The Star of the West; or, National men and national measures ... Second edition

Front matter

THE STAR OF THE WEST; OR, Rational |9tn anb Rational UJeasim BY ANNA ELLA CARROLL, AUTHOR Of THE "GREAT AMERICAN BATTLE," ETC. " Our Country's glory is our chief concern : For thia we struggle, and for this we burn -, For this we smile, for this alone we sigh ; For this we lire, for this would freely die." SECOND EDITION. BOSTON: JAMES FRENCH AND COMPANY. NEW YORK : MILLER, ORTON S. MULLIGAN. 1857. Entered according to Act os Congress, in the year 1856, by W. S. TISDALE, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. Stereotyped bj HOBART & ROBBINS, New England Tjpe and Stereotype Foundery, BOSTON. BfintatioiL When the principles of the government are at stake, true patriotism, which rises above party, above selfish aspirations, or a thought of personal aggrandizement, is invested with peculiar value, and becomes an object of increased respect.

And when we find one whose past life and present action furnish a clear record of devotion to principle for principle's sake ; one who has always stood in the van of the great American battle, and freely encoun tered the adversary, giving his means with his energies ; and who will adhere tenaciously to the cause he knows to be just, and to men he believes to be true, without regard to the labor or sacrifice which may inure to himself, we cannot but offer him as an example to others to pursue a course alike honorable and patriotic. Such a man is CHESTER DRIGGS, OF NEW YORK CITY; and when to this strong patriotic feeling is added his high moral excellence and worth, his public spirit, energy, and enterprise, as a citizen of the great commercial mart of the western world, we feel pride and pleasure in dedicating, as we now do, this national volume to the true American, Chester Driggs. CONTENTS. THE UNION OF THE STATES.

Chapter I

Foundation of the Union. — The Puritans. — The Mayflower. — Plymouth compact. — The Huguenots. — Poverty of the original states. — The cotton crop in 1792 — 95 and 1856. — Growth of the nation. — Calhoun. — Webster. — Henry Clay and the abolitionists. — Four crises of the Union. — Fillmore. — George III. and Adams. — Effects of the Union upon European governments. — Resources of the republic. — Kings and emperors against the Union. — Jealousy of England. — Ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery. — Missouri Compromise, 3

Chapter II

Pierce's fraud upon the people. — Virginia democratic resolutions of 1798-9, respecting foreigners. — Mutual benefits of the Union. — America for Americans. — Disastrous consequences of a separation of the states. — The man for the crisis, 27

Chapter III

Restoration of the Missouri Compromise impracticable. — Kansas. — Our commercial prosperity. — Material value of the Union. — The remedy for all our national troubles. — Appeal for the Union. — Mr. Fillmore's speech explained, 47 THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.

Chapter I

Invention and effects of printing. — The commerce of the world controlled by a railroad through this continent. — Anglo-American enterprise. — Joel Barlow. — Erie Canal. — Bailroad from Portland, Maine, to Nova Scotia, 06 CONTENTS VI

Chapter II

Four and a naif days' travel from New York to California by railroad. — Columbus. — Twenty-four days between New York and China. — The opium trade. — Tobacco versus opium. — English jealousy. — Tea trade. — The road in a moral and educational view. — The three routes, |S

Chapter III

Value os the whaling trade. — Grants of Texas lands to aid the road. —The central route. — Canals, 88

Chapter IV

Romanism opposed to the road. — Gold of California and Australia. — Silver mines of Sonora. — Laborers and manufacturers benefited by the road, 99

Chapter V

Effects of the gold of California upon real estate, commerce, currency, labor, and manu factures. — Telegraph. — Method of laying the submarine telegraph. — Congress aud the Pacific Railroad. — The democratic administration against the road. — The American party and Millard Filtmore committed to the road, 108 ROMANISM OPPOSED TO OUR LIBERTIES.

Chapter I

First prayer in Congress. — Washington the Protestant. — Franklin. — Pownal's prophecy. — Brownson and McMasters betray the objects of the Papacy in America. — Romanism opposed to progress. — Marriage, — Absolution. — Power of the Pope, . 119

Chapter II

The sacrament of marriage. — Dispensation. — Romanists disqualified from holding trusts under Protestant governments. — Creed of Pope Piu3 IV. — Sacrifice of the mass. — The wafer-God. — Purgatory. — Saints. — Images and relics. — Indulgences. — Bills of exchange on purgatory. — Council of Trent, 130

Chapter III

The bishop's oath. —The Jesuits. — The Bible. — Forgery. — The commentary of Meno chius. — Bellarmine. — Curse of Pope Benedict VIII. — The Council of Constance.— Maynooth College. — Dens' theology. — Pope Urban II. — Pope Stxtus V. — The Inquisition. — Komanism unchangeable. — Illustrations of the spirit of Popery. — The nature of Romanism, 137 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF HON. ERASTUS BROOKS. His early life. — Vicissitudes. — Printer. — Teacher. — Editor. — Correspondent. — His great industry. — New York Express. — Visits Europe. — Letters of " E. B." — Elected CONTENTS. VII to the Senate of New York. — Advocates the passage of the celebrated " Church Prop erty Bill." — Character and purposes of the bill. — The bill is passed. — Mr. Brooks is attacked by Archbishop Hughes. — The controversy. — The principle involved in the bill. — The dangers involved. — Mr. Brooks renominated for the Senate. — Attempt of Bishop Hughes to defeat him. — Mr. Brooks is elected by a very large majority. — Is nominated for the governorship of New York. — Mr. Brooks as a campaigner, . . 161 CENTRAL AMERICA.

Chapter I

Our commercial relations. — The Federal Republic of Central America. — General Francisco Morazan. — Destruction of the republic. — General William Walker. — His first expedition. — President of Lower California. — Invasion of Sonora. — Commercial company formed in California. — Grant of land. — Castellan, the republican democrat. — Chamorra, the aristocrat. — Cabanos. — The priesthood unite with the autocrat Chamorra, 169

Chapter II

The battle of Rivas. — Its effect upon the Nicaraguans.— Battle of "Virgin Bay. — Granada. — Romish church used as a fort. — Battle of Granada. — Walker is offered the presidency of Nicaragua. — He declines in favor of General Corral. — St. George cannonaded. — "Walker reinforced. — Arrival of Col. Fry and Parker H. French. — Expedition against San Carlos. — Padre Vijil. — Walker's forces augmented. — Display of firmness. — Treason of Gen. Corral. — His execution. — Rivas president. — The " Nicaraguense" newspaper started. — Col. French sent as minister plenipotentiary to Washington. — Is not received. — Shamefully treated by the Pierce administration. — Natural scenery of Nicaragua. — Schlessinger, 179

Chapter III

Encyclical letter of Pope Gregory XVI. — Arrogated power of the priesthood. — Rome persecutes beyond the grave. — Political agents of the Papacy in America. — Blighting effects of Popery. — History of the interdict of Venice fulminated by Pope Paul V., 234

Chapter IV

The Pope and the sword. — The claim of the Romish church to infallibility. — Preposterous claims of the Pope. — Bull against Queen Elizabeth. — 3Leo III. — "Ceremonies of the Holy Roman Church." — Romanism the same now as ever, 254

Chapter V

Bishop England's authority. — The " Host."— Catholic Telegraph, of Cincinnati, denounces republicanism. — Bishop Flaget, of Kentucky, against our republican government. — The canon laws 265

Chapter VI

The Eternal City. — The effects of Romanism and Protestantism contrasted. — Luther America is Bible ground. — The Jesuits and state politics. — Spies. — The silent press. — America the last battle-field of Popery, 273 THE AMERICAN NAVY.

Chapter IV

C°nl°vf a 7"» efuc*llon-C»™P«™-M«»'.ry. a foreigner, aims to destroy the na* y. - Insufficiency of the bureaus. - Notes. - Great American Battle.- Lieutenant CONTENTS. IX BIOGRAPHY OF CAPTAIN LEVY', U. S. N. Heroic action. — Prisoner. — Post-captain. — Statue of Jefferson. — Capt. Levy purchases Mooticello, the birthplace of Jefferson. — Exciting incident and adventure. — Patriotic action. — The Emperor Don Pedro, of Brazil. — A deed of daring. — Millard Fillmore aud Captain Levy, 327 CONVENTS AND THE CONFESSIONAL.

Chapter I

Convents strengthen the Romish hierarchy. — Their revenues. — The effect. — Schools.— Michelet. — Appearance of convents conceal their real purpose. — Our laws. — Death. — Means that enrich convents. — Academy of Visitation. — Maryland legislature. — Decrees of regulars. — Nuns sanctified. — Convents destroyed. — Number and orders. — Marriage. — Gregory VII. — Parents. — Mary Ann King. — Duty of parents. — Maria Monk. — Miss Reed. — Her De Sauctis. — Taxes, 336

Chapter II

France, Austria, Russia. — What the press would do. — Col. Lemanouski. — The Inquisition. — Revolution in 1848. — Voters. — Bishop of Tuscany. — Bishop Reze. — American Sentinel. — Rev. Blanco White. — Nun3. — What Americans should do. — Oliver Cromwell. — America's power. — A case. — Confessional. — Leopold. — Pierre Pacchiani. — Crimes. — Europe's history. — Key of Paradise. — Catechism. — The whole mind. — Protestants. — Mystery, 354

Chapter III

Ferdinand YEC. — Mr. Ewbank. — Rev. Pierce Connelly. — Freeman's Journal. — Women. — Archbishop Kendrick. — Mr. Hogan and women. — Pagan pollution. — Trials and failure. — Maynooth College. — What the papists would do. — Husbands and fathers. — Popish priests. — Bishop of New York. — Death of a Baltimorean. — Milly McPherson. — Grindell's convent life. — Masons. — Maria Monk. — Nuns who have exposed American convents. — American women. — Affecting ceremony in Baltimore. — Convents suppressed in Europe. — Secret instructions. — Baneful effects. — Age of nuns, 365 A PROTESTANT EDUCATION FOR AMERICAN CITIZENS.

Chapter I

Papists opposed to public schools. — Education. — " Christian Brothers. w — Rules of the order. — Archbishop nughes. — Romish convention. — Proscription of Americans by Frajiklin Pierce. — Bible banished from our schools, 384 l* X CONTENTS.

Chapter V

Cardinal Wiseman. — Ribbon societies. — Pope Barberini. — St. Peter and Jupiter. — Rome persecutes genius. — -The power of Popery in America, 420 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP EDWIN 0. PERRIN, 433 " " COL. G. B. LOCKE, 435 « " " A. B. ELY, 436 " « " SIDNEY KOPMAN, 439 " " " THOMAS II. CLAY, 442 " " " GEN. NATHAN RANNEY 444 LETTER FROM MR. FILLMORE,

Chapter I

" What God in his mercy and wisdom designed, And armed with his weapons of thunder, Not all the earth's despots and factions combined Have the power to conquer or sunder ! " Americans, let us see how the first stones were gathered, and the foundation of this Union laid. It began under great tribulation ; but God over ruled its origin, and has been its great support. A reformed church of "poor people," or those in moderate circumstances, called Puritans, dwelt in England at the close of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lived in the villages of Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire. These people, under their pastor, John Robin son, were assailed day and night bj> the ministers of the ecclesiastical tyranny which governed and swajred England. At great suffering and peril, they resolved to seek safety by exile, in Holland.

In 1C07, their first attempt to leave England was arrested, under King James, and some of the Puritans were im prisoned ; but they had an unfrequented heath in Lincolnshire, where they continued to worship ; and, on procuring the release of their wives and children, in 1G08, they were successful in making their escape to Amsterdam. From Amsterdam, these Puritans went to Ley den, under the guidance of Robinson and Brews ter, and there betook themselves to industrial pursuits of all kinds, which fitted them for their future but unsuspected destiny. The desire to advance the Gospel in the New World, the cherished idea of their minds, finally induced them to turn their thoughts to the settlements in America. Still, the Pilgrims loved their native soil, their native language, and their Anglo-Saxon liberty ; and so deep was the love of country yet implanted in their affections, that they sought the protection of the English government for the colony they projected in the western world.

John Carver and William Bradford repaired to London, and succeeded, after a negotiation of two years, in obtaining a patent for the Plymouth Com pany. After an absence of twelve years from their native land, these exiles made ready for embarking across the ocean. They sold their estates, and used their money in fitting out two vessels for the purpose ; but these could accommodate only a part of the congregation. These Pilgrims sailed from Delfthaven, near Leyden, via Southampton, for America, after being a fortnight in England. But the Speedwell proved not to be seaworthy, and they returned to Dart mouth for repairs. Finding, however, that this vessel could not be trusted for such a voyage, they left Dartmouth for Plymouth, where, with one hundred souls, they embarked, on the 17th of Sep tember, 1620, for America.

Their small vessel, the Mayflower, consisted of only one hundred and eighty tons ; and after a passage of sixty-three days, it reached the harbor of Cape Cod, and this precious cargo of human souls was landed on the Rock of Plymouth Dec. 22d, 1C20. While the Ma)£lower was at anchor, the form of government to which they should conform, as one people, was seriously discussed ; and, after prayer and thanksgiving to almighty God, an instru- 1* ment or compact was drawn, to which forty-one of the crew subscribed their names ; the rest of the one hundred being the wives and children of these men. This, Americans, was the first republic erected in America, and is the most remarkable instance of the true spirit of liberty upon the record of his tory. Think of a colony, under the sanction of a royal charter, from an English monarch, coming, under the inspiration of God and liberty, to plant upon American soil republican freedom !

Here is the document : PLYMOUTH COMPACT. "In the name of God, amen! We, whose names are underwritten, the royal subjects of our dread Sovereign, King James, having undertaken for the glory of God and advancement of the Chris tian faith, and honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern part of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation; and, in furtherance of the ends aforesaid, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most con venient for the good of the colony. ' ' Unto which we promise all due submission and obedience."

Signed by John Carver, William Brewster, Ed ward Winslow, and forty-one in all. For five thousand years this vast continent lay upon the bosom ofthe deep, occupied by untutored man, of the manner and the date of whose origin here we have no account ; but a passage is supposed to have been effected across Behring's Straits, where Asia and America are separated by only forty miles. This continent, nearly as large as Europe and Africa united, extending on both sides of the equa tor, lying between the western shore of Europe and Africa, and the east of Asia, surrounded by groups of islands on either ocean, presented an impenetrable mystery to the eastern world. Not less remarkable has been the unparalleled development, of liberty, growing out of the desire for a retreat for freedom to worship God.

The Huguenots of the South came to this land under the same inspiration, and suffered even more by perse cution. Americans, can the conviction that these were the men whose views were carried out in founding this republic now be slighted ? We are the only people strong, courageous, and free — the only nation which has the element of dura bility. When the flag of our country was borne to Mexico, after so long a period of profound peace, it was prophesied by all the world we were to meet an ignominious defeat ; but when the first flash was seen, and the first thunder of cannon heard, American men, who had lived only to protect their homes and firesides, rushed to the scene of action, and fought so gloriously and so triumphantly that the world was lost in admiration at their victories. With our little army of eight or ten thousand op posed to eight or ten millions of Mexicans, added to barriers which nature had made seemingly in surmountable, Americans, under the free spirit which formed the republic on the Mayflower, sought like soldiers, and died like freemen !

The same God which had taken the English Pilgrim and set him on Plymouth Rock led the French Huguenot to the South. It was the genius, the heroism, the instinct, of liberty. So have the North and South, when great principles were at stake, commingled as one spirit and one blood ! From the days of '7G, to the day Gen. Scott, at the head of the American army, caused Santa Anna to lay down the sword and bow to the supremacy of American arms, the North and the South knew no section, divided no interest, when a common danger perilled our existence as a free people. In 1792, we were thirteen poor and compai-a tively feeble states. The whole cotton crop did not exceed three hundred and fifty-seven bales. After Whitney's cotton-gin machine was invented, in 1794, there was an increase in its growth, and in 1795 it amounted to three thousand seven hun dred and fifty bales.

Now, we are a people count ing thirty millions, with thirty-one states, and an expansive territory, out of which many others will ultimately be made. The constitutions of most of the old states have been altered. Vast resources are being developed, and our cotton-bales count annually nearly four millions. The United States are yet only in their infancy. The growth of their marketable staples, their agri cultural resources, and their annual incomes, is beyond all present calculations, as well as the benefits of commerce and art, which we cannot even conjecture. Our representative government, our religious freedom, our trial by jury, our free press, and other attributes of Anglo-American liberty, urge this people to extend themselves under peaceful arts, and to cherish perpetually the compact of the Union, as the only bond, the everlasting bond, of our national life, and faith, and action.

Ancient Rome excited glorious patriotism by heaping bright garlands upon her living sons ; but her nationality and pride forbade her stop ping there. She looked behind, and forgot not the founders of her political edifice. How much more than Romans should we Americans cherish the sacred ashes of our dead, who gave the Union its fair proportions, and taught the lesson of self denial and conciliation by which it must be preserved ! Josiah Quincy went from Boston to Charleston, South Carolina, to enlist the Huguenots with the descendants of the Puritans for our independence, — the descendants of men who were answered in their last prayer, and shown by God the way to this their promised land. When the Union was endangered for the third time, in 1850, J. C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, discoursed upon this bond of attachment which bound together Massachusetts and Carolina, and declared, with rapture, shortly before he died, that it was as indissoluble as ever.

Webster, too, who first read the constitution on a cotton handkerchief, wanted that constitution to give its rights to all parts of the Union. When warned, in 1850, that his course on the comprom ise would endanger his hopes for the presidency, the triumph of the Union over selfish ambition showed itself, as he exclaimed, "I would not swerve a hair to be president." Henry Clay, dear to the hearts of millions, from this same love of the Union, was warned in 1839, in the Senate, by William C. Preston, of South Carolina, against unnecessarily exciting the abolitionists, as it might interfere with the aspirations he then enjoyed for the presidency. The great American's prompt response is above all Greek or Roman fame — "I had rather be right than be president!" The abolitionists became ever after his unrelenting foes, and, in connection with Mr. Buchanan's false charge of bribery, of which Buchanan himself was the sole author, and the Romish hierarchy, defeated his prospects and blighted the hopes of his friends forever.

Americans, for the fourth time our national existence is in peril ! Its first danger was under Madison ; second, under Jackson ; third, under Taylor and Millard Fillmore ; and lastly, under Franklin Pierce, our present chief magistrate. Under the administration of Gen. Taylor, three Southern States ofthe Union submitted the question to the people whether they should remain in the Union. Officers of the army and navy were then sounded, to see if they would declare for a Southern republic. They declared for the Union as it is, under the American flag. All the Southern States but one did likewise. It was the Roman firmness of Mr. Fillmore, after the death of Taylor, that saved the Union in 1850. The treaty of peace, which acknowledged our national independence, in 1783, was not only highly honorable to us, but England made far greater concessions to us than she did at that time to Spain or France.

In 1785, Congress elected John Adams, by ballot, as the first minister to Great Britain ; and on the 25th of May of that year, the King of England, who had waged war upon us as subjects, and attempted to brow-beat us as menials, was humiliated to a public reception of our national ambassador, who represented the new republic. Keenly did England feel the blow which had forced her, before mankind, to recognize our power and dignity among the nations of the earth. George the Third, the king, received Mr. Adams by a speech, to which Mr. Adams replied. He was afterwards presented to the queen, who also had a kind word to say of "America and Americans." "You are not," said the king to Mr. Adams, "like the most of your countrymen, attached to France." "I have no attachment but to my native country," said Mr. Adams.

"An honest man will have no other," said the king. And this was the feeling under which we were baptized a free people. Messrs. Jay, Adams, and Franklin, were sent to Paris to obtain formal protection to our com merce. But while other European nations entered readily into treaties of commerce, England refused to do so, and during the six years of our confeder acy after peace, no minister was sent to America. Mr. Adams, failing to induce Great Britain to 2* send a minister, or to form a treaty of commerce, returned home in 1787. After the Union was organized, the strength and dignity of the government were hit by all foreign nations, and respected. Gen. Washington requested Governeur Morris, who was in Europe, to see if England would then send a minister ; to which she readily acceded, and George Hammond presented his credentials from that court in Au gust, 1791.

The strength and dignity obtained for the government by the Union of the States wrere at once felt and manifested by foreign powers. In 1793, when France declared war against England, Gen. Washington issued his celebrated proclamation for neutrality, and recommended to Congress that a special messenger be sent to England, to aid Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, already our accred ited minister to that court. General Washington determined to save the Union, but just formed ; and, in defiance of the unpopularity of this measure, to preserve the policy of neutrality. He therefore immediately nominated John Jay, and hence the treaty which laid the foundation of this Union's commercial prosperity, and made its basis still more impregnable. And now, Americans, it is the firmness of the Union, its celebrity, its prosperity, its past happiness, attained under our free and fair constitution, which has struck terror to Europern despots, and made them tremble on their thrones.

This government is the only one upon earth which meets the wants of the masses, and embraces, as far as its limits extend, the entire continent under the shadow of its protecting wings. Under its wise laws and benign policy, nothing can stay our national progress, — nothing, nothing ! The bravest, the freest, the most energetic people on the face of the globe, have been born under the flag of the American States. Look, my countrymen, at the resources of your mighty republic, and see how the Union has devel oped them ! Look at your territory, and see how the Union, in its triumphant march, has expanded its boundaries from a fragment to a continent ! Look at your inventive genius, your skilful artists, the busy hum of internal trade, the multiplied products of healthy sinews and free labor, and see how the Union has prospered you !

Look at your sublime mountains, your magnificent rivers, yom luxuriant prairies, your vast and beautiful lakes, your exhaustless mines of gold and silver, and your rich and beneficent soil, and see why your population has swelled from two million five hun dred thousand to thirty millions, in eighty years ! It is the Union of these States, under the great est and best form of government human wisdor/i ever conceived, that has done it all. It is the ci • of love and peace, which has been drunk from ti j fountain of the constitution, by the whole popul tion. The nation, from all points of our coinpas , have met in the circling bond of the Union, and clasped the pillars of the constitution with un.ted heart and hand ; and, under the inspiration c( its proud stars and stripes, have exchanged the £ fate ful and joyful tokens of faith and affection.

What should be the cry of all the inhabitants of this land, but " The Constitution and the Union forever! " With this glow of magnanimity, with this cry of patriotism, traitors and emissaries from without can as easily upturn the ocean from its bed, or tear the pillars of the Alleghany from their deep foundations, as to bre?vk up this government by the dissolution of this blessed, blood-bought, heaven-descended Union. We know full well the jealousy of foreign des pots. To arrest our "manifest destiny," by the destruction of republicanism, is the ceaseless aim of the despotisms of Europe, to favor their own self-preservation. Russia, England, France, Aus tria, Rome, Spain, and every other monarchical and despotic government, now swell with joy to witness internal dissensions which threaten a sev erance of the states ; but how much more would they exult in its actual occurrence !

Philip of Macedon, when he set about conquering Greece, did not invade it by an aggressive army, but by creating and cherishing dissensions among the states of Greece. So it is now with European governments. They feel the moral as well as the political reaction upon them of the United States. They know that the principles upon which the Union is sounded are subversive of European aris tocracies. They were aware of the sympathy of Americans with the struggling patriots of Greece, — with the struggling patriots of Italy, in the revolution of '48, — and the moral influence which ever reacts in favor of a people panting for freedom. They behold, with secret wonder ann envy, the rapid growth of the United States in power and greatness. England — we speak of her government partic ularly — i3 jealous of us, because she is monarchi cal, and moves in the reciprocal sympathies of the other monarchies of Europe.

But the great body of her people are strongly opposed to a war with the United States. When we speak of England, therefore, we more particularly speak of her government, which found, in 1812, that no thunder could be obtained by her arms in a contest with the Americans. Her oligarchy try a more quiet course of action, to sow dissension, and reap the benefit of contention, among the states, by favor ing any symptoms of disaffection which may spring up to disturb our happy Union. In this unholy antagonism, the press of Europe has heaped its slanders upon us. But its praise or blame neither disturbs our sleep, nor intercepts our influence and onward march. Our commercial marine, on the high seas, is greater than that of France or England, — perhars both united ; and, in case of danger, our marine and fishermen would supply our navy.

England fears our strength, while she feels our and breadstulfs essential to her very existence. These motives constrain her to Jesuitical cautiousness in her attempts to divide the Union, by which she expects to treat with both North and South on her own terms. Once let England, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, send us representative men, — men of large ideas, who can understand the principles of our political machinery, and faithfully report the progress and development of our country at home, — then the value and the permanence of the Union can be appreciated, and much useless ex penditure of money and time may be averted. But who is it that now cries out, "Join us, to save the Union " ? Americans, it is the very party — the democratic party — who have shown the people, by their acts, that they are not competent to administer the government of our country.