China, political, commercial and social

Chapter I. British Intercourse With China, Since The Reign Of Queen Elizabeth

; DETAILS OF THE RECENT WAR, AND TREATIES WITH ENGLAND. The finite capacity of man, and his consequent fallible judgment, render experience a safe guide in mundane affairs, particularly in national intercourse, for the character and ruling motives of a nation are less liable to change than those of individuals. If then we find, that in the intercourse of China with foreign countries for more than 2000 years, submission has been received with arrogance, and quiescence rewarded with oppression, that resistance has been treated with respect, and force alone procured concessions to justice, — we have a guide, when pursuing an upright course of policy, for our conduct towards China. The previous chapters will corroborate the truth of these remarks, and in farther elucidation of them, independent of historical interest, the following narrative is given of English intercourse with China, since the reign of our truly national sovereign Elizabeth, during whose reign (a.d. 1596) we have the first official intimation of pubhc communication with China.

The following is a copy of a letter from Queen Elizabeth of England, to the Emperor of China, a.d. 1596. " Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, the most mightie Defendresse of the true and Christian faith, againste all that falsely profess the name of Christ. " To the most high and sovereign prince, the most puissant VOL. II. B QUEEN ELIZABETH TO THE EMPEROR OF CHINA. governor of the great kingdom of China, the chiefest Emperor in those parts of Asia, and the islands adjoining, and the great monarch of the oriental regions of the world ; wisheth health, and many joyful and happy years, with all plenty and abundance of things most acceptable.

" Whereas our honest and faithful subjects which bring these letters unto your highness, Richard Allot and Thomas Broomfield, merchants of the city of London, have made most earnest suite unto us, that we would commend their desires and endeavours of sayling to the regions of your empire for traffiques sake ; whereas the fame of your kingdom so strongly and prudently governed, being published over the face of the whole earth, hath invited these, our subjects, not only to visit your highnesses dominions, but also to permit themselves to be ruled and governed by the laws of your kingdom during their abode there, as it becometh merchants, who for exchange of merchandise are desirous to travel to distant and unknown regions, having this regard only, that they may present their wares and musters of divers kind of merchandise, wherewith the regions of our dominions do abound, unto the view of your highness and of your subjects, that they may endeavour to know whether there be any other merchandise with us fit for your use, which they may exchange for other commodities, whereof in parts of your empire there is great plenty, both natural and artificial.

We yielding to the most reasonable requests of these honest men, because we suppose that by this intercourse and traffique, no loss, but rather most exceeding benefits, wiD redound to the princes and subjects of both kingdoms, and thus help and enrich one another. And we do crave of your most Sovereign Majesty, that these our subjects, when they arrive at any of your ports or cities, they may have full and free liberty of egress and regress, and of dealing with your subjects ; and may by your clemency enjoy all freedoms and privileges as are granted to the subjects of other princes ; and we on the other side, will not only perform all the offices of a well and willing prince unto your highness, but also for the greater increase of mutual love and commerce between us and our subjects, by these present letters of ours, do most willingly grant unto all and every your subjects, full and entire liberty into any of the parts of our dominions to resort there, to abide and traffique, and then return as it seemeth best to them.

" All and every of which premises we have caused to be confirmed, by annexing hereunto our royal seal. God most Merciful and Almighty, the Creator of heaven and earth, continually pro tect your Kingly Majesty. " Given at our palace at Greenwich the 11th of July, 1596, and 38th of our reign." A storm prevented the ship which conveyed this letter reaching its destination. That considerable importance was attached to a Elizabeth's gra^t to the earl op Leicester. 3 growing trade with China at this period, is further evidenced by the following " draft of a warrant to discharge ware bound for China," which is to be found in the Lansdowne manuscripts. It appears to have been granted in favour of the " Earl of Leicester and other adventurers for the discovery and finding out Kathav." (China.) The following is a copy of this singular document.

" Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queen of England, &c, &c. To the Barons of the Exchequer. " Greeting.

Whereas there is due unto us for our subsidy of poundage of certain wares and merchandises entered into our book of entries, of the said subsidy due of merchandise carried from a port of London, and then shipped in divers ships, in the month of April last past, in the names of our right trusty and right well beloved Robert Earl of Leicester, and other adventurers, for the discovery and finding out Kathay, (China) to pass in the voyage to that land divers several sums of money amounting to the sum of _£45 12s. 2\d. growing due of the value of the said wares, being valued at £912 4*s. 2d., after the rate of twelve pence for every pound, thereof as by the said book reported by Robert Daw our collector, for our said subsidy in the said port disbursed into our said exchequer, and then remaining in the custody of our remembrancer, amongst other things more plainly appeareth ; and whereas also there is due unto us for the custom of our hundreth, and wine, woollen cloths, and twenty yards of woollen cloths, entered in our book of entries of our petty custom of cloths and other merchandize, transported from our said port, and then shipped in divers ships in the month of March last, in the name of the said Earl and other adventurers, to pass on the said voyage divers several sums of money, amounting to the sum of j£36 12*. 3d. after the rate of 6s. 8d. for every 'cjoth, as by the said book kept by William Phillips and Robert Young, collector of the said customs in the said port, and delivered into the custody of our remembrancer among other things, more plainly appeareth : — We let you to wit that we have agreed and granted to the said Earl and other adventurers aforesaid, to allow towards the charges and furnishing the said voyage as our adventure, to be accounted for after the rate to our use, according as the voyage shall have success, the said several sums due unto us as aforesaid, wherefore we grant unto you mil power and authority, and we will and command you by these presents, that you cause our said courts to allow and permit the said Earl and others aforesaid, to retain in their own hands the said several sums of money due unto us as aforesaid, to be employed about the said voyage, or having already received it, do forthwith re-pay the same to that use, and that you do by virtue hereof, give clear and full allowance, discharge and exoneration, upon record for ever against us, our heirs and successors, to our said courts, and b trade attempted with china. every of them, in the several accounts to be made unto us, of the profits of the several officers of, for, and concerning the said sums, any statute, law, course of our said Exchequer, or any other matter or thing, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding, and these our letters," &c.

In 1613, the English East India Company having successfully established a factory in Japan, the want of an opening with China was severely felt, and efforts were made by the payment of large sums of money to many Chinese merchants, who promised to in terest themselves to gain that object.

The differences between the English and Dutch Companies in India and Japan, had risen to such a height, that the British government and the States- General entered into a treaty of de fence, by which both countries bound themselves to endeavour to open a free trade with China. No part of this treaty was fulfilled by the Dutch, who were very jealous of the rising power of England. The dreadful slaughter of English subjects by the Dutch at Amhoyna, and the cruel persecution which the East India Com pany's officers were subjected to in Japan (see vol. i., p. 300) were allowed to pass with impunity, owing to the state of affairs between England and Spain. In 1634, " a truce and free trade" to China and all other parts where the Portuguese had trade, was agreed to between the Vice roy of Goa and several English merchants, who had obtained a license from King Charles the First (Courteen's association).

By virtue of this agreement, Captain Weddell sailed for China, with letters of introduction to the governor of Macao. The details of this expedition illustrate the character of the Chinese to the present day, and are worthy of note. When Captain Weddell' s fleet arrived at Macao, the Portuguese governor, so far from giving them encouragement to trade (lest, as he represented, he might offend the Chinese), advised our ships to depart. Captain Weddell, unwilling to return fruitless after his long journey, determined to explore the Canton River ; and fitted out a barge and pinnace, with fifty men, which discovered the mouth of the river. After several days' delay, a small boat approached the pinnace, sold them refreshments, and agreed to bring them to Canton ; they had not sailed far when they fell in with a fleet of Chinese junks, consisting of twenty sail, commanded by .an ad miral, who called on them to anchor, which they did ; some Portu guese on board acted as interpreters.

Nothing could exceed the wrath of this functionary on finding that the "Barbarians" had discovered the mouth of the river, (it appears the Portugiiese were not permitted to approach Canton by this route; probably it was the "inner passage,") or, as he CAPTAIN WEDDELL'S EXPEDITION TO CANTON. 5 termed it, " the prohibited goods, and the concealed parts and passages of so great a prince's dominions." The Chinese admiral required the English to tell him who were their pilots. The spokesman of this adventurous crew asked permission to trade on the same terms as the inhabitants of Macao. Permission was granted for three of the crew of the pinnace, to sail for Canton in a junk furnished for that purpose by the Chinese admiral. The next day, when near Canton, they were hailed, and a request made to return to Macao, and that every assistance would be given to them iu obtaining a license to trade.

The proceedings of Captain Weddell, the treachery he experi enced, and the concessions immediately granted from fear, are so similar to the proceedings during our late war, that they deserve special notice. The pinnace returned from Canton on the strength of these promises ; and being satisfied with the knowledge they had acquired of the river, were anxious to relieve Captain Weddell from the suspense their long absence must have occasioned. During their absence six vessels had sailed from Macao for Japan, which the Portuguese were afraid Weddell would have in tercepted : he allowed them, however, to proceed on their voyage. But instead of receiving any aid from either the Chinese or Portu guese, the English were prohibited to trade, the Chinese being freed from the fear that Captain Weddell would surprise their vessels.

A eonsultatiou was held by the Enghsh, and a plan of the river being laid before the captains of the ships, it was decided that the whole fleet should sail for Canton without delay. " Having made good passage on their way to Canton, and being furnished with some slender interpreters, they soon had speech with mandarins in the king's junks, to whom the cause of their arrival was made known ; to the request these mandarins pro mised to lend every assistance with the prime men in Canton ; but requested a delay of six days, which was granted ; and the English ships rode with white ensigns on the poops. " But the perfidious Portuguese had so slandered the English, that in the night-time, the Chinese put forty-six pieces of ord nance into the fort lying close to the river; and after the end of four days, having fortified themselves, they discharged divers shot, though without hurt.

Herewith the fleet being incensed, did dis play their bloody ensigns ; and weighing their anchors, fell up with the flood, and berthed themselves before the castle, from whence came many shots, yet not any that touched hull or rope. Whereupon, not being able to endure their bravadoes any longer, each ship began to play furiously upon them with their broadsides; and after two or three hours, perceiving their cowardly fainting, the boats were landed with about one hundred men ; which sight occasioned them, with great distraction, instantly to abandon the FREE TRADE GRANTED TO CAPTAIN WEDDELL. castle and fly ; the boat's crew in the meantime entering the same, nnd displaying his majesty's colours of Great Britain upon the walls. The boats of the fleet seized a junk, by which a letter was sent to Canton, directed to the chief mandarins, expostulating on their breach of truce, excusing the assailing, and withal, in fair terms, requiring the liberty of trade.

This letter it seems was de livered; for the next day, a mandarin of no great note came towards the ships with a white flag, the request was renewed, and certain gifts presented ; he was dismissed, but returned the same day with a junk to carry up such persons as would be able to con clude further upon the manner of their future proceedings." The English, by firmness, gained their point ; two officers, Mounteney and Robinson, proceeded up the river, and anchored close to the city walls ; and were received by officers of high rank, who granted Captain Weddell permission for a free trade, and the liberty to fortify himself on any place outside the river. In consequence of this, Captain Weddell landed the guns which he had taken from the castle. The supercargoes went up to Canton, paid down ten thousand rials as duties, and commenced loading sugar and ginger.

Not many days elapsed when things took a most unfavourable turn. The Chinese delivered a protest to the commander; charged him with having forced the trade ; two of the supercargoes were made prisoners, and seven fire-junks were floated down the river, which the English, however, avoided and destroyed. The prisoners obtained their release by threatening to burn the town by means of a lens, which so alarmed the mandarins, that they gave them their liberty. In the meantime, the fleet at Macao hearing of the detention of their comrades, resolved to release them. And having well manned their boats, they attacked sixteen sail of the imperial fleet, and burnt five of them, captured the town of Famou, and sailed to Canton. The affair was arranged, the Chinese authorities charg ing the Portuguese as the instigators, whom they condemned to pay a large sum, which went into their own pockets.

Between the imbecility of the Chinese government and the re newed persecution of the Portuguese, the project of Courteen's .association was abandoned ; although the terms entered into with the Chinese were moderate, viz. : " that for ample trade and resi dence, the English should yearly pay 2000 taels to the Emperor, four pieces of iron ordnance, and fifty muskets." Throughout these protracted difficulties the Chinese authorities appear to have been under the control of the Portuguese, as the Chinese were not then governed by the Tartars, and were really desirous of free trade. Agreeably to an understanding entered into between the Viceroy of Goa and the East India Company, a fleet of ships was despatched to Macao, in June, a.d. 1637: the supercargoes presented a letter STATE OF OUR CHINA TRADE IN 1648. 7 from King Charles to the Portuguese Captain-general, who alleged that the conduct of Captain Weddell the previous year, had subjected them to heavy fines from the Chinese. a.d. 1644.

The East India Company sent the ship Hinde to Macao ; on first landing, our countrymen received good entertainment, but were subsequently mulcted in every possible way, and charged 3,500 rials instead of 800, for measurement. The supercargoes' letter stated that the Portuguese were greatly reduced, owing to the loss of their former trade to Japan, Manillas, &c, and that they are little better than rebels against their viceroy at Goa, having lately murdered their Captain-general, and daily spilling one another's blood. The supercargoes further state the effects of the Tartar conquest on China thus : — " What makes things more miserable, China is wholly embroiled in civil wars. One of the mandarins having risen in rebellion, is grown so powerful, that he possesses a great part of the kingdom, and is likely to command the whole.

The Emperor has huug himself, (after slaying his wife and children). These disturbances have left Macao destitute of all kinds of merchandise, neither raw nor wrought silks, nothing but China ware, of which the bulk of the present cargo is composed." The state of the East India Company and of our trade in China, a.d. 1648, is thus shown in a letter from the supercargoes at Bantam : — " The experiment which you desire we should make with one of our small vessels for trade into China, we are certainly informed by those that know the present state and condition of that country very well, cannot be undertaken without the inevitable loss both of ship, men, and goods ; for as the Tartars overruu and waste all the inland country, without settling any government in the places which they overcome, so some of their great men in China, with a mighty fleet at sea of upwards of 1,000 sail of great ships, (as is confidently reported) rob and spoil all the sea-coasts, and whatsoever vessels they can meet with : and how one of our feeble vessels would be able to defend themselves against such forces is easy supposed.

As for the Portugals in Macao, they are little better than mere rebbels against their viceroy in Goa, having lately murdered their Captain-general sent thither to them, and Macao itself is so distracted amongst themselves, that they are daily spilling one another's blood. But put the case, all these things were otherwise, we must need say, we are in a very poor con dition to seek out new discoveries, while you will not allow us either factors, shipping, or sailors, scarce half sufficient to maintain the trade already you have on foot; and, therefore, the Dutch but laugh at us to see us meddle with new undertakings, being hardly able to support the old." a.d. 1664. The Surat ship despatched this year to Macao, after waiting five months, reshipped the goods, as the charges de- TARTAR GOVERNMENT IMPEDE CHINA TRADE. manded were enormous, independent of the heavy exaction of the Chinese in the form of bribes.

The supercargoes reported that "the new governors of China, the Tartars, are throwing every im pediment in the way of trade, merchants from Canton are pre vented from coming to Macao by the pirates, who take everything before them ; provisions are not to be had." a.d. 1670. The chief of Formosa had hitherto proved success ful against the Tartars, and was so .anxious for foreign commerce, that he invited the English to trade in his territories, promising them an exemption from port or any other charges. The East India Company despatched a vessel from Bantam, to Formosa. The chief entered into terms which promised well for establishing a factory and trade with Amoy. Notwithstanding the invitation and promises, when the factory was settled, and warehouses erected, the chief in the most treacher ous manner charged duties, to the serious injury of tra,de, en grossed the monopoly of sugar and skins, and acted most arbitra rily in every respect, obtaining goods without the least prospect of paying for them, unless he got the better of the Tartars, of which he was most sanguine.

He, however, promised free ports in every place should he succeed. a.d. 1674. The ship Return was again despatched to Macao, and after a long stay was obliged to depart without any success. The consultation states that " owing to the intestine wars now raging in China, and the consequent distress, they only sold eleven pieces of cloth in barter, and that at poor rates." About the year a.d. 1677, a most pressing invitation was sent from the viceroy of Canton to the Enghsh merchants, who were then settled in Amoy seven years, to establish and settle a factory in Canton. But such was the uncertainty of the usurpers being able to continue their sway in China, and probably a dread of dis pleasing Koxinga, that the proposal was declined, the English preferring the native chieftain Koxinga, i.e., the King of Formosa, and his successor.

It was not until his final overthrow, a.d. 1681, that the English turned their attention to Canton. The Portuguese no sooner heard of the defeat of Koxingn, than they purchased the sole right of trading to Canton, by a bribe of 8,000 sterling per annum, and procured an edict from the go vernor, which prohibited the merchants of that place under heavy penalty "from trading with any strangers." When the English arrived in a.d. 1682, in the Canton river, they were met by a Tartar Admiral, who informed them, " that there was an agreement entered into between the Emperor of China aud the Portuguese, not to permit a trade with any other European nation." The Tartars obtained possession of Amoy, and the factors, to appease their hostility and rapacity, were obliged to expend con siderable sums of money ; but the more they gave, the more was EXTORTIONS ON TRADE AT AMOY. required, so that their condition was getting worse every day under the uew rulers.

Mr. Roberts, one of the supercargoes, demanding a debt due to him by a Chinese merchant, was put under arrest in his own fac tory, and chained there until he agreed to lake such goods as the debtor chose to give him at his own valuation, for the sum he owed. The extortions and exactions were not confined to the mandarins, but the Emperor's son sent to a merchant and compelled him to sell him such articles as he selected for his own price. The English were even obliged to pay duties for a cargo that could not be dis posed of. All the ports of China being opened to traders, Amoy was relinquished. a.d. 1685. All the ports of the Empire were nominally opened to foreign free trade by the Emperor Kanghe ; but the restrictions and heavy impositions adopted by the local authorities continued at Canton ; where the Portuguese tribute or bribe of £8,000 per annum closed the port against the English, except under severe exactions. a.d. 1689.

The first experiment of free port privileges was tried on the ship Defence at Canton. After a delay of three weeks a measurer came on board, commenced measuring her from stem to stern ; but by getting a bribe consented to measure her from be fore the mizen-mast to the after part of the fore-mast. The sums demanded were 2,484 taels, which was resisted ; after a week's delay 1,500 taels were paid, 300 of which were to go to the Tartar officers. A riot occured between the sailors of the Defence and some Chinese, and although some of the sailors were killed, aud the doctor mortally wounded, yet in consequence of one of the Chinese being also killed, not less than 5,000 taels would pacify the mandarins, who refused 2,000 offered by Captain Heath. a.d, 1702. Rapacity had early exhibited itself, by an attempt to have all the trade at Canton conducted through one person, to be styled " the Emperor's merchant."

This extortion was not fully acted on, after an engagement had been entered into to pay him 5,000 taels for each ship. A fresh imposition was laid on of four per cent, which caused a long and useless remonstrance. a.d. 1704. Gerardini, the Italian painter, arrived from Peking at Canton, to embark for France in one of the company's vessels. This eminent painter had been eight years in Peking, adorning the Emperor's palace. The Emperor was so delighted with the works of this artist, that he would not part with him till he had " bred up six great men's sons " in the art. The hoppo to whom he was consigned by the Emperor for safe and speedy departure, greatly facilitated the despatch of the Company's fleet, by which means the artist obtained a free passage. a.d. 1715. The great promises held out by the mandarins at Canton of protection, induced the East India Company to resolve ARTICLES OF TRADE AGREED TO IN 1715. 10 on sending ships to Canton at stated periods ; and the better to secure the trade, stipulated for the observance of a series of regulations as follows : — Articles agreed upon between the supercargoes of the East India Company and the hoppo, or superintendent of foreign trade at Cantou. lst.

Free trade with all Chinese without distinction. 2nd. Liberty to hire Chinese servants, and to dismiss them at pleasure. English servants committing any offeuce to be punished by the supercargoes, and not by the Chinese. 3rd. Liberty to purchase provisions for the factory and ships. 4th. No duties to be chargeable on the reshipment of unsold goods, nor on stores, such as wine, beer, &c. expended in the factory. 5th. Liberty to erect a tent on shore for repairing casks, sails, &c. 6th. English boats with colours flying, to pass and repass the custom houses without examination, and the sailors' pockets not to be searched. 7th. Escritoires and chests to be landed and shipped without examination. 8th. The hoppo to protect the English from all insults and impositions of the common people, and the mandarins.

As soon as it suited the authorities of Canton to violate these regulations, they were of course set aside. In fact, although ratified on paper they were never practically carried into effect. The lex talionis, promptly executed, has always been in China the surest mode of obtaining redress. The East India Company records state that in 1713 "A private ship (the^Mwe) from Madras, seized a junk belonging to Amoy, in satisfaction of injuries received at that port. The Emperor being informed of this, sent a special messenger to enquire into the affair ; and on his report, ordered the mandarins, whose duty it was to see justice done the Madras merchants, to be severely punished. " The seizure of the junk caused the English to be better treated than ever." Lord's Report, 1821, p. 279. Whilst the Company had the alternative of trading at Amoy as well as Canton, the supercargoes exhibited a becoming spirit.

They frequently detained their vessels at the mouth of the river, until they obtained an assurance of proper treatment. At this early period it was not an uncommon occurrence to bring sentries on shore to guard the factory ; and it must have been through ignorance or neglect, that they permitted so good a precedent to become obsolete. In 1721 a complaint of combination among the Chinese to regulate prices was made, as is now (1847) the case. The Court of Directors, in their orders to the supercargoes as the cohong and C0NS00 fund. to the liberty to trade, stated " this article is likely to be more necessary and strenuously to be insisted on now than ever, for our last returned supercargoes have brought us a draft of the combina tion which the Chinese were forming to set their own prices on the goods to be sold to the Europeans, thereby to have their pro portion of the real profit on the said goods, whoever appeared to be the seller." a.d. 1722.

The intolerant grievance was tried this year of forming the Cohong. The hoppo prohibited the inferior merchants from trading with Europeans, and compelled all merchants (except the Cohong) to pay 20 per cent, on China ware, and 40 per cent, on all tea sold by them. By a firm resistance on the part of the supercargoes, this was dissolved. It was soon ascertained that fresh extortions and violations of the privileges granted were attempted every season. a.d. 1 723. The supercargo of the ship " Walpole," on their arrival at Macao, discovered that the whole of the Chinese officials had engrossed the trade, and obliged the Chinese merchants to borrow money from them at 30 per cent, having previously purchased all the tea in the country, and forced the merchants to take it at their own price. By this means the merchants were ruined, sa that not more than two were capable of entering into a contract.

The Consoo Fund, which was levied by the mere fiat of the Hong merchants, was three per cent, on all goods excepting woollens, long cloths, iron, and cotton yarn. It had long been diverted from the purposes for which it was imposed, and was of late years appropriated as follows : Annual tribute to the Emperor . . . £18,000 Repairing the Yellow River, to which the British had no access . . . 10,000 An agent at Peking . . . 7,000 Birthday presents to the Emperor . . 43,000 Ditto to the hoppo . . . 7,000 Ditto „ „ Mother or Wife . . 7,000 Ditto various officers . . . 13,000 Expended on Ginseng, a Royal monopoly grown in Tartary . . . . 47,000 £152,000 a.d. 1727. Several merchants left Canton for Amoy, where they were invited, and it was stated that the mandarins of that port were most anxious to cultivate trade, and free it from un reasonable demands.