History of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, 1746 ... A new edition

Preface

TO THE FIFTH EDITION. The present work appeared originally in Constable's Miscellany in 1827. The principal sources of information which then existed for a history of the civil war of 1745, were the contemporary public journals, Mr Home's work (valuable at least for its reports of what the author himself witnessed), the Lockhart and Culloden Papers, the Chevalier Johnstone's Memoirs, and the still fresh traditions of the people. Since from these documents the author constructed the first edition of his narrative, a greater quantity of valuable materials has become accessible than during eighty preceding years. The personal narratives of two distinguished actors, Lord Elcho and Mr Maxwell of Kirk connel, have been in part or wholly given to the world. In Dr James Browne's History of the Highlands and Highland Clans, there appeared extensive and very important excerpts from the great collection in the possession of the British sovereign, styled ' The Stuart Papers.' To this valuable set of excerpts, Lord Mahon has made additions in his History of Great Britain between the Peace of Utrecht and that of Aix-la-Chapelle.

I was myself so fortunate, in 1832, as to become possessed of an extensive collection of papers which had been gathered, early in the present century, by the late Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton, with a view to his composing a History of the Efforts in behalf of the House of Stuart from the Revolution downwards. Amongst these was an assemblage of memoirs, notes, letters, and other memorabilia respecting the insurrection of 1745 and its actors, which had been formed with great labour, during the twenty years ensuing upon the event, by the Rev. Robert VI

PREFACE.

TO THE FIFTH EDITION. Forbes, Episcopal minister at Leith, and ultimately (titular) Bishop of Orkney. From Sir Henry's collection, which eventu ally became mine, I published a selection in 1834, under the title of Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 17 45-6; but by far the greater part of the more valuable documents still remained in manuscript In the present edition of my own narrative, advantage has been taken of the abundance of new materials thus placed at command. So ample were these, and so great were the changes consequently required in the fabric of the narrative, that the present might almost be described as a new work. That part, in particular, which records the singular adventures of the Prince after the battle of Culloden, is much more copious, and also more strictly correct, than it was before, chiefly in consequence of the special pains which Bishop Forbes took to ascertain all the particulars of those adventures from the gentlemen and others who had been concerned in them.

The work is now submitted, in its extended and corrected form, not without a hope that it will be found to contain sufficient information to satisfy all reasonable curiosity upon the subject Edinburgh, February 24, 1840.

PREFACE.

TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. A few words as to the feeling manifested in this narrative. It has been customary to call it a Jacobite history. To this let me demur. Of the whole attempt of 1745 I disapprove, as most men do. I think its authors were under a grave mistake in preferring a supposed right of One to the interest of the entire body of the people ; and, undoubtedly, it was a crime to disturb with war, and to some extent with rapine, a nation enjoying internal peace under a settled government. But, on the other hand, those who followed Charles Edward in his hazardous enterprise, acted according to their lights, with heroic self-devotion. They were not fairly liable to the vulgar ridicule and vituperations thrown upon them by those whose duty it was to resist and punish them. Even the sovereigns succeeding him whom Charles Edward strove to displace, came to feel for the exiled dynasty, and to wish for no better friends than it had had.

Knowing how these men did all in honour, I deem it but just that their adventures should be detailed with impartiality, and their unavoidable misfortunes be spoken of with humane feeling. There is no other Jacobitism in the book that I am aware of. R. C. Edinburgh, 1869, GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL

Introduction

. James, sixth of Scotland and first of England, was the common progenitor of the two families whose contentions for the throne of Great Britain form the subject of this work. He was succeeded, at his death in 1625, by his eldest surviving son Charles. Charles L, after a reign of twenty-three years, the latter portion of which had been spent in war with a party of his subjects, perished on the scaffold in 1649. Charles II., eldest son of Charles I., lived in exile for eleven years after the death of his father, during which time the government was vested first in a Parliament, and afterwards in a Protectorate. He was at length placed upon the throne, May 1660. This event is known in British history by the title of ' the Restoration.' Charles died without legitimate issue in 1685, and was succeeded by his brother James, who had previously been entitled Duke of York.

James II. was fifty-three years of age when he mounted the throne. In his youth he had, as Admiral of England, shewn some talent for business, and considerable skill in naval affairs ; but during his reign he manifested a want of judgment which would almost indicate premature dotage. Having been con verted to the Roman Catholic faith, he entered into the spirit of it with the zeal natural to a weak mind, and ventured upon some steps which impressed his subjects with the conviction that he wished to place this religion on a par with Protestantism, if not to restore it to its ancient supremacy. Thus he alienated the affections of the people, but more especially of the clergy, who GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL

INTRODUCTION.

. IX were otherwise disposed to have been his most zealous friends. The compliance of bad judges, and some imperfections of the British constitution, left it in his power to take the most arbitrary measures for the accomplishment of his designs ; and he attempted to establish as a maxim, that he could do what ever he pleased by a proclamation of his own, without the consent of Parliament. Finally, his obstinacy and infatuation rendered it necessary for all parties of the state to seek his deposition. A secret coalition of Whigs and Tories resolved to call in the assistance of William, Prince of Orange, nephew and son-in-law to the king. William landed upon the south coast of England with an army of sixteen thousand men, partly his own native subjects, and partly English refugees, November 5, 16S8.

As he proceeded to London, James was deserted by his army, his friends, and even his own children ; and in a confusion of mind, the result of fear and offended feelings, he retired to France. William, at the head of a powerful force, took possession of London. A Convention-Parliament then declared that James had abdicated the throne, and resolved to offer the crown to William and his consort Mary. In British history, this event is termed ' the Revolution.' William III., son of Mary, eldest daughter of Charles I., and who had married his cousin Mary, eldest daughter of James H., thus assumed the crown, in company with his consort ; while King James remained in exile in France. Mary died in 1695, and King William then became sole monarch. In consequence of a fall from his horse, he died in 1701, leaving no issue.

Anne, second daughter of King James H., was then placed upon the throne. James meanwhile died in France, leaving a son, James, bom in England, June 10, 1688, the heir of his unhappy fortunes. This personage, known in history by the epithet of the Pretender, and less invidiously by his incognito tide, the Chevalier St George, continued an exile in France, supported by his cousin Louis XIV., and by the subsidies of his English adherents. Anne, after a reign of thirteen years, distinguished by military and literary glory, died without surviving GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL

INTRODUCTION.

. X issue, August i, 17 14. During the life of this sovereign, the crown had been destined, by act of Parliament, to the nearest Protestant heir, Sophia, Electress of Hanover, daughter of Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the daughter of King James VI. Sophia having predeceased Queen Anne, it descended of course to her son George, Elector of Hanover, who accordingly came over to England and assumed the sovereignty, to the exclusion of his cousin the Chevalier. George I. was scarcely seated on the throne, when (1715) an insurrection was raised against him by the friends of his rival, now generally known as the Jacobite party. This rebellion was suppressed ; and George I. continued to reign, almost without further disturbance, till his death in 1727. George II. acceded to the crown on the death of his father.

Meanwhile the Chevalier St George had married Clementina, grand-daughter of John Sobieski, the heroic king of Poland ; by this lady he had two sons — ist, Charles Edward Lewis Casimir, born December 31, 1720, and, 2d, Henry Benedict, born 1725, afterwards well known by the name of Cardinal de York. James was himself a man of weak, though mild and virtuous character; but the blood of Sobieski seems to have descended to his eldest son, whose boldness, as displayed in 1745-6, did everything but retrieve the fortunes of his family. CONTENTS. PAGE Chapter i. — prince Charles's voyage and landing 13 » ii. — the highlanders 30 it III. — THE GATHERING 40 • IV. — PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT 49 ■ V. — CHARLES'S DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS 59 ■ VI. — ALARM OF EDINBURGH 72 ■ VII. — CHARLES'S MARCH UPON EDINBURGH 78 n VIII. — CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH 86 ■ IX. — PRINCE CHARLES'S ENTRY INTO EDINBURGH 98 ■ X. — COPE'S PREPARATIONS I06 , XI. — THE PRINCE'S MARCH TO PRESTON 112 r XII. — THE BATTLE OF PRESTON 120 1.

XIII. — PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD 139 „ XIV. — GATHERING AT EDINBURGH 152 „ XV. — INVASION OF ENGLAND 170 „ XVI. — RETREAT TO SCOTLAND I93 ■ XVII.— PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK 212 , XVIII. — THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK 230 ■ XIX. — ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND 246 , XX. — MARCH TO THE NORTH 255 l XXI. — PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH 265 „ XXII. — PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN CONTENTS. PAGE Chapter xxm. — battle of culloden 293 11 xxiv. — transactions immediately after the battle of culloden 302 n xxv. — suppression of the insurrection 313 11 xxvi. — charles's wanderings — the long island 332 11 xxvii. — Charles's wanderings — skye 348 11 xxviii. — Charles's wanderings — the mainland 38S ii XXIX. — TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS 442 11 XXX. — PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE 467 11 XXXI. — MEASURES FOR PREVENTION OF FURTHER DISTURBANCES 481 11 XXXII. — SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES 49I

Appendix

5IS i745-6.

Chapter I

prince Charles's voyage and landing. 'Guard. Qui est 15,? Pucelle. Paisans, pauvres gens de France.' King Henry VI. THE idea of an insurrection in favour of the exiled house of Stuart, though, from the Revolution, it had never been for a moment out of the thoughts of the Jacobite party, remained, during the long peace which preceded 1739, in that state of dormancy which usually befalls the most deeply cherished schemes, when there is no hope of their being immediately carried into execution. When, however, Britain became engaged in war with Spain, and not long after mingled in the general conflict of European powers which took place in consequence of the exclusion of the house of Austria from the imperial dignity, the friends of the Stuarts eagerly embraced the belief that a fitting time had at length arrived for striking a blow 1745-6. 14 in behalf of legitimacy.

They had every reason to believe that France, in particular, if not also Spain, would grant them the assistance of an invading armament, under favour of which they might themselves take up arms. What made their prospects the more cheerful was, that a new promise had sprung up in the exiled family, in the person of the old Chevalier's eldest son, Charles Edward, whose character was understood to comprehend all that was graceful in a prince, united with the spirit of one destined to be a military hero. In this respect they stood in a better position than they had ever done before ; for the two preceding generations of the dethroned family had possessed no personal qualities that could afford much aid to the cause. So early, therefore, as 1740, associations had begun to be formed by the Scottish partisans of the Stuarts, engaging to rise in arms, provided that competent assistance should be sent from abroad.1 At the end of 1743, the French court actually entered into the design of an invasion of Britain in behalf of the Stuarts, and sent to Rome for the young Chevalier, that he might be ready to accompany it, the chief command of the troops being designed for the celebrated Marshal Saxe.

Charles instantly proceeded to Paris, and in the latter part of February 1744, a fleet was ready to sail, with an army of 15,000 men on board. The British government was thrown into great alarm, for their shores were comparatively unprotected, and the people were in a state of violent discontent. A small fleet was mustered under Sir John Norris, and sent to watch the French at Dunkirk. What this aged admiral could scarcely have done, was done by a storm, which drove the French vessels from their moorings, destroying some, and irretrievably damaging others. This, with the attacks of the British vessels, so far deranged the scheme, that the French ministry determined on abandoning it. The 1 In the year 1740, seven persons of rank entered into an association of this kind — namely, the Earl of Traquair ; his brother, John Stuart ; Lord Lovat ; James Drummond, commonly called Duke of Perth ; Lord John Drummond, uncle of James Drummond ; Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck ; and Cameron, younger of Locheil — most of these being persons possessing influence in the Highlands.

Many others afterwards entered into similar engagements. mortification of Charles was great ; and with his characteristic boldness he actually proposed to his father's veteran partisan, Earl Marischal, to set sail in a herring-boat for Scotland, in order to put himself at the head of his friends — believing, apparently, that his own presence as their leader was alone wanting for success. The earl of course refused to sanction such a scheme ; and Charles, after an ineffectual endeavour to be allowed by his father to serve in the French army, retired to an obscure part of France, to wait for better times. ■ At the end of the year, and in the early part of 1745, he used every exertion, by means of his emissaries, and by personal solicitations, to induce the French court to renew the enterprise ; but without success.

It appears that some of the Protestant powers in alliance with Louis had remonstrated against his giving aid to the Catholic party in Britain : every effort, they said, ought to be concentrated on the seat of war in Flanders.1 Charles, therefore, found himself coldly treated in Paris. It is remarkable that he was not even introduced to the king — nor had he ever this honour until after his return from Scotland. Yet, for the sake of an object to which he had devoted his whole affections, he patiently endured this contumely, and all the other distresses of his situation, among which the low intrigues of some of his immediate followers were not the least. Writing to his father, January 3, 1745, when about to retire, for reasons of policy, to a dull place in the country, he says : ' This I do not regret in the least, as long as I think it of service to our cause.

I would put myself in a tub, like Diogenes, if necessary.'2 Afterwards (March 7), when contemplating some preparations for the expedition with his own means, he writes to the same person : ' I wish you would pawn all my jewels, for on this side of the water I should wear them with a very sore heart, thinking that there might be a better use for them ; so that, in an urgent necessity, I may have a sum which can be of use for the cause.' Of another sum which he had obtained from his 1 Mimoires de Noailles, vi. 22, quoted in Lord Mahon's History of England, iii. 335. 2 Extracts from Stuart Papers, in Lord Mahon's History. 1745-6. 16 father, and expended in the purchase of broadswords, he says in the same letter : ' Rather than want it, I would have pawned my shirt : it is but for such uses that I shall ever trouble you with requests for money ; it will never be for plate or fine clothes, but for arms and ammunition, or other things which tend to what I am come about to this country? 1 It is generally believed that the victory, such as it was, gained by the French over the British army at Fontenoy in May, completed the resolution of France not to fit out a new armament for the young Chevalier, a diversion of the enemy by such means being now considered unnecessary.

When Charles was at length despairing of aid from this source, the very sense of resentment seems to have acted as an additional stimulus to throw him back upon the romantic design first propounded to Lord Marischal. He had great confidence in the enthusiasm of his British, and more particularly his Scottish partisans, some of whom had requested him to come to them, if he only could bring a sufficiency of arms and money. He thought if he could once raise his standard in Scotland, his friends would flock to it, and that at this particular juncture, when the British army had just sustained a notable defeat, and the country was drained of troops, he should be able at least to keep his ground until foreign aid should arrive, if not to do something which should make that aid more likely to come.

The loud discontents expressed in Britain respecting the war and the existing ministry, held out additional encouragement. He therefore determined upon a secret voyage to Scotland, no matter how few might share in the danger, or how slenderly provided he might be with money or with military stores. Early in June, we find him at the Chateau de Navarre, near Evreux, writing a letter to his father, not to ask his sanction for the projected enterprise, but to inform him that, before the writing could be in his hands, that enterprise would be commenced. ' I am to tell you,' says he, ' what will be a great surprise to you. 1 Extracts from Stuart Papers, in Lord Mahon's History. I have been, above six months ago, invited by our friends to go to Scotland, and carry what money and arms I could con veniently get ; this being, they are fully persuaded, the only way of restoring you to die crown, and them to their liberties.

After such scandalous usage as I have received from the French court, even had I not given my word to do so, or got so many encouragements from time to time as I have had, I should have been obliged, in honour and for my own reputation, to have flung myself into the hands of my friends, and die with them, rather than live longer in such a miserable way here, or be obliged to return to Rome, which would be just giving up all hopes. I cannot but mention a parable here, which is : a horse that is to be sold, if [when] spurred, [he] does not skip, or shew some sign of life, nobody would care to have him even for nothing ; just so my friends would care very little to have me, if, after such usage, which all the world is sensible of, I should not shew that I have life in me. Your majesty cannot disapprove a son's following the example of his father.

You yourself did the like in the year 17 15; but the circumstances now are indeed very different, by being much more encouraging I have been obliged to steal off, without letting the king of France so much as suspect it ; for which I make a proper excuse in my letter to him, by saying it was a great mortification to me never to be able to speak and open my heart to him ; that this thing was of such a nature that it could not be communicated by any of the ministers, but to himself alone, in whom, after God Almighty, my resting lies, and that the least help would make my affair infallible. If I had let the French court know this beforehand, it might have had all these bad effects : ist, It is possible they might have stopped me, having a mind to keep measures with the elector;1 and then, to cover it over, they would have made a merit of it to you, by saying they had hindered me from doing a wild and desperate thing: 2dly, My being invited by my friends would not be believed, or 1 The kinef of Great Britain was, by the Stuarts and their partisans, only allowed to be Elector of Hanover. c B 745-6. at least would have made little impression on the French court. ' I have,' he continues, ' sent Stafford to Spain, and appointed Sir Thomas Geraldine to demand succours in my name, to com plete the work, to whom I sent letters for the king and queen, written in the most engaging terms to the same purpose.

Let what will happen, the stroke is struck, and / have taken a firm resolution to conquer or to die, and to stand my ground as long as I shall have a man remaining with me. ; . . . Whatever happens unfortunate to me, cannot but be the strongest engagement to the French court to pursue your cause. Now, if I were sure they were capable of any sensation of this kind, if I did not succeed, I would perish, as Curtius did, to save my country and make it happy ; it being an indispensable duty on me as far as lies in my power I write this from Navarre, but it will not be sent off till I am on shipboard I should think it proper (if your majesty pleases) to put myself at his holiness's feet, asking his blessing on this occasion ; but what I chiefly ask is your own, which I hope will procure me that of God Almighty, upon my endeavours to serve you, my family, and my country.' : One Waters, a banker in Paris, had lent Charles 60,000 livres, which he had employed in paying off the debts he incurred at Paris during the past winter.

The younger Waters, also a banker, now advanced to him 120,000 livres, with which he bought 1500 fusees, 1800 broadswords, and a considerable quantity of gunpowder, ball, flints, dirks, and other articles, including 20 small field-pieces. Mr Walsh, a merchant in Nantes, agreed to convey him to the coast of Scotland in a brig of 18 guns, which he had fitted out to cruise against the British trade; at the same time Mr Rutledge, a friend of Walsh, obtained from the French court the services of the Elizabeth, a vessel of 68 guns and 700 men, which was to cruise on the coast of Scotland. Some obscurity rests on the point; yet it is 1 This remarkable letter is printed in the appendix to Lord Mahon's History, from tlie Stuart Papers. clear that the Prince had the use of this latter vessel, to carry his stores, and convoy his own ship, without the knowledge of the French government While the preparations were making at Nantes, the few gentlemen who had agreed to accompany the Prince lodged in different parts of the town, and when they met in public, took no notice of each other, the better to con ceal their design.1 They were seven in number ; the most important being the Marquis of Tullibardine, who, having been concerned in the affair of 17 15, was attainted, and thus prevented from succeeding to his father's title and estates as Duke of Athole, which were now enjoyed by his next younger brother.

The rest were — Sir Thomas Sheridan, who had been the Prince's preceptor; Sir John Macdonald, an officer in the Spanish service ; Mr Kelly, an English clergyman, who had been con cerned in the Bishop of Rochester's plot in 1722; O'Sullivan, an Irish officer in the French service ; Francis Strickland, an English gentleman ; and Mr Æneas Macdonald, banker in Paris, a younger brother of Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart. Lord Mahon says very justly, ' that the charm of this romantic enterprise seems singularly heightened, when we find, from the secret papers now disclosed, that it was undertaken not only against the British government, but without, and in spite of, the French.' At seven of the evening of the 2 2d of June, old style,2 the Prince embarked at St Nazaire, in the mouth of the Loire, on board Walsh's little vessel, named the Doutelle, attended by his seven friends, besides one Buchanan, a messenger.

Proceeding to Belleisle, he was there detained for some days, in expectation of the Elizabeth. Since the letter to his father before quoted, he had written again : ' I made my devotions,' he says, ' on Pentecost day, recommending myself particularly to the Almighty on this occasion to guide and direct me, and to con tinue to me always the same sentiments ; which are, rather to I Jacobite Memoirs, from the papers of Bishop Forbes, p. 2. 2 Such was the day in British reckoning, old style being still used there. In France, the day was esteemed as the 3d of July. Old style is here preferred, as that used throughout the whole of the ensuing narrative. 745-6. 20 suffer anything than fail in any of my duties? He afterwards wrote to his father's secretary, Mr Edgar : ' I hope in God we shall soon meet, which I am resolved shall not be but at home s meaning in the seat of his father's government.1 His last words to the same gentleman in a postscript, dated the 12th July (N.S.), were : ' After having waited a week here, not with out a little anxiety, we have at last got the escort I expected, which is just arrived — namely, a ship of 68 guns, and 700 men aboard.

I am, thank God, in perfect health, but have been a little sea-sick, and expect to be more so ; but it does not keep me much abed, for I find the more I struggle against it the better.' None of these letters were sent off till after he had finally quitted the shores of France. He had acted in like manner by his Scottish friends, sending Mr Murray of Broughton to apprise them of his intention of sailing, but too late to allow of their sending any answer that could be expected to reach him before he should have set sail. The Scottish gentlemen con sequently met in great anxiety, to deliberate on the message, when it was agreed by all, excepting the Duke of Perth, that the scheme was the extreme of rashness, and Mr Murray was appointed by them to watch for the Prince in the West High lands, and warn him off the coast It would thus appear that Charles was, in some measure, under a false impression as to the eagerness of his Scottish friends for the undertaking.

Prob ably only a very few had invited him to come, no matter how attended or provided. Murray actually waited during the whole month of June upon the west coast, when, finding that the Prince did not arrive, and conceiving that the scheme had been given up, he returned to his house in Peeblesshire. To the friends of the cause in England, it does not appear that any message was sent by the Prince before his voyage. 1 After all that is here related of the Prince's proceedings, it seems scarcely necessary to allude to a letter of David Hume, in which that generally acute person relates an absurd story, communicated to him by Helvetius the philosopher, to the effect that Charles became faint-hearted at the point of commencing his enterprise, and had to be carried on board by his followers. The utter inconsistency of the tale with the above unquestionable facts, must be at once apparent.

All things being in readiness, the expedition sailed from Belleisle on the 2d July. Four days after, in latitude 470 57' north, and 39 leagues to the west of the Lizard Point, an English man-of-war appeared in sight D'Eau, the captain of the Elizabeth, came on board the Doutelle, and asked Mr Walsh to aid in attacking this vessel, representing that an immediate engagement might be the best course, as the English ship, if joined by any other of the same nation, would become more than a match for both of theirs. Mr Walsh, feeling a great responsibility as to the Prince's person, declined this pro posal. Captain D'Eau then resolved to make the attack singly. The British vessel proved to be the Lion, of 58 guns, com manded by Captain Brett, an officer who had distinguished himself in Anson's expedition by storming Paita.