Preface
. It is doubtless a bold undertaking to publish an impartial history of the Invasions in 1814 and 1815. These great events have occurred under our eyes, and the chief actors in the drama still exist. Their passions are not cooled, their ani mosities are recent, and their prejudices are inve terate. What temerity, it may be said, thus to brave the difficulties, with which cotemporary history is always shackled, especially when its subject is a change of government ! I am not blind to these objections, but I can oppose t«> them powerful authorities both in ancient and modern times. A detestation of tyranny, a love of truth and veneration for the laws, are the motives which have induced me to describe these campaigns so fertile as to memorable actions, and decisive results. The political and military annals of
PREFACE.
. nations hare never supplied such interesting subjects for the contemplation of mankind, as are united in the description of this astonishing epoch. The detail comprehends numerous anecdotes and statements, which mark the characters of the Emperor Alexander, the Bourbons, Napoleon Buonaparte, &c. ; while it includes, at the same time, the most affecting situations, the most im portants events, and the most astonishing changes that were ever produced by the sword of war, or recorded by the pen of history. The first wish of tyrants is to keep their slaves in ignorance, and to envelope criminal acts in mystery. Never did one of them better under stand this art than the crafty Napoleon. Under his sway all the sources of truth were either poi soned, or dried up ; but the veil which covered his iniquity, is torn away, and history, the mirror of truth, steps forward to record his crimes.
Is it not, however, attended with inconveni ence and danger to depict the progress of tyranny, while its firmest supporters are still in existence, and in the full enjoyment of the wealth derived from their turpitude ? Will not a description of the crimes and extravagances, by which this de-
PREFACE.
. V plorable period has been distinguished, revive animosity, and rouse resentment? I answer — No. It is to fulfil the painful but necessary duty of the historian, who, without reference to party dispassionately judges both of the monarch and his people. It is to make the past a wholesome lesson towards onr conduct for the future, and thus to derive good from evil. But who can say that the historian is really dispassionate, that he is influenced by no particularities and prejudices, and that his opinions are formed upon the principles of genuine independence ? Have we not seen how the men of letters in France have for years conducted themselves ? What reliance can be placed on their assertions ? Has not every political publication long been a mercenary effusion, in support of despotism ? Have not authors been the ready panegyrists of power, in whatever shape it appeared?
Have we not seen them prostrate at the throne of an usurper, and deifying him in the hour of his prosperity ; yet were they not the first to betray him when misfortunes overtook him ? These accusations are unfortunately too well founded; but they do not equally apply to every class of writers in the nation. On the contrary.
PREFACE.
. IV the exceptions are numerous, and as far as regards my personal refutation of the charge, I shall be frank and explicit. A work, which I published on the war of La Vendee, subjected me to a long series of perse cutions ; but my hatred of tyranny was anterior to this, for it had its origin in my political principles ; and I was, therefore, inimical to a system of government, which I conceived to be incompatible with all moral independence. Both before and after my exile, I had the opportunity of acting as many had previously acted. I might have taken the advice of persons high in office, have entered into a compromise with despotism, and have praised it in my publications : every thing invited me ; but I found consolation, for refusing* such vile offers, in solitude and study. Never did the tyrant obtain from me any thing beyond one of those vague submissions, extorted by a threat of pro scription and imprisonment.
This spirit of independence was not likely to procure me decorations, and other marks of Imperial favor. I can, therefore, without derogating from the laws of honor and gratitude, subject the government of the Corsican to the test of truth ; having ac cepted no marks of distinction from him, when
PREFACE.
. VII Fortune had placed him on the highest pin nacle. Painful as I may have found it to make some observations, which occur in the following pages, truth elicited them ; and a conscientious conviction of their accuracy guided my pen. I have com pared the official bulletins of the Germans, English, French, and Russians ; but these studied relations are always incomplete, when they are not partial. An author, in availing* himself of them, should use extraordinary caution, and exercise all his discern ment. These bulletins form, as it were, the out line of history ; but the substance and colours are only to be found in private accounts, confidential communications, and notes by absolute witnesses of the transactions alluded to, whose respectability is surety that their evidence may be relied upon.
Of such materials and documents 1 have been able to avail myself largely ; and they form the basis of the present work. So great indeed has been the mass of authentic information thus acquired, that I can confidently announce my publication to be the most exact and complete detail of the great events connected with the invasion, which has been sub mitted to the public. I could easily quote the names of several distinguished characters, from VI
PREFACE.
. whom I have been supplied with most valuable information ; but particular considerations, and in several instances excess of modesty, on the part of those who have favored my undertaking, do not permit me to make my public acknowledgments. Among these friends are many officers in every department of the French army — an army, which has been the boast of our nation and the admiration of Europe, and which, under the legitimate govern ment of our good king, will distinguish itself by actions, perhaps less brilliant, but of more real utility. Such as my work is, I now consign it to the reader. May it answer his expectation ! May it be so fortunate as to obtain some small degree of praise, and may those who criticise it be liberal ! Of candid criticism 1 shall gladly avail myself, and the approbation of the Public will be the sweetest reward of my labours. CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
Chapter I
Introduction— Character and Elevatiou of Napoleon Buonaparte — His Successes, his Tyranny, his Reverses — Summary of the principal Events which occurred during the Campaigns of 1812 and 1813— Confederation of the Monarchs and Nations of Europe, to overthrow the preponderance of Napoleon, and effect a general Peace.
Chapter II
March of the Allied Armies on Frankfort, and towards Holland — A wish for making Peace is manifested throughout Europe — Interview between Baron de Saint Aignan with the Ministers of the Allied Powers — Confidential Communications to form the Basis of a General Peace — Extraordinary Sitting of the Council of State, at which Napoleon presided on the 1 lth of November — Decrees for doubling the Contributions, aud levying three hundred thousand men — The Allies publish the celebrated Declaration of the 1st of December at Frankfort — Holland rises — Evacuation of Breda and Williamstadt — Grand Council of War held at Frankfort — The Invasion of France decided upon — Political State of France — Opening of the Session of the Legislative Corps— Formation of au extraordinary Commission — Entry of the Allies into Switzerland — Passage of the Rhine — The Allies penetrate into the Fren< h territory — First Hostilities — Investment of Befort and Huninguen — Entry of the Austrians into Geneva — Report of the Extraordinary Commission on the Overtures of Peace — Adjournment of the Legislative Corps — Speech of Napoleon to the Deputies — Extraordinary Commissaries sent into the Provinces — Napoleon calls on the French to defend their country.
Chapter III
Passage of the Rhine by the Russian corp« under General Wittgenstein — Passage of the Rhine by the army of Silesia — Capture of Coblentz— Investment of Maytuce — Rr treat of Marshals Victor and Marmout — Passage of the Rhine by VOL. I. contents. II the Prince Royal of Wurtemberg — Entry of General Count de Wrede into Colmar— Entry of the Allies into Vesoul— Description of the Chain of the Vosges—Com bined march of the Allies-They force the defiles of the Vosees— Irruption of the Cossacks — Battles ot !->ainte Marguerite and Sainte Die — Entry of the Allies into Epmal— Progress of the left wing of the Allies in the departments of the Jura, l'Ain, and Doubs— Investment of Besamjon— Resistance of Bourg-en-Bresse, and P llage of that Town— The three Allied Sovereigns pass the Rhine at Basle — Proclamation of the Emperor Alexander to his troops — Napoleon endeavours to obtain popularity — His rides in Paris — His efforts to make the War a national one — Address of the Senate— March of the Silesian Army ou Metz, Thionville, Pont-a-Moussou, and Nancy- Project to defend the Towns on the Line of Invasion — Langres is threatened — Arrival of the National Guard at this place — Its retreat on Chaumont — Capture of Langres by the Austrian General, Count Giulay.
Chapter IV
Offensive operations of the Allied Armies — Retrograde movements of the French divisions — Capture of Toul — Entry of Marshal Blncher into Nancy — His Declaration to the Notables of that place — The Allies divide the Provinces on the left bank of the Rhine into four governments — Napoleon grounds his security on the line of strong holds, and the national energy, which he endeavours to excite — The people remain quiet spectators of the struggle — March of the Cossacks — Mode of combat adopted by these light troops of the North — March of the Austrian corps, under Count Bubna, towards the Saone and Lyons — Resistance of Chalons — Capture of Macon — Lyon is menaced, summoned and delivered — Fall of Chalons — March of the Austrians ou Dijon — Tumult at that place — The Authority of the extraordinary Commissary, Count de Segur, is disavowed — The Austrians enter Dijon — Arrival of the Allies!
Monarchs at Langres — First battle of Bar-sur-Aube — Retreat of the Imperial Guard on Troyes — State of the public spirit on the approach of danger — Napoleon confers the Regency on the Empress Maria Louisa — His farewell address to the Officers of the Parisian National Guard — He departs to put himself at the head of his Army — Difference of opinion upon this subject.
Chapter V
Arrival of Napoleon at Chalons-sur-Marne — Concentration of CONTENTS. III his array — March of the Silesian army upon the Aube — Napoleon attacks and carries Saint Dizier — He hastily takes a direction on the Aube, by the Forest Montierender — He surprises the army of Silesia at Brienne — First battle of Brienne — The two armies rest in the presence of each other — Battle of Brienne and Rothiere — Retreat of the French army on Troyes.
Chapter VI
Distress of the French Army in its Retreat towards Troyes Situation and Alarms of 'Paris — Hesitation of the Allies— They march on the Capital with two distinct Armies — Napoleon determines to guard the Position of Troyes — He is assailed towards the Marne— Plan of Field-Marshal Blucher — March of General York — He seizes Vitry and Chalons— The Marshal Duke of Tarentum falls back on Chateau-Thierry — Napoleou abandons Troyes and falls back ou Nogent — The Allies enter Troyes — Opening of the Congress at Chatillon — Napoleon applies for a Suspension of Arms — The Allies propose to him the Signature of the Preliminaries of Peace — Policy of the Allied Courts — The Bourbons at length remembered.
Chapter VII
Determination of England with regard to the Bourbons — Three Princes of the Royal Family embark for differeut points of the Continent — The Allied Monarchs enter Troyes — Conversation between the Hereditary Prince of Wurtemberg and the Marquis de Widranges, respecting the intention of the Allies — A deputation of the principal royalists, from Troyes, apply for the re-establishment of the legitimate dynasty — Answer of the Emperor Alexander — State of the French army on its arrival at Nogent — Situation of Paris at the time that the Allies were approaching it — All appears to be lost — Napoleon suddenly assumes the offensive towards the Marne — Defeat of the Russian rearguard at Champeaubert — Battle of Montmirail and defeat of General Sacken's corps — Pursuit of tbe Russian and Prussians to Chateau Thierry — This place is sacked — The enemy takes refuge behind the Marne — March of Field- Marshal Blucher upon Montmirail — Battle of Vauchamp, or Janvilliers — Retreat of Marshal Blucher on Chalons.
Chapter VIII
Effects of the late Victory on the Army of Silesia — The Russian and Prussian prisoners are marched in procession CONTENTS. through Paris— The Grand Austro-Russian Army move* alonuthe Seine and Yonne— The Cossacks spread themselves as far as the Gales of Orleans— They are repulsed at Sens They take Con rteuay, Montargis, and Nemours — Siege of Sens by the Prince Royal of Wurtemberg — Capture of the place — Nogent is attacked, set on Fire, and nearly destroyed — The Marshal Dukes of Reggio and Beliuno cause the Bridges of Nogent, Bray, and Mon tereau to be destroyed , and fall back uii the right bank of the Seine — The Allies seize the last mentioned three Towns — Their hesitation — They pass the Seine, a.id push as far as Provins and Nangins — New alarms at Paris — Napoleon marches to encounter the Grand Austro-Russian Army— Batili of Nangis and Mormant — Defeat of Count Witt genstein's corps — Battle of Momereau — Re-capture of that place — Retreat of the Allies — Cause of their Defeat.
Chapter IX
The Allies demand an Armistice — The conditions agreed upon at the Congress of Chatillon, for the purpose of forming a preliminary Treaty of Peace — Buonaparte rejects them — Sudden re-organization of Field- Marshal's Blucher's Army — It effects its junction with the Grand Allied Army at Arcis-sur-Aube — March of the French Army towards Troyes — Napoleon endeavours to separate Austria from the European league — He hastens to attack the Army of Silesia at Mery-sm -Seine — Mery destroyed by fire — The two Armies separated by the Seine, the one taking a direction towards the Marne, the other towards Troyes — Diversion by the Marshal Duke of Castiglione towards Franche- Comte and Switzerland — Two corps, under General Bianchi and Prince Philip of Hesse, march to the relief of the Austrian Army in the South — Napoleon re-enters Troyes — Sentence of Death passed on the Marquis de Widranges and M. de Gouault — Execution of the latter — Decree of proscription against the declared Partisans of the Legitimate Dynasty — Monsieur, the Count d'Artois, enters France — The enthusiasm displayed by the Inhabitants of Franche-Comte— His Royal Highness arrives at Vesoul.
Chapter X
Retreat of the Austro-Russian Grand Army towards Chaumont and Langres — It is followed by the French — March of the Silesian Army from the Aube to the Marne — Napoleon remains four days stationary al Troyes — Digression on this *ubject — Conferences at Lusigny — Field-Marshal Blucher menaces Meaux, and passes the Marne at Ferte-sous-. CONTENTS. V Jouarre — March of the two armies, under Generals Bulow and Wintzingerode, from Belgium to the Aisne, fo> the purpose of joining the Silesian army — Belgium is released from the domination of Napoleon — The northern so itier of France is passed — Death of General Rusca before Soissons — That town is sack, d by the Russians — Napoleon puts himself in motion to attack the army of Silesia — He confers on Marshal Macdonald the command of the troops upon the Seine and the Aube — Expedition beyond the Marne — Soissons retaken by the AIIWs — Battle of Cra.. one — Description of Laon, occupied by the atmy of Field- Marshal Blucher — Battle of Laon — Clvekof the French army — Napoleon retires towards the Aisne, and declares the position of Laon to be im pregnable.
Chapter XI
The Grand Allied Army resumes the offensive — Second battle of Bar-sur-Aube — Battle of Laubret tiles — The Hides re-enter Troyes — Marshals Macdonald, Victor, and Ouilinot i*e-passthe Seme — Man h of the Hetman Platolf on A'cis and Sezanne — New treaty of Alliance signed i>j the Powers of the European league on the 1st of March - Re-capture of Rh'ims by Napoleon -Death of General Sa.nt- Priest — La.il conferences at Chatillon — Proposal of pacification — Counter-proposal of Bunnai.a tf — Rupture of the Congress — Views of the Confederated Sovereigns — Napo. eon proclaims a war of extermination, and wishes to arm the people in his favour — His decrees against the Mayors of Towns — Proclamation of the Allied Generals against the war of extermination. THE INVASION of FRANCE in 1814, fye. fye. fye.
Chapter I
Introduction — Character and Elevation of Napoleon Buonaparte — His Successes, Ms Tyranny, his Reverses — Summary of the principal Events which occuired during the Campaigns of 1812 and 1813 — Confederation of the Monarchs and Nations of Europe, to overthrow the preponderance of Napoleon, and effect a general Peace. Europe, which had often heen disturbed by sanguinary revolutions, never exhibited, till in pur days, the frightful spectacle of a monarchy sinking under the repeated blows of popular anarchy, after having existed fourteen centuries. A colossal Re public boldly elevated itself upon the ruins of the ancient throne of Clovis; and almost as suddenly became the prey of an audacious soldier. Trans formed into an absolute empire, this focus of poli tical disturbances oppressed and desolated Europe ; stretching in a short time its threatening influence from the mouth of the Vistula to the banks of the vol. i. B Tagus.
The civilized world was on the point of being reduced to the most deplorable situation — an universal monarchy— when the invaded North dissipated the danger by a glorious resistance. — Europe, thus at length roused to opposition, presented the glorious spectacle of a coalition, ce mented by morality, and a love of peace. It was then that three confederated sovereigns were seen, leading in person their numerous troops into the bosom of this vast empire, which had so lately been the terror of the world ; and forcing a conqueror, who had made so many nations tremble, to defend the approaches towards his own capital. Assailed by the formidable armies of the European league, the French soldiers, ever famed for valour, yielded their territory inch by inch, performed prodigies, and animated by a feeling of national honor, braved death itself; shedding their blood not to establish the power of one man, but to protect the integrity of the state.
Extraordinary invasions, astonishing marches — subjugated provinces — popular commo tions — towns surprised — abandoned, or defended — numerous and sanguinary battles — heroic actions — alternate good and bad success — political nego tiations and military operations — untoward in cidents — strange vicissitudes — all the nations of Europe in the arena — Paris menaced, delivered, attacked at all points, defended, and conquered by magnanimity — the power of an extraordinary and haughty despot dissipated like stormy clouds by the genial rays of the sun — an ancient monarchy rising, as it were, out of its ashes, amidst the una nimous acclamations of France and Europe ! Such is the mass of different events, which dis tinguished the memorable campaign of 1814. — Such has been the happy termination of the grand drama, which has held the universe in suspense.
While the mind is still struck with the recollection of so novel a spectacle, it is my object in this work to collect the fleeting traits, by which it was distinguished, and to retrace all its scenes. — Such a publication cannot be premature, when Truth has resumed her empire. Besides, it affords such useful lessons, it calls to mind circumstances* so worthy of being remembered, that my cotem poraries will not perhaps be displeased with me for having dared, in some degree, to anticipate the judgment of posterity. First, then, let us cast a rapid glance towards the character and elevation of the celebrated per sonage, whose insatiable ambition has forced all Europe to take up arms against him. When a neglect of our duties, a corruption of morals, an infatuation of the public mind, and a sort of disrelish as to every thing which constitutes human happiness, caused civil discord among us, we saw an irresistible revolution overturn every thing like a torrent, sacrifice a virtuous monarch, and run through all the modifications of popular government.
According to the expression of the illustrious Pitt, the French had allowed Liberty so wide a range, that they themselves could no longer hold her in controul. Still, France, even during the slumber of the laws, and while atrocious passions were mingled with patriotism — France displayed a high degree of military splendour, and her mighty forces defeated the coalitions, formed to deliver her from the monster of anarchy. At this we may be the less amazed, because the stimulus to action is never so strong in the people as during political disorder. After seven years of war and convulsions, France found herself, in 1799, menaced by a still more formidable confederation, the success of which would have destroyed her independence. Baffled as she was in the North, and likely to lose her conquests in the South, disordered in the interior, drained as to finances, and disorganized as to administration, a few leaders of the French Revolution, fatigued by length of suffering, thought of at length reposing under the Ægis of a single ruler.
It was evident that this change would lead, by a natural transition, to a kind of military dictatorship. The offer was made to two commanders, who had distinguished themselves during the war. The one refused from a feeling of modesty — this was Moreau. The other, not having yet gained trophies equally brilliant, aimed at the command of an army; in hopes of conquering Italy, and arriving at power under the auspices of victory — this was Joubert. For tune opposed him at Novi, and before the absolute loss of the battle, a mortal blow by an unknown hand deprived him of life. His death, which was of a suspicious nature, animated the hopes of other candidates, and all were upon the alert when Gene ral Buonaparte landed on the coast of Provence, from the borders of the Nile. This ambitious Cor sican, who was still young, had spread the reputa tion of his name through Europe, and even into •Egypt.
Let us go back to the origin of his good fortune. Born with a natural obstinacy of character, a restless and lofty disposition, and an inflexible heart, Bonaparte, consumed by the fever of ambition, had availed himself of the means, afforded towards exaltation, by a day of tears and mourning. The blood of the Parisians was his first title to renown, and Italy his first prey. Gifted with an immense memory, an invincible determination, and an eye in battle that instantly discerned what was requisite, he subjected Fortune to his will, and she opened to him an easy road to dominion. Prodigal of the spoils of vanquished Italy, he had soon a party in France; and this was strengthened by the intoxication, which a warlike nation felt, in consequence of yictories, appearing to border on the miraculous.
But those, who were clear-sighted, suspected his secret views. It was not without uneasiness on their part, that this young commander affected to form in his army the race des braves, as if valour had not been the dis tinguishing trait of all the French armies. The peace, or rather a truce, which was also effected by him, gave still greater scope to his pretensions It was then, whether through fear or prudence, that the principal members of Government determined upon removing him and his choicest troops to a distance, under the pretext of establishing the laws of liberty in the ancient dominions of the Pharaohs and Ptolemies. In fact, this measure was an honourable exile; and under his command sixty thousand French embarked for Egypt. It was there that in the name of Liberty, Reason, and the Arts, the Conqueror of Italy bathed himself in the blood of the Egyptians, Turks and Mamelukes.
Nevertheless, his mili tary talents received a check, for the first time, beneath the walls of a Syrian town. Humbled at St. Jean d'Acre — without a fleet — without sup plies — and almost without hope, Bonaparte learnt that France was again convulsed. The moment appeared to him propitious, for the accomplish ment of his designs ; and, betraying his army, he fled to seize upon the sovereign authority, supported by base magistrates, who proclaimed him their master, that they might continue in office. No authority is more absolute than that of a Chief, who succeeds a Republic. In his hand is soon placed the whole power of the people, which they themselves had been incapable of regulating. Thus it was with Augustus, when he re-established order, that is in other words, when he enslaved his subjects— thus it was with Cromwell, who had to conquer the noble-spirited nature of the Eng lish — and thus it was with Buonaparte, who had only to shew himself to a nation fatigued with anarchy, though aggrandized by conquests, and exalted by triumphs.
As heir of the Revolution, and master of the several armies formed by able generals, he declared himself sole arbiter of the destinies of France, and immediately flattered every party. Under the modest title of Consul, he proclaimed himself the restorer of the laws, religion, and morality. With senseless arrogance he pretended to consider himself an instrument ap pointed by the decrees of Heaven, and declared to the Senate, at that time disposed towards servi tude, that he was sent by the Power, from which every thing emanates, to re-establish on earth, order, justice, and equality. So long as it was possible for him to be silent, and conceal his ambition, there was no sacred name which he did not profane, no elevated sentiment which he did not dishonour by rendering it subservient to his designs, no hope dear to humanity which he did not make his sport.
Europe would have been lost, if to the insatiable love of authority and conquest he had united profound political judgment ; but being a prey to violent passions, particularly anger, he soon ceased to have aUy rule or check in the exercise of power, and the i<$ea of absolute necessity seemed to guide him just as chance decreed. No sooner had he seized the reins of Govern ment than he evinced implacable perfidy towards Count Louis de Frotte, Chief of the Norman Royalists. He was still more cruel with respect to Toussaint Louverture, Commander in Chief of the Blacks of St. Domingo. The former paid with his head for the proclamations, which had deve loped the character of the Usurper ; and the other perished, like Jtigurtha, from misery and hunger in a fetid prison — an expiatory victim of the fatal expedition to Saint Domingo.
Soon after, another crime, which made more noise, was committed by him, and petrified the whole nation with horror. The only precious branch of the Conde family, the young Duke d'Enghien was seized in a free country, and in violation of the law of nations ; and shot in the forest of Vincennes by torch light — an infamous murder, of which the very recollection lacerates every heart. The indignation was universal ; but nothing could arrest the course of the ambitious Usurper. The body of a Prince, belonging to the house of Bour bon, sealed his compact with the regicides, and served him as a footstool to the throne. Other atrocities marked his accession. Jea lous of the reputation of Moreau and Pichegru, he formed a stratagem to be rid of them, and when, by means of a conspiracy, which his own agents had kindled, these two illustrious Commanders fell into his snare, he contrived to remove one by exile ■ and to dismiss the other by assassination, committed in the darkness of a dungeon: Still he reigned, and ere long raised himself to the rank of Emperor.
Under this ostentatious title he was only the moving power, which guided a convulsive government, created for the gratifica tion of an insolent and mean aristocracy. If he established his dynasty, it was only to undermine every other ; for he believed that he never should reign securely in France, except by the destruc tion of Europe. Hence he sewed the seeds of disunion in every cabinet, and introduced confusion into all politi cal relations. An impenetrable veil covered all his plots, and those of his agents ; but there is a celebrated island, where his conduct was watched, and where the liberty of the press denounced him to Europe, and particularly to infatuated France. He dreaded the patriotism of Britain, much more than her wealth and navy ; he burnt with desire to invade that kingdom, in order to stifle for ever the voice of Truth.
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