Purple Tints of Paris. Character and manners in the New Empire

Preface

. I am glad of the privilege of preliminary talk which a Preface affords. Like the few last words spoken at the window of a railway carriage by a traveller to the friends he leaves behind him, it gives an oppor tunity of correcting or explaining, or adapting to altered circumstances, or enforcing more briefly and energetically, what has already been largely unfolded. When I undertook to describe the " Purple Tints of Paris/' the Imperial awning had only just been thrown over the country, and seemed to flutter in the breezes that blew from all sides. My object was, not exactly to paint the influence a new Government may have already had upon the externals of society — not to record changes in ladies' head-dresses or gentle men's coats — but to show what features in French character, what defects in French civilisation, morality, and forms of thought, rendered an Empire VI

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. possible. To a certain extent I may be admitted to have achieved this object; for I agree with all the great masters of history in tracing the fall of States to corruption of private manners and inefficient education. Do any Imperial tints flush over the surface of our own society ? Is there sufficient ignorance and depravity to render it possible that we should ever fallback under — no matter what form of Government, and cease to assume the conduct of our own affairs ? I think not, because, although there is a party, long identified with the support of arbitrary principles, that endeavours to obstruct teaching, all the intellect of the nation seems engaged in elaborating or recom mending schemes by which those who do not know may be made to know. Such a spontaneous move ment has never taken place in France, where the tendency is always to deprive individuals of the duty and the privilege of thought.

From the charge of the mineral waters of -Vichy, up to the task of education, the responsibility of everything is thrown upon the State. We must not, however, be too confident in the excellences of our own civilisation. Perhaps I have been away so much, in other moral and intellectual

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. VII climates, that things very natural in themselves strike me as ludicrous or offensive. If I am not mistaken, the most obvious defect to be noticed in England is stiffness, physical and mental. It is this that leads foreigners into the strange mistake of supposing that we are without passion, whereas there is no nation more impulsive and impetuous. Are we obliged to be starched and bridled lest we should develop into unimaginable antics ? Possibly — in the absence of a better kind of restraint. Until this be found, England will remain a cheerless place — with all her unsurpassed virtues — a kind of Miss Ophelia among nations, requiring close acquaintance to awaken any thing like love. I shall endeavour to set down some of the observations that suggest themselves to me on English aspects in a little publication projected by a circle of friends — which I take this opportunity of advertising — to be called, somewhat oddly, " Utopia."

Is it not better to lead the people in search even of a visionary good than to allow them to forget — like so many Lotophagi — over the nauseously sweet food now set before them, that to-day should be but a stepping-stone towards to-morrow; whilst to-morrow, perhaps, they will find no footing and sink — no : be wafted, whither it imports them to inquire ?

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. VIII I do not apologise for introducing extraneous matter into my Preface, because I know that such things are only read by the few who like to draw a little nearer than usual to the writer by whom they are informed or amused. I always thus reward my self by anticipation for the labours of authorship ; for it is some reward to know, or to believe, that simultaneously all round a circle — no matter how restricted the diameter — your written words beget thoughts in many minds with whom you never may commune otherwise. Writers who select more ele vated themes, or begin in a higher key, can afford to dispense with this confession; but an Essayist, who is obliged to record his impressions as well as his experiences, and to introduce the reader as it were to the fire-side of his thoughts, must endeavour to be affably familiar.

In the present case, though I have set down a variety of observations on Paris that maybe thought trifling or superfluous, I have been compelled some times to discuss the gravest subjects that can occupy the pen. These volumes were planned, and in great part written, before circumstances forced England into active alliance with the Emperor of the French.

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. IX They now seem to me to have acquired an additional and adventitious interest. Previously, in as far as my observations assumed a political character, they were in part intended to keep alive generally that spirit of opposition to arbitrary government — whether usurped or exercised by inheritance ; that is, usurped in another age — which forms the essential ally of public opinion in a free country. At present, we are menaced with a great danger. Interest is whispering corrupt things to our reason and our conscience; and because we have need of one Autocrat to fight against another, some are willing to be persuaded that tyranny may be odious on the banks of the Neva and yet admirable on the banks of the Seine. These opinions are as absurd as they are unne cessary. We are no more bound to feel or affect admiration for the principles or the person of the French Emperor because our fleets are at present combined with his, than we are to be in ecstacies with the forms of Turkish administration because it is our policy to prevent Russia from stealing another portion of the Ottoman dominions.

In England — a country that prides itself, as I have hinted, on its cold ness — there is, however, a great fund of ill-regulated enthusiasm, ready to flow with huge clamour and X

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. billowing towards the feet of any representative of Power. Unless my recollections greatly deceive me, the present Czar of Russia was received with accla mation in England during his last visit; that loath some monster, Ibrahim Pasha, was made the pet of polite circles; and I do not believe that anything with a crown on its head, or the title of Prince at tached to its name, ever failed to excite noisy applause from the street-walking public. If a detested General, by imprudently putting himself in contact with a more genuine class of the community, did provoke an outburst of feeling, he was well compensated by expressed sympathy from all "respectable" quarters — the same that tried to "pooh-pooh" the popular demonstrations in favour of Kossuth. We must, therefore, take into account this ser vile tendency, which shows itself in alliance with the same greedy curiosity that prompts people to run after Aztec Indians, Devil-Raisers, and other quackeries, in explaining the partial favour with which the name of Louis Napoleon is now received.

But it is chiefly in a sort of affectation of policy that the cause must be sought. Sycophancy, how ever, will find itself mistaken. The Emperor of the French — eminently a man of one passion, the love TREFACE. XI of power — will be influenced in his actions neither by praise nor by blame. As long as he finds it useful to co-operate with this country he will co-operate, regardless alike of criticism and adulation. Nothing that is said on our side of the Channel will have any other effect than to influence the formation of our own modes of thought, the direction of our own speculations. To teach the people that power sanctifies him who obtains it, no matter by what means, ■ — that successful administration atones for any guilt, — that we may properly cling to liberty ourselves, and rejoice when our neighbours lose it, — is certainly a dangerous attack on the idea of right, an effective pleading for the doc trine of expediency, but still more certainly will never retard, by one single day, any project of Ag gression or Desertion, — if such project be entertained on other grounds.

I think that our line of conduct and argument is very clearly laid down by circumstances. We should avoid as much as possible any personal at tacks on the Chief of the French State, — any at tempt to penetrate into his private life, — any temptation to repeat unnecessarily the withering charges which both opponents and spectators

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. brought forward at the most decisive period of his history. Yet endeavours to exalt him into a pure benefactor of his country, to confound him with a Washington or an Antonine, to extenuate his crimes or metamorphose them into virtues, must be met with the materials which we have at hand. I have done my best to steer a middle course, — to judge rather of the politician than the man ; but I feel that indignation has sometimes carried me away, — not beyond the bounds of truth — I have never reached them, — but beyond what I conceived at the outset to be a tone in harmony with a description of manners and an analysis of national cha racter. There are topics which the mind cannot approach without being heated. There are times when moderation must be hypocrisy. However, if I have been very severe anywhere, it is against the French nation, or rather the educated' and wealthy classes which affect to represent it.

There is no possibility of giving an explanation of what has recently occurred, — in fact, of any great historical event since 1789, — without going upon this ground, that, for reasons which it is not my province now to develop, the upper classes in France, whether they be called Noblesse or Bour-

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. XIII geoisie, have proved themselves incompetent for government, and altogether unworthy of respect and confidence. It seems fashionable, among per sons who are fonder of rhetoric than fact, to conjure up some hideous monsters from mytho logical Faubourgs, — men whose business is revolutions, whose delight is in emeutes, who appear only when society is in peril, and who are ever ready to fall upon and tear it to pieces. All this is very childish. If there be classes permanently desirous to engage in overthrowing a Government, that is a plain proof that the Government must be very bad indeed. Any one who attends for a moment to the mode of life, of a workman in tolerably full em ployment, will understand at once that he cannot spend his time even in supporting laudable schemes. The necessities of the day absorb nine-tenths of his attention.

If, however, by a wasteful system of government, and an unjust distribution of tax ation, you weigh so heavily upon him, that, with the utmost willingness, he cannot avoid misery; if you answer his complaints by quotations from Po litical Economy, which always goes on the sup position that there are no artificial laws, by favour of which some are comfortable and others not, — a

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. supposition untrue in any country; if you excite aud take advantage of his enthusiasm one day, and then restrict political power to the classes, which he regards as his natural enemies ; if you are ruthlessly savage in punishing his outbreaks; if you surround him by every restriction, every difficulty, every an noyance that a police composed of thief-takers can invent ; if you give satisfaction to none of his ideas, and base your policy on principles which he detests — why, then it is absurd to complain that he should seize the opportunity of toppling down a dynasty in 1843, and for some time afterwards, tormented by vague desires, fears, and jealousies, which those in power excited rather than allayed, be ready to appeal to arms with or without reason. However, the restless classes were, at length, calmed down, although still none of their opinions were complied with.

They prepared to exert the privileges which the constitution had given them, and began educating themselves in the machinery of elections. Instead of making some concessions — as I believe even the most bigoted party would have done in England — the Reactionists in France struck off the list of voters nearly three millions of the men who had elected them; and impudently announced their in-

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. XV tention of carrying on the government with "the purified lists." What people affected to auticipate with so much alarm as " the fatal year 1852," was nothing but the chance that the excluded classes, I cannot think very improperly, should carry out their threat of voting in spite of the law that had robbed them of a right which they had gained by some hard fighting. Of course, such an attempt might have led to very serious disturbances ; but who would have caused them, if not the party and the classes which had endeavoured to confiscate political power for their own profit ? On this stupendous blunder was the success of the present Emperor based. With wonderful knowledge of the French character he assisted in passing the disfranchising law, and then, at a moment chosen by himself, pro posed to repeal it.

At the last hour wisdom came not to the governing classes in France. They per sisted, and were deservedly punished. Every work ing man who did not vote for the Emperor from fear did so from a respectable, though unenlight ened, gratitude ; and this is partly the reason, com bined with certain velleities of Socialism, why he has become the instrument of the wrath of the Lower against the Upper Orders of Society. The people,

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. at any rate, find some consolation for their disaster in beholding the politicians who believed that, with out them, the world would not go round, entirely set aside, or banished, or ordered to remain within doors, or punished by the ignominy of pardon. Prophecies are dangerous things to deal in, and I always avoid them if possible. However, I can scarcely conclude these remarks without saying that the hopes which seem to be entertained in France by certain relics of ancient parties — ancient and con demned — -that another chance may be given to any members of the old reigning family, have no visible foundation. That family, in both its branches, has had opportunities enough. A nation cannot afford to be always restoring its kings. History, more over, would become too monotonous. The probability, then, is, that Napoleon III. — who has more talent and knowledge than a whole dynasty of princes of that effete kind, and perhaps quite as much virtue — will reign until the French nation, in sober sadness, once more sets about the task of constructing a Republic. CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

Chapter I

Hasty Conclusions — First Impressions — Old Acquaintance with France — My Prejudices — French and English — Limits of the subject — Egotism — New Streets — Changes in the Aspect of Paris — War against old Names — Great Battles and National Prejudices — Waterloo — Counter-criticisms — Spoils of Conquest — Historical Amenities — Public Works and Communism — English Opinions — Our Countrywomen scolded — Beauty and Influence of Paris Page 1

Chapter II

Exiles from the Capital — An atrocious Provincial — English Ladies — Beautiful Climate — A cloudy Day at Marseilles — The Country of Fogs — Coal and Charcoal — Dingy London — The Seine — Paris a Sea-port — Floating Baths — Advantages of Modesty — Athletic Exercises — Promenades — The Ringdoves of the Luxembourg — Private Gardens — Flowers — Commissionaires — Omnibuses — Dearth of Talk — Cab Regulations — Umbrellas and Washerwomen — Street Noises — National Airs — Emigration of Organs — Newsmen — their Persecutions — Street Police — "The Guard ' ' — Patrols — Learned Police — Political Crimes . . 21 VOL. I. b CONTENTS.

Chapter III

The Reader introduced to my Lodgings — Moving — Economy of a Paris House — Cheerful Streets — M. Mery in a Passion — Madame Joseph — Duties of a Porter — Arrangement of a Furnished Lodging — Cheapness — French and English Comforts — Surveillance of the Police — Suicides — M. Proudhon — the Porter and the Lodgers — Unsettled Population — Commentary on French Manners — Personal Observations — Rents . Page 40

Chapter IV

French and English — Mutual Ignorance — Celts and Anglo-Saxons — Our Countrymen abroad — Beards — Beau-ideal of an Englishman — Londoners at Boulogne — Politeness— Odd Prejudices — Sight-seeing — How to collect Information — French Mistakes — International Sharp-shooting — A Cockney at Table — Vulgarity — The Pocket Dictionary — Scene of Reconciliation — The Sabbath — Morality and Immorality 59

Chapter V

Our Judgments on the French — The "fickle" Nation — Historical Parallels — Our Mobility— Jokes on the French — Routine in Literature — Friendships — Religion — Wars of Conscience — M. Mignet — Deliberative Assemblies — Aversion to Travel — Nostalgia — Female Emigrant — Our Roughnesses — National Dislikes — A bluff old Sailor — Liberty and Equality — A Legitimist Confession — Political Sympathies — Trees of Liberty —Plantation of Crosses — Absurdities of Fanaticism . . CONTENTS. XIX

Chapter VI

National Enmities — Manners — Ignorance of the French about England — Popular Notions and Delusions — Our Eating and Drinking — No Vegetables in England — M. Viardot's Misfortune — Shepherds — English Women — M. Chateaubriand — Criticism — Our Literature — We have no good Writers — Mr. Macaulay — Reputation, how made — The Language of Birds — Curious Check to Population — Napoleonic Ideas — Strike of Engineers — Feeling towards England— Our Mission — M.Toussenel — Thistlewood — Bethnal Green — Great Exhibition — Contempt — Telegraphic Signals — French and Humanity — Why the French despise our Nation ■ — Analysis of the Spirit of Mockery — Humiliation of France — Chamfort and De Tocqueville Page 93

Chapter VII

Arrival in France — June 1848 — The Constitution — Cavaignac — The Presidency — The Coup d'Etat — Why it took place — Travelling Englishmen — The French Upper Classes — Outside of French Manners — A Soiree— Rules thereof — Female Costume — Influence of the Empire— Napoleon III. at Compiegne — Symbolic Hats — The Noblesse — How to disperse Emeutes — Gentlemen of the Old School — Conversation — Piety — Brilliant Talk — A Wit Analysed — Great Men of Society — A Fable — Fashionable Circles — Debility of the Old Governing Classes — The Cholera — A Countess — Definition of Society — Mission of Democracy — Terror of the Upper Classes' — A Frightened Lady — Ignorance and Prejudices — Divine Institution of Rank — A New Aristocracy — Exaggeration .of Political Economy — A Banker and his Wife— The Poor and the Rich . . . Ill XX CONTENTS.

Chapter VIII

Classes of a People— The Students— Intellectual Gipseydom— The University under the Empire — Anecdote of Napoleon's Nose — Political Influence of Students — How they become Respectable — Aspirations for Luxury — The First Year — A Fair Companion — Young Bachelors — My Chest of Drawers — Alexis — Landlords and Rent — Running away — Philosophy of Non-payment — French Novels — Real Life — Influence of early Vagabondage— My Experiences Page 140

Chapter IX

Systematising — Boy Schools — Studies — Professors — Punishments — Precocious Collegians — Small Philosophers — A young Lovelace — Spoiled Children — Paul-Auguste — Parents and Children — Time of Schooling — Brothers aud Sisters — Quiet Manners — Mode of Fighting— Diminished Pugnacity — Courage — Immorality — The University — Theory of Anarchy — Centralisation — A Promising Youth 159

Chapter XI

Reading Men — Celebrity — Public Libraries — The College of France and the Institute — French Savans — Ignorance — French Language — Knowing Gentlemen — Geographical Blunders — The Mamelukes — Books of Travels — Political Economy — The Young Noblesse — How Knowledge is Lost — Revolution of '89 — Relics of Barbarism — Property and Mind — Laws of Inheritance — Peasant Ignorance — The Electors — The Malforts and the Ribeaumonts — Literature in the Provinces — Skin-deep Civilisation CONTENTS. XXI

Chapter XII

Agricole Passager — Country Proprietaires — A Student sent to Paris — Division of Property — Struggle for Distinction — Arduous Undertaking — Small Means — Career of Agricole — His Affairs of the Heart — French Ladies — Passion and Genius — Seeking for Lodgings — Wilful Poverty — Reminiscences of Fifine — A Biographer — Fifine, what — How Agricole was fitted out — First Day in Paris — His Expenses — Sufferings of poor Students — The Poor Bachelor in Paris — His Philosophy and Manners — His Resources — Confession of the Poor Bachelor — Expenses of the Day — A Cremerie — Playing at Dominoes — Delights of Laziness — Object of Life — Superstitious Sceptic — Politics of the Poor Bachelor — The Conservative Citizen — M. Croquignole — Another Species — Atrocious Morality — Bad Books and Bad Men — M. Croquignole's Den — A noisy Hotel —Seeing Life Page 233

Chapter XIII

Cafe of the Rue du Bouloi — Cafes in general — Their Economy and Appearance — Waiters — Cockneys abroad again — English and French Soldiers — Furniture of Cafes — Articles consumed — Habits of Customers — Beer — Sobriety of the French — Instances and Exceptions — Population of the Banlieue — A ferocious Pastry-woman — Political Workmen — Drunkards' Association — Domino Players — Four ditto Gentlemen — The Cafe de la Regence — Parasites of the Cafes — Their Habits and Character — Billiard-playing — La Poule — Cards — The Point of Honour — Gambling — Playhouses — Their Restoration plotted — Frail Health of Morality — How to Demoralise a People — Acquaintances in public Places — Police Agents — Informers — Conspiring Spies — The Singing Coffee-houses — Applause forbidden — The Students disobey — Delphine — Songs sung — National Airs suppressed 255 VOL. I. C CONTENTS.

Chapter XIV

Further Account of M. Agricole— Poor Fifine— A Visit to Home— A prudent Girl — A renewed Acquaintance— The Cremerie — A charming Woman — Fifine comes upon the Stage — Her Conversation—A Knot of French People— Madame Adele's Shop — A discreet Lady — The Neighbours— Talk of Butter and Cheese — Eggs — Stock of the Cremerie — Breakfasts — Fifine and Adele— Philosophy of Females — Formation of a Club — Rules and Regulations — Alexis introduced — A New Candidate — M. Petit — A Mysterious Character — Our Manners — Watching a Rival — Tom Pouce — Ludicrous Simplicity — Blackballing a Beard — The Man who lives upon Cremieres — I moralise — The Game of Consequences Page 274

Chapter XV

The Brune Therese — An Arrival — M. X , a new Clubbist — Story of Madame Adele — Theory of Marriage — An Ideal — Political Economy — Early Marriages — Polygamy — The "Mistress" — Motives of Women — English Women — Why Girls go Astray — Schmidt — The Infant Adele — The Blood — A Semi-adoption — Pride must have a Fall — A Marriage de Convenance — Tradesmen's Wives — Why M. X sought a Mistress — Conjugal Fidelity — Conflicting Passions — Life a Contest— Virtue in France — Lax tone of Morality — Alexandre Dumas — Details of an Intrigue — French Wives — Severity of the Law — Hide-and-Seek Life — Its Conclusion — The Cigar-shop — Frontier-ground — The Students and the Middle Classes — Public Characters — Political Immorality — Villanous Theories — Progress of Virtue in Free States — Women of Nations we hate— Marie Antoinette and the Empress Eugenie . . PURPLE TINTS OF PARIS.

Chapter I

Hasty Conclusions — First Impressions — Old Acquaintance with France — My Prejudices — French and English — Limits of the subject — Egotism — New Streets — Changes in the Aspect of Paris — War against old Names — Great Battles and National Prejudices — Waterloo — Counter-criticisms — Spoils of Conquest — Historical Amenities — Public Works and Communism — English Opinions — Our Countrywomen scolded — Beauty and Influence of Paris. The French are fond of telling a story about an Englishman who, on landing at Calais, was sulkily received by a red-haired hostess, and forthwith wrote down in his note-book, — " All Frenchwomen are sulky and red-haired." What corrections were afterwards made in this judgment we are not told. It is probable that a mind capable of generalisation so rapid was incapable of giving a second hearing to VOL. I. B FIRST IMPRESSIONS. the cause, and that our hasty traveller spent more time and ingenuity in finding reasons to justify his original opinion than would have enabled him to range through the whole scope of French manners.

He is mentioned as an oddity ; but, perhaps, thought will teach us that, in another kind of journey, most men waste half their energies in endeavouring to keep in countenance some early error that they have made their bosom friend. However this may be, no traveller need doubt that his first impressions of a country are erroneous. Even when we look at the forms of material pal pable objects, the judgment is obliged to correct the eye. On entering a room which custom has not made familiar, there is a competition of tables, chairs, and fire-irons for our notice ; and even an auctioneer's observation is staggered for a moment. What confusion is created in our ideas when we move to a new house ! We are placed in another centre, and feel like a forlorn mathematical point to which radii have not yet had time to converge.

Everything around has a foreign aspect. The sounds of the street seem strange. Even the house-dog barks uneasily at night. We try to feel at home ; but in vain. Remorse comes over us for unjust aspersions on the feline race. The colour of the wall-paper is odd. The windows are out of place; so are the doors, the chimneypieces, and the OLD ACQUAINTANCE WITH FRANCE. 3 cupboards. The sun has shifted his position ; and the postman comes down the street a different way. For some time the mind remains perplexed by a sense of absurdity. I have felt this odd feeling about other countries, but not about France. For I first set my foot — a very small foot, then — on the coast of Normandy, in the year 1829. This may explain why I am obliged to have recourse to reason, in order to persuade myself that it is ridiculous for women to wear bon nets as high as steeples.

That kind of head-dress appears to me rather elegant than otherwise ; and when young travellers begin to laugh at it, I feel as cold as when some modern wit uses names that are sacred, and mentions things that are mysteries, as an incentive to laughter. I do not see the funny side of the matter at all. However, if my taste remain so far corrupted, in spite of long intervals of experience in other countries, I must admit that a recent sojourn in France has deprived me of many of my prejudices in its favour. Not, perhaps, that I like it less than of yore; but my respect for the people has dimi nished. If love is akin to pity, pity is akin to contempt. A nation, like an individual, when un fortunate from its own fault, must expect its friends to fall off. They fall off so easily, even from un merited disaster.

MY PREJUDICES. What lances have I broken for France in my time ! Why, I have made myself disagreeable to half my friends, by checking their criticisms when they seemed to flow rather from prejudice than knowledge. My enthusiasm has greatly diminished. Let me hope that I have retrograded to the half way house of impartiality. At any rate I shall neither calumniate nor flatter — rather the second than the first ; but there are certain things that must be said not commendatory. These volumes, moreover, will scarcely cross the Channel. If they should, let those who notice a lack of compliments remember that England has been so maltreated in French writing and conversation, that the word " Anglais," when it does not excite hatred, is almost always associated with ridicule. I shall not, how ever, as I have hinted, yield to the temptation to make reprisals; partly because there is nothing so monotonous as vituperation and satire, partly be cause I want the inclination.

In truth — and be sure this admission will warm the heart of every true Gaul — France has been a great nation in arts and arms, and must not be despised because it is at present under a cloud. It would be ungrateful in me to deny that some of the pleasantest hours that have brightened on my path — some of those hours that shine more and more vividly as they recede in time — have been FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 5 spent in Paris. In the centre of that great city I have, for many years past, set up my literary her mitage ; and there, relations growing around me, I have been brought acquainted writh many features of French manners which seem to me legitimate objects of art. We cannot all be historical painters. The scenes of daily life, the changing forms of con temporary society, even mutations in the physiognomy of cities, the influence of new institutions on individual habits and modes of thought, the by play of national character — all these are valuable materials for moral speculation.