England under the Coalition. The political history of Great Britain and Ireland from the General Election of 1885 to May 1892

Preface

. In the following pages I have told the story of two Parliaments and three Governments. The period of six years and a half which the history covers has been one of unusual interest and importance, and it was impossible to bring out its true historical significance without taking it as a whole. The Government with whose origin and doings the book is principally concerned was a great experiment. A Tory administration governing for nearly six years without a Tory majority in the House of Commons is a new thing in English politics. It owed its existence to a group of men sitting on the Opposition benches, calling themselves Liberals but voting against the Liberal party, and covering a Tory policy with their protecting arms. I have told the story of the period as events have presented themselves from day to day to a political journalist whose duty it has been to note and criticize.

This book, therefore, like " England under Lord Beaconsfield," is a history of political events, and the proportion in which I have presented them is necessarily that in which they appear to a Liberal politician. The work, like its predecessor, is issued on the eve of a general election, which will result, as I believe, in a great victory for Liberal principles and the Liberal party. No reader of the narrative will doubt what the indications of public feeling are.

PREFACE.

. VI I have acted on the principle which was adopted with much approval in " England under Lord Beaconsfield," that of giving the statements of public men in their own words. I am indebted for valuable help in the revision of the proofs to Mr. Alexander Paul, whose books on " The History of Reform " and " Short Parliaments " are models of exact information on the topics on which they treat. I have not cumbered the pages with references to the records and reports with which I have dealt, but I have kept them, and think that I shall be able to give full and quick verification for any statement that may be challenged. My hope for my book is that " England under the Coalition " may be as useful as I have been rejoiced to learn that " England under Lord Beaconsfield " was and is. P. W. Clayden. 13, Tavistock Square, London. 24M of May, 1892. PAGE CONTENTS.

Chapter I. The Election Of

1885 AND ITS RESULTS. Tory Successes in the Boroughs — Liberal Gains in the Counties — The Irish Representation — Effect of the Irish Vote — Mr. Chamberlain's View — Rumour's Thousand Tongues — The Leeds Mercury on Mr. Gladstone's View — Mr. John Morley's Gleam of Foresight — Liberal Opinion — Mr. Balfour and Mr. Gladstone at Eaton Hall — Mr. Gladstone's Offer to Lord Salisbury — Parliament Meets — Mr. Bradlaugh's Admission — The Queen's Speech — Mr. W. H. Smith as Chief Secretary—The Policy of " Mr. Smith " — Mr. Collings's Amendment — The Government Thrown Out .... I

Chapter II. The New Government

The New Cabinet— The Re-Elections— "The Mob is Coming"— The Tories Want Coercion — Their Hurry for Mr. Gladstone's Plans — Falling Back on the Lords — Lord Hartington on Mr. Gladstone — Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Trevelyan Resign — Liberal Measures — A Short and Busy Session — Mr. Forster's Death— Sir T. Erskine May's Death 19

Chapter III. The Home Rule Bill

A Crowded House — Mr. Gladstone's Great Speech — Unity in Diversity — The Irish Legislature — Administrative Arrange- CONTENTS. FACE S6 ments— Irish Nationality— Mr. Gladstone's Appeal— The Liberal Division Appears — Mr. Chamberlain Explains — Lord Hartington's Views— Mr. John Morley's Speech — Sir C. Russell's Speech — Sir \V. Harcourt's Speech — ' ' The Seven Against Ireland " — Mr. Goschen Prophesies — Mr. Goschen's Alarms — Mr. Gladstone's "Five Essential Conditions"— "A Double Dose of Original Sin"—" Our Plan Holds the Field." 35

Chapter IV. The Coalition Forming

Lord Hartington at Her Majesty's Theatre — Sir W. Harcourt's Budget— The Irish Land Bill— Mr. Chamberlain Hesitates— " What Will Mr. Chamberlain do ? "—The Liberals Accept Home Rule — Mr. Chamberlain "Not Going to Enter any Cave"— Dr. Dale Wants "To Aid Not Hinder " — Mr. John Morley and Lord Spencer at Newcastle — Lord Hartington in Rossendale — Mr. Gladstone's Manifesto — Radical Dissentients — The Waverers — Dissentients in Council — A Dissentient Ministry Suggested — Lord Salisbury's " Hottentots for Instance" — "Government that Does Not Flinch" — Lord Salisbury's Explanations — Mr. Gladstone's Concessions—The Bill is Doomed— The Last Night— Mr. Gladstone's Reply — " One of the Golden Moments" — " Ireland Stands at Your Bar "—The Bill Defeated by Liberal Votes

Chapter V. The Appeal To The Country

The Issue — "Colomb and No Coercion" — Mr. Chamberlain Leads — The Dissentients in Front — Lord Hartington's Address — Mr. Chamberlain's Address — " They are Paper Unionists " — Another Midlothian Campaign — Tory Leaders on Coercion — The Dissentient Difficulty — The Last Step to Coalition — Returned by Tory Votes — Mr. Bright's Speech —Its Effect on the Polls— The Liberal Defeat ... CONTENTS. IX PAGE 1 06 128

Chapter VI. The Coalition Parliament

No Coalition Ministry — A Tory Government — The Spoils to the Victors — The New Parliament Meets — A Liberal Manifesto — "Nulla Vestigia Retrorsum "— The Skeleton in Our Cupboard — Coercion Postponed — The Coalition at Work — "The Sign-Posts of Our Policy" — The Agricultural Depression — The Effect on Rents — Mr. Gladstone's " History of an Idea " and " Lessons of the Election " — The Address — The Tenant's Relief Bill — Speedy Remedy Promised — The Promise Broken — What Says Birmingham ? — Tenants' Relief Refused ..........

Chapter VII. The Parting Of The Ways

Lord Randolph Churchill at Dartford— A Tory Radical Programme — Irish Ladies at Hawarden — " A Tail of the Tory Party " — Lord Monck's Eirenicon — Lord R. Churchill at Bradford — The Closure — Liberal Conference at Leeds — The Liberal Leadership — " There is^no Vacancy " — The Basis of the Coalition — A Cynical Anticipation — Lord Salisbury on Egypt— The Middle Way— Attacks on Sir R. Hamilton — Reluctant Evictors — The Liberal Rally — Evictions in Kerry — Lord Hartington is Despondent — Lord R. Churchill Resigns — Lord Hartington is Sent For — His Refusal

Chapter VIII

" THE PLAN OF CAMPAIGN" Distress of Tenants — "Economic Rent has Disappeared" — 538,000 Rents Irrecoverable — Lord Clanricarde's Evictions — " Saunders's Fort" — How the "Plan" was Enforced — Its Reception in England — A League of Tenants — Reductions of Rent — " Campaign " Rent Collecting — An Eviction Scene — Eviction Humours — Eviction Horrors — The Burnings at Glenbeigh — Indignation in England — Mr. Chamberlain as the Levite — Law versus Humanity — A Divergence of Feeling — Reunion Impossible . . . . ■ '55 X CONTENTS. PAGE 190

Chapter IX. The Round Table Conference

A Proposal of Mr. Chamberlain's — His "Olive Branch" — Mr. Gladstone's Response — Hopes of Reconciliation — "We are Eager for Reunion" — At Sir G. Trevelyan's Dinner — The Letter in The Baptist — Is there a Common Policy ? — The Conference Ends — Mr. Gladstone's Olive Branch — Sir George Trevelyan Returns 178

Chapter X. Falling Back Upon Coercion

The Jubilee Year — Lord Iddesleigh Elbowed Out — His Death — The Liverpool Election — The Queen's Speech — Lord R. Churchill Explains — London Coal Dues Expire — Ireland and the Government — " A Useful Kind of Crutch " — The Plan of Campaign — Sir W. Harcourt's Speech — Death of Mr. P. Rylands — The Tory Party Meets — The Closure Adopted — The City Corporation on its Trial — Report on Irish Rents — All Classes Suffering — Sir Redvers Buller's Evidence — What the Commission Advised — Clamouring for Severity — Making Use of a Lie — The Cost of Evictions — Sir M. Hicks-Beach Retires — Mr. Balfour as Irish Secretary — "Parnellism and Crime " — Mr. Chamberlain on Outrages — " Do Not Hesitate to Shoot ? "—No More Kindness

CHAPTER XL REACTION IN FULL CAREER.

The Coercion Bill Brought In — A Campaign of Calumny — Mr. Morley and Mr. Gladstone on Coercion — The Coalition Complete — The Coercion Bill Pressing the Dissentients On — Coercionist Liberals — The Ilkeston Election — Coercion - ists in Council — Opposition in the Country — The Government are Alarmed — The Hyde Park Meeting — The Easter Agitation — Mr. Chamberlain's Alarms — Controversial Rotten Eggs — The First Forged Letter— The Tories take it as True — Mr. Parneli's Protest CONTENTS. XI PAGE 256

Chapter XII. The Coercion Bill Forced Through

Scattering Firebrands— The Key to the Coercion Bill— Reckless Charges — Explosive Bullets — Forcing the Dissentients — The Liberal Leaders — Lord Hartington's Charges — Lord Wolmer's Admissions — More "Parnellism and Crime" — Sir C. Lewis's Motion — Coercion in Committee — A Great Precedent Created— Overriding Opposition — The Coercion Bill Passed 241

Chapter XIII. The Jubilee Session

The Irish Land Bill— A Half-measure of Relief — Mr. Goschen's First Budget — Liberal Movements — The Turning Point — The Cleavage is Irreparable — " The Bill is Itself a Crime " — Mr. Gladstone in Wales— Welsh Nationality — Home Rule Suggestions — The Wedge of Coercion — The Colonial Conference — The Royal Jubilee — The Coal Mines Bill — Miss Cass— By-elections in 18S7 — The Land Bill in Committee — Judicial Rents — Revision Yielded — The Land Bill Passed — "There is no Emergency" — The Allotments Bill — The Queen's Speech .......

Chapter XIV

"GOVERNMENT THAT DOES NOT FLINCH." All Ireland Proclaimed— Nobody to Prosecute — The League is Proclaimed — Mr. Balfour Pauses — The Mitchelstown Meeting — The Police Fire on the People — The Inquest — The Murder of Whelehan — The Woodford Meeting — Mr. Wilfrid Blunt Imprisoned — The Nottingham Conference — "Remember Mitchelstown " — The Trafalgar Square Meetings — Fighting with the Police — Mr. Chamberlain's American Mission — " Protection " at Oxford — Misquoting Bunyan — The Lord Mayor of Dublin Imprisoned — Newspaper Prosecutions — A Cumulative Sentence — Mr. Mandeville's Treatment — Mr. O'Brien's Clothes — Mr. Mandeville's Death — Newsvendors Prosecuted — M. P. 's in Prison . . . CONTENTS. PAGE

Chapter XV

A TROUBLED YEAR. Winchester Election — Mr. Bright on Irishmen — Who are the Credulous? — Mr. Cox's Arrest — The Queen's Speech — Mr. Gladstone's Speech — Mr. Balfour's Defence — Protests against Coercion — Arrests in London — "Balfour's Criminals " — Welcome to Prisoners — Mr. Parnell's Amendment — Mr. W. O'Brien's Speech — The Mitchelstown Massacre Debated — Southwark and Dundee Elections — Other By-elections in 1888 — England and Italy — New Procedure Rules— The Right of Meeting— Mr. Bradlaugh's Oaths Bill —The Debt Converted— The Local Budget— The National Budget— The Death Duties— Judicial Rents Reduced— The Local Government Bill — The Licensing Clauses — Public House Endowment — The Southampton Election — Sentences Increased on Appeal — Cumulative Sentences — Lord R. Churchill's Pledges — " Unionist " Pledges in 1 886— Colonel King-Harman's Salary — Speeches Out of Parliament — The Papal Rescript — Minor Government Bills — Imperial Defence — Liberal Amendments Rejected — Convictions without Evidence — Popular Protests— Mr. Gladstone at Hampstead 313

Chapter XVI. The Parnell Commission

O'Donnell versus; Walter — Whence came the Forged Letters — Misleading Suggestions of the Attorney General — Forgery Supporting Forgery — More False Suggestions — Mr. Parnell's Statement — Mr. Pamell demands Inquiry — The Commission is Offered — The Letters are Everything — " A Political Prosecution " — The Coercionist Coalition — Trading on Forgery —Mr. Smith as Colonel Pride— Tory Fair Play— Who Gains by Evictions ? — Who are the Accusers ? — The Accusations — Le Caron, the Spy — The Letters at Last — Whence were they Got — Mr. Houston's Admissions — Mr. Pigott Appears — Pigott in the Witness Box — " Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit " — The Attorney General Apologizes — Sir C, Russell's Great Speech — The Report — Calumnies Disproved " Non eget Mauris Jaculis " .... CONTENTS. XIII

Chapter XVII

A BUSY AUTUMN. . PAGE The Sugar Bounties Convention — Mr. Harrington's Case — Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Morley at Birmingham — "We Want to Brighten Home" — TheBirmingham Conference — The Bingley Hall Speech — In the Black Country — Irish Land Purchase in Parliament — Jeremiah Sullivan at the House of Commons — Death of Mr. H. Richard — More Elections — End of the Session — Politics in London — The Clerkenwell Programme — The Limehouse Programme — " Still Achieving, Still Pursuing". 387

Chapter XVIII

A YEAR OF MOVEMENT. The Campaign of Calumny Overdone — Mr. Bright's Illness — Mr. E. Harrington and Mr. Finucane Imprisoned — Evictions at Falcarragh — County Council Elections in London — The Govan Election — Mr. Sheehy's Arrest — Mr. John Morley at Sheffield — One Day's Work in Ireland — Mr. O'Brien's Arrest and Escape — He Speaks at Manchester — His Arrest at Manchester — His Clothes Taken from Him — The Murder of Inspector Martin — Father McFadden's Arrest — The National Protest — The Queen's Speech — Lord Granville on Mr. O'Brien — Mr. Morley's Amendment to the Address — Professor Stuart's Amendment — Mr. Parnell's Reception — The Trafalgar Square Meetings — The National Defence Scheme — Mr. J. O'Connor's Irish Prisoner's Bill — Mr. Segrave — Mr. Balfour Flinches — Mr. Conybeare Imprisoned — "Libel is your Daily Bread" — By-elections — The Budget — A Magna Charta of Childhood — Educational Legislation — Boycotting the French Republic — Scottish Local Government — The Dear Sugar Bill — Royal Grants — Close of the Session— The Wakening of the West— Mr. Gladstone on Disestablishment — More Popular Demonstrations — The Dock Strike — Contested Elections — The Ministerial Apologia — Free Education — The Manchester Conference — Mr. Gladstone at Manchester — "Nor bate a jot of heart or hope " — Mr. Parnell at Hawarden and Liverpool 4°S CONTENTS. XIV

Chapter XIX

A YEAR OF DISAPPOINTMENTS. PAGE The Speaker— The. Epidemic of Influenza — An Intimation of Coming Trouble— The Gas Strike— Mr. Bryce on "The Best Advertised Thing I have Ever Known " — Mr. Gladstone at Chester — Mr. Morley at Liverpool — Repudiating the Forged Letters— Parliament Meets— Sir W. Harcourt's Motion on the Forged Letter — Mr. Gladstone on the Commission Report — Mr. Labouchere on Pigott — Mr. Parnell's Appeal to the House— The Motion Rejected— Home Rule for Scotland — "Free Education" — The Commissioners on Evictions — What will Government Do? — Mr. Smith's Motion on the Report — Mr. Gladstone's Appeal — Reparation Refused — Lord R. Churchill's Speech — Nemesis — Contested Elections : Partick, N. St. Pancras, Stamford, Stoke-on-Trent, Ayr, Windsor, Carnarvon — Government Defeats — Educating the Tories — "Assisted Education" — The Lords on the Report — Irish Land Purchase — Where the Money Went — A Prosperity Budget — Publican's Compensation Again — Bi-Metallism — Scottish Disestablishment — More Allotments — The Licensing Proposals — Mr. Caine's Amendment — Compensation Carried — East Bristol Election — Mr. Gladstone at Norwich — A Belshazzar's Feast — Mr. Healy Organizes Victory — New Tipperary — Compensation to go Through — The Clauses Withdrawn — Mr. A. Acland Triumphs — A Session of Failures — The Barrow Election . 452

Chapter XX. An Irish Catastrophe

The Barren Session — Famine Threatens Ireland — Mr. John Morley goes to See — The Trial of Mr. Dillon and Mr. W. O'Brien — Mr. Morley at Tipperary — The Police Riot — An Irish Court of Justice — Mr. Balfour's Defence — Mr. Balfour's Tour — Lord Salisbury's Consolations — Political Astrology — Divorce Court Revelations — "Mr. Parnell must Retire" — The Conference at Sheffield — Mr. Morley and Mr. Parnell — Mr. Gladstone's Letter — The Irish Discussion in Committee Room No. 15 — Mr. Parnell's Manifesto — Mr. Parnell Deposed — Election of Mr. McCarthy — " Put your Money on Mr. Parnell "—The Kilkenny Election— The CONTENTS. XV PAGE Boulogne Negotiations — The Irish National Alliance — The North Sligo Election — Mr. Parnell at Bay — The Stowmarket, Harborough, and South Dorset Elections — Mr. Parnell's Marriage — The Carlow Election — The Freeman's Journal abandons Mr. Pamell — Mr. Parnell's Death — Public Funeral 494

Chapter XXI

"MUCH CRY AND LITTLE WOOL." A Promising Autumn Sitting — Getting on Apace — The Seed Potatoes Bill — The Bassetlaw Election — The Hartlepool Election — What the " Unionists " Rely On — Drop Home Rule? No !— The Beacon Still Burns— Parliament Reassembles — Railway Servants Overwork — The Irish at their Own Work — Reparation to Mr. Bradlaugh — Mr. Bradlaugh's Death— Liberal Motions Defeated— The City Livery Franchise — The Northampton Election — Mass Meeting of Laundresses — Land Questions — The Indian Opium Revenue — Mr. A. Acland's Motion on Parish Councils — Sunday Closing in Ireland — The Budget — Free Education —Liberal Amendments Rejected — The Irish Land Bill — Non-contentious Measures Passed — A Colony at the Bar — Behring's Sea — Manipur — Sir John Gorst's Speech — Lord Granville's Death — Mr. W. H. Smith — London Water Supply — The City Companies 514

Chapter XXII

" WITH BUSY HAMMERS CLOSING RIVETS UP. The National Liberal Federation at Newcastle — Mr. John Morley's Speech — The Conference — Mr. Gladstone's Great Speech — The Newcastle Programme — Mr. Chamberlain in South Wales— His " Awful Mess "—Mr. Morley's Reply- By-elections in 1891— Lord Salisbury at Birmingham— Why not a Parish Circus? — Mr. Chamberlain's Farewell — "The Bazaine of Birmingham "—Lord Hampden on Home Rule— "Life in our Villages "—Rural Reform Conference— Mr. Chaplin Follows Suit— The Walsall Election . -537 CONTENTS. XVI PAGE 557

Chapter XXIII. The Last Session

Death of the Duke of Clarence — Letter from the Queen — The Rossendale Election — A Gloomy Prospect — Great Legislative Promises — Bad Beginning — Irish Local Government — The Small Holdings Bill — Various Resolutions — The London Liberal Campaign — The London County Council Election — The Ministerial Rally — Mr. Hood and the Cambrian Railway Directors — A Small Budget — Liberal Agents' Meeting — Liberals Sure of Victory — By-elections — Lord Salisbury as a Rebel — Lord Salisbury's Protectionist Speech ENGLAND UNDER THE COALITION.

Chapter I. The Election Of

1885 AND ITS RESULTS. The House of Commons which had been elected in November and December, 1885, was the first House of Commons which represented the whole body of the house holders and lodgers of the United Kingdom. The result of the appeal to new constituencies and an enlarged electorate had taken all parties by surprise. The Tories found themselves, by the help of their Irish allies, successful in the towns beyond all their hopes; the Liberals, disappointed in the boroughs, had found compensation in unexpected successes in the counties ; and the Irish Nationalists had almost swept the board. When the gains and losses of the battle came to be summed up it was found that the English boroughs had returned 114 Tories and only 111 Liberals; but that the balance had been redressed by Wales and Scotland.

The boroughs of the Principality had elected two Tories and nine Liberals ; and those of the Northern Kingdom one Tory and 30 Liberals. The borough repre sentation of Great Britain was therefore 150 Liberals to 117 B TOWNS VERSUS COUNTIES. CH. I. 2 Conservatives. In the English counties the Liberals had got 134 seats to 100 which had been kept by the Tories ; Wales followed with 18 Liberals and one Tory, and Scotland with 32 Liberals and seven Tories. With one Liberal and four Conservatives for the University seats, the English representation — exclusive of one Irish Nationalist for Liverpool — gave a Liberal majority of 28 in the English constituencies ; which Wales and Scotland swelled to 106. The Irish representation had undergone a still more remarkable change. Of 103 members for the sister island, 85 were Home Rulers and only 18 were Tories.

Adding one Irish Nationalist for England, and two Tories for the Scotch Universities, the new House of Commons was exactly divided between the Liberals on one side and the Tories with their Irish allies on the other. Of its 670 members just one-half, or 335, were Liberals, 249 were Tories, and 86 were Irish Nationalists. The success of the Tories in the English boroughs had been indicated beforehand by the municipal elections. For two or three years the first of November had cheered them with indications of a Tory leaning in the borough householders. The Liberals, on the other hand, had some hope that the counties would go for them, but not to the extent which they actually realized. In the first election after the great Reform Bill the counties chose 104 Liberals to 40 Tories ; in the election of 1835 the numbers were 74 to 100.

In 1837 the Tories regained their ascendency and had kept it ever since. Even the change in the county franchise made by the Reform Act of 1867, only resulted in consolidating the Tory predominance in the counties ; and the great Liberal enthusiasm of 1880 failed to do more than to increase the Liberal members for the counties to 54, while the Tories kept 118. The Liberal success in the counties in 1885 was therefore almost a revolution. But the greatest surprise of the election was the choice of the electors of London. London had always been re garded as a stronghold of Liberalism. In the old days 88s. THE IRISH NATIONALISTS. 3 the City was Liberal ; from the time of the Reform Act onwards the great London boroughs had always returned a Liberal majority. But in 1885, when London had at length got a fair share of the representation, it went round to the Tories.

Of the 59 members given to London only 23 were Liberals, and 36 were Tories. The great manu facturing borough of West Ham, which lies just over the border, returned 2 Liberals — making for the whole Metro polis 25 Liberals to 36 Tories. But the most striking change which household suffrage had made in the political constitution of the House of Commons was that which had taken place in the Irish representation. At the General Election in 1874 Ireland had returned 20 Liberals, 32 Tories, and 51 Nationalists. In 1880 the number of Liberals was reduced to 17, and the Tories to 25, while the Nationalists were 61. In 1885 not a single Liberal was elected, the number of Tories was reduced to 18, and the Nationalists numbered 85. In the three provinces of Leinster, Munster and Connaught, every seat, except the two for the University of Dublin, was carried by the Nationalists.

In the province of Ulster sixteen Tories were returned and seventeen Nationalists, so that even Ulster gave a majority of one for Home Rule. Thus in the first Parliament in which the people of Ireland were free to give full expression to their wishes, they had sent an overwhelming majority to demand the restoration of their local legislature. That majority moreover represented a yet vaster preponderance in the constituencies. Nearly every one of the Irish Home Rulers was elected by an enormous majority. Nineteen of them were returned without a contest, while forty-nine other Nationalists polled more than four times as many votes as their opponents, and in twenty-nine of these cases more than ten times as many. The number of votes given to these forty-nine Nationalists was 212,159, while the votes divided between their forty nine competitors were only 22,247, an average of 4,329 for each Nationalist, and of 454 for each Conservative.

It b EFFECT OF IRELAND'S VOTE. CH. I. 4 was not possible for a nation to give more emphatic expres sion to its wishes than Ireland had given at the ballot boxes, and it was universally felt that whatever might be thought of Home Rule as a question of Imperial policy, Ireland, at least, had emphatically expressed a national desire for it. The effect of this decisive vote of the Irish people was soon seen in a rapid change of public opinion in the rest of the Kingdom. It is the fundamental doctrine of the English Constitution that the will of the people, expressed through their representatives, shall be law. This rule was acted upon in the disestablishment of the Church in Ireland ; it was expressed by Lord Hartington in his state ment that the disestablishment of the Church in Scotland is the concern of the Scottish people.

In his election address in 1885 Mr. Gladstone said that Ireland had arrived at an important epoch in her history, and that she had claims to a special interpretation of the principles of Local Government. On the whole subject of Local Government Mr. Gladstone said, " Every grant to portions of the country of enlarged powers for the management of their own affairs is, in my view, not a source of danger, but a means of averting it, and is in the nature of a new guarantee for increased cohesion, happiness and strength." As soon as the public mind apprehended what had happened in Ireland it was felt that Home Rule was in the air. On the 12th of December, the day after the last returns from the Irish constituencies had been announced, The Daily News began its first leading article with the words "We are brought face to face with the question of Home Rule in Ireland, and we cannot doubt that it has already engaged the attention of Liberal statesmen."

Further on in the same article The Daily News remarked, "Why should not a small Committee formed of both political parties, and including, of course, a proper representation of Mr Parnell's party, be brought together to consider, not whether Ireland ought or ought not to have 1885. MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S VIEW. 5 some sort of domestic Legislature, but what sort of domestic Legislature it would be wise and safe to give her ? Since some such arrangement has to be made, it seems to us that this is at least one practical way in which it might be approached and even accomplished." Five days later, on the 17th of December, Mr. Chamberlain, speaking at the Birmingham Reform Club, said : " I have hoped — I have expressed publicly — the desire that the two demo cracies, the English and the Irish, moved by common aspiration and sympathetic appreciation, should march shoulder to shoulder along the paths of political freedom and progress.

Mr. Parnell, indeed," Mr. Chamberlain said, " had alienated and embittered all sections of the Liberal party; but," he continued, " national questions of grave importance must not be prejudiced by personal con siderations. We are face to face with a very remarkable demonstration of the Irish people. They have shown that so far as regards the great majority of them they are earnestly in favour of a change in the administration of their Government, and of some system which would give them a larger control of their domestic affairs. Well, we ourselves, by our public declarations and by our Liberal principles, are pledged to acknowledge the substantial justice of the claim." Mr. Chamberlain then spoke of rumours of negotiations between the Liberal leaders and Mr. Parnell, which he declared, so far as he was concerned, to be false, and he thought that as they affected other prominent members of the Liberal party they were equally groundless.

" As to Mr. Gladstone," he continued, " we know what his opinion is from his public utterances. He has again and again said that the first duty of Liberal statesmen is to maintain the integrity of the Empire and the supremacy of the Crown ; but that, subject to that, he was prepared to give the largest possible measure of Local Government that could be conceived or proposed. Well, I entirely agree with those principles, and I have so much faith in the experience and patriotism of Mr. Gladstone, RUMOUR'S THOUSAND TONGUES. CH. I. that I cannot doubt that if he should ever see his way to propose any scheme of arrangement, I shall be able con scientiously to give it my humble support. But it is right, it is due to the Irish people, to say that all sections of the Liberal party, Radicals as much as Whigs, are determined that the integrity of the Empire shall be a reality, and not an empty phrase."

The rumour of which Mr. Chamberlain spoke spread rapidly. Like Richard's conscience it had a thousand several tongues, and every tongue brought in a several tale. Among other tales one seemed to have a show of authority. It was said that Mr. Gladstone had been at work upon a scheme for restoring the Irish Parliament, and an outline of the scheme was published in The Leeds Mercury. Mr. Gladstone at once repudiated it. " It is not an accurate representation of my views," said Mr. Gladstone, " but is, I presume, a speculation upon them. It is not published with my knowledge or authority, nor is any other beyond my own public declarations." Lord Hartington also issued a disclaimer, and Mr. John Morley, speaking at Newcastle on the shortest day, declared that the published scheme was the guess of " some enterprising newspaper gentlemen," and that " anybody could see at first blush that it was not a scheme that a man of Mr. Gladstone's knowledge and experience would launch in any way."

In a forcible argument, based on the expression of Irish feeling at the polls, Mr. Morley passed in reviewthe various plans for dealing with the Irish difficulty, and said, " I am, for one, forced to the conclusion that before many weeks are over you will see Parliament driven by irresistible circumstances to consider the giving to Ireland of some plan for a greatly extended government of herself." Glancing at the many difficulties in the way, Mr. Morley in a gleam of foresight said, " The task will be a long one. It will stir deep passions, it will perhaps destroy a great party. But whatever may be the outcome, I say it is the duty of every one of us Liberals to view the question as calmly as he can, and steadfastly feel- 88s. LIBERAL AND TORY OPINION. 7 ing that he is discharging as urgent a duty as has been imposed on English citizens since the Civil Wars of the seventeenth century."