A Circumstantial Narrative of the Campaign in Russia, ... with plans of the battles of the Moskwa and Malo-Jaroslavitz ... Translated [by E. Boyce] from the French. Second edition ... improved

Front matter

N. /Vj<3 -y=^-f^ iU.ui x *)////- -V >///t/>/s.i f'f/f/r-/ // * "■ "• ■** -- V ( S/ji nt/trf//>t /{'<>///< (>/'//>( ) Fl.KNClfARMY, ( nttbnr. ) /-/.S'./.VV7*V. / \S' C.i.ltr.tKiX, _s_a. London ■ /'nZ/ix/if,/ im _f*_wnnjjL* &euh. Strand. ,Ai/<- '. 1/ '.''/,■ ■/■ ■ ■■ .■■»$■' ft Hm-v rr' /;/... m,.,f,f A CIRCUMSTANTIAL NARRATIVE OF Zf)t ©awpatgn in MuZZiu, EMBELLISHED WITH PLANS OF THE BATTLES OF THE MOSKWA and MALO-JAROSLAVITZ. CONTAINING A FAITHFUL DESCRIPTION OF THE AFFECTING AND INTERESTING SCENES, OF WHICH THE AUTHOR WAS AN EYE-WITNESS. BY EUGENE LABAUME, Captain qfthe Royal Geographical Engineers, E.v-Ojjicer of the Ordnance of Prince Eugene, Chevalier of the Legion of Honour, and of the Iron Crown. Author of an Abridged History qfthe Republic of Venice. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. SECOND EDITION, CONSIDERABLY IMPROVED. LONDON : PRINTED FOR SAMUEL LEIGH, IN THE STRAND, BY W. CLOWES, NORTHUMBERLAND-COURT. M,DCCC,XV. TRANSLATOR'S

Preface

. The official situation which the Author enjoyed under Prince Eugene, enabled him to give a faithful history of the most extraordinary campaign that the annals of war record. His style is simple and unaffected; and, though he aims not at any flights of eloquence, his descriptions often powerfully interest the feelings, and reach the heart. His recital of the passage of the Wop, the Beresina, and the Niemen, yield not in genuine pathos to any real or fictitious narrative of ancient or modern times, while the simplicity and can dour with which he writes, are assured pledges of his fidelity. The moderation and reserve with which he speaks of the unprincipled contriver of this infamous and disastrous expedition, are worthy of notice. It is an interesting struggle between the honest indignation of the man, and that reverence for his general, which he had ever been taught to consider as the first duty of the soldier, and which, in his mind, was associated with the memory of former victories, and much personal obligation. But the English reader, who has no similar restraint on the indignant a

PREFACE.

. feelings of his soul, will trace the bloody career of this execrable tyrant with mingled aversion and horror. The enterprise had no colour of justice. It was prompted by the wildest lust of power, and in its execution every principle of humanity was outraged. Hurried on by the vain and puerile ambition of planting his eagles on the walls of the ancient capital of the Czars, he neglected every military precaution ; he calculated not on the forces that hovered on his rear; he remembered not the rigours of a northern winter; but led to certain destruction the proudest army of which France, in her happiest days, could boast : and when he was compelled to retrace his steps with sad discomfiture, our blood curdles at the recital of the wanton destruction which marked his retreat. While he strove, with remorseless fury, to wreak his revenge on the enemy, he forgot that his own soldiers would be the principal victims of the desolation which he caused.

The first division was ordered to plunder and destroy without mercy, that his eyes might be gratified with the sight of human misery. He thought not, he cared not, that the divisions which followed were, by these means, exposed to the horrors of a Russian winter, without food to eat, or one habitation left entire, to afford them shelter.

PREFACE.

. V Thus perished five hundred thousand men the victims of inordinate ambition and savage barbarity. He has had his reward. He has been hurled from the throne which he usurped, and the disasters which our author so feelingly describes, prepared the way for the deliverance of France, and the repose of Europe. If he be not dead to every sentiment of humanity, we can scarcely wish him a greater punishment than in the solitude ot Elba, to muse on this faithful and affecting narrative of the unparal leled sufferings of his devoted followers. London, February 1st, 1815. For the convenience of persons who purchased the first edition of Labaume, theMap of the countries between Paris and Moscow, may be had separately, price 2s. coloured. P. S. An Authentic Work of peculiar interest is just published, translated from the French of Monsieur Giraud, entitled, The Campaign of Paris in 1814; it may be con sidered as a sequel to Labaume's Narrative.

Price 6s. boards, embellished with a Plan of the attack on Paris, and a Map of the Environs. N. B. The French Edition of LABAUME'S NARRA TIVE, is imported by Messrs. BOSSANGE and MASSON, No. 14, Great Marlborough-Street, where the public will meet with a more extensive assortment of Foreign publication*, that! at any other establishment in the kingdom. Their general Catalogue is just published, price 4s. It contains not only all the most esteemed works in French literature, but those which ha"e been published in France during the last twenty years, on the Sciences, Arts, His tory, &c. All new French Books arrive at this depot in London the same week that they are published in Paris. AUTHOR'S

PREFACE.

. I relate that which I have seen. A witness of the greatest disasters that ever befell a great nation ; a spectator and an actor in everv scene of this sad and memorable expedition, I present the reader with no fictitious narrative, artfully arranged, and heightened by false colouring. The events that passed around me were daily recorded, and I now simply endeavour, to communicate the impressions which I then felt. It was by the light of the burning of Moscow, that I described the sack of that unfortunate city. It was on the borders of the Beresina, that I traced the recital of that fatal passage. The plans of the battles of the Moskwa, and Malo-Jaroslavitz, which accompany this work, were taken on the spot, at the command of Prince Eugene. It is scarcely possible to conceive what difficulties 1 had to surmount in the pro gress of my work.

Compelled, like my companions in arms, to struggle with the most urgent necessities, pierced by the cold, tormented with hunger, a prey to every accumulated horror; uncertain at the rising of the sun, whether I should see preface. VII its setting rays, and doubtfull at night, Avhether I should witness the morrow's dawn ; every thought seemed concentered in the ardent desire to live, that 1 might perpetuate the memory of what I had seen. Animated by this irresistible feeling, I retraced, each night, the events of the day, sitting beside a wretched fire, under a temperature of ten or twelve degrees, and surrounded by the dying and the dead. The knife with which I had carved my scanty morsel of horse-flesh, was em ployed in cutting a raven's quill, and a little gunpowder, mixed with some melted snow, in the hollow of my hand, served me for ink and inkstand.

I have composed this work without personal ill-will, and without prejudice ; yet I must confess, that during the recital of the most horrible enterprise, which the genius of ambition had ever conceived, I could often scarcely restrain my indig nation against the author of all our mis fortunes. But the respect with which his former well-earned reputation had inspired me, and the memory of the glorious victories that I had witnessed, and in the honours of which I had shared, compelled me to speak of that conqueror with moderation and reserve. Having constantly before me the mournful image of a crowd of warriors,

PREFACE.

. doomed to perish miserably in remote deserts, I was sustained by the hope of rendering my feeble homage, to a courage acknowledged even by their enemies ; and to exploits the more heroic, since their object was no longer the safety of their country, nor even of their lives, but the preservation of their fame. I shall account myself most happy, if my reader is con vinced, that in the midst of so many disasters, our brave soldiers were always worthy of themselves ; that they stained not their ancient renown, and that, always formidable to their enemies, they were conquered by the elements alone. A CIRCUMSTANTIAL NARRATIVE OF THE CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIA.

Book I. Wilna

IF we were to look into our annals for the most brilliant period of our glory, we should find that France had never been more powerful than after the treaty of Tilsit. Spain, under the name of an ally, was, in reality, one of our provinces, whence we were supplied with money, men, and ships. Italy, wisely governed by a prince who was at once a skilful warrior and an able politician, being subject to, and obeying the same laws as, the French empire, enjoyed an equal share of prosperity with ourselves ; and saw with pride that her legions, transported to the Baltic, had given proofs of the noblest courage^ u WILNA in order to procure for France a peace as glorious as it was beneficial. Germany, alarmed by our colossal aggrandizement, far from opposing our successes, endeavoured merely to ensure her own existence, by a submission to all the great changes which subverted the German consti tution.

England, the only constant opponent of an ambition so fatal to mankind, saw, in the prosperity of Napoleon, a new cause of fear to herself, and of terror to the continent. Jealous of the honour of circumscribing that boundless ambition, she anxiously represented to the sovereigns of the north, how much it was their interest to arrest the rapidly-increasing progress of our excessive power. Vain efforts ! these sovereigns had not yet acquired the requisite degree of conviction, that they must all be united to crush the giant who wished to devour them. Napoleon's passion for invasion, suggested to him, on his return from Tilsit, the idea of declaring an unjust war on Spain, which not only tarnished his laurels, but afterwards furnished his enemies with the long-wished-for occasion of subverting his power.

A weak prince nominally presided over that unhappy peninsula; but a perfidious minister, treacherous towards his country, and ungrateful to his king and benefactor, in reality governed the WILNA. 3 state with a partial hand ; and by the most abject deference to the evil counsels of foreigners, degraded the nation, whose rights he seemed to have usurped only to drag it into long and shameful servitude. The credulity of the father, and the moderation of the son, alike promoted his criminal views. He incensed them against each other, and parties were soon formed. The artful Napoleon profited by the discord, which was thus produced, to excite a civil war, and to kindle that flame which was necessary for the execution of the most unjust and abominable pro ject, a project which presents, in the history of a civilized nation, an example of atrocious ingratitude, unparalleled even amongst bar barians.

Spain, notwithstanding its proximity to France, was little known ; and the character of its inhabit ants was still less understood. This fatal ignorance misled the conqueror, and induced him to attempt an unfortunate invasion; the miseries of which will, however, be easily forgotten, when we con sider that, like the campaign of Moscow, it was the primitive cause of those events which led to the happy deliverance of the world. It does not enter into my plan to recapitulate an ill-fated aggression, which made enemies of two nations equally generous, and who, always B WILNA united by a reciprocal esteem, would yet have retained the most friendly sentiments, had it not been for the perfidious politics of the tyrant. The struggle which ensued, memorable for its obstinacy and its vicissitudes, will furnish the historian with an interesting subject, and the military man with ample matter for meditation.

I shall only briefly observe, that Providence appears to have excited in Napoleon the idea of these two unjust wars, to convince the Spaniards and Russians, that an alliance with the vicious will unavoidably prove fatal. This instrument, which the Almighty had employed to accomplish his purpose, was now precipitated from error to error, to shew that tyranny is a crime against the common and inalienable rights of man, and that it may, at all times, be successfully opposed by those who march united under the banners as justice. Whilst Napoleon vainly endeavoured to chase the English from the peninsula, a newstorm was gathering in Germany. Austria, whom he had so often humbled, could not tamely submit to the disgraceful yoke under which her defeats had placed her. The resistance of the Spaniards, and the powerful armaments of England, offered her a favourable opportunity for again having recourse to arms, and endeavouring to recover the t<?rri.

WILNA. 5 tories which she had lost, and that political pre ponderance of which she had always been so jealous. The new war against Austria only opened anew field of triumph to the French. Landshut, Eckmuhl, and Katisbon, having been attacked, with brilliant success, prepared the way, at the end of four months, for one of the most memorable victories. The field of Wagram saw the prodi gies of Austerlitz renewed, and secured to France the most glorious campaign, and the most decisive results. The treaty of Vienna, which gave us peace, brought several wealthy provinces under our dominion. It aggrandized Wurtemberg and Bavaria, and seemed to promise to Poland her complete re-establishment. But that treaty, dictated by a power that grasped at every thing, might, like those which preceded it, have con tained the seeds of fresh contention, if the most august and most unexpected alliance, had not crowned the prosperity of the fortunate Napoleon.

Of all the blessings which chance had bestowed upon him, that marriage was undoubtedly the greatest; since it secured, for ever, the destiny of a man, who, having risen from the humblest rank in society, had now become allied to a powerful monarch. But seduced by a prosperity so WILNA dazzling, he was yet dissatisfied ; and, forming new, and romantic, and impious projects, he hazarded all that he had acquired. He wearied his good genius, and provoked his fate. To his own folly alone is it to be attributed, that that which was so well calculated to cement his power, became the cause of his ruin. That period ought to have been esteemed the happiest of Napoleon's life. What more could the wildest ambition desire ? From a private individual, he saw himself raised to the first throne in the world ; his reign had been one continued series of victories ; and, to complete his happiness, a son, the object of his most ardent wishes, was born, to succeed him.

The people, though oppressed under his government, became accustomed to it, and seemed desirous to secure the crown to his family. All the foreign princes, who were subjected to his power, were his vassals. They maintained his troops, and supplied him with money, to gratify his luxury and his plea sures. In short, all obeyed him. Nothing was wanting to make him happy ! nothing, if he could be happy who possessed not a love of justice. To that sentiment Napoleon had ever been a stranger, and, consequently, knew not either enjoyment or repose. Agitated by a restless spirit, and tormented by ungovernable WILNA ambition, the very excess of his fortune was his ruin. Aiming at that which it was impossible to obtain, and ignorant of human nature, he forgot every principle of honour and humanity — he forgot himself.

The sovereign of the German empire, tired of a resistance so long fatal to his arms, fancied for a moment, that he obeyed his fate, in yielding to a man to whom every one had submitted. He sacrificed his glory, and even his offspring, to obtain peace ; thus realizing those fabulous times, when magnanimous princes devoted their daugh ters to appease the wrath of some demon, who ravaged their country. All seemed disposed to submit to the great changes which Napoleon had effected ; and the common people, whose limited conceptions seldom penetrate into the dark minds of ambitious monarchs, thought that the surprising alliance between this man and an archduchess, must satisfy all his immoderate desires. They also expected, that the tender feelings of a parent would teach him, that a throne is not so firmly cemented by ambitious conquests, purchased by blood and by tears, as by wise institutions, which, making a government beloved, ensure its du ration.

The being never existed who possessed ampler means for promoting the happiness of WILNA mankind. Nothing was required but justice and prudence. The nation expected these from him, and granted him that unlimited confidence, which he afterwards so cruelly abused. Posterity will hesitate to decide whether Napoleon be more culpable on account of the crimes which he has committed, or the good that he might have done, but on which he bestowed not a single thought. Instead of considering with calmness and mo deration, how he might best employ his vast resources, he ruminated on projects beyond the power of man to execute ; forgetting what innumerable victims must be sacrificed in the vain attempt. Continually tormented by spleen and melancholy, the least contradiction irritated him. The very idea that there existed a nation suffi ciently great and generous to despise his pro posals, and resist his fatal influence, which lacerated his bosom, and poisoned the happiest moments of his glory.

In the hope of conquering that invincible enemy, he vainly endeavoured to grasp the ex tremities of Europe. Scarcely did he think that he had secured him on one side, than he escaped on the other. Infuriated at the disappointment ot his chimerical plans, he aspired at universal despotism, for no other reason, than because a nation, isolated from the continent, WILNA and profiting by its happy situation, had refused to submit to his intolerable yoke. From that time he dismissed his ministers, whose wisdom he despised. In his estimation, talent consisted only in a blind submission to his absurd pretensions ; and it was necessary for the greatest men to become the most abject slaves. Despot over his people and his armies, and a slave to his own ungovernable passions, he carried his ambitious views to the extremities of the globe, and aspired to the empire of the world.

Misled by his rash and hasty temper, he adopted a false line of politics, and converted in the north, as he had done before in the south, the most useful and powerful of his allies, into a dangerous enemy. In his senseless dreams he overstepped the natural boundaries of France. He allotted to her a chimerical and romantic destiny, and terrified himself with the groundless apprehension, that Russia might place herself on the ancient throne of Constantine, and command the two seas by which Europe is surrounded. He then assumed the prophet, predicting distant disasters to his country, and sacrificing the present generation to the uncertain happiness of posterity. Blinded by an excess of prosperity, he fancied that the neighbouring powers beheld him with WILNA 10 envy: and, judging of others by himself, he imagined that Russia must look with secret jealousy on the union between the most ancient and the most modern empires.

Full of this idea, he pursued his plans of devastation ; and desiring, as he said, that his dynasty might soon become the most ancient in Europe, he endeavoured to sanction his usurpation by dethroning every le gitimate prince in order to bestow their crowns on his brothers, who, too effeminate to second him in his tyranny, or rival him in his exploits, only shone like pale satellites around an ill boding star. The treaty of Tilsit appeared but a truce to those who knew Napoleon's character. Every one who compared the constantly-growing power of the two great empires, predicted an approaching rupture, and foresaw, in their systematic plans of aggrandizement, the future destruction of the gigantic edifice which both were erecting. The distance which had formerly separated them, had likewise separated their interests; but the conquests of France, having rendered her a neighbour of Russia, every thing presaged that a terrible struggle must, ere long, ensue between those rival powers, the shock of which would convulse the world.

For more, than two years, Russia and France WILNA. 11 had maintained a warlike attitude ; but at length Napoleon having reinforced the garrison of Dant zic consisting of a strong body of troops, and completed the cavalry, the artillery-train, and the military equipages, forbore no longer to over whelm Russia with reproaches. Forgetful that, since the treaty of Tilsit, he had not only invaded Holland, and the Hanse-towns, but likewise the duchy of Oldenburg, which belonged to the sister of Alexander, he imputed to the latter as a crime, that he had renewed a commercial inter course with England. From that moment, France made immense preparations. Numerous legions hastened from the banks of the Tagus to those of the Oder; and the same soldiers who, not long ago, had en camped on the fertile plains of Lombardy, saw themselves, in less than three months, transported to the barren sands of Poland.

Nothing, however, had yet transpired respect ing these great movements, except the famous senatus-consulte* , which organized the empire into cohortes, bans, and arriere bans^. Thus * Sitting of the Senate, 10th of March, 1812. f Three classes into which the men were divided, from 25 to 60 years of age, for the defence of the frontiers and tbe coasts. WILNA. France was on the point of being engaged in the most bloody contest which it had ever sus tained, and one half of Europe was marching against the other, while Napoleon had not deigned to afford the least intimation of it to the senate ; nor had that body ventured to demand from him any reason for a war, in which France was about to exhaust her treasures and her blood. Under these circumstances all eyes were turned towards Prussia, anxious to discover which party she would espouse.

Her fortresses, and her whole territory, were occupied by our armies ; nevertheless, an alliance with us appeared so opposite to her true policy, and so prejudicial to her interests, that, in spite of the constraint and the subjugation in which we held her, she long hesitated to declare her self. At last, to the surprise of all the world, we learned that she had decided in our favour*. They, however, who knew in what manner Napoleon contracted all his alliances, observed that Prussia did not declare for us till Berlin was pressed on all sides, and the duke of Reggio (Oudinot) was on the point of entering it as a * Treaty of Alliance (24 Feb. 1812), between His Ma jesty the Emperor and King, and His Majesty the King of Prussia. WILNA. conqueror. The King of Prussia was shortly after compelled to abandon his capital, and leave the command of it to the French generals.

At this time appeared another treaty of alii ance, between France and Austria, by which it was stipulated, that each of the two contracting powers should furnish the other with an aux iliary corps of thirty thousand men, in case of attack. Napoleon, pretending that he was threatened by Russia, claimed and obtained the pro mised succour, which was put under the com mand of the prince of Schwartzenberg. Thus Napoleon tyrannised over kings, as Robespierre tyrannised over the people. No one could remain neutral under either. The love of peace was regarded as treason ; and moderation considered as a crime. Innumerable troops traversed every part of Germany, and bent their course towards the Oder. The King of Westphalia (Jerome Buona parte), at the head of his guards and of two divi sions, had already crossed that river, as well as the Bavarians and Saxons.

The first corps was at Stettin, the third marched in that direction ; and the fourth, having arrived at Glogau, re placed the Westphalians, who proceeded to wards Warsaw. The composition of our army was curious and WILNA imposing. Were I to enumerate the different troops, it would remind my reader of the descrip tion of Homer, when he speaks of the various nations who marched to the conquest of Troy. In the month of April the grand army consisted of eight corps of infantry, each of them contain ing at least three divisions (the first had five divisions), and one body of cavalry. To these were joined the imperial guards, composed of about fifty thousand men ; and three great corps of cavalry under the name of the reserve. The total of our forces may have amounted to three hundred thousand infantry, and sixty thousand cavalry.

More than a thousand pieces of cannon, distributed amongst the different corps, constituted our artillery. The Prince of Eckmuhl (Davoust) had long commanded the five divisions, which constituted the first corps of the army. The second was in trusted to the Duke of Reggio (Oudinot). The third, to the Duke of Elchingen (Ney). The fourth, known by the name of the Army of Italy, and which contained the royal guards, was com manded by the Prince Viceroy (Eugene Beauhar nois). Prince Poniatowski at the head of his Poles, formed the fifth corps. The Bavarians, in corporated into the sixth, were under the orders of Count Gouvion St, Cyr. The Saxons were WILNA. counted as the seventh corps, commanded by General Begnier. The Westphalians, marching under the orders of their king (Jerome Buona parte), took rank in the army as the eighth corps.

Only a skeleton of the ninth was formed, but it was destined for the Duke of Belluno (Victor); and, lastly, the tenth corps, commanded by marshal the Duke of Taren turn, was composed of Prussians under General Grawert, and in cluded no French, except the division of General Grandjean. The Russian army opposed to us, was divided into two corps, under the denomination of first and second Army of the West ; the one com manded by General Barclay de Tolly, and the other by Prince Bagration. The number of divisions amounted to forty-seven, amongst which eight consisted of cavalry. The Emperor Alexander, who, on the 26th of April, arrived at Wilna with all his staff, had been long pre pared to repel our attacks. But those who had studied our system of war, strenuously advised that monarch not to hazard a battle, being well assured that Napoleon's ambition would lead him into savage countries, which, during the rigour of winter, would become the grave of bis armies.

Although Prussia had declared for us, prudence required that we should mistrust an WILNA. alliance exacted by force. The French garrisons, in the different fortified places, guarded them with the utmost care, particularly Glogau, where the fourth corps was assembled. Its vicinity to Breslau, whither the King of Prussia had retired with the remainder of his troops, naturally awakened our fears, and induced the governor to take every precaution against a coup de main, which might have proved fatal to the enterprises of France, The fourth corps, which arrived from Italy, under the denomination of the Army of Observa tion, seemed, from its title, to be destined alter nately to advance in front of the grand army, and to observe its flanks, and lastly, to rejoin it when great events required its assistance.

Having had the honour to belong to this corps, I shall more particularly describe its exploits during this memorable campaign. Its operations, when separated from the grand army, were more in teresting than those of any other corps, and it was generally united to the main body when circumstances induced Napoleon to concentrate his forces. The Viceroy (Eugene Beauharnois), before he was appointed to the fourth corps, which had in the interim been under the orders of the Duke of Abrantes (Junot), was called to Paris, where WILNA. his frequent conferences with the Emperor led to the belief that he was destined to higher func tions than those which attached to the com mand of one corps of the army. The rumour had long been spread that Napoleon, desirous of terminating in person the Spanish war, had an nounced in council that he intended to confide the government of the empire to a young prince, if circumstances should oblige him to absent himself from the capital.

But these brilliant hopes, which since the repudiation of his mother seemed to have no foundation, were soon de stroyed. The Viceroy, having received his in structions seven or eight days after his arrival in Paris, took the road to Poland, and arrived at Glogau on the 12th of May. While he remained at Glogau, he reviewed the troops which had been placed under his orders, and was particularly pleased with the fine appearance of the fifteenth division, consisting solely of Italians, and amounting to thirteen thousand men. The soldiers who composed it were so excellently disciplined, that General Pino, though first captain of the royal guards, deemed it an honour to command them. The fourth corps was to assemble at Plock. The Bavarian army was there already ; and the Prince Viceroy arrived in this town by way of c WILNA Posen, a few days before his army.

He employed this time in reconnoitring the banks of the Narew, and in uniting the lines of defence formed by this river, with those of the lakes which extend from Angerburg to Joannisburg. His highness particularly examined the fortress of Modlin, whither the King of Westphalia had also proceeded. The conference between these princes appeared to indicate that the banks of the Bug and of the Narew would be the theatre of war. But a few days afterwards, all eyes were directed towards the Emperor, who had. arrived at Thorn. The Viceroy went to pay his respects to him, and on his return made the necessary dispositions to effect a movement on the 4th of June. On that day our corps marched for Soldau, which it reached on the 6th. The treops were allowed a halt of two days, which were employed in constructing ovens for the use of the army.