Sir John Cope and the Rebellion of 1745

Preface

. In consequence of an article in ' Blackwood's Maga zine' of July 1894, entitled "Side-lights on the Battles of Preston and Falkirk," in which a description was given of the battle of Prestonpans and of the part which Sir John Cope played therein, my brother, the late General Sir Robert Cadell, resolved to compile a more detailed and strictly accurate account of the battle and of the circumstances which led to it. This was a task for which he was peculiarly qualified, his home being in the immediate vicinity of the battle field, and he being familiar from boyhood with the local topography and traditions, and also with the his tory of the times, to say nothing of his large military experience gained in the Crimea and in India. The information which he collected could not be compressed into a magazine article, and the work which he had undertaken assumed larger proportions than he had anticipated. Ill -health and absence VI

PREFACE.

. abroad prevented its completion until within a few days before his death in June 1897. He was thus unable to fulfil his intention of revising his work ; and this task, which would have been much better done by him, has devolved on me, with the kind assistance of some friends. The results speak for themselves. They throw a fresh light on historical events which still possess much interest, and a perusal of the following pages will convince the reader of the conscientious accuracy and patient labour which have been brought to bear on the subject. It will be seen that the sympathy of the author is with Sir John Cope, to whom previous writers, and even popular rhymes, have in his view done injustice. In Scotland the Highlanders engaged in this affair, and their leader, the Prince, the Pre tender, or the Chevalier, as he is variously termed, have still a certain amount of popularity, and even recently there have been attempts to revive an in terest in the cause in which they were engaged.

The reader, whatever may be his sympathies in these matters, will have an opportunity here of acquainting himself with the actual facts ; and in so far as they are applicable to Sir John Cope, it is only just that they should be known. Before concluding these prefatory remarks, it may be of interest to mention the history of the "Sketch of the Battle of Prestonpans, by an Officer who was

PREFACE.

. VII there." By which of our ancestors the original of this Sketch was obtained is not known, but it has lain in this house for many years. My brother made a copy of it when a boy, before he went to India in 1842, and the original and copy were rolled up together. For some years before his death the roll had been mislaid, and it was sought for in vain. When it was discovered some time after his death, parts of both original and copy were found to have been eaten away by mice ; but fortunately, what was destroyed in the one was untouched in the other, and the skilful lithographer has been able to make a complete whole out of the two combined. The several positions taken up by Cope, as shown in the Sketch, correspond exactly with my brother's account of the battle, although he had not seen the Sketch for some years.

T. CADELL. Cockenzie House, September 1898. Postscript. — Since the above was written, a copy of the Plan of the Battle has been found in the possession of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society. The following is the inscription at the foot of the sheet : " Published according to Act of Parliament, Deer. 21st, 1745 " — that is, exactly two months after the battle. PAGE CONTENTS.

Chapter I

Object of this work to clear reputation of Sir John Cope — Aspirations of the Stuart family not extinguished by failure of rising of 1715 — Prince Charles resolves on expedition against advice of tried adherents — Embarks for Scotland — Encounter with H. M.S. " Lion" — Hesitation of Highland chiefs to join Prince's standard on his arrival — Ambuscade near Spean Bridge — " Raising of the Standard " in Glenfinnan — Divided counsels 1

Chapter II

Unpreparedness of Government to meet the rising — Council of Regency in absence of George II. in Hanover — Persons by whom and mode in which Scottish business was carried on — Troops in Scotland — Sir John Cope (p. 22) — Regency disbelieve news of Pretender's intended rising and disapprove of measures suggested by Cope, and subsequently afraid to act in absence of the King — Help anticipated from Atholl and Breadalbane — Cope's scheme to march into Highlands approved by Regency, and Sir John ordered to attack enemy — Cope's preparations — His staff — Want of artillery — His "fussiness" ridiculed — Contrast with Argyll's action in 1715 — Officers left in command in Lowlands (Generals Guest and Preston and Colonel Gardiner) — Royal troops march to Crieff — Cope's interview with Duke of Atholl — Lord George Murray (p. 46) — Not being joined by clans, Cope would not have advanced beyond Crieff, had it not been for Lord Tweeddale's orders X CONTENTS. 114

Chapter III

Cope advances into Highlands — Difficulties of transport — Marches to Inverness rather than attack rebels at Corryarrick — Reasons for this movement — Conflicting counsels in Pretender's camp — He resolves to march on Edinburgh — Repulse of attack on barracks at Ruthven — Causes for clans not joining Cope — Cope's letter to Lord Milton on serious aspect of affairs — Lord Tweeddale underrates their gravity — Lord Lovat's view thereof — Cope inarches to Aberdeen and embarks — Pretender marches South — Halts a week at Perth — Replenishes cash-chest and receives reinforcements — Attempted arrest of Duke of Perth at Drummond Castle — Lord George Murray joins Pretender, and practically becomes his Commander-in-Chief 5°

Chapter IV

Pretender's march from Perth to Edinburgh — Is not impeded by the Dragoons at the Ford of Frew — Resistance stifled by acts of the authorities — Neglect of King to send troops from Flanders — Career and character of Colonel Gardiner — His shattered constitution — Omission to harass with his dragoons Pretender's army on their march — False sense of security notwithstanding Cope's urgent reports ....... 91

Chapter V

Favourable position of Edinburgh for defence — Refusal of Lord Provost to intrust the trained bands with arms — His opposition to proposals for defence — Professor Maclaurin appointed chief Engineer — 4000 volunteers raised — Provost appoints himself their colonel and abstains from appointing field-officers — Prevents sailors being brought from fleet to man guns — Thwarts preparations — Dragoons ordered to Corstorphine — Provost a dead weight on every measure for defence — Dragoons exhausted by excessive duty — Mr Alves arrested for spreading false reports — The " Canter of Coltbrigg " — Dragoons retire to Musselburgh — Then to Prestonpans — And thence, in alarm, to Dunbar CONTENTS. XI

Chapter VI

Pretender joined by Lord Elcho — Provost's conduct at meeting of Council and at subsequent public meeting — Volunteers give up their arms — Pretender's letter demanding surrender of city — News of Cope's arrival off Dunbar arrives too late — Entry of Highlanders into Edinburgh unopposed — Pretender occupies Holyrood Palace and is proclaimed Regent . . . .146

Chapter VII

Cope disembarks at Dunbar — Colonel Gardiner's opinion of the behaviour of his dragoons — Numerical strength of Royal army — Want of trained gunners — Cope marches to Haddington — A false alarm — Sir Walter Scott's criticism on Cope's not camping at Gladsmuir and awaiting battle there, borrowed from Murray of Broughton — Capture of scouts — Cope marches towards Edinburgh — Gardiner's weakness obliges him to drive in a coach — Cope learns at Seton that Highlanders had crossed Esk and were marching on Preston — Description of field of battle chosen by Cope — Pretender's march from Edinburgh — Learning of Cope's position near Preston — Highlanders ascend to ridge on which Tranent stands — Numerical strength of rebel army — Lord George Murray abandons idea of direct attack, the intervening ground being impassable — The Prince accepts refreshment, and his gallant recompense — Movements of rebel army and Cope's counter-movements — Murray resolves to attack from the east by making a circuit round the marsh — Anderson of Whitburgh volunteers to guide rebel army by path through the marsh — Cope's position during the night 181

Chapter VIII

Calumnies about Cope — He slept on the field — Disposition of picquets, &c. — On report about 3 A.M. that rebel army was moving towards Seton, Cope changes front to the east — Order in which his troops were placed in line — Advance of Highlanders and formation of attack — Only five rounds fired by CONTENTS. 212 253 Cope's guns — The Dragoons decline to attack advancing High landers — Misbehaviour of infantry — Colonel Gardiner mortally wounded — Erroneous accounts of his actions — General retreat — Fowke tries in vain to get cavalry to charge — Wrong word of command given by Colonel Lascelles — Cope's exertions futile — Royal troops seized by panic and make no resistance — Retreat to Berwick — Occurrences after the action — Cope's treasure-chest

Chapter IX

The Pretender's behaviour after the action — Colonel Gardiner's death — Paucity of casualties in rebel army — Episodes after the battle — Generous conduct of Lord George Murray to the wounded — His subsequent fate, exile for life — Political effects of the battle — Cope made the scapegoat and held up to ridicule — At his desire a public trial is held — Honourable acquittal — Fowke and Lascelles also exonerated — Cope appointed to a high command in Ireland — Still he is condemned by modern historians, and lastly by Professor Veitch — His death in 1760 . . . . MAPS. Map showing the Battlefield of Prestonpans. [At the beginning. (From Forrest's Map of Haddingtonshire, 1799.) Plan of the Battle of Preston, 2ist September 1745. [In pocket at end. (By an Officer of the Army who was present.) LIST OF AUTHORITIES FREQUENTLY CITED Henderson's History of the Rebellion, i 745 and 1 746.

Lyon in Mourning. Scots Magazine, 1745. Chambers's History of the Rebellion. Culloden Papers. Lockhart Papers. Home's History of the Rebellion, 1745. Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion. Lord Mahon's ' The Fortyfive.' Scott's Tales of a Grandfather. Ewald's Life of Prince Charles Edward. Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik. Cope's Trial. Leaves from the Diary of an Edinburgh Banker. Burton's History of Scotland. Gentleman's Magazine, 1745. Omond's Lord Advocates. Memoirs of Colonel J. Campbell ot Fassiefern. Wood's Peerage of Scotland. Caledonian Mercury, September 1745. Stuart Papers. Doddridge's Life of Gardiner. Dr Alexander Carlyle's Autobiography. Colonel Watton's History of the British Army. Murray of Broughton's Narrative. Blaikie's Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward. Provost Stewart's Trial.

Green's Readings from English History. Memoirs of the Rebellion. By Chevalier de Johnstone. Blackwood's Magazine, July 1894. Introduction to ' Waverley.' Sir Walter Scott. The Lamp of Lothian. Dugald Graham's Rhyming History of the Rebellion. Kay's Compleat History. AND THE REBELLION OF 1745.

Chapter I

The sad events of the Rebellion of 1745 will not be forgotten as long as Scottish annals and song endure. The pages of Sir Walter Scott will continue to throw the glamour of romance and chivalry over the deeds and characters of Prince Charles Stuart and his principal adherents ; while the verses and music of " Hey ! Johnnie Cope ! " and other popular ballads will keep in national remembrance the alleged incapacity and ignoble conduct of King George's commander. Con temporary Jacobite writers usually treat this luckless general with some degree of respect ; while, amid a crowd of minor accusations, the charges of incapacity, A disobedience, treason, and cowardice have for the most part been made by staunch supporters of the Hanoverian dynasty. This latter circumstance has unfortunately been accepted as confirmation of those charges.

The leader in the attacks on his reputation was the Rev. Dr Doddridge, whose often incorrect and sometimes impossible statements in his Life of Colonel Gardiner have, without any critical examination, been credited and freely copied by historians from the days of " Ascanius " to those of Scott, Chambers, Mahon, and Ewald. During all this period the real facts, vouched for by soldiers and civilians of the highest standing, have lain recorded, but unread or ignored, in the published ' Proceedings of the Trial of Sir John Cope.' These remarks are particularly ap plicable to the various accounts of the Prince's first victory at Prestonpans in September 1745, not one of which, is free from grave errors both as to occurrences and topography. It is proposed in this sketch to give a simple narrative of events — all capable of proof — and thereby to show that song-writers, historians, and divines have alike been unjust to a good and gallant officer.

The suppression of the formidable rising in 1715, and the utter failure of the small invasion under the Earl Marischal and the Marquis of Tullibardine in 1745. 3 1 7 19, had by no means extinguished the hopes of the many supporters of the Stuart family. Time and distance seemed rather to strengthen than to lessen the national sympathy for the exiled race ; while as yet no germ of loyalty or affection had sprung up to the line of Guelphs. Nearly forty years of experience had not rendered the Union of Scotland with England less disliked by the mass of the Scottish people. The remedies for admitted grievances, which had been sug gested by wise and patriotic men like Duncan Forbes of Culloden, and which would have softened bitter feelings between rulers and ruled, had all been rejected. Instead, the Cabinet in London placed their trust in measures calculated to make the whole Scottish nation powerless alike for good and for evil.

In the south of Scotland this result had wellnigh been accomplished. The law having now made it actually treason for any subject to call men together for military instruction without the consent of the king, the Lowlanders had become comparatively inefficient as soldiers. In the Highlands, however, the patriarchal system still sur vived. The supreme command was vested in the chief, whose whole effort was to make his clan efficient as fighting men. A general Disarmament Act had been passed, but its practical effect had been the reverse of what had been intended. It gave offence to all. While the well-affected clans had in reluctant obedience to their chiefs surrendered their arms, the disaffected had not only retained the best part of their own weapons, but had in some cases found means to procure additional supplies.

An important measure, which ought to have told in savour of the Government, had been admirably carried out by General Wade. Great military roads, giving access for regular troops into the very heart of the Highlands, had been constructed, and a chain of fortresses had been established along the line of lakes stretching south -westwards from Inverness to Fort William, and now forming part of the Caledonian Canal. These roads and fortresses would have been of decided advantage in 1 745 if the troops for whose use they had been intended had been left in sufficient numbers in the country. But the Continental interests and wars of George II., who, as commander-in-chief, had complete control of the army, had influenced him to denude the country of soldiers. No warning had been taken from the narrow escape of Scotland from a rising in the previous year, and of England itself from a carefully prepared invasion which was to have been commanded by Marshal Saxe, the best general of France, and accompanied by the Pretender's eldest son, Prince Charles.

A great 1745. 5 storm alone caused the failure of this expedition at its outset. The Prince, abandoning hope of further immediate aid from France, tried to persuade Keith, the Earl Marischal, a wise and brave Scottish noble man, who had been exiled for his steadfast loyalty to the Stuart family, to proceed with him to Scotland in order to call out the nation to arms in his cause. But his faithful friend declined to join in an enterprise sure to. end in disaster. Charles was much displeased, and the Earl still further raised the resentment of the self-willed young man by baffling his next project, which was to join the French army in a campaign unconnected with the Stuart dynasty. The Prince was then in his twenty-fifth year, and yet he lacked sufficient shrewdness to foresee that a design so un patriotic as this would have destroyed the personal sympathy which was the first condition of his success in Britain.

He was too impatient, however, to endure any longer the humiliations of his trying position. Encouraged merely by Irish officers in the French army, who had nothing to lose in case of failure, Charles reverted to the idea of throwing himself upon the hospitality and loyalty of his adherents in Scotland. And yet these adherents had only recently intimated to him, by his principal agent, John Murray of Broughton, that they could do nothing on his behalf, and would not consider themselves in any way bound to join him, unless he came with a body of 6000 men and 10,000 stand of arms.1 All the Jacobite leaders in Scotland, with the exception of James Drummond, the titular Duke of Perth,2 shared in the dismay caused by the prospect of the invidious, and perhaps fatal, dilemma into which they would be forced by an un timely advent.

They sent urgent remonstrances to France, which, however, came too late, and they stationed Murray at that part of the Western Highlands where the landing had been threatened, in order personally to warn off the coast their unwelcome guest. Murray remained in the locality during the whole month of June, and then, believing that the project had been abandoned, went back to his house at Broughton. Meantime the Prince hastened the preparations for his expedition, which he announced to his father at Rome in a letter dated from Navarre on the 1 2th June. In it he falsely stated that he had been 1 Murray, though not older than the Prince, was a gentleman of know ledge and ability, who had, ever since his introduction at the Pretender's Court at Rome in 1741, been his active and devoted partisan.

After delivering to Charles the decision of his supporters, he had returned to his estate in Peeblesshire, where he was waiting some change of events more favourable for a national rising, when he was surprised and alarmed by receiving news of the Prince's scheme. 2 Died at sea, worn out by illness and fatigue, while escaping to France after the battle of Culloden. 1745. 7 invited by " our friends " to go to Scotland, and added, " Let what will happen, the stroke is struck, and I have taken a firm resolution to conquer or to die, and stand by my ground as long as I have a man with me." Brave words, but sadly belied after the battle of Culloden ! In another letter of the same date to his father's secretary, he mentions that he had "bought 1500 fusees, 1800 broadswords mounted, a good quantity of powder, ball, flints, dirks, brandy, &c, and some hundred more of fusees and broad swords, of which I cannot at present tell the number.

I have also got twenty small field-pieces, two of which a mule may carry ; and my casette will be nearly 4000 louis-d'ors : all these things will go in the frigate which carries myself. She has twenty odd guns and is an excellent sailer ; and will be escorted by one, and perhaps two men-of-war, of about 70 guns each." Only one, however, of the intended convoy, the Elizabeth, a captured British vessel, now equipped with 68 guns and 700 men, was ready at the time of the sailing. She was now one of the navy of France, whose king had let her out, nominally for privateering purposes, to a Mr Rutledge, an Irish merchant of Dunkirk. By the latter this ship was placed at the disposal of another Irish merchant settled in Nantes, a Mr Walsh, from whom the Prince had hired a privateer, the Doutelle, in which, escorted by the Elizabeth, he actually sailed for Scotland on the 2nd of July 1745.

Charles was accompanied by only seven gentlemen, among whom the Marquis of Tullibardine alone was of high family and influence. He was the eldest surviving son of the first Duke of Atholl, but having been attainted before his father's death for joining in the Rebellion of 171 5, the dukedom and estates had passed to his next brother. The scanty dole granted him by the latter during his long exile had not kept him from poverty and imprisonment, and he had welcomed the chance of recovering his birthright.1 Another attendant was Æneas Macdonald, a banker in Paris, and brother of Macdonald of Kinloch- Moidart. Among the rest were Sir John Macdonald,2 an officer in the French army, and Francis Strickland, an English Jacobite. The progress of the two vessels must have been tedious, for while still to the south west of Brest on the afternoon of 9th July they sighted a single British ship boldly bearing down on them.3 Their foe proved to be the Lion, a man-of-war of 58 1 Henderson's Hist., p. 18. 2 He saved his life by surrendering as a French officer at Inverness after Culloden (Lyon in Mourning, vol. ii. p. 312). 3 London Gazette, quoted in ' Scots Magazine,' p. 346, 1745; Lyon in Mourning, vol. i. p. 285. 1745. 9 guns, commanded by Captain (afterwards Sir Percy) Brett, an officer of proved conduct and courage.

D'Eau, the captain of the Elizabeth, then came on board the Doutelle and held a council of war, which arranged that the Elizabeth should engage at close quarters, and, if she did not succeed in sinking her opponent with her broadsides, that she should at once run alongside and carry her by boarding ; while the Doutelle, being considered to be unsuited from her smaller guns to risk a broadside fight, was to run in and assist when the close combat began. But these arrangements could not be carried out exactly ; for the Lion being to windward, her commander con tented himself by engaging the Elizabeth within pistol-shot range, and would not allow his ship to be boarded by his more powerful adversary. The com batants continued to hammer at each other till between nine and ten o'clock. By that time the Lion " lay muzzled in the sea," with her rigging cut to pieces and all her masts shot away or heavily injured, and with 45 of her crew killed and 107 (including her captain and all her lieutenants) wounded, many of them mortally ; while the Elizabeth had 64, among them her gallant captain and his brother, killed, and 146 seriously, and many more slightly, wounded.

Her rigging was not so much damaged as that of the Lion, but about ten o'clock only one of her lieutenants was left alive and unwounded upon her decks, and he, losing heart, set sail and waited for the Doutelle to come up. As the Elizabeth had not quite carried out the arranged programme, those directing the move ments of the Doutelle had drawn off to a safe distance, ready to utilise her swiftness for flight. This prudent manœuvre, as remarked by Æneas Macdonald, "gave those on board the Doutelle time and leisure to observe the management and behaviour of both ships. They fought with equal bravery, but the British sailors showed their superior skill and dexterity, which were highly praised by all on board, as well by the French as by the Scotch ; for though the Elizabeth had more men, yet they could not work her so well nor fire so often as the Lion."

Such was the first bloody episode in an enterprise, every episode of which successive historians have disguised with the false lustre of romance. Among these chroniclers Robert Chambers alone possessed the manuscripts of the ' Lyon in Mourning,' the quaint title given by Bishop Forbes to his voluminous col lection of documents connected with the Rebellion of 1745. In them were included separate accounts of the action, as told by Æneas Macdonald and Duncan Cameron, his servant, to Dr Burton of York and to 1745. 11 the Bishop himself, when they, on account of their participation in the insurrection, were imprisoned with the narrators. Regarding their comparative truth the Bishop wrote that the story of the master " is much more to be depended on" than that of the man, "be cause Mr Æneas Macdonald is a gentleman who got a liberal education, and was one of the Prince's council, and therefore had an opportunity of knowing things distinctly ; whereas Duncan, being only a servant, could know things but imperfectly and at second hand."1 Yet Chambers, both in his 'Jacobite Memoirs' and in his 'History of the Rebellion,' mis led public opinion by extracting what he called "the best parts " of each account, and laboriously dove tailing into one harmonious narrative their conflicting statements.

He thus averted the natural indignation which might have been felt if Charles could have been supposed to look callously on while hundreds of brave men were being killed and mutilated for his sake. The same writer, whom even Lord Mahon calls " a warm partisan of the Stuarts," reduces, on the servant's authority alone, to less than one fifth the actual losses on board the Elizabeth, and otherwise minimises the importance of the sea-fight ; 2 while he states that Mr Walsh, from whom the 1 Lyon in Mourning, vol. i. p. 294. 2 Chambers's Hist., p. 21. privateer had been hired, and who had been allowed to come on board for the voyage, " feeling a great responsibility for the Prince's person, declined the proposal of the captain of the Elizabeth that the Doutelle should aid in attacking the Lion " ; and he adds, " The Prince several times represented to Mr Walsh what a small assistance would serve to give the Elizabeth the advantage, and importuned him to en gage in the action ; but Mr Walsh positively refused, and at last desired the Prince not to insist any more, other wise he would order him down to his cabin."1 The full statement of Æneas proves these excuses to have been untrue.

Even without them no thoughtful person could believe that Charles, who had for months scouted the advice of tried and influential adherents, would have allowed himself, on a matter that nearly affected his personal honour, to be domineered over by a person in the position of Walsh, who had no command in the ship. It would be a mistake, however, to attribute his refraining from joining in the fray to a want of physical courage on the part of the " Young Cheva lier," as the Prince was often called. He merely thought it was not worth his royal while to run the risk of the Lion's cannon marring what he believed to be his destiny of re-establishing the divine right 1 Lyon in Mourning, vol. i. p. 285. of his family to hold kingly sway over the British realms. On the Doutelle's coming up to the Elizabeth, an other council of war was held, when it was agreed that the crippled Lion should not be further molested, and that the injured Elizabeth should make the best of her way to Brest.

The historian Chambers, followed by Mahon and Ewald, for the purpose of adding to the apparent boldness or, as his lordship styles it, " the charm of a romantic enterprise," erroneously states that the French man-of-war carried off the Prince's little store of arms, &c. But these were safe in his own ship. The two Macdonalds and Strickland, who were members of the council, now entreated Charles to put back to Nantes and await a more convenient season ; but he only answered, " You will see ! you will see ! " and ordered the Doutelle's course to be directed towards the Hebrides. After about a fortnight's voyage the vessel was moored off the little island of Erisca, between Barra and South Uist, whose owner, Macdonald of Clan ranald, was head of a branch of that name, and held extensive possessions both among the islands and on the mainland.

The old chief, broken down in health, left the management of affairs very much to his brother, the Laird of Boisdale, with whom he was then staying, and whose property lay in Uist near Erisca. Boisdale promptly obeyed the summons of the Prince to come on board the Doutelle. His personal attachment to the Stuart cause was undoubted, and was afterwards proved by his forfeiting liberty and risking life and lands for having given shelter on his estate to Charles, a hunted fugitive after his flight from Culloden.1 Yet he had now the good sense and courage to resist every argument and appeal made to induce him to call out the clan. On the Prince's instancing Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat and Macleod of Macleod as neigh bouring chieftains who were ready to bring some 2000 or 3000 men to his standard, Boisdale assured him that these gentlemen were firmly determined not to join in an enterprise such as the present mad expedition, which he begged might be abandoned before it was too late.

His advice was unheeded, and the Doutelle's course was directed towards the main land, where anchor was dropped next day, the 18th July, in Loch Nanuagh, a small arm of the sea on the coast of Clanranald's district in Inverness-shire. The residence of Macdonald of Kinloch-Moidart was some eight miles from the anchorage. His brother Æneas was at once sent to call him on board, and he, the chief, became one of the first recruits gained by 1 Boisdale was arrested in 1746, and not released till 4th July 1747. 1745. 15 Charles.1 He is described as being "an exceedingly cool-headed man, fit for either cabinet or field. He was made a colonel and aide-de-camp to the Prince, and was to have been made a baronet and peer of Scotland."2 "Young" Clanranald — for so the eldest son of a chief was called during his father's lifetime — was living in the vicinity.