History of the French Revolution, with special reference to the fulfilment of prophecy. With a treatise on the approaching fall of the Mohammedan and Papal Power, and the cleansing of the Jewish Sanctuary

Front matter

HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE FULFILMENT OF PROPHECY. WITH A TREATISE ON THE APPROACHING FALL OF THE MOHAMMEDAN AND PAPAL POWER, AND THE CLEANSING OF THE JEWISH SANCTUARY. BY THE REV. FREDERIC FYSH, M.A. AUTHOR OF " THE SUHE WORD OF PROPHECY," ETC. " History, which constitutes a material branch of our education, assumes the greatest dignity of character when she becomes the companion of Religion, and the interpreter of the oracles of God."— Kett. LONDON. NISBET AND CO., BERNERS STREET. MDCCCXLII. PRINTED BY H. E. CARRIKGTON, BATH. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND MOST LEARNED LORD LYNDHURST, LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR, HIGH STEWARD OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, &c. &c. &c. THIS VOLUME, CONTAINING A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, AND EXHIBITING THE FULFILMENT OF PROPHECY IN THE EVENTS OF THAT AWFUL CATASTROPHE, IS, WITH PERMISSION, INSCRIBED BY HIS LORDSHIP'S OBEDIENT HUMBLE SERVANT, THE AUTHOR LIST OF AUTHORS Who have been chiefly consulted in compiling the following History. 1.

French Authors. Thiers. Mignet. Lacratelle. Deux Amis de la Liberte. Madame de Stael. Madame Campan. Weber. Bertrand de Moleville. Clery. Abbe Barruel. 2. English Authors Alison. Sir Walter Scott Professor Smyth. Burke. Young. Professor Robinson Adolphus. Russell. To the works of the above Authors must be added the New Annual Register, and a History of France, in 3 vols., published in London, 1790. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. His Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Privy Seal (2 copies). The Right Honourable Earl de Grey, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Mrs. Ames. Lady Bagshaw. Dr. Bealey. Rev. W. J. Bennett. Rev. E. Bickersteth, Rector of Watton. Rev. T. R. Birks. Rev. C. Bowen. Dr." Bowie. Rev. M. Brock. Rev. W. J. Brodrick, Rector of Bath. Rev. J. W. Brooks, Vicar of Clarebro'. Ven. Archdeacon Brown.

Mrs. J. C. Burnett. H. Chase, Esq. Mrs. Church. Mrs. Cleather. Sir W. S. R. Cockburn, Bart. Rev. R. Croly. Mrs. Cruttwell. E. Dalton, Esq. Mrs. Davies. Rev. G. S. Faber, Master of Sherburn Hospital. R. Fry, Esq. Rev. G. G. Gardiner. Rev. E. Gillson. Mrs. W. Goldstone. Rev. R. Govett. Rev. Dr. Grace. Mrs. Griffiths. Rev. T. Grimshaw, Vicar of Biddenham. M. Habershon, Esq. Rev. W. Hale. Rev. R. Herbert. R. Heywood, Esq. Mrs. Howse. Lady Jervis. J. King, Esq., President of Queen's College, Cambridge. Rev. R. Lovett, Rector of Trinity. G. Mansford, Esq. Rev. Dr. Marsh, Birmingham. Captain Marsh. Rev. R. M'Ghee. Mrs. Montgomery. Rev. E. Nangle. Rev. J. O'Neil. Rev. J. R. Page, Putney. Rev. G. Phillips, Tutor of Queen's College, Cambridge. Rev. H. Philpott, Tutor of Catherine Hall. Rev. J. Prosser, Vicar of Thame.

Chapter I. Causes Which Led To The French Bevolution

— REIGN OF LOUIS XIV. The French Monarchy attains its zenith .... 1 Want of political institutions .... 2 Ruinous attachment of the French to the Church of Rome 4 The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes the first step to the fall of France .. .... .... 5 Obsequiousness of the Parliament of Paris .... .... 7 Depravity of the King .... .... 8

Chapter II. Causes Which Led To The Fiiench Revolution

— REIGN OF LOUIS XV. Impolitic wars of Louis XV. .... 9 Character of the Abbe" Dubois .... ...... 10 Depravity of the King .... .. 11 Immorality of the Press .... .. .... 12 Tyranny of the Crown .... .... 13 Pride and insolence of the old aristocratic families .. .... 14 Vexatious and oppressive feudal services .... 15 Dissensions between the Jesuits and Jansenists ........ 16 The Parliament of Paris suppressed .... 17 Embarrassment in the finances .. .... .... 17 Progress of irreligion and infidelity in France 18 Death of Louis XV. ... ....

Chapter III. Causes Which Led To The French Revolution Reign Of Louis

XVI. FAQE Turgot appointed Administrator of the Finances 20 He is succeeded by Necker .... .... .... 21 American War breaks out .... •• 21 The year 1780 the spring-head of the Revolution 23 Necker is succeeded by Calonne .... 25 Con vocation of the Notables .... ...... 25 Necker recalled .... .... .... 26 A second Assembly of Notables convened .... 26 Imprudence of Necker ,. .... .... 27

Chapter IV. The First Vial Of The French Revolution

FROM THE OPENING OF THE STATES-CENERAL TO THE REVOLT OF THE SIXTH OF OCTOBER. Procession to Notre Dame ... .. 28 Opening of the States-General .... .... .... 30 Remarkable Prophecy of the ex-Jesuit Beau-Regard 31 Maximilien Robespierre .... .... 32 General ignorance of the principles of government .... 33 The Tiers Etat constitute themselves The National Assembly 35 A Royal Sitting resolved on .. .. , Scene in the Tennis-Court .... 38 Royal Sitting of the 23d of June .... .... 39 The Clergy and Nobihty jointhe Commons . . 44 Disorderly conduct of the French Guards .... .... 46 Necker ordered to leave the kingdom . . 47 The 14th of July— Storming of the Bastille .. .... 48 The King goes to the Assembly .... 51 He goes to Paris ... .... 52 Murder of Foulon .... . . 53 Fate of Berthier «. .... 54 Necker returns to Paris .. .. 65 Deplorable state of the metropolis .... 66 AppaUing outrages committed throughout the provinces .... 57 The 4th of August ... .. 59 Commencement of the attack on Church Property 61 Publication of " The Rights of Man " . .

PAGE Debates on the formation of a Constitution . . 64 Agitation in Paris ... .. 65 Banquet at Versailles on the 1st of October .. .... 68 The 5th of October .. .. 69 The 6th of October 73 The King is brought to Paris .. 76 His reception by Bailly .. .. 78 He is conducted to the Tuileries .... .... 79 Rapid progress of the Revolution . . 80

Chapter V. The First Vial Continued

FROM THE SIXTH OF OCTOBER TO THE DEATH OF MIRABEAU. Secession of Mounier and Lally ToUendal from the Assembly .... 81 Murder of Francois .... .. 85 Riot Act passed •• .. 85 Mirabeau loses his popularity .. .. 86 A Marquis hanged . . . . 87 France distributed into Departments .. .... 87 Decree for the sale of Church Lands to the amount of £16,000,000 .. 88 Rise of the system of Assignats ... .. 89 Dom Gerle .. .... 89 Perversion of Scripture .. .... 90 The Assembly declares its Sittings permanent till the complete formation of a Constitution .... .. 93 Suppression of titles of honour .... 93 The Red Book .... .... 94 Judicial Establishment remodelled .. ... .... 95 Anacharsis Clootz .... .... 97 The 14th of July, 1790, Anniversary of the taking of the Bastille ... 98 Retirement of Necker from the Ministry ... 99 Vanity of popular applause .. .. .... 100 Dreadful excesses in the garrison of Nancy . . ] 00 New oath tendered to the Clergy ... 1U1 Tyrannical conduct of the Assembly .... .... ]02 Jacobin Club ... ... .. 105 Emigration of the Nobility ... 107 Mirabeau sensible of his error when it is too late 109 Knights of the Dagger, February 28, 1791 ... HI Death of Mirabeau ... ...

Chapter VI. The First Vial Continued

FROM THE DEATH OF MIRABEAU TO THE TERMINATION OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. PAOI The King prevented from going to St. Cloud ... ...... 115 His flight from Paris ... ... .... 117 He is stopped at Varennes ... 119 He is brought back to Paris .. ... .... 125 Exertion of Barnave in the King's behalf ... ...... 127 Bouille"s letter to the Assembly ... .... 128 Infatuation of the Royalists ... ... 129 Insurrection of the 17th of July ... 131 Termination of the Constituent Assembly ... .... 133 Faults of the Assembly .. ... 134

Chapter VII. The First Vial Continued

FC.OM THE OPENING OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY TO THE TENTH OF AUGUST. State of parties in the new Assembly ... 136 Great defect of the Assembly ... ... .... 138 Disrespectful treatment of the King ... 139 Contest with the Emigrants ... .. .... ]40 Unjust treatment of the nonjuring Clergy .. 140 The King exercises his veto ... .. .... 140 Petion chosen Mayor of Paris ... 141 The 20th of April, 1792, War declared against the King of Hungary and Bohemia ... ... 142 Mission of Pallet du Pau ... .. .... 143 Revolt of the 20th of June ... 144 Napoleon Buonaparte .. .. .... 147 Religion of Merlin .. .. 148 The country declared to be in danger .. .... j4g Singular scene in the Assembly .. 150 The 14th of July, Anniversary of the taking of the Bastille .... 150 The 10th of August .. .. I53 The King seeks refuge in the Assembly .. .... 155 Downfall of the Monarchy ... ..

Chapter VIII. The Second Vial Of The French Revolution

THE MASSACRES OF SEPTEMBER. PAGB Origin of the Revolutionary Tribunal .. 158 Danton, Robespierre, and Marat .. .... 159 Domiciliary visits commenced .. .. 161 The 2d of September ... .. .... 163 Murder of the Princess de Lamballe • .. 165 Decree of Divorces ... .. .... 167 Termination of the Legislative Assembly .. , 167

Chapter IX. The Second Vial Continued

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE KING. The National Convention commences its sittings .... 168 A Republic proclaimed .. .... 169 The King brought to trial .... .... .... 171 He is found guilty .. .. 173 Appeal to the people rejected .... .... 179 Sentence of Death pronounced .. 179 Execution of Louis ... .. .... 181 His character .. ... .. .... 182

Chapter X. The Second Vial Continued

THE REIGN OF TERROR — THE FALL OF THE HEBERTISTS, GIRONDISTS, AND DANTONISTS. Dumourier .. •••• 183 An insurrection resolved on .. .... .... 185 Eloquent speech of Vergniaud .... 186 Marat sent to the Revolutionary Tribunal, and acquitted .... 188 The 31st of May .. ... 190 Fall of the Girondists .. .... ....191 Formation of a Constitution ... .. 193 Charlotte Corday ... .... 194 Funeral of Marat .. ... 195 Atrocious law of the 17th of September .. 196 Trial and execution of the Queen .. P1GE Execution of Vergniaud and twenty other Girondists ~~ 200 Execution of Bailly ~~ — 201 The Sabbath abolished _-. — 202 Festival of the Goddess of Reason — ...—.... 205 Awful condition of France in a moral point of view __ 206 Atrocious tyranny of the rulers of that unhappy country 207 Thiers and Mignet refuted __..—. 208 Old Cordelier — 209 Danton accused of Moderatism ~ — 2 1 1 Execution of the Hebertists — -~~ 212 Trial of Danton — 213 Trial of Camille-Desmoulins — — ...—..■. 215 Danton and Desmoulins are executed -— — 216

Chapter XI. The Second Vial Continued

THE REIGN OF TERROR — FROM THE FALL OF DANTON TO THE FALL OF ROBESPIERRE. War in La Vende'e 183 Kindness shown by the English to the French persecuted Clergy 220 Compassion for murderers __ . __ 223 Toulongeon's description of Paris at this time 224 Account given by Desodoards _- 225 Dreadful atrocities 229 Execution of Madame Elizabeth 230 Reign of Terror at Nantes 230 At Lyons — 231 At Toulon __ _- __ 232 At Bourdeaux — — 232 At Arras 232 Remarkable speech of Robespierre on the 18th of Floreal 234 The existence of a Supreme Being acknowledged 235 Worship paid to the ashes of Voltaire 237 Fornication declared lawful 238 The 20th of Prairial 239 Pride of Robespierre — ~— __, 240 Law of the 22d of Prairial ™ — __, 241 Reign of Terror at its height ~~ „ 242 Unenviable state of Robespierre — „„__ 244 Catherine Theot — ™ __ 045 The 9th of Thermidor — F1G1 The 10th of Thermidor mm _ . mm 250 Robespierre executed «_ _ 251 Fulfilment of prophecy — 252 Retributive Justice _. „«. »-»^. 253 A Treatise on the approaching Fall of the Mohammedan and Papal Power, and the Cleansing of the Jewish Sanctuary — ,^, ERRATA.

Page 4, line 9, for excited, read exerted. 7, 26,i j for Butler, read Butler. — — 35, — 22, for expection, read expectation. M, —19, for on, read an. — - 110, — 3, for monarch, read monarchy.

Preface

. The object of the writer of the following work has been to give a condensed account of the events which preceded and accompanied the French Revolution, and also to exhibit in the history of those events the fulfilment of prophecy. The subject is replete with interest and instruction, and cannot be studied with too much attention, particularly in the present day, when the same principles are actively at work in our own country which were the occasion of so much misery to France. Great pains are taken, and that by persons from whom better things might be expected, to set the lower classes against the upper, the poor against the rich, and to represent the possession of property as an unjustifiable monopoly. The nobility are decried; the clergy are assailed; the ancient institutions of the b

PREFACE.

. II country are attacked. As the greatest atrocities were committed in France under the plea of advancing the cause of " Liberty and Equality," so the system of tyranny set up by the Romish Priests in Ireland — the most despotic which the world has ever seen, extend ing1 as it does over the souls as well as the bodies of men — is sanctioned and upheld by those who are continually talking of " Civil and Religious Liberty." In times, then, like the present, the French Revolution cannot be too carefully studied. That great catas trophe, the most momentous which has taken place since the fall of the Roman Empire, is instructive to all, high and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned, prince and peasant, noble and plebeian, philosopher and statesman, courtier and patriot. We shall briefly consider the lessons which it teaches the politician, the philosopher, and the Christian.

I. The great lesson which the French Revolution teaches the Politician is to distinguish carefully be tween popular convulsions which spring from real grievances, and those which have their origin in popular zeal or democratic ambition. Real grievances

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. III are to be redressed ; democratic ambition is to be resisted. True liberty consists, not in depressing the higher orders and unduly exalting the lower, but in preserving the due equipoise, and maintaining the balance between them. And hence the study of the French Revolution is of such peculiar importance in the present day. As we have already observed, the same spirit is at work in our own country which entailed so much misery on France. That this is the case is acknowledged by the late member for Essex, now Lord Western, a Whig, a Foxite, a staunch Reformer, and a Peer of the Reform Ministry's own making. The testimony of his lordship on this point is therefore unexceptionable. In a letter of expostulation which he has written to Lord John Russell, the following passage occurs : — " You cannot fail to see that there is a disposition amongst many persons, and some of considerable weight too, and that has been some time infill action, to influence the passions, to madden the minds of the working classes, and instil into them bitter hostility against all persons of large property ; thus to destroy the chain of society, and break the b<2

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. links which should bind the different classes together in confidence and unity" This disposition, then, being " in the minds of many," this spirit of demo cratic fervour being abroad, the true patriot, whether he be a member of parliament or a private citizen, will be careful how he gives encouragement to it, knowing, from the terrible lesson taught by the French Revolution, that such a spirit can never advance the cause of " Civil and Religious Liberty," whatever pretences it may make of attachment to it, but must inevitably end in establishing a Revolu tionary tyranny. In one word, the great political lesson taught by the French Revolution is Moderation. It is Con servatism, by which term we mean a willingness to redress real grievances, a determination to build on old foundations, and a resolute opposition to the wild and fanciful schemes of democratic ambition.

The nobility of France refused to redress real grievances, and perished. The Constituent Assembly refused to build on old foundations, and their constitution fell to the ground. They gave their countenance and

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. V sanction to the schemes of the revolutionary party, and we know the consequences that ensued. " The Assembly," says Dumont, " had such a terror of offending the people, that it regarded almost as a snare every motion that had a tendency to repress these disorders, and to censure popular excesses ; it was by the people they had triumphed, and therefore to the people they had no power of shewing themselves severe. On the contrary, though the Assembly often declared in their preambles that they were deeply afflicted, and even indignant at the outrages committed by the banditti and brigands, who burnt the chateaux, and insulted the nobility, in secret they rejoiced over a terror which they esteemed necessary. They were placed in an alternative, either to make the nobility fear, or themselves to fear the nobility ; they blamed for the sake of decency ; they kept fair with those they blamed, from policy ; compliments were given to authority, and encouragement given to license ; respect for the executive power was but a formulary of style ; and at bottom, when the ministers came to show their weakness and betray their VI

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. nonentity, the Assembly, too ready to remember the fear that they had once entertained of them, ivere not very sorry to think that the fear had now changed sides." We dwell the longer on this subject because of its immense importance in the present day, when members are returned to Parliament holding those very opinions which deluged France with blood. Let it be remembered, that whatever excuses might be made for those who, before the French Revolution broke out, gave their countenance to the schemes of democratic ambition, no such excuses can be offered now. The experiment of popular rule has been tried, and has failed. Let us, therefore, learn wisdom by the past. The French Revolution speaks to us in a voice of thunder : let us attend to its admonitions. What volumes are contained in the dying words of Mirabeau, on taking leave of his friend Dumont, " My friend, I am dying, and we shall probably not see each other again ; when I shall be no more, they will know my value. The calamities which I have restrained will then pour down on France from every quarter ;

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. VII that guilty faction which trembled before me, will be checked no longer. I have before my eyes no visions but those of ill. Oh ! my friend, I now see how much we erred in not preventing the commons from taking the name of the National Assembly ; it is this that has been the source of all our evils ; from the moment they gained that victory they have never ceased to show themselves unworthy of it. They have chosen to govern the king, instead of governing by him ; but soon neither he nor they will govern, but a vile faction will take the lead, and cover France with horrors." What volumes also are contained in the exclamation of Madame Roland, as she bowed to the statue of Liberty which she passed on her way to the scaffold, " O Liberty ! how many crimes are committed in thy name !" What volumes in the prophetic words of Vergniaud, the truth of which he and the Girondists soon after sealed with their blood, " A strange system of liberty, indeed, this system which we have seen developed! According to this system we say, 'You are free ; but, unless you think as we do, we will denounce you to the vengeance of the people.' Citi-

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. zens, there is too much reason to fear that the Revo lution, like Saturn, will devour all its progeny in succession !" What volumes in the memorable sentiment which issued from the lips of Danton, as he entered his solitary cell, lately occupied by Hebert, " At last I perceive that in revolutions the supreme power finally rests with the most abandoned !" What volumes in the testimony borne by the deputies of the Section of Lepelletier in 1795, " Experience has taught us that the despotism of the people is as insup portable as the tyranny of kings." What volumes in the sentiments of Boissy d' Anglas, the President of the Convention, when chosen to make a report upon the form of a constitution to be submitted to the Assembly for approval, "Absolute equality is a chimera; virtue, talents, physical and intellectual powers, are not equally distributed by Nature.

Property alone attaches the citizen to his country ; all who are to have any share in the legislature should be possessed of independent income. All Frenchmen are citizens ; but the state of domestic service, pauperism, and the non-payment of taxes, forbid the great majority from PREFACE, IX exercising their rights. The people should never be permitted to deliberate indiscriminately on public affairs ; a populace constantly deliberating rapidly perishes by misery and disorder ; the laws should never be submitted to the consideration of the multi tude." Be it remembered that the National Conven tion itself ultimately adopted these sentiments — that very Convention which had come into power under the democratic constitution of 1792, which had voted the death of the king, and the execution of the Giron dists, Hebertists, and Dantonists ; which had supported the bloody excesses of the Decemvirs, and survived the horrors of the reign of Robespierre.

This very Convention now decreed that " Absolute equality is a chimera, and that the laws should never be submitted to the consideration of the multitude." Would that the Radicals of our own country would attend to the experience of Mirabeau, Vergniaud, Madame Roland, Danton, the Sections of Paris, Boissy d' Anglas, and the National Convention in 1795 ! Let not the terrible lesson taught by the

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. X French Revolution be taught in vain. Let us attend to it, written as it is in characters of fire and blood. In conclusion, let us not be deceived by the sophistry of those who would bid us take America for our model. As Professor Smyth has observed — we quote him because he is a warm friend to the cause of civil and religious liberty — " For the friends of freedom in European governments to think of assimilating their country to America, is to commit the very mistake of the more violent of these French revolutionists, and it is not to draw the instruction that ought to be derived from their example. The Americans were republicans from the first ; the feudal notions and usages of European governments, their monarchies and privileged orders, never existed among them (the first but little, the last not at all).

The two cases can never be made the same, even in these important points ; but, in another and more obvious point, they are not the same. America is a young country ; it is with them eternal spring ; the most immeasurable tracts of land, that may be made subservient to the purposes of

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. XI man, remain still unoccupied. It would take centuries, that roll away from the eye of a speculator into perfect mist and darkness, before America can become an old government, and afford a parallel case to the governments of Europe. But to this reasoning it will be replied, ' Let, however, an approach be made.' If, by these words, be meant a conversion of European governments into republics, or into constitutions that do not materially differ, then, I say, that the example of the French Revolution has been exhibited in vain, and that such friends of freedom speak not the words of truth and soberness, but those of a political enthu siasm, the dreadful effects of which have been dis tinctly witnessed in France, and would infallibly be again renewed ; it is to suppose, that no form of government can consist with the happiness of a com munity, but that of a republic."

Let, then, Thomas Paine, or any other Thomas in the kingdom, hold up America as a model for our imitation, and paint American liberty in ever such glowing colours, we infinitely prefer the constitutional liberty of Old England ; and our reply to all their

PREFACE.

. representations shall be given in the words of Burke, ingeniously quoted by him from Swift, " All travellers at first incline Where'er they see the fairest sign ; And if they find the chamber neat, And like the liquor and the meat, Will call again, and recommend The Angel Inn to every friend. What though the painting grows decay'd ? The house will never lose its trade. In vain the treacherous tapster Thomas Hangs a new Angel two doors from us, As fine as dauber's hands can make it, In hope that strangers may mistake it ; We think it both a shame and sin To quit the good old Angel Inn." II. In the next place, we are to consider the lessons which the Philosopher is taught by this momentous Revolution. Out of many which present themselves, we have selected the two following as, perhaps, the most important: — 1st. Not to be de ceived by outside show and external appearance. 2dly. The incalculable mischief produced by vanitv and self-conceit, especially in legislators.

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. XIII 1. He is taught not to be deceived by outside show and external appearance. In that admirable work, " Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society," Mr. Southey observes, " The French had persuaded themselves that this was the most enlight ened age of the world, and they the most enlightened people in it — the politest, the most amiable, the most humane of nations — and that a new era of philo sophy, philanthropy, and peace, was about to com mence under their auspices, when they were upon the eve of a revolution which, for its inexplicable monstrosities, absurdities, and horrors, is more dis graceful to human nature than any other series of events in history." From this remarkable fact he deduces the following conclusion, " that perhaps even in this country there may be more knowledge than in former times, and less wisdom — more wealth, and less happiness — more display, and less virtue."

This, then, is one of the lessons of the French Revolution. 2. Another lesson is the incalculable mischief produced by vanity and self-conceit, especially when found in legislators. As pride and haughtiness were

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. XIV the besetting sins of the French noblesse, and event ually caused their destruction, so vanity and self conceit stand conspicuous among the failings of the Constituent Assembly. The vanity and self-conceit of the Abbe de Sieyes were perfectly ridiculous. Walking on one occasion with Talleyrand and Dumont, growing communicative as to his labours, he said, " Politics is a science which I think I have brought to perfection ! ! ! " He considered the English as mere infants in this science, and himself as a perfect master ; and no doubt there were many who were, in this respect, as ignorant and presumptuous as himself. The members of the National Assembly, with a few brilliant exceptions — Mounier, Lally Tollendal, and others — despised the English, despised their forefathers, and seemed to think themselves the quint essence of wisdom.

"Every member of the Assembly," says Dumont, " supposes himself capable of anything. Never was seen such a number of men who conceived themselves to be all legislators ; who supposed that they were then to repair all the faults of the past, to remedy every error that had been committed by the

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. XV human mind, and to ensure the happiness of all future ages. Doubt had never for a moment access to their minds, and infallibility presided over all their contra dictory decrees. It was in vain that a numerous minority told them of their faults, and protested against their decrees ; the more they were attacked, the more they were satisfied with themselves ; and when the king made some remonstrances in the most modest manner against their decree of the 4th of August, and their declaration of rights, they were astonished that ministers should have the audacity to make comments upon their labours, and Necker from that moment began to decline in their favour." On two occasions in particular the Assembly manifested the greatest possible contempt for the English. The first of these occasions was when Mirabeau presented a work by Romilly on the rules observed by the House of Commons in England, translated into French by Dumont, and laid it on the bureau of the Assembly. The question was, whether it should be a rule for the National Assembly. " Not the slightest attention," says Dumont, " was paid to the document,

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. though it was printed. • We are not English, and we have no need of the English,' was all the answer that Mirabeau received ; no one condescended to in form himself of the proceedings of a body so celebrated as the Parliament of Great Britain ; the national vanity was hurt at the very idea of borrowing from the wisdom of any other nation, and they chose rather to persist to the end in a mode of deliberation of the very worst and most dangerous nature ; witness the sitting of the 4th of August." The second occasion was when some intention had been expressed of introducing Mirabeau into the ministry. A motion was put and carried, that no minister should be a member of the Assembly. "In vain," says Dumont, " was the example of England produced; instead of making in favour of the measure, it made against it.