New materials for the history of the American Revolution. Translated from documents in the French Archives and edited by J. D

Preface

. TWO years ago I had occasion to examine certain documents on file in the French archives relating to the American Revolution, the French agency in which can not be exaggerated. I had not read many of them before I came to the conclusion that we were not yet as well informed about that event as we should be, a conclusion fully confirmed by a subsequent examina tion of the various histories of our country. France furnished a large proportion of the soldiers, arms, officers, and military supplies, nearly the whole of the navy, and most of the credit and money by which the war was successfully terminated. The risk to France was great, the cost enormous — amounting to twelve hundred and eighty million livres — and the effect on the country disastrous, increasing as it did the finan cial difficulties which led up to the French Revolution.

In taking up the cause of the American insurgents France was obliged, in many respects, to control the war, and this necessarily made it a joint operation. Her military and diplomatic agents, consequently, provide us with a mass of documents in the shape of official letters and reports, which serve as a separate history of the Revolution, containing descriptions of men and events

PREFACE.

. IV from a point of view different from that with which we are most familiar. Hence the importance of the French archives in relation to it. Mr. Bancroft says (vol. x., p. 349, foot-note): "The French archives are rich in materials for every branch of history. In one they are unique. The despatches of the French envoys at Philadelphia to their government contain the most complete reports which exist of the discussions in Congress from 1778 to the adoption of the Constitution in 1789. Congress sat, it is true, with closed doors, but the French ministers knew how to obtain information on every proceeding that interested their country." But Mr. Bancroft's use of these documents has been far from exhaustive. There will here be found much in the correspondence of Gerard de Rayneval and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, not hitherto acces sible, which seems to me of the highest importance.

It throws new light on two subjects of special interest, the hitherto secret debates of the Continental Con gress, and the Cabal against Washington, as well as on the schemes of the politicians of the day who prevented an energetic prosecution of the war. De Rayneval was the first and de la Luzerne the second French minister sent to this country after the signing of the treaty of alliance with France. They enjoyed the privilege of being present at the sessions of the Continental Congress when it sat in committee of the whole and French interests were at stake. There are editions of the Acts of the Congress, called the " Journal," but I PREFACE, V have not been able thus far to learn of any other record of the Debates than that which is supplied by the official correspondence of these ministers.

In any event, their letters give information of special value, and seem to me to add picturesqueness and dramatic interest to the American history of this epoch. I have also thought it worth while to include some points not before published in English regarding Beaumarchais. To accepted facts taken from the " Histoire de la Vie et des Temps de Beaumarchais," by M. de Lomenie, I have added some matter entirely new from Gudin's biography just published, and some original material furnished me by M. Lintil hac, author of "Beaumarchais et ses Œuvres." This material sets the character of Beaumarchais in a light new to American readers and strongly appeals to their sympathies. In de Lomenie's work, of which there is an English translation, the relations of Beaumarchais with America are so involved with other subjects as to render the idea there given of his services to this country confused and inadequate.

The reader will find, in the correspondence of the French ministers, some passages relating to the character and career of Thomas Paine; also in the Appendix a remarkable letter by the author of "Com mon Sense," addressed to Danton, and here published in full for the first time. This letter is quoted in part by M. Taine, in his treatise on the French Revolution, and I am indebted to him for the copy. I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to VI

PREFACE.

. M. Doniol, author of the " Histoire de la participation de la France a Vetablissement des Etats- Unis d'Ame'rique, Correspondence diplomatiques et documents" (an extensive work not yet completed), for special information and for the use of documents in his possession. I am also specially indebted to M. Lintilhac, for a copy of the original manuscript of the important letter by Beaumarchais translated and given on page 59 and following pages, now published for the first time; and to Mr. Henry Vignaud, First Secretary of the American Legation at Paris, for the privilege of consulting his valuable library of American history; and, again, to Mr. B. F. Stevens, of London, who is now, and has been for years, engaged in com piling a catalogue of all original documents in Euro pean archives relating to American history, a work which must prove of the greatest value to all seekers for historic truth.

J. D. Paris, November 20, 1888. CONTENTS. PAGE Preface, ....... iti Bonvouloir, ...... I Characteristics of States and Sentiments of the People, . . . . . • 17 The Count de Vergennes, . . . . 31 Beaumarchais, . . . . . .38 Louis XVI. and the Pressure on the King, . 44 The Services of Beaumarchais, . . .87 The Treaty of Beaumarchais, . . . 105 Beaumarchais's Contract with the United States, 119 The Enemies of Beaumarchais, . . . 143 Settlement of Beaumarchais's Claims against the United States, . . . . ,151 Correspondence of Gerard de Rayneval — The Quakers — The Cabal against Washington — Samuel Adams — Arthur Lee, etc., . . . 161 Correspondence of the Chevalier de la Luzerne — The Army at Valley Forge, etc., . . 215 Appendix : Tom Paine, ..... 257 The Daughter of Beaumarchais, . . 267 Anonymous Letter to Franklin, . . 273 Index, . . . . . • .293 NEW MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

I. BONVOULOIR. A FRENCH gentleman named Bonvouloir, a sort of attache to a regiment, and obliged to leave St. Domingo on account of ill health, passed through the United States during the early stages of the colonial rebellion. While in the country, he became familiar with the political sentiments of the people, and, on returning home, imparted the information he had obtained to the French authorities. Further in formation being required, the French minister at London sent Bonvouloir back to the colonies for that purpose, with strict instructions, prescribed by the Count de Vergennes, not to commit the government. " He must not look for any protection from us should he draw down upon himself the animadversions of the English." Bonvouloir sailed accordingly for America early in 1775, under the guise of an Ant werp merchant, and reached Philadelphia after a perilous voyage of one hundred days.

Just before his arrival the Continental Congress had appointed a Committee on Secret Correspondence, with the BONVOULOIR. members of which he naturally entered into relations, but in a covert manner so as not to attract observa tion. His report of his conferences with this com mittee, dated December 28, 1775, one of the early documents concerning French intervention, is as follows : "Philadelphia, December 28, 1775. " I find this country, as I expected, in an inconceivable state of agitation. The confed erates are making immense preparations for next spring, and, in spite of the severe weather, are continuing the campaign. They have besieged Montreal, which has capitulated, and are now before Quebec, which I think will soon do the same. They have taken possession of some of the (English) King's vessels, loaded with supplies and war material.

They are well entrenched around Boston, and are now getting up a small navy; their ardor and determination are irvcredi ble. It is true that they are led by clever men. They lack three important things, a good navy, provisions, and money; they agree with me in that. I am going to give you an account, word for word, of three special conversations I have had with Mr. Franklin and three other sound heads composing this privy council. I have BONVOULOIR. 3 become intimate with them as a private individ ual, through an honest Frenchman of whom I am sure and who has largely won the confidence of the deputies. The name of this Frenchman is Daymons. I recommend him to you. He is city librarian. " I have made no offers to them, absolutely none, merely promising to do everything for them that depended on me personally, without committing myself, and without guaranteeing con sequences in any fashion whatever, and by means of my own acquaintances without imparting to these anything confidential.

" They wanted to know if France would help them, and on what conditions. I replied that I thought France wished them well ; whether she would aid them, that might happen. On what basis, I knew nothing; but that if this should come about it would certainly be on just and equitable terms. Morover, if they deemed it ap ropos, they might make their proposals ; that I had reliable acquaintances and would undertake to present their claims and nothing more. " They wanted to know if I thought it prudent in them to send a deputy with full powers to BONVOULOIR. France. I replied that this seemed to me precip itous, and even hazardous ; that everything that took place either in London or in France got to be known in both places, and that it was slippery business in the face of the English ; that if they wanted me to do anything I might perhaps obtain a response which would determine what course to pursue ; that, in other respects, I would give no advice whatever ; that I was a private individual, a traveler out of curiosity.

But I should be much pleased if, byr means of my acquaintances, I could be of any service to them; that I would not expose them, nor my self, nor anybody ; that matters of this kind were too delicate to be spoken of indiscreetly, especially by one having no right, nor any power ; that I could guarantee only one thing, and that was not to betray confidence. "This secret council is composed of five members, whose names I will give you at the end of this letter ; everything they do is well done, and necessarily without the sanction of Congress, which is numerous, and in which many false brethren have found their way. One was discov ered a few days ago, and he has escaped pun- BONVOULOIR. 5 ishment by flight. I have had frequent interviews with them in a private capacity. Each comes to the place indicated in the dark, by different roads.

They have given me their confidence, after having stated that I would neither promise, offer, or be responsible for anything, and with repeated assurances that I would act as a friendly individual. " The following is the result of our interviews, they themselves having charged me to report them to my acquaintances, as well as all that are to come, and even the state of their affairs, with out asking me to whom, how, or when I should write, regarding me as a private individual en joying their confidence. " I. Their affairs are in a good state. . . . They calculate on opening the campaign with success. I have just learned that the savages of five nations have sent their chiefs to the general assembly (Congress) to assure it that they would remain neutral, but, nevertheless, if the occasion demanded, they would take up arms for the Americans ; they are powerful, to be feared, and have been won over only by presents.

Lord Dunmore, commanding in Virginia, had sue- BONVOULOIR. ceeded in forming a tolerably large party ; he had issued a proclamation giving freedom to the negroes, and had already got possession of Nor folk, where he fortified himself. The Virginians, supported by a few companies of Carolina militia, have beaten him at three different times, re taken Norfolk, ruined the fortifications, and obliged Dunmore to withdraw on board of the King's vessels, ten or twelve miles distant from the town, where they are going to attack him if the ice permits. The Royalists have set out for New York to blockade it. General Lee is actu ally on the way there with five thousand men. "They are satisfied they can not maintain themselves unless some nation protects them by sea ; that two powers alone, France and Spain, are able to help them, but that they see the dif ference between one and the other.

I dexter ously managed to make them feel the superiority in every way of the King, my master, over Spain, and they are convinced of it ; they have even determined, I think, for a long time, per haps, to appeal to His Majesty. But it is evident to me that they want to wait until the opening of the campaign, for the reason that a BONVOULOIR. 7 good many in the country still adhere to the King (of England) who has not yet done them sufficient harm. It would probably excite un easiness to have a foreign nation interfere. Their object is to bring people over and make them feel the necessity of being helped, and I think that they are wise. They expect to have their towns destroyed and their houses burnt, which will ensure abhorrence of the leopards.* They are to send 'without my advice a vessel to Nantes called the " John" or the " Saint John" captain Charles Forest, consigned to M. John Daniel Schweighauser, which will take my let ter.

I have myself put a man aboard who I know is safe ; otherwise I should write by an other channel ; it is very important that not a word should escape you. The following are their demands which they beg me to present for them. The vessel is loaded with flour and other produce of the country, which they want to ex change for another sort of articles As the im ported cargo will probably exceed the exported cargo, they desire that it should be complete and * Meaning the English coat of arms. \ War material. BONVOULOIR. the surplus be allowed to pass on to St. Domin go, to such persons and places as may be indicated, and that the payment for it be made in products of the country, as they have no coin. If there is anyway of shipping the same species of merchandise to different places in St. Do mingo, my correspondents would go for it there at their own risk and peril.

They would like two men capable of managing fortifications. If they should come they would be sent for at Cape Francis, which is the safest way for them to reach this place, because, if anything should happen, they would run no risk, as the inhabitants of these torrid countries often come here on account of their health. Such are their present needs, they paying all expenses, and they beg me to make them known to my acquaintances. I would offer my insignificant talent as engineer, but I can not remain at rest, being obliged to stir about daily. You will hear from me as often as possible ; I shall report strictly all that transpires. They are themselves well satisfied of the good-feeling of France toward them, and have begged me, in case I have reliable acquaintances, to inform BONVOULOIR. 9 them of what concerns them, which I have prom ised to do and nothing more.

" If you think it best, despatch our vessel at once. Time presses. My envoy has orders, in case of pursuit, to throw his papers overboard. You can reply through him in perfect security according to the address given in my letter. Please write in my name to M. Buffon, merchant at Havre, for two trunks belonging to me which were to be addressed to him ; they are of great value to me, as this country is a dear one. I am obliged to disburse money secretly, and I econo mize only for myself. ... I have the honor to repeat that I have made no advances, nor given any guarantee, absolutely nothing. They have great confidence in me. No questions have been asked in any fashion whatever to whom, or where, I might address myself. " Everybody here is a soldier. The troops are well clothed, well paid, and and well commanded.

They have about fifty thousand men under pay and a large number of volunteers who do not want pay. You can judge whether people of this stamp will fight. BONVOULOIR. " I have full knowledge of all that passes, everything the most secret, and their deliberations are communicated to me ; by flattering them, and showing my hand a little, I can do what I please with them. All have told me that they are contending for freedom and this they would have at any price ; that they were bound by oath, and would be cut to pieces rather than yield ; that they well knew they could not main tain themselves by sea, and that France alone was able to protect their commerce, without which their country would not flourish ; that they were ignorant whether, in case proposals should be made, France would be content with an exclusive trade for a certain period as indem nity for the expenses she would be under on their account ; that they could pay by a neutral ity, even with a little help, in case of war between the two nations, and by inviolable attachment, in which they would never fail.

" I replied that this did not concern me ; that they were cautious and wise, and would consider their own interests, but that when one asks one does not always lay down the law. They are more powerful than is supposed. You can not BONVOULOIR. 11 imagine it, and it would surprise you. They are afraid of nothing — depend on that. It is rumored that two French officers have arrived in camp empowered to make proposals. I have been asked what I thought of this. I replied that I knew nothing of it, and that it seemed to me strange ; France was very powerful, and, far from making offers, she did not even grant all that was asked of her. " You shall be informed of all that occurs and have no false reports from me .... Nobody will become more confidential with them than myself, nor will manage them better.

I shall keep you informed of their deliberations with which I am familiar ; but at present they are concerned only with the ways and means of pro curing munitions." "Along time has passed without writing to you. It is not my fault. The passage was frightful. We were at sea one hundred days, and thought we were lost a dozen times. We were reduced to two sea-biscuits a day which were worm-eaten, a small piece of corned beef with a small quantity of foul water, and nothing more, while we made forty tons of water every BONVOULOIR. 12 twenty-four hours. Pay particular attention to the underlined passages in my letter. P.S. I have just learned that the Royalists are about to evacuate Boston, where they have only one month's supplies and can receive no more. Everything is intercepted, and the inhabitants as well as the troops are reduced to a frightful extremity.

Can you oblige me by sending me a case of mathematical instruments with a treatise on fortifications and on the attack and defense of places by M. Vauban ? It will prove useful to me, as one cannot be found here. I am working day and night, only too happy if I succeed. I begin to speak English quite well. " Here is the note I mentioned, the original of a which, in the handwriting of these gentlemen, I keep : " ' M.de B. . . . is requested by the Secret Coun cil to consider and reply to the following propositions. It is understood that they are not binding and wholly between private parties. " ' To wit, "'i. Can he inform us what the disposition of the Court of France is toward the Colonies of BONVOULOIR. 13 North America ; whether it is favorable, and in what way we can be reliably assured of this ?

" ' 2. Can we obtain from France two skillful faithful, well-recommended engineers, and what steps must be taken to procure them ? " ' 3. Can we have arms and other war supplies direct from France in exchange for the products of our country, and be allowed free entrance and exit to French harbors? " ' M. de B. . . . may rest assured that, if by his means we are favorably heard, we shall repose in him all the confidence that can be awarded to a man of distinction whose kindness toward us has not yet been recognized with sufficient gratitude.' "The following is my answer. If this should succeed (so they told a person from whom I know all that passes), they would regard me as one of the members of their Committee and would do nothing without my advice. They regard me as their liberator. " M. de B. . . .'s answer to the note of the Secret Council : " ' I reply, gentlemen, to what you do me the honor to ask of me as positively as possible ; and will enlighten you to the full extent of the in- BONVOULOIR. 14 formation which a private individual can possess who has nothing to do with the affairs of a ministry, but according to what I conjecture, public rumors, and what my acquaintances think.

" ' i. You ask what are the intentions of France with regard to the American colonies. I do not think that I say too much in telling you that she wishes you well, and that, it is my belief, she has entertained for you nothing but good will. In other respects, the best way to obtain reliable assurance of anybody's disposition is to address him directly. It is a hazardous step to take, and demands a good deal of consideration ; I do not advise you one way or the other. I can not undertake it myself. The affair is too delicate. " ' 2. France is able to furnish you with two good engineers, and even more. You have only to ask for them. I have done this for you, gentlemen, without promising you success, although I anticipate it, having excellent correspondents. " ' 3. Whether you can procure arms and other munitions directly in France, in exchange for your produce ?

This is a matter between one merchant and another, and I see no great diffi- Bonvouloir. 15 culty about it in France. I will even give you the addresses of some good correspondents with out assuming any responsibility. You undertake this at your own risk and peril, for it is probable that England will not remain quiet, and you can not expect to be defended. In any event, I do not recommend you to ship all to the same port. It might make a noise. I do not know if free entrance and exit in French ports will be allowed you. That would be openly declaring for you, and war might ensue. Perhaps they would shut their eyes, which is just what you want. I have the honor to repeat to you, gentlemen, that I am not responsible for anything. I am personally of no account ; I have good acquaintances, and that is all.

If I am so fortunate as to succeed I shall be more than compensated in the honor of your confidence and the pleasure of serving you.' " I have just learned that they have taken two transport ships richly laden, but that they have lost one of their privateers. By next April they will have thirty ships of war of from twelve to forty cannon. They have abandoned the English flag and taken the rattlesnake for their arms, one of thirteen rattles along with the arm of a man BONVOULOIR. holding thirteen arrows, representing the thirteen united colonies of the continent. The Royalists have sent the American prisoners to London. General Washington, who had sent a flag to de mand their exchange, to which a very rude answer was given, declared that if the prisoners were not well treated, he would retaliate on nearly three thousand which he had taken, and nearly all of them officers.

"The savages who sent their chiefs to Congress and entered into an alliance with the Americans, are as follows : the Tuscaroras, Senecas, Ononda gas, Mohawks and Cayugas. " The names of the Committee on Secret Cor respondence are Messrs. Franklin, Harrison, Johnson, Dickinson and Jay." This despatch reached France in 1776, too late to be of much use ; it simply confirmed what the gov ernment knew al read}'. Silas Deane, in the mean time, had arrived at Paris, duly authorized to enter into negotiations with the government, which ren dered the services of special emissaries unnecessary. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. THE following report, setting forth the characteristics of the various colonies in America, the sentiments of their populations, and the financial and political state of things generally, is, apparently, by a French officer belonging to one of the first detachments of the regular army sent over by the French government, about the period of the signing of the treaty of alliance.

The writer remained in the country, it seems, only a year, being obliged to return to France in 1779, on account of ill health. His report, addressed to a superior officer, was written on reaching Paris, " in a filibustering style," he says, but with " the most impartial veracity." New Hampshire is the first State he considers. This State " is scarcely of any account in the Confederacy ; her assemblies echo those of Mas sachusetts. Far from being sufferers, the people have enriched themselves by captures. The Penobscot affair, which brought them in contact with the English, has more irritated than frightened them. They have encountered but few Frenchmen, and like them better. Their gratitude to the nation has not been affected by the imprudence of individuals." As to Massachusetts, " Boston is the head and heart.

The French here are more liked than esteemed, being viewed pedler fashion, as so many shrewd bargainers, an assertion all recognize who have lived amongst them. The tone here is English. Four years of war have somewhat strained the springs of patriotism. Purely popular forms of government and of religion favor democratic virtues, but the commercial spirit and luxurious tastes (luxe) are gradually stifling the love of independence. Republicans here, like the Carthaginians, know to a penny the value of life and liberty. The State is divided into two parties; one calls itself Republican, and is com posed of everybody who holds office, and is led by Bowdoin and Adams. One belongs to that double-faced class which styles hypocrisy modera tion, while the other is sensible and intelligent, but indolent through principle and temperament.

Bowdoin will probably be made Governor. The opposition party, the true Republican party, is led by Hanco(c)k. He is the King of the Rabble (Roi des Halles), or the American Beaufort. His credit with the masses is great ; his policy is shrewd and even crafty. He is the more opposed to Adams because they were once friends, and to Bowdoin because he is a rival. He befriends us only because he hates them." Rhode Island, " partly insulated, had no influence so long as the English held Newport." Connecticut : "The brains of this State are in the head of Governor Trumbull. The burning of Fairfield and the barbarities of the English, who make war according to Levitical law, have rendered the people irreconcilable. They have no reason to complain of us. In evidence of the aid repeatedly received from France they much prefer Benefactors to Incendiaries."

New York, " ravaged since the war began, has likewise its intestine enemies. The Royalist party is large, but under the whip of the army. The Governor is a safe man, an enlightened Re publican, and firm. Another safeguard is found in the dismemberment which is going on in this State ; the Vermont colony, a stray swarm from the New York hive, is separating from it. This people, half savage, pushes the independent spirit even to phrensy ; it will always keep New York straight. Their powder, arms, and clothing come from us ; they are very grateful, and have used all successfully against the English, whom they neither fear nor love." Jersey, " almost on the borders of the city of New York, has shown heroic constancy. The militia turn out of their own accord at sight of a red-coat. The Governor, Livingston, is a Roman.

A party against him has just arisen under the lead of Dickinson and Cadwalader, who, I fear, will supplant him. There are a good many Tories, but they are prosecuted as State crim inals." Pennsylvania : " This State is the province the most infested with Royalists. Quakers, Metho dists, Anglicans and other sects, whose princi ples have a sort of affinity with monarchy, form intestine but paralytic enemies. The Quakers, at one time, were disposed to regard their inter ests as those of Heaven, but Fanaticism is an exotic plant which the climate repudiates. Patriotism is null in Philadelphia ; it has become almost farcical. Fortune is the idol in ever)' State. All who are well-off are corrupt at heart, and so athirst for peace that this would be wel come at any price. The Royalist party has met with a mortal blow.