The Great Rebellion: its secret history, rise, progress, and disastrous failure ... the political life of the author vindicated

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THE GREAT REBELLION: ITS SECRET HISTORY, RISE, PROGRESS, AND DISASTROUS FAILURE. BY JOHN MINOR BOTTS, OF VIRGINIA. Œtje SMftfcal 3Life of t&e gutsier TJfnofcatea. " I know no North, no South, no East, no West : I only know my country, my whole country, and nothing but my country."— John M. Botts. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 18 66. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the rear one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six, by Harper & Brothers, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. Donation. TO LIEUT. GENERAL U. S. GRANT, U. S. A., This work is respectfully dedicated, as a mark of the esteem, gratitude, and affectionate regard felt for the Commander of the Army of the United States; not only for the deliverance of the Author, but of his native State, and the whole South, from the most oppressive, grinding, and detestable military despotism of which history furnishes a record since the blessings of freedom have been understood, and the true principles of Christianity introduced.

Preface

. In presenting this work to the public, I do not invite criticism, but, of course, do not expect it will escape either that of the press or others. If it is not harshly and bitterly denounced by the Democratic press, it will fare better than any thing I have said, written, or done since my first entrance upon the political stage. I have been told that there was an art to be studied in writing a book, different from all other arts and all other writings, without which no one was likely to be successful. If this be true, then this, my first effort at book-writing for publication, must prove a sad failure, for the only art I have studied has been the art of tell ing the truth in a plain, simple style that every reader" can readily comprehend, and I think there will not be found a passage in the book that it will be necessary for any child to read twice to catch its meaning.

The chief merit I claim for the work is its strict fidel ity to historical facts, which will be recognized by every intelligent and impartial reader as he proceeds. The truth is, that in this extraordinary age of rapid progress, one striking political event succeeds another with such remarkable rapidity that the occurrences of yesterday are obliterated from the mind by those of to-day, and thus there is hardly one man in a million who keeps up PEBFACE. VIII a connected chain of events in his memory, as my position in public life and other circumstances have enabled me to do. This Eebellion is, in point of fact, a key to my whole political life. There has been no question of public in terest for the last thirty-five years or more in which I have not taken an active part ; while my personal asso ciations with many of the leading Democrats enabled me to know much that did not appear upon the surface or to the public, and I had been but a short time in Con gress before I was satisfied that there was a most active and persevering party in the South laboring with indefatigable zeal to prepare the people for an ultimate dissolution of the Union, and against this party and their objects I have been warring all the time.

I need hardly say that I have made but few speeches for the last twenty-five years that did not contain an admonition to the country on this subject; and it was perhaps owing to this fact, more than any other, that I have been enabled to keep constantly in mind so minute a record of facts as they have occurred. This work treats of a period and of a history that no other writer, I believe, has undertaken ; and without ar rogance or presumption, I think I may say that I doubt if there is another person in the country who could write it (without extraordinary labor and research) that would, for those who are most familiar with the facts would rather desire to cover up and conceal what it has been my purpose to expose and lay bare before the world. When I made up my mind to write this history of the antecedents of the Eebellion, it was with no view to make

PREFACE.

. IX a dollar by the work: it was to enlighten the public mind, of the South particularly, as to the great imposi tions that had been for a long succession of years de signedly practiced on their credulity by those in whom they had trusted as their leaders, with what disastrous consequences to the fortunes, the happiness, and lives of every household, in every gradation of life, all are now but too familiar. I have often had occasion to say that no man alive knew more of this war than I did, and if the people knew as much about it as I knew, or if I knew as little as they did, we should probably all have been together in our sympathies. I find it extremely difficult to blame any man for rushing to arms in defense of his wife and his children, his property, his liberty, and his honor, who could be lieve they were all invaded and endangered by a government that they had been educated to look upon as their natural and constitutional protector; and all this was whispered and hissed into their ears by profligate politicians, stupid and abandoned public presses, who, in most cases, had not the nerve or the will, when the dan ger arrived, to fight for their own wives and daughters, their own property, their own liberty or honor, but who made every manner of excuse for shirking the dangers and hardships of a war of their own creation ; but the responsibility they can not escape.

For. such men the En glish language is too poor to enable me to express the utter loathing and contempt I feel toward them. Early in the war I characterized it as "the rich man's war and the poor man's fight." Whether I was right or A X

PREFACE.

. wrong in this, those who did the hard fighting can best determine. One thing, at least, all who read this book can tell — now that the war is over and the result ascertained — and that is, whether I would have been more or less worthy of their confidence and regard by advising them to go into it or to stay out of it ; and none will hereafter be surprised, when they have learned the true nature and design of the Eebellion, that from first to last I resolved that no earthly power should induce me to lend it either my co-operation, my respect, or my sympathy. With these prefatory remarks, this work is respectful ly submitted to the candid judgment of an enlightened country by The Author. E DITOR'S

PREFACE.

. It is a well-known maxim that " a good cause makes a stout heart and a strong arm," and never was the truth of the adage more strikingly illustrated than in the political career of the Hon. John Minor Botts, of Virginia, than whom no man in the United States at this day stands more prominent before the people as a consistent and patriotic advocate and supporter of "the union, THE CONSTITUTION, AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS." An intimate friend of the illustrious Henry Clay, and a compeer of statesmen and legislators during the most important political eras of the last thirty jTears, the lead ing actions of Mr. Botts's life, and his speeches and writ ings, form as interesting and instructive a portion of the story of the progress of our great Eepublic from youth to manhood as any part of American history.

Especial ly interesting, however, is the record of the manly and fearless stand made by Mr. Botts in support of the Union cause during the inauguration and progress of the late great conspiracy against the life of the nation, the cul mination of which will ever form an eventful era in the world's history. His intimacy with the prominent actors in the great tragedy, and the privilege which he possessed of having the entree behind the scenes in the editor's preface. XII theatre of the rebellion, placed him in a position " to un fold a tale," and " to reveal the secrets of his prison house," which, if it does not "harrow up the soul" or make " the hair stand on end," will assuredly excite to the utmost the just indignation of every honest man in the country, and rouse up to action every lover of the nation in the land.

The circumstances under which this work was written are as follows : In October, 1861, the French consul in Eichmond applied to his friend, Mr. Charles Palmer, for all the in formation he could furnish him upon the question of secession and the rebellion, the merits or demerits of which he did not understand. Upon this request be ing made, Mr. Palmer applied to Mr. Botts, who he was well aware was far more competent to enlighten his friend upon the subject than himself, or, indeed, any other gentleman in the South. Thereupon the information de sired was furnished in a letter, which contained, in a con cise form, the important history constituting the basis of the present work. Since 1861, time and circumstances have led to an enlargement of the history, and the views it presents have been enforced by additional arguments, and the facts related substantiated by incontrovertible testimony.

Shortly after this letter was sent to the French consul, it became rumored about Eichmond that Mr. Botts was engaged in writing a secret history of the rebellion, and, as a matter of course, the Confederate authorities were soon trying to ferret out the truth of the matter. For some time nothing of any importance in relation to the editor's preface. XIII subject transpired. On the first day of March, 1862, however, the Confederate Congress passed an act sus pending the writ of Habeas Corpus, and declaring martial law. The next morning, which was Sunday, about an hour before daybreak, the late General — then Cap tain — Godwyn, assistant provost-marshal under General Winder (of Andersonville memory), with a hundred armed men, surrounded Mr. Botts's house, obtained ad mission, arrested him in bed, and carried him off to a filthy negro jail, where he was lodged, and kept in soli tary confinement for eight weeks, his house and family in the mean time being placed in custody of two of Gen eral Winder's satellites.

After his arrest, his trunks, writing-desk, and every receptacle for private papers were closely searched, and his private letters and papers taken possession of and carried to the provost-marshal's office, where they were examined. Mr. Botts, knowing how obnoxious he had made himself to the Confederate au thorities by his bold, outspoken hostility to the doctrine of secession, and also to all engaged in inaugurating the wicked and atrocious rebellion, had concluded — as soon as he heard of martial law having been declared — that he would probably be among the first victims of their vengeance, and he had taken the precaution to conceal the historical sketch in question in a place where the rebels would not be likely to find it, and through the me dium of a friend it was privately conveyed to the office of one of the foreign consuls for safe keeping until called for.

Two days after the imprisonment of Mr. Botts, Captain Godwyn, who was acting as his jailer, presented him self in his cell, and the following conversation occurred. editor's preface. After interchanging the ordinary salutations, Captain Godwyn remarked to Mr. Botts that he thought they did not get hold of all his papers in their search. Mr. Botts. Ah ! perhaps not. Did you miss any par ticular paper, captain, that you had reason to expect was there ? Captain Godwyn. Yes, there was one we did not find that we were led to believe was there. Mr. Botts. Indeed ! and what paper was that, captain ? Captain Godwyn. Well, I don't know exactly how to describe it. Mr. Botts. I expect I could tell you, captain, what it was. Are you really anxious to get possession of it ? Captain Godwyn. Well, yes ; I should like to get it.

Where is it? Mr. Botts. Ah ! that you must find out for yourself, captain. You had no difficulty in finding me at mid night, and you will have to find that for yourself. But, if you are very anxious to get it, you shall have it, but only on my terms, and upon none other can you get it. Captain Godwyn. What are your terms? Mr. Botts. My terms are that you shall bring me the affidavit of Jeff. Davis, sworn to before Judge Hali burton, that, upon my delivery of that paper to you or to him, it shall be transferred, without alteration or mu tilation, to the editors of the Enquirer and Examiner for publication, just as it came from my hand ; and, to show you that I am not afraid or ashamed to let your government or the world know what I have written, I will ac company the document with five hundred or a thousand dollars to pay for the expense of the publication. editor's preface.

XV Captain Godwyn. It must be a very important paper that you will give so much to have made public. What is it? Mr. Botts. I presume you know what it is you are in search of, but if not you shall know. It is the secret history of this rebellion for thirty years before it broke out. Captain Gochvyn. Why are you so anxious to have it published ? "Because," replied Mr. Botts, rising from his seat and advancing toward the captain, at the same time shaking his huge fist within a few inches of his face, and speak ing with great vehemence in voice and manner, " be cause, by Heaven, sir, if the people could read it and learn the truth, it would lead to a revolution within a revolution in which I could take active part 1" Upon this the committee rose, and the captain depart ed to report progress and ask leave to sit again.

During Mr. Botts's imprisonment, the French minister, Count Mercier, visited Eichmond, and expressed to the friends of Mr. Botts great anxiety to see him and con verse with him on the subject of the war, as he had great reliance on his views. But this he was not permitted to do. From this fact it may be justly inferred that the French consul had previously communicated some of Mr. Botts's views upon this subject to the embassa dor at Washington ; at all events, a copy of the letter was placed in Count Mercier's hands during his visit to Eichmond, and that the document made an important impression in that quarter is not at all improbable. editor's preface. Suffice it to say, in conclusion, that the lucid explana tions made ; the statesmanlike views expressed ; the startling facts presented ; the hidden plots disclosed ; and the vital importance of the subject altogether, certainly makes this secret history of the rebellion one of the most valuable and interesting contributions to American his torical literature ever presented to the public.

CONTENTS. Origin of the Book. — It is written at the Request of the French Consul. — The Hartford Convention not the Birthplace of Secession. — The Stigma attached to Members of that Body — Transfer of the Odium to Abolitionism, Page 29-31. Secession odious in the Socrn prior to 1832. — The Richmond Enquirer of that Year on Secession. — The Editor condemns the Doctrine, 31,32. The Adtiior or Secession. — John C. Calhoun the Author of Secession. — His ambitious Projects. — The Erostratus of the 19th Century, 32, 33. Secession in 1832. — How General Jackson treated Secessionists in 1832. — "The Union must and shall be preserved, " 33. Jackson's Proclamation. — His conscientious Discharge of his Duties. — The enthusiastic Reception of his Proclamation. — Discomfiture of the would-be Rebels, 33-3G. Passage of the Force Bill by Congress. — Increase of the coercive Power of the President. — Public Sentiment in favor of strong Measures against Secession. — The Unconstitutionality of Secession proved, 36, 37.

An Arghment against Disunion. — Extract from a Speech of Mr. Botts in 18C0. — The Union perpetual. — The Demon of Democracy at work, 37-46. An important Note. — The Confederate States' Manifesto. — Mr. Rives's great Speech on the Force Bill. — The Tergiversation of Mr. Rives, 47-63. Calhoun barely escapes Hanging. — Determination of General Jackson "to make Treason odious." — Calhoun saved from the Gallows by Henry Clay. — South Carolina seeks Co-operation of her " Sister States" before making a second Disunion Experiment, 63, 64. Secession not Killed. — The Tariff Question laid aside, and that of Slavery taken up as the Lever of Agitation. — The Operation of "firing CONTENTS. the Southern Heart" commenced. — Timid Whigs driven into the Ranks of the Southern Democracy.— Every Opponent of that Party stigmatized as an Abolitionist. — Calhoun's Address to the South Carolinians on the Subject of a Change of Tactics, Page 65, 66.

The Disunion Scheme of the Democracy. — Prescience of Mr. Botts in Regard to the Designs of the Democratic Party. — Denunciations of him by the Democratic Press and Politicians. — Slavery the Pretext for their revolutionary Efforts to perpetuate their Power, 66-68. The Secession Programme. — The Adoption of the 21st Rule, denying the Right of Petition to the North. — The Creation of Sectional Animosities. — Misrepresentation of the Sentiments and Objects of the Northern People by the Democratic Press of the South and their Party Confreres in the North. — Peaceful (!) Secession advocated. — Reflections on the Cost of the Secession Experiment. — The Consequences of the Success of the Rebellion, 68-71. The Democracy Reviewed. — Aaron Burr the Father of the Party, and Thomas Jefferson the Beneficiary. — Democracy reigns for Sixty Years. — Its temporary Abdication during the Regency of Adams. — Inauguration of the System of "to the Victors belong the Spoils," under Jackson. — Southern Presidents for thirty Years.— The Tariff Question. — Calhoun's Experiment. — The Van Buren Regime. — The Whig Triumph in 1840. — Tyler's Treachery. — The Annexation of Texas. — The Mexican War. — The Wilmot Proviso. — The Compromise of 1850. — The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 71-82.

The Rebellion Foreshadowed. — Speeches and Letters of Mr. Botts in 1844. — The Object of the Texas Annexation Scheme. — Exposures of the Designs of the Southern Democratic Leaders, 82-95. Efforts to extend Slavery. — Calhoun as Secretary of State. — How John Quincy Adams came to join the Abolitionists. — The Charleston Courier tells Tales out of School, 95-97. The strict Discipline ln the Democratic Ranks.— The thorough Organization of the Democracy.— The complete Control of the Masses by the Leaders. — "The cohesive Power of public Plunder." — The Democratic Masses the Dupes of Demagogues, 97-99. The Wilmot Proviso.— The Return of Mr. Clay to the United States Senate.— The Compromise Measures of 1850 a severe Blow to the Democracy.— The Standard of Rebellion raised in the Cotton States in 1851.— Jeff Davis the Secession Candidate for Governor of Mississippi . —He is defeated by Foote, the Union Nominee.— Georgia follows Suit CONTENTS.

XIX by electing Howell Cobb on the Union Platform. — A lofty Summer sault by the Democratic Party, Page 99-101. The Extremists of both Sections united in Action. — The "Fire-eaters" and "Fanatical Abolitionists" voting together. — An illustrative Anecdote of John P. Hale. — He votes with Hunter, of Virginia, 101, 102. Agitation the Object in View. — The Abolitionists seek to make Proselytes in the North, and the Secession Democracy to stir up the Passions of the Southern People.. — Disunion sought by both, the one to get rid of Slavery, the other to regain lost Power, 102-104. Secessionists become Filibusters. — The Expedition to Cuba. — Partial Revival of the African Slave-trade. — The Nicaraguan War. — Lopez and Walker, and their Men, Victims to the Cause of Secession. — 104, 105. The Southern Commercial (!)

Conventions. — These Conventions mere "Primary Meetings" of the Secessionists. — The Richmond Examiner anxious for theym7 accompli of Secession. — Mr. Botts attends a Convention at Memphis, and spies the Wolf beneath the Sheep's Clothing, 105, 106. The Calm before the Storm. — The temporary Adjustment of pending Differences between the North and South. — Agitation lulled. — The Democracy on the Look-out for new Causes of Discontent. — A Virginia Mason begins to build a dividing Wall, 106, 107. Death of John C. Calhoun. — The Legacy he left his Country. — Death of Clay and Webster. — The Giants of Kentucky and Massachusetts leave a Vacuum. — A mental Pigmy from New Hampshire occupies the Presidential Chair. — Pierce and Douglas made Catspaws of by the Democratic Leaders. — A New England Pettifogger on the Democratic Ticket defeats a Virginian Patriot on the Union Platform, 107-109.

Union Whigs turn Democratic Secessionists. — The Toombs's, Stephens's, Faulkners, etc., of the Whig Party, swell the Democratic Ranks, 109, 110. The Fugitive Slave Law. — Its obnoxious Features. — Quiet temporarily restored. — Retirement of John P. Hale. — The Democracy dissatisfied. — The Union to be saved only by the Election of the Democracy to Power, 110-112. The Democracy to rule, or Disunion to follow. — Rebellion to have been Inaugurated in 1856 if Fremont had been Elected. — Buchanan's Election postpones the Denouement for four Years. — The Election of Lincoln ends the Melodrama and begins the Tragedy, 112, 113. XX CONTENTS. Development of the Conspiracy. — The Capital to have been seized, and Lincoln assassinated by a Mob from New York, Baltimore, and Richmond. — The North to have "smelt Southern Powder and felt Southern Steel." — Toombs to hqve called the Roll of his Slaves on Bunker Hill. — Wise advocates Fighting for his Rights in the Union when in Possession of Washington. — The Attack on Fort Sumter premature. — The great Excitement in the North, East, and West occasioned by the Insult to the Flag in Charleston Harbor. — An Obstacle in the Way not thought of. — The Unity of the North unexpected. — The Northern Allies of Southern Traitors quail before it. — The Secession Speeches of the ex-Unionist, Alexander H. Stephens — "On to Washington!" his Watchword, Page 113-116.

Speech of Alexander H. Stephens at Richmond in 1861. — Extract from the Richmond Dispatch of April 23, 1861. — An Editorial from the Richmond Sentinel , of November 2, 1863, Proof of the Conspiracy to remove Lincoln. — Testimony of General James Wilson. — Mr. Botts's Efforts to foil the Traitors. — He exposes their Designs to General Scott. — An important "Note," giving Statistics of the Transfer of Arms and Munitions of War from Northern to Southern Arsenals, 117-121. A retrospective Glance. — Quarrels among the Democracy over the Spoils in 1854. — More Agitation needed for the Campaign of 1856. — A private Meeting of Secessionists in Washington.— The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise determined upon. — Mason and Hunter, of Vir-. ginia, start the Ball, 122-124. The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. — Pierce and Douglas won over to this iniquitous Scheme by the hopes of Self-aggrandizement. — The Prize of a Presidential Nomination in 1856 the tempting Bait. — The hungry Whigs sell their Birthright for a Mess of Pottage, 124-126.

John Bell, of Tennessee.— The Unionism of Bell tested.— He is found to be made of inferior Metal.— Bell's Speech at Memphis in 1859.— He is willing to join the Republicans to save the Union. — His Recreancy when Nothing was to be made by Unionism, 126, 127. History of the Missouri Compromise. — Extracts from Mr. Botts's African Church Speech in 1856.— The Slavery Question when the Constitution was framed.— Slavery then prohibited in all the Territory of the United States.— The Question of the Status of the newly-acquired Territory of Louisiana. —The Compromise on the Admission of Missouri.— No Slave States to be made out of Territory north of CONTENTS. XXI 36° 40'. — Monroe's Cabinet, including Calhoun, regard the Compromise as a strictly constitutional Measure. — It is considered a Southern Triumph, Page 127-133.

Repeal of the 21st Rule. — Calhoun at Work again stirring up sectional Strife. — The Right of Petition in Congress. — Mr. Botts makes a Stand in favor of it against a Southern Majority. — A Review of the agitating Questions which grew out of the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. — The Annexation of Texas. — The Admission of Oregon. — The Inconsistency of the Democracy illustrated, 133-138. The Compromise of 1850. — The Action of Mr. Clay. — Mr. Botts has a Conversation with Senator Foote. — Mr. Botts and Mr. Clay have a Talk together. — A Secession Convention called at Nashville. — The Jackson Resolutions in the House of Representatives. — The Names of those who voted against a Settlement of pending Difficulties. — The Contest of 1852 reviewed. — Pierce's Administration. — Mr. Botts's Charges against the Democracy. — The Cincinnati Convention. — Mr. Botts endorses Mr. Seward, 138-147.

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill. — Douglas's Remarks in New York. — A Repetition of historical Truths. — Mr. Botts on Slavery. — He declares himself no Slavery Propagandist. — He refuses to force Slavery upon the People any where. — He would not establish it in the Territories, 147-153. The Missouri Compromise again. — Its Repeal the Origin of the Republican Party. — Mr. Botts's Letter to the National Intelligencer. — The Consequences of the Repeal predicted. — Mr. Botts's Opposition excites the Anger of the Democracy. — Governor Wise "pitches in" to him. — Wise handled without Gloves by Mr. Botts. — Very interesting Extracts. — Wise's Plagiarism, 154-162. The Presidential Questions of 1856. — Pierce and Douglas thrown aside for Buchanan. — Fremont nearly successful. — The Party Cry of " the Election of a Democrat necessary to save the Union" a good one. — The Richmond Examiner again. — Preston Brooks makes a few Remarks. — Governor Wise proposes to take Washington. — Mr. Botts again warns the People. — The last expiring Effort of Democracy, 162-166.

The Attempt to make Kansas a Slave State. — It is a Part of the Democratic Programme to exasperate the North. — The Agitators of both Sections arraigned. — The Southern Democracy the guilty Parties. —The Iniquity of the Attempt, 166-170. CONTENTS. Mr. Botts's Speech in New York in 1859. — The Lecompton Swindle. — The Proceedings of the Kansas Convention. — The Outrages attempted by the Southern Democracy. — Extract from the Richmond Whig on the Subject, Page 170-177. The John Brown Raid. — A Godsend for the Democracy. — The Excitement in Richmond. — Wise in his Glory. — The Cost of this "playing Soldier" to Virginia. — Preparations made for the Rebellion, 177-179. The Nominations for President in 1860. — The Democratic "Powwow" at Charleston. — Breckinridge in command of the Secession Democracy. — Douglas at the Head of the "Moderate Democrats." — Bell captains the Unionists. — Lincoln musters the Republican Army of "Wide-awakes." — He wins the Battle. — The Republican Platform. — Its conservative Character, 179-181.

The Conspiracy developed. — The Treachery of Buchanan's leading Cabinet Officers. — They rob the North to arm the South. — Virginia gives a Union Vote in the Election of 1860, 181, 182. The Election of Lincoln. — His Election the Pretext for Rebellion. — Bonfires illuminate Charleston. — A Secession Convention called in South Carolina. — Inauguration of Secession. — The firing upon the Star of the West. — The Action of Governor Letcher in Virginia. — He succumbs to the Democracy. — The illegitimate Call for the Convention, 183, 184. The "so-called" Peace (!) Congress. — The pretended Efforts of the Democracy to obtain a peaceful Solution of the great Problem. — Proofs of their Pretense. — The Resolutions of the Peace Congress, and the Cheat played oft' upon the People in regard to them. — Tyler and Seddon play their "little Game," 184-189.

The Crittenden Compromise Measures.— Jeff Davis and Bob Toombs defeat their Passage.— No Compromise desired. — The Amendment to prohibit Congress from legislating on Slavery refused, 189, 190. The Richmond Whig on Reconstruction. — The Fault not in the Constitution.— The South objects to Yankees. — They want to be "let alone."— What Preston Brooks said, 190, 191. What Andrew Johnson said.— His Speech at Nashville in 1862.— Six Southern Senators refuse to record their Votes in order to defeat the Crittenden Compromise.— Withdrawal of the Southern States while in control of both Houses of Congress. — The North refuses to legislate against Slavery, though Secession had given them the Power, 191-193. CONTENTS. XXIII The Virginia Convention of 1861.— The Character of the Convention. — How Civil War in Virginia might have been avoided. — Mr. Lincoln makes an Offer to John B. Baldwin, one of the then Union Leaders of the Convention.— Mr. Lincoln offers to evacuate Fort Sumter if the Convention will adjourn sine die without passing an Ordinance of Secession. — Baldwin declines the Offer, Page 194.

Mr. Botts has an Interview with Mr. Lincoln. — The President's Message to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina. — He does not want War. — He "will make greater Sacrifices for Peace than any Man in the Country." — Mr. Botts returns to Richmond to consult with the Union Men of the Convention. — Baldwin keeps Mr. Lincoln's Offer secret. — He accepts a military Position in the Confederate Service three Days after the State secedes, 194-200. The Virginia "State-rights" Convention. — The Secession Convention at Metropolitan Hall, Richmond. — Its Object to coerce the regular State Convention. — The Governor to be deposed and Revolution inaugurated if the Ordinance of Secession was not passed before April 20, 201-203. The Rebellion inaugurated. — The Richmond Secessionists send a Delegate to Charleston to start the Ball of Rebellion. — Speech of Roger A. Pryor at Charleston. — The Attack on Fort Sumter commenced. — The Capture of Washington the next Thing on the Programme, 203, 204.