulars the conditions of life on this planet differ. A short sketch of the life of our authoress cannot but greatly increase the interest of the reader in her work. Christine, Princess Belgiojoso, is a daughter of the Marquis of Trevulzio, a nobleman of Lombardy. Born in 1808, she was married to Prince Belgiojoso in 1824. Endowed with a strong and liberal mind, the Princess gave her attention early in life to political and philosophical subjects, varying her studies by literary pur suits and travelling, and as opportunities offered, by taking an active part in the drama of Italian independence. Unable to endure Austrian rule, the Princess removed from Milan to Paris where her fortune, rank, love of arts, literature and freedom, attracted to her a select and admiring circle of friends, many of them the leading literary men of France.

In 184:8, when Italy took up arms against the despotism of Austria, the Princess returned to Milan to aid the cause of the revolution, raising a battalion of volunteers at her own expense, and, it is said, leading them against the Austrians in person, " displaying courage and presence of mind that would have done credit to the most experienced soldier." The revolution, however, failed. The Princess was exiled by the Austrian government and her pro perty confiscated. She now retreated to Asia Minor and resided there three years, employing her time in collecting material for future literary labors. The Emperor of Austria having granted a general amnesty, the Princess returned again to Milan and had her property restored to her. She now remained in Italy until tbe glorious campaign in 1859, when Italy became forever free

PREFACE.

. XV from Austrian dominion. Since that period the Princess Bel giojoso has proved to be one of the ablest supporters of Victor Emanuel, and especially of the patriotic Count Cavour, whose genius she fully appreciated and to whom she rendered highly important services. " She was," says the North British Review, previously quoted, "one of his most active and indefatigable agents, travelling from place to place holding conferences, sooth ing differences, reconciling republicans and constitutionalists, and gaining new friends and allies." A summary of her politi cal career and character is thus given by the same authority : "Nobly born, rich and beautiful, with every temptation to a life of ease and luxury, she has again and again risked rank and wealth and life in the cause of Italian independence, undergoing the hardships and vicissitudes of poverty and exile rather than submit to the Austrian yoke."

As the reviewer remarks, "She presents one of the most striking and original figures in contemporary biography." The literary labors of the Princess Belgiojoso consist princi pally of articles contributed to a periodical of high character called La Liberte de Penser, published at Paris in the days of the Republic, but long since extinct; Notions d'hutoire d Vusage des ens ants ; Asie-Mineure et Syrie, the present work; Scenes de la vie Turque, and a Histoire de la Maison de Savoie, written with a view of making the world better acquainted with the Sardinian dynasty. To these must be added a translation into French of a portion of the works of Vico, a proof in itself of the Princess' intellectual ability and philosophical tendency. Having a few years ago made a visit to the East, and having been an eye-witness of many of the scenes and peculiarities

PREFACE.

. life described by our authoress, the translator can bear consci entious testimony to the fidelity of her picture. It is her faithful description of scenes and customs open to the observation of all travellers, that justifies full confidence in her reports of oriental family relationships and of the extraordinary arrange ments of the Harem which the Princess was singularly privileged in observing. New York, May 1, 1862.

Introduction

. I can recall many days of the period of my sojourn in the East which possess for me a certain charm, notwithstanding the fatigue and excitement with which they were filled ; days of painful journeyings alternating with still more painful stoppages that occurred between my departure from Anatolia in January, 1852, and my arrival at Jerusalem in the spring of that year. Within a few months I was able to observe the bright and dark sides of that oriental life of which a somewhat long residence in a quiet valley of Asia Minor had disclosed to me only the severest aspects. Of all the souvenirs bequeathed to me by the Orient, there are none accordingly that I investigate with more cheerfulness than these, none that I yield to more readily when I strive to fix my ideas concerning the strange people amongst whom I was for a moment transported.

A few episodes de tached from this period of my life will perhaps justify the preference with which my thought now recurs to it. They will furthermore show, in certain particulars, the physiognomy of the populations which this journey permitted me to observe, and whereof the accounts up to this day made public gave me but a very faint idea. The Syria I visited, for example, bears but little resemblance LNTRODUCTION. to the Syria I had read of in books. It is true that I was bet ter qualified than most travellers for studying one important side of Mussulman society — the domestic side, that in which Woman predominates. The Harem,* the Mahometan sanctuary, herme tically sealed to all men, was open to me ; I could enter it freely and converse with those mysterious beings whom the Frank never sees but when veiled ; I could interrogate some of those minds which never overflow of themselves, and tempt them to precious disclosures concerning an unexplored world of passion and misfortune.

Besides this, the narratives of travellers that are incomplete with respect to Mussulman civilization, are fre quently so in respect to the nature and material aspect of loca lities. How many words they employ without explaining them, and which in what may be called their European sense signify something so wholly different from that which belongs to them when applied to oriental usages. But I do not wish to insist on the difficulties pertaining to narratives of an Eastern journey ; I do not know myself that I shall be able to overcome them. It is better to enter upon them at once, without further preli minaries and leave to the narrative the burden of pleading for the narrator. * Pronounced har-reem. SCENERY.

Chapter I. The Dere-beys The Mufti Of Tcherkess

And first, one word of the district in which I reside. The valley of Ciaq-Maq-Oglou — valley of the "son of flint" — lies a few days distant from the important town of Angora. Here, in this corner of the Orient, at once fertile and picturesque, I fixed my dwelling-place ; it is from this valley I set out to enter upon my nomadic life. Ploughed as this soil has been for so many centuries, by every army of this quarter of the world, by the soldiers of Mithridates and Pompey, as well as by those of Bajazet and Tamerlane, there is no sec tion of it, however retired, which has not its tragic and bloody annals, its sad and painful souvenirs. Whatever attempts have been made in our days to awaken in the Orient an appreciation of the comforts and advantages of civilization, the benefits of peace do not seem to follow here as promptly as they should to eradicate the traces of war.

Ruins still subsist, but no new structures arise to SCENERT. replace them. The valley of Ciaq-Maq-Oglou is one of those spots bearing a deep impress of the past, and where the influence of the present is but faintly visible in inadequate efforts to remove it. The nearest village to my residence is called Verandcheir. This name, which signifies destroyed town, recalls a series of terrible misfortunes. Scarcely thirty years ago, a flourishing city stood on the site of this village, with a population of more than forty thousand souls. Verandcheir had substan tial fortifications, and was the favorite residence of a powerful pasha, whose government, now dismembered, once con sisted of two or three provinces ; the towns of Bolo, An gora, Tcherkess, and Heraclius were subject to him. But the master of these large towns cheerfully abandoned them to seek repose in the green valley that incloses Verand cheir, on the banks of the placid stream which waters its smiling gardens.

The name of this pasha was Osman, and it is to this predilection for Verandcheir that its prosperity, unfortunately but too fleeting, was due. At the time when Verandcheir thus flourished, Sultan Mahmoud governed Turkey, and his reforming labors pro gressed iu the midst of sanguinary conflicts. One of the remnants of the old Turkish system which it was deemed necessary to destroy was the denomination of the Der'e-leys. This title designated holders of military fiefs, comprising a set of chiefs in constant rebellion against their sovereio-n the Grand Seignior, and always waging war against him with troops levied amongst his own subjects. Nearly the whole OSMAN-PASHA. 17 of Asia Minor was divided among a few of these beys. Al though these chiefs badly comprehended their duty to the sul tan, they formed, nevertheless, tolerably good rulers, for, up to a certain point, they encouraged agriculture and commerce, and their interests were never opposed to those of the peo ple.

Their wars with the sultan doubtless imposed heavy burdens on the people ; but the rebellious chiefs managed to restrict hostilities to a very limited territory, and every cam paign being followed by tolerably long truces, the tillage of the soil, the source of family prosperity, never became en tirely interrupted. Osman-Pasha had several wives and several sons. For tune willed that one of these sons, named Moussa, should be led away by the example of a cousin of Osman, who figured among the most turbulent of the de>e-beys. This son scoured the country belonging to his father, collected tribute for his own use, levied soldiers, displayed the standard and wore the costume of the dere-beys. Old Osman, who remained faithful to the Sultan, fell into a state of despair at his son's folly, and dispatched message after message to Constantinople, protesting his own innocence and his deep regrets.

Affected by his protestations, Mahmoud decided on removing the father from the spot where his army would soon crush the rebellious son, and accordingly gave the pasha Osman a command in Roumelia. While on his way to his new appointment, Osman encountered the detachment which was about to attack his son : " May God grant thee victory 1" he exclaimed to the commander of Mahmoud's forces. The latter strove in vain to obtain from Osman some indication of the state of the country, and of its rebellious inhabitants ; but to no purpose— he could extract nothing from the old pasha but sobs and tears. A few days later, and Osman would doubtless have marched with his son against Mahmoud — it was time for him to be transferred to Roumelia. Freed from the constraint which paternal authority imposed on him, the young bey now resolutely entered on a struggle with Mahmoud, and a war ensued, which proved to be long and terrible.

His recruits fought well, for they fought in their own fields, and on the sills of their own houses ; it seemed, moreover, to these mountaineers of Asia Minor, that they were contending with a foreign enemy for national independence. " Were they not foreigners, these Turks of Constantinople, with their European arms and uniforms ?" Moussa's light horsemen, it is said, numbered from twenty to thirty thousand, and with these especially, the young bey performed wonders ; every year Constantinople dispatched fresh troops against the son of Osman — every year they returned after fruitless contests with the rebel chief and his rude followers. Inheriting the property and influence of his father, Moussa-Bey also inherited his predilection for Verandcheir. He felt more at ease there than in large towns like Angora, where a mixed population rendered defence more difficult.

Moussa-Bey, too, believed himself invincible when established in his favorite residence and surrounded by his favorite OSMAN-PASHA. 19 cavaliers. Perhaps he would have been so, had not the sultan introduced a new element into the struggle, and one which Moussa was not prepared to oppose, this new agent being artillery, and one of which little was known in Asia Minor, except through rumor. Several field and siege pieces left Constantinople, under the command of European renegades, and assumed a position before the fortifications of Verandcheir, which had not been constructed to resist this novel mode of attack. What proves that the bey was ignorant of this arm of the service, is the error he committed in allowing himself to be surrounded by artillery in a town incapable of being defended. The town was bombarded, its walls gave way, and victory declared itself — not to the most intrepid, but to the most intelligent.

Perhaps there remained to the bey one last chance for salvation, in a vigorous sortie at the head of his comrades ; but the war had lasted ten years, the stoutest hearts were wearied, and these new implements, which wrought such frightful havoc, which operated in a manner they were so unprepared for, struck terror into their breasts, and created a panic more fatal than the most imminent danger. Besides this, the successors of Suleiman, Selim and Bajazet had not yet abjured the odious maxims of ancient policy ; no Mussulman of those days blushed at either perfidy or treason. The commander of the imperial troops signified to the bey that he had special orders concerning him ; that his master, ad miring his talents and bravery, desired to attach him to his service, and so much the more, as he had not forgotten the 1* great merits of his father, for which he desired to make some acknowledgment in the person of his son.

The Ottoman general was charged to promise Moussa an unconditional pardon, and, somewhat later, numberless honors, if he would lay down his arms, betake himself alone to Constantinople, first to renew his allegiance, and afterward to live there in retirement, until it should please the sultan to recompense him for his obedience. Moussa-Bey listened to these pro posals, and had, perhaps, no other course to pursue. He stipulated, however, a few conditions for his country, his people, and his family ; then having arranged everything to the satisfaction of all parties, the bey's flag was lowered and the imperial ensign was elevated to its place. The sultan's troops took possession of what remained of the town, and the bey set out for Constantinople, accompanied by an escort of honor, which was assigned him by the victorious commander.

There was neither pillage, massacre nor military execu tion at Verandcheir — the bey atoned for all. On Moussa's arrival at Constantinople, the soldiers of his escort of honor transformed themselves into guards and jailers ; Moussa was consigned to a dungeon, and after three days' captivity his head was severed from his body. This is not all. His wives, his young brothers, and his children, were arrested within the environs of Verandcheir, on their property of Ciaq-Maq- Oglou, to which the family retired on the bey's departure ; they were sent like him to Constantinople, and there sold as slaves. The effects of the family were confiscated, and of THE PASHA'S HEIRS. 21 this house, but lately so powerful, nothing remained but old Osman. Osman uttered not a murmur ; he received, in exchange for his lost riches, an ample pension to support the rank that was now left him.

The old man died a few months after his son, in grief, but silent, uttering no com plaint, and making no allusion to his misfortunes, testifying for his sovereign that love and that gratitude which warms the pious heart of the true Christian, when he glorifies the Lord for having laid his hand heavily upon him and his. What manner of being was this Osman-Pasha ? Was his a stoical spirit — had he a devoted heart — was he a fanatic, a fool, or an accomplished knave ? I do not consider myself bound to answer these questions. Sultan Mahmoud did not long survive his faithful subject, Osman, and his young son, Abdul-Medjid, succeeded him. It is a strange anomaly to see such a son born of such a father, such a prince ruler of such a people, to find a Mussulman now so unlike Mussulmans of all past ages.

Immediately on his accession, Abdul-Medjid set about ascertaining what had become of the families of the illustrious victims whose blood had dyed the reign of his father. On the list of these unfortunate families, figured that of the pasha Osman. Some of the descendants of Moussa's father, retained in slavery since the revolt of the young bey, were discovered ; their liberty was given to them, and a portion of their former property restored to them, and all, men, women and children, left Constantiople to return to their estates. Among those thus pardoned, were the brothers of Moussa, the eldest of whom married Moussa's widow. But the property now restored to the family did not prosper in the hands of these recipients of Abdul-Medjid's clemency. Instead of increasing the value of their lands, the degenerate heirs of Osman preferred to give themselves up to usury, or to trade, and some even supported themselves by plunder.

Their territory in the valley of Ciaq-Maq-Oglou soon showed signs of neglect ; the mills stood still ; the irrigating canals became ob structed ; and in this sad condition did I find the region formerly under the dominion of Osman when I arrived there. It is evident what kind of men I was about to deal with. A Frank lady, driven from her country by war, and come to pass her exile in Turkey, was what rumor reported of me to the holders of real estate in the vicinity of Constantinople. The descendants of Osman, especially, said to themselves that a foreigner, landing in Turkey under such circumstances, presented a very good chance for a bargain — aud they were by no means wrong. I went from Constantinople to visit the old pasha's cherished valley ; its situation, the beauty of the scenery, the repose of an enchanting retreat like this soon banished all hesitation.

For five thousand francs I purchased the valley of Ciaq-Maq-Oglou, that is to say, a plain about four or five miles long by nearly one mile w de, traversed by a stream, and encircled by wooded mountains ; and in addition to this a dwelling, a grist-mill and a saw mill. It was for the brothers of the dere-bey a wonderful piece of good luck. When the neighborhood got wind THE PASHA'S HEIRS. 23 of the sum which they had just received, the people did not fail to remark that fortune always bestowed its favors on the worthless. However this may be, I had but little reason to complain of the former possessor of my small domain, and when I conceived the project of absenting myself from it for some months, in order to visit Jerusalem, it was in company with the youngest of Moussa's brothers that I began my journey.

I have related with some detail the history of the family whose heritage I had purchased. This history describes sufficiently well the languishing condition of many of the Turk ish provinces thirty years ago. My own souvenirs may, perhaps, show the same country in a different light, thus en abling the reader to compare the epoch of Abdul-Medjid with that of his father, Mahmoud. On a cold day in January, escorted by a company of horse, without which it is impossible to travel in the East, I set out from my peaceful retreat. I remarked above, that one of Moussa's young brothers accompanied me. In order to reach the little town of Bajendur, the end of our first stage, we were obliged to cross the country formerly governed by old Osman's son. My companion showed me the places where the dere-bey beat the imperial troops ; the copse where one of the enemy's spies had been hung; under the eyes and by the order of the rebel chief ; the mound where stood the fortifications of Verandcheir, and the side which had suffered most by the sultan's artillery.

Among the peasants we met upon the road he frequently recognized old companions of Moussa-Bey. He also told me of his own cap tivity, of the sufferings he had endured, and of his present misery. On our arrival at Bajendur I went to lodge with the post-director (who was himself one of Moussa's brothers in-law), and here my young companion finally took leave of me, departing for the little village where he dwelt, situated, like the eyrie of a bird of prey, on the top of a lofty moun tain. I kept my eyes upon his receding figure for a long time. It was a sad spectacle to contemplate a young man born for activity, prematurely reduced to an obscure and in dolent existence ; to see a brave mountaineer sorrowfully toiling over an intricate road on the back of a vile, lean, Kurdish hack. The young cavalier's costume strongly con trasted with what he had told me of his poverty : his green turban and rich Aleppo mantle, made of white wool aud woven with silver and gold, marking him for the descendant of a noble race.

I regretted at the time I had not the pen cil of Decamps to fix this wild, proud figure on a canvas. I have nothing to say of Bajendur, but at Tcherkess, where I halted on the following morning, I encountered a type of Oriental society which presented a singular contrast to my companion of the day before. It is through my hosts that I desire to convey a knowledge of the Orient. Domes tic life is one of the least known aspects of Mussulman civilization, and it is one of those which I have been able to study to the best advantage. At Tcherkess I dismounted at the door of a Mufti, whom, several months before, I had cured of an intermittent fever. IDEAS OF HOSPITALITY. 25 and who was accordingly awaiting me with open arms. So much having been said of Oriental hospitality, I would will ingly abstain from the subject in this chapter, if what has been already said of it had not been so badly said.

I have read, for example, the narratives of travellers, whose authors describe the hospitality of the Turcomans in glowing language, whilst I have always recognized the Turcoman origin of a village by the pitiful reception I have received there. They take, moreover, for genuine tenders of hospitality every compliment offered by a native to a stranger, without dream ing of the singular mistakes which, with us, would follow a too literal interpretation of certain forms of European civility. The truth is, that of all the virtues held in honor by Christ ian society, hospitality is the only one which Mussulmans be lieve themselves bound to practise. It is quite natural, where there are not many duties, to find them the more respected, and as the Orientals have formally accepted this sole and unique virtue, it is the only constraint that they have con sented to impose on themselves.