XXXII. LEADERS AND MEASURES…

XXXII. LEADERS AND MEASURES

Fourteen years after the surrender of Appomattox, the Republicans surrendered in the Capitol at Washington and passed into the minority. President Grant having failed in his severe Southern policy, President Hayes tried conciliation. Never did a President enter upon his duties with more sincere good-will for every section. There was displayed in every act of the incoming Administration a kindliness toward Southern men and Southern interests that almost aroused a jealousy in the North. It was not an affectation on the part of the President, but a true and honest sentiment. The good- will experiment was not quickly made. It took a long time to determine results, and even after the uncompromising spirit of the Southern Democrats had become apparent President Hayes was slow to pronounce the plan a failure. It had seemed to him the only hope of making the South peaceful and prosperous, and he had determined to give it a full trial.

It was evident that the Democrats would have in the Senate of the Forty-sixth Congress that majority that had passed from them in that body when many of its curule chairs were vacated by those who went into the Rebellion. The Democrats in the House of the Forty- fifth Congress, by refusing to make the necessary appropriation for the support of the army, rendered an extra session necessary. When Congress met, on the 18th of March, 1879, the Democrats had a majority of ten in the Senate, and over twenty in the House.

Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, was recognized by the Democrats in the Senate as their leader. He was a broad-shouldered, sturdily built man, with a large square head and ruddy complexion, gray hair and beard, and a positive manner that commanded respect. Earnest, outspoken, and free in his criticisms of men and manners, he would wave his red bandana pocket handkerchief like a guidon, give his nose a trumpet-blast, take a fresh pinch of snuff, and dash into the debate, dealing rough blows, and scattering the carefully prepared arguments of his adversaries like chaff. When he sat down he would signal to a Republican friend, and they would leave the Senate Chamber by different doors and meet in a committee-room, where there was a supply of old Bourbon whisky.

Senator Bayard, of Delaware, who was also prominent in the Democratic ranks, never forgot that he was the descendant of a long line of eminent statesmen. Tall and straight, his movements were graceful, and his cleanly shaven face and iron-gray hair were classic in beauty. Broad in intellect, he was patient and courteous in debate, rarely losing his dignity or his temper.

Senator Beck, of Kentucky, enjoyed the rare advantage of being ineligible to the Presidential chair, and he did not consequently feel hampered by what he might add in debate to his "record." He was a stalwart, farmer-like looking man, with that overcharged brain which made his tongue at times falter because he could not utter what his furious, fiery eloquence prompted. Entirely different in personal appearance and manner was Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, whose courteous deportment had won him the appellation of "Gentleman George," and who adorned every subject on which he spoke. Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, a spare, grim, uncompromising bachelor, with a tall, slender figure like that of Thomas Jefferson, would have made a glorious Puritan leader, and Senator Pinckney Whyte, of Maryland, a gentleman by birth and education, was evidently restive at times under the political restraint of the party "bosses" in his State.

Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, was an able lawyer, who had the good sense not to parade his gallant services in the Confederate army, and who was ever on the watch for some extravagant appropriation. He, with Ransom, of North Carolina, and other Confederate brigadiers, saw opposite to them, as their equal, Senator Bruce, of Mississippi, round-faced, bright-eyed, and sepia-hued, the emancipated slave who had reached the full stature of citizenship through the flame of battle that discomfited them.

Another eloquent debater was Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, whose influence in molding public opinion at the South had been as healthy as it had been powerful. Senator Vest, youthful in appearance, was a fiery speaker, and always ready for a tilt with an opponent. The swarthy features of Senator Logan, of Illinois, with his long, coal-black hair and moustache, stood out like a charcoal sketch against the gilded wall of the Senate, and he seemed as ready to meet his political opponents as he had been at the head of his brigade to charge the enemy.

On the other side of the Senate Chamber the pater Senatus was Governor Anthony, of Rhode Island, a man of gracious presence and kind heart, whose eyes were dimmed, but who had not lost the fire and brilliancy which had characterized his early editorial and Senatorial life. Senator Hamlin, of Maine, was the eldest in years on the floor, and yet he did not display the first sign of the weakness of advancing age. Tall, slightly round-shouldered, always wearing a black dress coat, and never an overcoat, he was a remarkably well-preserved man. His forehead was somewhat wrinkled, his black eyes gleamed with vigorous vitality, and his large mouth, with its massive under jaw, was not concealed by a moustache or beard. He rarely spoke, but when he took the floor he always had something to say worth hearing, and he was always listened to.

Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, was an able man and a good lawyer, remarkably well posted in the current literature of the day. Another man learned in the law was the ponderous Senator Davis, of Illinois, who had left the Supreme Court for the Senate, thinking it was the better avenue to the White House, and whose political views were bounded by his personal ambition.

Senator Conkling, of New York, was then at the height of his brilliant Congressional career. Able, high-bred, and stately, he had defeated his home rival, Fenton, and he now claimed the disposal of the New York patronage that he might use it to secure the re- election of General Grant, to be followed by his own elevation to the Presidential chair. The words, "conciliation of enemies," were not in his vocabulary, yet no Senator had so many tried and trusty friends. Another prominent lawyer was Matt. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, one side of whom as described by Charles Sumner when he called him a "jester," while Mr. Edmunds, by a ready pun, as aptly described the other side of him by declaring that the Senator from Massachusetts probably meant a "sug-gester." Retaining the dragoon swagger, which he had acquired at West Point, a jovial nature, indifferent to the decorum of public life, he seemed to have been tossed into the Senate, where other people had with difficulty found their way by hard climbing or by costly purchase.

Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, whose remarks were a stream of epigram, eloquence, and euphony, delicately flavored with sarcasm, often showed a keen appreciation of the ridiculous. Remarkably well informed, and able to command the information in the storehouse of his brain, he never ranted, rarely gesticulated, and his ceremoniously polite excoriations of opponents were like dropping hot lead upon sore places. Very different was Senator Burnside, of Rhode Island, who was known as the "Kaiser William," and whose martial aspect indicated his straightforward honesty of purpose. He was at times restive under the trammels of parliamentary rule, and would speak his mind, no matter who was troubled thereby.

Senator Dawes, of Massachusetts, with clean-shaven cheeks and puritanical earnestness, had been transplanted from the House of Representatives with Senator Allison, of Iowa, a man of rare financial ability, who afterward took a prominent part in the proceedings of the Senate. Then there was Senator Plumb, of Kansas, earnest and straightforward, of whom it was said that he was "Western from the hem of his short pantaloons to the comfortable slouch of his hat."

Senator Blaine, of Maine, was one of the youngest Senators, yet when he rose to speak all listened. Compactly and strongly built, with a commanding figure, prominent features, watchful, gray-hazel eyes, and a rich, manly voice, he was very ready in debate. When the army bill was up, and it was argued that the South was in danger of intimidation, he showed the absurdity of such a position by giving the exact numbers of troops then stationed in each State: "And the entire South has eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers to intimidate, overrun, oppress, and destroy the liberties of fifteen million people! In the Southern States there are twelve hundred and three counties. If you distribute the soldiers evenly there is not quite one for each county; when I give the counties, I give them from the census of 1870. If you distribute them territorially, there is one for every seven hundred square miles of territory, so that if you make a territorial distribution, I would remind the honorable Senator from Delaware, if I saw him in his seat, that the quota of his State would be three, 'one ragged sergeant and two abreast,' as the old song has it. That is the force ready to destroy the liberties of Delaware!"

In the House of Representatives that sturdy Democratic champion, Samuel J. Randall, of Philadelphia, was elected Speaker, receiving one hundred and forty-three votes against one hundred and twenty- five votes for James A. Garfield, and thirteen votes for Hendrick B. Wright. The Democrats were ably led by Carlisle and Blackburn, of Kentucky; by Morrison and Sparks, of Illinois; by Reagan and Mills, of Texas; by the stately Fernando Wood, of New York, and by Mr. Sam. Cox, who reminded one of those jocular festivities of mediaeval times, when the Abbot of Misrule took possession of his masters and issued his merry orders superciliously to those with whose insults his ears were still tingling.

On the Republican side were Aldrich, Conger, Frye, Hawley, and Lapham, qualifying themselves for service in the Senate; the burly Robeson, ready to defend his acts as Secretary of the Navy; Judge Kelley, of Philadelphia, who had come down from a former generation; Rainey and Smalls, emancipated men and brethren; the witty Tom. Reed, of Maine, who was always happy in his sarcasms; the able and effective Frank Hiscock, of New York, the effective Ben. Butterworth, of Ohio, with others known to fame, constituting a strong House, fresh from the people, and bringing their latest will.

The Democratic Congress again attached to the bill making appropriations for the support of the army an irrelevant piece of legislation aimed directly at the purity of the ballot, thinking that the President, who had so evidently desired to conciliate the South, would not dare to offend it by refusing his official approval. To their surprise, he returned the bill to Congress with a veto message, so dispassionate, yet so entirely covering the case, that it threw the Democratic majorities in Congress into confusion, and forced them to abandon the programme they had marked out. They consoled themselves by turning out nearly all of the officers of the Senate, many of whom were old and faithful servants, and dividing the places thus made vacant among their relatives and henchmen.

President Hayes, by his succession of vetoes, restored l'entente cordiale between himself and the greater portion of the Republican members of Congress. His pure patriotism, his high rectitude of intention, and his personal virtues had never been doubted, and when he was again found acting in accord with the party that elected him, it was believed that he would be carried pleasantly through his embarrassing duties, and that his civil success would match his exploits in arms.

The opera of "Pinafore" became all the rage at Washington, as elsewhere. It was performed at theatres by church choirs, by amateurs, by a colored company, and finally by some juvenile vocalists belonging to the very first families at the West End. Generally speaking, vocalists, especially of the feminine persuasion, have scruples about giving their ages, but on the programmes of this company the ages of the performers were printed opposite to their names. Sir Joseph Porter was personated by Aleck McCormick, a son of Commissioner McCormick, aged twelve; Miss Betty Ordway, aged eleven, was Josephine; Miss Mary Wilson, aged ten, was charming as Little Buttercup; Willie Wilson, aged eleven, was Captain Corcoran; Dick Wallack, aged eleven, was a good Ralph Rackstraw, and Daisy Ricketts, demurely attired as Aunt Ophelia, was primly "splendid." The sisters, the cousins, and the aunts, the sailors, and especially the marine guard, were all represented. The singing was tolerable and the acting generally bad, but the performance was nevertheless enjoyed by the crowded audience. The little people eclipsed the colored choir, and were equal to at least half of the professional combinations.

[Facsimile] RoscoeConkling ROSCOE CONKLING was born at Albany, New York, October 30th, 1829; studied law and commenced practice at Utica in 1846; was Mayor of Utica in 1858; was a Representative in Congress, December 5th, 1859 - March 3d, 1867; was a United States Senator from March 3d, 1867, until his resignation on the 16th of May, 1881; removed to New York City, and entered upon the practice of his profession.

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XXXIII. TILTS IN CONGRESS

The marriage of the King of Spain was celebrated at Washington by Senor Mantilla, the Spanish Minister, who gave a magnificent entertainment at Wormley's Hotel, where he was residing. The parlors were decorated with the Minister's own furniture and paintings, and with a profusion of rare plants and flowers. The Diplomatic Corps wore their court costumes, while the officers of our army and navy appeared in full uniform. Madame Mantilla was an Andalusian, and had the clear, creamy complexion, the large, dark eyes, the black hair, and the fine form which characterizes that section of Spain. The waist of her satin dress was cut square, before and behind, and was very low. The entire front of her long skirt of white satin was covered with a network of pearls. A vest of similar network trimmed the front of the basque. Folds of satin went across the front of the waist and over the short sleeves, and at the back fell from the waist in sash ends, edged with pearl fringe and tassels. Around her throat she wore a band of dark red velvet, studded alternately with diamonds and pearls. Below, falling loosely on the neck, were three strands of pearls with a magnificent pendant, composed of an enormous pearl and clusters of diamonds. In her hair sparkled a superb diadem, formed of sprays of diamonds, presented to the lady by her husband when they were married. Lace stockings and white satin slippers completed her toilet.

The supper-table was set along three sides of the room, forming a hollow square. In the centre was a mound composed of myrtle, in whose bright, green leaves were arranged large and beautifully colored California pears and luscious bunches of Malaga grapes and oranges. A tall silver epergne surmounted the mound, in the centre of which was a cut-glass basket, holding fruits, and on the sides vases of flowers. On the table were numerous silver candelabra holding lighted wax candles, and, alternating with plants, pyramids of bonbons, ices, and other dainties. The table linen, china, and glass all bore the crest of the hostess.

Much ill-breeding had been shown by seekers after invitations, and there was a sad exhibition of bad manners at the supper-table. The lace on ladies' dresses was torn by the trappings of the diplomats and officers, while terrapin and champagne were recklessly scattered. With this exception everything passed off very smoothly, and the hundreds of guests present heartily congratulated the host and hostess. President Hayes and his wife declined departing from their rule not to accept hospitalities, but the White House was well represented by Mr. Webb Hayes and five young ladies, who were at that time his mother's guests.

With the return of the Democrats to power in Congress came one of those great moral struggles which convulses a nation with an agitation only surpassed by a physical contest between hostile armies. The approach of the Presidential contest added to the acerbity of the debates, although some of the participants evidently adopted as their motto the Quaker apothegm, "Treat your enemy as if you thought he might some day become your friend, and your friend as though he might become your enemy."

Those who occasionally engaged in criminations and recriminations did it in a parliamentary and mild-mannered way, and a few hours afterward they might have been seen meeting as guests at the same social board, with every mark of reciprocal cordiality and success. This was doubtless owing, in many instances, to the legal training of the gentlemen who had been accustomed to bandy epithets and to bully their adversaries before juries, and having thus earned their fees, to leave the court, arm in arm, to dine harmoniously together.

One of the most interesting tilts in the Senate was between Matt. Carpenter and James G. Blaine, on the Geneva Award question. Mr. Carpenter was then approaching death's door, and his feeble voice was at times inaudible in the galleries, but his argument sustained his reputation as an advocate and as a Senator. Looking at everything from a judicial standpoint, and manifesting (if he did not express it) a profound contempt for non-professional men who discuss legal questions, he displayed great ingenuity and persuasive eloquence in the presentation of his views. He had evidently studied his case carefully, but he did not hesitate to make strong assertions take the place of authorities, and to base his arguments on those assertions. The entire speech was peppered with cutting allusions to Blaine, who sat unmoved, occasionally joining in the laugh provoked at his expense. Carpenter concluded with an eloquent allusion to General Grant, as one first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen and of all mankind.

When Blaine finally took the floor it was soon evident that he had studied the weak points in what Carpenter had said, and was ready to let fly a volley of satire-tipped arrows with deadly aim. His sentences were terse, crisp, strong, and entirely without ornamentation, but every one told. He began by alluding to his having been often reminded in the debate that he was not a lawyer. The wit would have been brighter and the thrust would have been keener had it been stated that when he set out on the vast sea of adventure he had studied law for two years.

After elaborately reviewing the case and citing many authorities, he concluded by alluding to a proposition that the balance of the award be retained in the Treasury. "This," he said, "would disgrace us in the eyes of the civilized world, by virtually admitting that our legitimate claims did not amount to anything approaching the sum which we demanded and obtained. The excuse made for the notoriously unjust Halifax award was that we had obtained a large sum under false pretenses, and that an offset should be made. Pass around the hat, ask alms if you will, but don't acknowledge that we received this Geneva award under false pretenses."

At the commencement of Mr. Blaine's remarks his well-modulated voice assumed a conversational tone, tinged with sarcastic bitterness as he occasionally indulged in bantering allusions to his lack of legal education. As he proceeded he became more impressive in words and action, and before he had concluded he had advanced between the desks into the centre aisle, where, with head erect and sweeping gestures, he poured forth a flood of stirring eloquence, eliciting repeated applause.

Mr. Carpenter attempted to reply and to criticize humorously some of Mr. Blaine's assertions, but he was not very successful. He said that his long training at the bar had taught him never to provoke a quarrel, and never to leave one unless successful. The Senator from Maine began this, and he should follow it. The Senator will never be able to say he has piped to me and I have not danced. Mr. Blaine made a happy retort, speaking of General Grant in the highest terms, and rivaling Mr. Carpenter in his eulogiums of him. This prompted Mr. Thurman, who next took the floor to say: "The Senators have both indorsed the third term," which provoked such rounds of applause that the presiding officer threatened to have the galleries cleared.

A more serious personal altercation occurred in an executive session, between General Gordon, of Georgia, then the personal defender of President Hayes, and Senator Conkling. General Gordon felt sore because he had failed to secure the entire Democratic vote of the Senate for the confirmation of some important New York nomination, and he regarded Senator Conkling as having defeated this scheme. The Senator from New York could not brook the interference of General Gordon in what he considered a family quarrel, and the two had not regarded each other for some days with looks of love. Trouble was brewing evidently.

When the Senate was in executive session one Friday afternoon, Governor Anthony occupying the chair, there was a warm discussion over the nomination of Ward, a Georgia internal revenue collector, in which some allusions were made to the New York case. When this had been disposed of, General Gordon interrupted the calendar to call for a report on the nomination of Smith, Collector of the Customs at Mobile, and while he was speaking, Senator Conkling, looking up from his letter writing, called out loudly, "Go on with the calendar." Gordon immediately said: "Mr. President, the Senator from New York is not in the chair, but he orders the Chair to go on with the calendar." Several names had been called for action when Gordon made this remark. Conkling was busy reading at the moment, and did not hear it, but his attention was called to it by a Senator who sat near him. Springing to his feet, Conkling asked what the Senator from Georgia had said concerning him. Gordon immediately repeated the language. Conkling said: "If the Senator from Georgia says I ordered the Chair to go on with the calendar he states what is not true." Gordon replied: "Very well, we will settle that hereafter." Conkling retorted: "We will settle it here," and repeated what he said before. Mr. Gordon then again said: "We will not settle it here, but elsewhere."

It was finally agreed that Senators Hamlin and Howe, as friends of Mr. Conkling, and Senators Ransom and McDonald, as friends of General Gordon, should endeavor to adjust the difficulty. The quartette sat in deliberation until one o'clock on Friday night, and met again at ten o'clock on Saturday morning, finally agreeing in the afternoon upon the adroitly drawn up statement made public, after which "all was quiet upon the Potomac." It is not true that any communication passed between the parties, although it is known that Mr. Lamar, of Mississippi, counseled General Gordon, and that Senator Jones, of Nevada, and General Phil. Sheridan were the advisers of Senator Conkling.

A more dramatic incident occurred in a debate, when Senator Voorhees, of Indiana, upbraided Senator Mahone, of Virginia, for acting with the Republicans. When he had concluded the Virginian calmly said that this denunciation of him must stop, and asked whether the Senator from Indiana adopted the phrase, "renegade Democrat," in a document which he had caused to be read as a part of his speech. "Mr. President," retorted Mr. Voorhees, with a defiant air and a contemptuous gesture, "I indorse every sentiment and word in that article. I make it my speech. I indorse the word 'renegade' in it. I indorse every criticism on the course of the Senator from Virginia. He need waste no time in putting words into my mouth. He said this must stop. No one can stop me. That is cheap--very cheap." A profound stillness had fallen upon the chamber when Mahone first arose. The silence became painful now. Mahone had remained standing, calmly waiting for Voorhees' reply, the Indiana Senator towering over his Virginia antagonist like a giant, when Mahone, in a low voice that could be heard in the remotest corners of the chamber, said: "That is an assertion that no brave or honorable man would make. I denounce it as such. Let him take that and wear it." The preliminary conditions of the code were satisfied. The insult had been offered by Voorhees. The challenging words had been spoken by Mahone. The incident ended there, and the Senate, taking a long breath after its eight hours of strife and passion, adjourned until the following Monday.

Mrs. Hayes, instead of frittering away the liberal appropriations made by Congress for the domestic wants of the White House, expended a large share of them in the purchase of a state dinner service of nearly one thousand pieces, illustrating the fauna and flora of the United States. The designs were executed by Mr. Theodore R. Davis, who had fished in the rivers of the East and West and in the sea, hunted fowl and wild game in the forests, the swamps, and the mountains, shot the buffalo on the plains and visited the historic haunts of the Indians in the East, met the Indians in their wigwams and studied their habits on the prairies of the far West. The designs were made in water colors, and although in nearly every instance they were bold and striking, they were difficult to reproduce perfectly upon porcelain with hard mineral colors, and to accomplish this successfully it was necessary to invent new methods and to have recourse to peculiar mechanical appliances, but the effort was successful and the set was produced.

[Facsimile] John Sherman JOHN SHERMAN was born at Lancaster, Ohio, May 10th, 1823; studied law; was admitted to the bar, May 11th, 1844; was a Representative in Congress, December 3d, 1855 - March 3d, 1861; was United States Senator from Ohio, March 4th, 1861 to March 8th, 1877, when he resigned; was Secretary of the Treasury under President Hayes, March 9th, 1877 - March 4th, 1881; was again United States Senator, March 4th, 1881; and was elected President pro tempore of the Senate after the death of Vice-President Hendricks.

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XXXIV. STRUGGLE FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION

When General Grant returned from his trip around the world, the Blaine newspapers, while they filled their columns with adulatory notices of the "Old Commander," also discovered in the "Plumed Knight" qualities which inspired them with enthusiasm and admiration. The friends of General Grant were not, however, to be placed in an attitude of antagonism toward Blaine. They remembered, however, that when Grant retired from the political contest in 1876, and his friends turned toward Blaine, they found confronting them, armed with the poisoned arrows of detraction, the same editors who had for years been opposing and vilifying Grant.

An attempt was then made by Mr. Blaine's friends to place General Grant at the head of a scheme for the construction of a ship canal across the Isthmus as an American enterprise. They enlisted one of Grant's most devoted friends, Read Admiral Daniel Ammen, and he attempted to organize a company, of which General Grant was to be the president. The charter to be granted by Congress was to recognize the national character of the work, and to pledge the United States to oppose any foreign interference, like that of DeLesseps and his Darien Canal. General Grant became interested in the scheme, and affixed his name a few months later to an elaborate magazine article on inter-oceanic canals, every word of which was written by Dr. George B. Loring, of Massachusetts.

Senator Blaine developed great personal popularity as the campaign progressed, even among those who regarded General Grant as a "military necessity." Henry Clay, in his palmiest days, never had a more devoted and enthusiastic following, and many of the stanchest and most stalwart Republicans in Congress were openly for Blaine, while others secretly advocated his claims.

John Sherman had also a powerful following, and while the respective friends of Grant and Blaine began to indulge in recrimination, the cause of the Ohio Senator was quietly pushed without giving offense. Mr. Sherman's unswerving persistence had, in years past, all the effective energy and the successful result of force. General Garfield was at the head of the Ohio delegation, pledged to the support of Sherman, and he was chosen to make the speech nominating him in the Convention.

General Garfield having been requested to give his views as to what should be the course of the Ohio Republicans in reference to the Presidential nomination, wrote a letter in which he said: "I have no doubt that a decisive majority of our party in Ohio favor the nomination of John Sherman. He has earned his recognition at their hands by twenty-five years of conspicuous public service, a period which embraces nearly the whole life of the Republican party. He deserves the especial recognition of the nation for the great service he has rendered in making the resumption law a success, and placing the national finances on a better basis. I am aware of the fact that some Republicans do not indorse all his opinions, but no man who has opinions can expect the universal concurrence of his party in all his views, and no man without opinions is worthy of the support of a great party. I hope the Republicans of Ohio will make no mistake on other candidates; they should fairly and generously recognize the merits of all; but I think they ought to present the name of Mr. Sherman to the National Convention and give him their united and cordial support."

To Mr. Wharton Baker, of Philadelphia, General Garfield wrote: "It is becoming every day more apparent that the friends of the leading Presidential candidates are becoming embittered against each other to such an extent that, whichever of the three may be nominated, there would be much hostility of feeling in the conduct of the campaign. It will be most unfortunate if we go into the contest handicapped by the animosity of the leading politicians. I shall be glad to see you on your arrival in Washington."

General Garfield's influence was politically omnipotent in his own district, yet when the Convention of that district was held to elect delegates to the Chicago Convention, controlled by Garfield's friends and confidential advisers, it surprised the country by electing Blaine delegates. It was then whispered that General Garfield, while ostensibly working for Sherman, would advocate his own nomination, and also that he would have the support of the friends of Mr. Blaine.

The Convention was a remarkable one. The combined anti-Grant men, with cunning parliamentary strategy, carried their points on the unit rule and the credentials. When the names of the candidates were successively presented by their friends, a tumultuous scene of wild applause followed the nominations of James G. Blaine and Ulysses S. Grant, the rival hosts on the floor and in the galleries being animated by paroxysms of enthusiasm never before witnessed on this continent.

General Garfield rose when the State of Ohio was called, and said that he had witnessed the extraordinary scenes of the Convention with great solicitude. The assemblage had seemed to him like a human ocean in a tempest. He had seen the sea lashed into fury and tossed into spray, and its grandeur moves the soul of the dullest man; but he remembered that it was not the billows, but the calm level of the sea, from which all heights and depths are measured. When the enthusiasm should have passed away, the calm level of public opinion would be found, from which the thoughts of a mighty people would be measured. Not at Chicago in the heat of June, but at the ballot-boxes in the quiet of November, would the question be settled. "And now, gentlemen of the Convention," said he, "what do we want?" "We want Garfield," said a clear voice; and from that moment it was evident who the "dark horse" was, and his cold, studied eulogium of John Sherman was really little more than a presentation of himself.

In the thirty-six ballots which ensued, three hundred and six of the delegates cast their votes for General Grant. During the first twenty-eight ballotings, James A. Garfield generally received one vote, and sometimes two. His strength was then gradually increased as the friends of Mr. Blaine and of Mr. Sherman rallied to his support, and on the thirty-eighth ballot he received three hundred and ninety-nine votes, Ulysses S. Grant, three hundred and six; James G. Blaine, twelve; Elihu B. Washburne, five, and John Sherman, three.

Chester A. Arthur was nominated on the first ballot for Vice- President, receiving four hundred and sixty-eight votes. General Grant gave the Chicago ticket his hearty support, and persuaded Senator Conkling to accompany him to Ohio, where they addressed public meetings. They also addressed large popular gatherings in the State of New York, and it was asserted that they carried that State for Garfield and Arthur.

General Grant visited Washington in December, 1880, and had a most enthusiastic welcome. He was received by the Grand Army of the Republic, and as the train entered the railroad station, the chimes of the Metropolitan Church rang out "Home Again," while the field- pieces of the artillery company thundered a salute of seventeen guns. The General was escorted to the house of his friend, Colonel Beale, by the Grand Army, headed by the Marine Band, and as the column passed up Pennsylvania Avenue the dense crowd cheered enthusiastically.

A few days afterward General Grant went to the Capitol, and for the first time an ex-President successively visited the two Houses of Congress while they were in session. In the Senate, when General Grant came in on the floor (to which he had a right, having received the thanks of Congress), Senator Edmunds moved that a recess of ten minutes be taken. The Senators then left their seats and flocked around General Grant, the Confederate brigadiers leading the Democrats, who shook hands cordially with their old chief antagonist.

From the Senate Chamber General Grant went to the House of Representatives, where an adjournment was immediately carried. Speaker Randall then left the chair and invited General Grant to walk down to the area before the reporter's desk. The Representatives were there presented in turn, and then the pages enjoyed the privilege of shaking the General's hand, which they greatly enjoyed, and which he too seemed to enjoy as heartily as they.

General Grant had been the hero of unparalleled ovations, extending over years of time and through his tour around the world. In his own land, city after city had vied with each other in efforts to do him honor, but no receptions were ever more hearty than these in the two houses of Congress. And General Grant appreciated it highly. To be thus greeted by political advocate and antagonist, by his former subordinates on the field and by those who stood against him, was enough to awaken a nature far less sensitive to appreciation than his. He was gratified, and was in one of his most genial moods, his sunshine melting out any remaining iciness in those about him. The fact that he was now regarded as "out of politics" went far to allay suspicions and open up the channels of good-will and friendliness which all admitted were his due in view of distinguished services rendered by him in the crisis of the nation's history. It was a memorable occasion at the Capitol, where so many have occurred.

New Year's Day of 1881 was the coldest that had been known in Washington for a quarter of a century, the mercury having fallen in the morning to ten degrees below zero. As it was the last reception of President and Mrs. Hayes, the White House was the centre of attraction. The state apartments were decorated with flowers, and the Marine Band played in the large entrance hall. The long, central corridor was festooned with flags, and further decorated with flowers and potted plants. The parlors were also adorned with cut flowers and hot-house plants. At eleven A. M. the President and Mrs. Hayes entered the Blue Parlor, preceded by Major Farquhar, of the engineer corps, and followed by the Vice- President and Miss Mills, of San Francisco, who afterward became Mrs. Whitelaw Reid. They took their stations in the centre of the room. The young ladies who were visiting Mrs. Hayes stood back of her and on her right. Colonel Casey made the introductions to the President, and Mr. Webb Hayes to his mother. Mrs. Hayes' dress, of creamy white ribbed silk, very soft and fine, was trimmed very elegantly with white cream-tinted satin and pearl passamenteries. She wore a silver comb in her dark hair and no jewels. Miss Lucy Cook wore a cream-colored brocaded satin, combined with plain silk of the same shade, trimmed with pearls. Miss Dora Scott, of New Orleans, wore an elegant costume of Spanish blonde over satin, trimmed with field daisies, pond-lilies, and strands of pearls. The Attorney-General's niece, Miss Agnes Devens, a bright young school-girl, wore a heliotrope cashmere, trimmed with royal purple velvet. Little Miss Fannie Hayes' bright face and perfect complexion appeared in a child-like dress of white summer camel's hair, trimmed with white satin ribbons. Mrs. Hayes invited Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, the philanthropist, of New York, to pass the day with her. She wore a superb black velvet trimmed with white ostrich plumes. Her ornaments were pearls. This lady had given away in charity over half a million dollars. The gentlemen of the Cabinet and ladies entered from the Red Parlor, Secretary Evarts and his family immediately preceding the Diplomatic Corps. All the gentlemen of the foreign legations, as was customary, wore court dresses, except those who represented republics. These wore citizens' dress suits.

Secretary Evarts made the presentation of the members of the Diplomatic Corps to the President. Sir Edward Thornton, as the Dean of the Corps, and the British Legation took precedence of any other Foreign Minister then in Washington. All his family were with him, including his tall, fine-looking son, the third Edward Thornton in a direct line of his family who had been attached to the British Legation in Washington. The Russian Minister and his wife were conceded to be the handsomest and most distinguished- looking couple seen in the throng of noted men and fine-looking ladies in the Blue Room.

The attendance of army and navy officers was large, including General Hazen and others recently promoted, from the President's native State, of whom, it was reported, Private Secretary Rodgers used to sing:

"He might have been a Bostonian, Or else a Baltimorian, Or a Chicago man; In spite of all temptation--remained true to his nation, And he's an Ohio man."

General Garfield's selection of Mr. Blaine as Secretary of State was known to the public soon after the Presidential election, but there was much speculation as to who else would be invited into the Cabinet. Many prominent public men went to Mentor, where they found General Garfield ready to listen, but unwilling to make any pledge. He impressed one of these visitors as evincing a desire to bring about the fusion of all the various elements. He would make an honest attempt to give each element proper recognition, and not allow himself to be involved in any controversy with his own party. He recognized the truth of the claim that had not General Grant and Senator Conkling gone into the campaign when they did, he would probably have been defeated, and this visitor was led to believe that the President-elect would treat the Grant wing with consideration.

As to particular persons and sections, General Garfield was so guarded that he gave no impression as to the States that would be represented, except that Iowa should have a place in the Cabinet. As to whether it was to be Mr. Wilson or Mr. Allison, or some one else, the President-elect dropped no hint. The name of Robert Lincoln was talked over, and General Garfield indicated an intention to give him some fitting recognition in his Administration, not only because he considered Mr. Lincoln a bright young man, but because he should take pleasure in making so graceful a tribute to the memory of his father. He did not intimate, however, that it would be by offering the son a seat in the Cabinet, nor did he say it would not be done in that way.

[Facsimile] EBWashburne ELIHU B. WASHBURNE, one of five brothers who have occupied prominent positions under the National Government, was born at Livermore, Maine, September 23d, 1816; studied law and commenced practice at Galena, Illinois; was a Representative from Illinois, 1853-1869; was appointed by President Grant Secretary of State, and after serving a few days, Minister to France, serving 1869-1877; returned to Galena and afterward settled at Chicago.

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XXXV. THE GARFIELD INAUGURATION

The inauguration of James Abram Garfield as the twentieth President of the United States was a grand historical pageant, although its effect was marred by the chilly, snowy, and wet weather. All the night previous the shrill blasts of the storm-king were varied by the whistles of the locomotives and steamboats, which were bringing thousands from the North, the West, and the South. Drenched and draggled people perambulated Pennsylvania Avenue and the adjacent streets, while occasional memories of the war would be revived as a well-equipped regiment or company with its full brass band would march past to its quarters. The hotels were emphatically full, and the last comers were glad to be able to secure one of the hundreds of cots made up in the parlors. Many swarmed into the theatres, the concert halls, or the Capitol, yet there was no drunkenness or rowdyism, but every on appeared to take a Mark Tapley- like view of the storm, and be as jolly as was possible under the circumstances.

Long before the morning guns boomed from the Arsenal and the Navy Yard, thousands of noses flattened against window-glass in the anxiety of the owners to see if the heavens were propitious; but there was no sign of sunshine. As the day advanced there were some bright streaks in the dull gray of the leaden sky, and the excellence of concrete pavements was shown, as they were free from mud, and the slosh was soon trodden into water, which ran off in the gutters. The flags, which had clung to the staffs, began to dry and flutter in the breeze. Nearly every house was decked with bunting, while upon many the most artistic designs of decorative art were displayed. Upon the broad sidewalks of Pennsylvania Avenue a living tide of humanity--men, women, and children--flowed toward the Capitol, pausing now and then to gaze at some passing regiment or political association.

General Sherman, who was Chief Marshal, had made such arrangements that the procession moved with the precision of clock-work when the signal gun was fired. The escort was composed of twelve companies of regular artillery, armed and equipped as infantry, with six companies of marines. Then came President Hayes and President-elect Garfield, with Senators Bayard and Anthony of the Senate Committee, in a four-horse carriage, with the Columbia Commandery of Knights Templar, of which General Garfield was a member, as a guard of honor. General Arthur, escorted by Senator Pendleton, followed in a four-horse carriage. After them marched the well-drilled battalion of Cleveland Grays, the Utica Veterans, in their Continental uniforms; the Utica Citizens' Corps, the Maryland Fifth, the Boston Fusileers, a company of Pennsylvania volunteers, the Grand Army, the naval cadets, the local militia companies, the Signal Corps, and a colored pioneer club.

As the carriages passed down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol, the occupants were greeted with continuous cheers. General Garfield looked somewhat jaded, but doffed his stovepipe hat in response to the shouts, and bowed to the right and left. The crowd all along the line was dense, and it was with difficulty that it could be kept back to make way for the procession. The house windows were all occupied, and presented a varied scene of beautiful women, staid men, fluttering handkerchiefs, uplifted hats, and bright bunting. An armed guard had been posted about the Capitol, and it gave mortal offense to some of the Representatives who tried to force their way in.

As the Senate Chamber is the scene of the swearing in of the Vice- President, and as the galleries hold only about twelve hundred persons, the tickets were in great demand. When the doors were opened at half-past ten there was a rush made for the front seats, and the entire galleries were soon filled. A large majority of the occupants were ladies, fashionably dressed, whose moving fans gave animation to the general effect.

Mrs. Hayes escorted General Garfield's venerable mother and Mrs. Garfield to the gallery seats reserved for them. Mrs. Hayes wore a magnificent sealskin dolman and a black brocaded silk dress, with a white uncut velvet bonnet and ostrich feathers. She carried a bouquet of lilies of the valley. "Mother Garfield," as she was familiarly called, was a white-haired, venerable-looking lady, who wore on that day a black silk bonnet, a black silk dress, and a silk cloak trimmed with a band of silver fox fur. Mrs. General Garfield wore a suit of dark green velvet trimmed with chenille fringe, and a bonnet to match. She carried a bunch of roses. Miss Mollie Garfield wore a plum-colored woolen suit trimmed with plush, and a broad-brimmed gypsy hat, tied down over her ears. Miss Fannie Hayes wore a purple plush suit striped with yellow, and a white felt hat. Officials entitled to admission on the floor of the Senate began to make their appearance and to occupy the vacant chairs, the Senators having doubled up on one side of the Chamber.

When General Hancock, the "superb soldier," entered in full uniform, escorted by Senator Blaine, he was greeted with applause, which continued as he passed around the rear of the Democratic seats to the main aisle, the Senators all being seated on the Republican side. For a few minutes he held a sort of general levee, and was then escorted to a seat in front of and left of the Vice-President, being again greeted with applause. General Sheridan, when he entered, was also applauded. The two Generals sat side by side and each was accompanied by his staff. Sir Edward Thornton headed the Diplomatic Corps, which came in a body, nearly all wearing the resplendent court dresses of their respective nations, and decked with their ribbons, stars, and other insignia of knighthood.

The President of the United States was announced, and all rose as Mr. Hayes entered, escorting General Garfield. The General wore a suit of black cloth, with a black neck-tie, over which his collar was turned down. They were shown to seats in the centre of the Chamber. Mr. Wheeler presented Mr. Arthur, who made a well-worded speech, and was then sworn in by Mr. Wheeler, who in turn made a few remarks, alluding to the good feeling that had always been shown toward him and returning his thanks therefor. His last official act was performed in declaring the Senate of the Forty- sixth Congress adjourned sine die.

Speaker Randall then entered, followed by the Representatives, who filled up what vacant room remained. The Chaplain invoked the blessings of Divine Providence upon the incoming Administration, and asked that prosperity, health, and happiness might attend those whose connection with the Government had ceased. While this prayer was being offered both Mr. Hayes and Mr. Garfield rose and remained standing. President Hayes' proclamation convening a special session of the Senate was read by the Secretary. The roll of the new Senate was then called, and the newly elected Senators were sworn in. Announcement was made that the Senate, the Supreme Court, and the invited spectators would proceed to the east portico of the Capitol to participate in the ceremonies of the inauguration. The greater portion of those in the Senate Chamber, however, did not wait, but started in a most undignified manner for the platform.

This was erected over the lower flight of steps leading up into the eastern portico. In the front and centre was a raised stage, on which was the chair once used by Washington. General Garfield occupied this seat of honor, with President Hayes on his right and Chief Justice Waite on his left.

It was an impressive scene. Behind, as a background, rose the Capitol in its sublime grandeur and with its many memories; all around were the dignitaries of the country, with many ladies, whose ribbons and flowers gave brilliancy to the scene; and in front was an immense sea of upturned faces with lines of bristling bayonets, flags, plumes, and bright uniforms. When silence had been secured General Garfield rose, took off his overcoat, advanced to the front of the stand, and delivered his inaugural address in clear tones and with ringing accents. His face was stronger in those traits that indicate mental power than in classical outlines, and the likeness between him and his mother was noticeable as the evidently delighted old lady sat listening to him. She was the first mother who had heard her son deliver his inaugural as President of the United States. When General Garfield had concluded and the applause had somewhat subsided, the Chief Justice advanced toward him, and the two stood facing each other. The Chief Justice then administered the prescribed oath, which was reverentially taken, and then President Garfield received the plaudits of the people. While the inaugural was being delivered the sun had shone brightly. President Garfield's first act was to kiss his mother and his wife. He then received the congratulations of those around him, and after waiting a few moments for this purpose, was escorted again to his carriage, which was driven to the reviewing stand in front of the White House.

Here General Garfield witnessed the long procession pass in review, the bands playing patriotic airs and the officers saluting. The excellent marching and well-dressed ranks of the passing military was the theme of great praise from the prominent officers and distinguished civilians before whom they passed, and the thousands of spectators who occupied the stands and sidewalks opposite applauded often and loudly. Division after division, brigade after brigade, regiment after regiment, company after company, marched proudly past, forming the finest military display ever witnessed at Washington since the great war reviews, "when Johnny came marching home." Pennsylvania contributed the largest body of troops. The New York Ninth, although late to arrive, was much complimented, and so was the Maryland Fifth; the Boston Fusileers also attracted marked attention. General Sherman was proud of his procession, and he had reason to be. The numerous military commands and civil organizations, the excellent bands, the prancing steeds, the waving plumes and flags, the bright swords and bayonets, and the public spirit which animated the long array, all combined to render the scene a stirring one. It was five o'clock before the military had all passed the reviewing stand, and some of the political organizations which had to leave Washington did not pass in review. Going from the reviewing stand to the White House, President Garfield was welcomed by his aged mother and his family. He then lunched with Mr. and Mrs. Hayes, who soon afterward left for Secretary Sherman's, where they passed the night.

It was fortunate for those who wished to indulge in the time-honored custom of dancing at an inauguration ball that the Government had just completed an immense building for a national museum, which was fitted up for the occasion. Wooden floors were laid by the acre and carefully waxed, and the building was simply yet tastefully decorated. A heroic statue of "Liberty," which stood in the central rotunda of the building, holding aloft a beacon torch, was the first object that struck the visitors on entering. Flags were lavishly displayed, and the high, arched ceiling was almost hidden by a network of evergreens and flowers.

President and Mrs. Garfield arrived at the building about nine o'clock and were received by the Committee, Hon. George Bancroft escorting the President. Mrs. Garfield was dressed with great taste. She wore a dress of light heliotrope satin, elaborately trimmed with point lace, a cluster of pansies at her neck, and no jewelry. Mrs. Hayes, who was escorted by Hon. John Alley, wore a cream-colored satin dress trimmed with ermine.

The supper was served in a temporarily constructed "annex," where preparations were made for seating five hundred persons at a time. The caterer provided fifteen hundred pounds of turkey, one hundred gallons of oysters, fifty hams, three hundred and fifty pounds of butter, seven hundred loaves of bread, two thousand biscuits, one thousand rolls, two hundred gallons of chicken salad, fifteen thousand cakes, one hundred and fifty gallons of ice-cream, fifty gallons of jelly, fifty gallons of water ices, two hundred and fifty gallons of coffee, and other delicacies in proportion.

[Facsimile] J.A.Garfield JAMES ABRAM GARFIELD was born at Orange, Ohio, November 19th, 1831; served in the Union Army as Colonel, Brigadier-General, and Major- General, 1861-1863; was a Representative from Ohio, 1863-1881; was President of the United States from March 4th, 1881, until having been assassinated on the morning of Saturday, July 2d, he, after weary weeks of torture, died at Elberton, N. J., on the seashore, September 19th, 1881.

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XXXVI. CHANGES AND DISSENSIONS

The Senate, which met in executive session when General Garfield was inaugurated, showed many changes. Vice-President Wheeler, who had served in Congress long and well, was replaced by General Arthur, whose war record in the State of New York had won him many friends. Senators Allen Thurman and Matt. Carpenter were missed by their legal friends, but among the new Senators was the ponderous David Davis, "learned in the law." General Hawley replaced Mr. Eaton, and with him there came from the House Messrs. Conger, Mitchell, and Hale. One of the silver kings of the Pacific slope, Mr. Fair, of Nevada, was naturally an object of attention.

As chosen, the Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but the transfer of Messrs. Blaine, Windom, and Kirkwood to the Cabinet gave the Democrats a temporary ascendency. The arrival of Mr. Frye, elected as the successor of Mr. Blaine, and of Mr. McDill, appointed as the successor of Mr. Kirkwood, secured a tie, and the casting vote of Vice-President Arthur enabled the Republicans to secure the control of the committees. The caucus of Republican Senators nominated Senator Anthony for President pro tempore when the Vice-President should vacate the chair; George C. Gorham for Secretary, and Harrison H. Riddleberger, Sergeant-at-Arms. The Democratic Senators refused to permit the election of Messrs. Gorham and Riddleberger, and as seven Senators could at any time prevent action by motions to adjourn, a dead-lock ensued, which lasted from March 23d until May 10th, when the Republicans gracefully surrendered, permitting the Democratic officers of the Senate to retain their places.

Meanwhile there was trouble among the Republican Senators, caused by the rival factions in the State of New York. Early in March several nominations of men who were ostensibly supporters of Mr. Conkling were made unexpectedly to him, and a day or two later the Senate was treated to a genuine surprise in the nomination of W. H. Robertson to be Collector of the Port of New York. The astonishment could not have been greater if the name of Samuel J. Tilden had been sent in. No intimation of such an intention had leaked out. Neither Arthur, Conkling, nor Platt dreamed of such a thing. It was a square blow at Conkling, at the very time when he and his friends were congratulating themselves as being on top. When Vice- President Arthur opened the list of nominations in the Senate, his eye lit first upon the name of Robertson for Collector. He turned the paper down so as to leave that name uppermost, and sent it to Senator Conkling. The latter, upon glancing at it, walked rapidly over to Senator Platt, showed it to him, and they held a whispered conference. After the Senate adjourned, it was learned that the nomination was especially objectionable to them.

It was subsequently stated that in New York city the preceding summer, at Mentor the previous February, and at the White House on the Sunday night before the Wednesday on which Judge Robertson's nomination was sent to the Senate, General Garfield had agreed not to make any appointments for New York unless they were satisfactory to the Republican organization of that State, and that they were to be submitted to the Vice-President and the two Senators from that State. At the interview held on the Sunday night previous to the nomination of Judge Robertson, Senator Conkling had especially objected to having him in the New York Custom House, yet if the President should nominate him to a foreign mission, he would go out in the lobby and hold his nose while the Senate confirmed him.

The objectionable nomination was, however, made, and it was immediately evident that it meant war between the Garfield Administration and Senator Conkling. The next day, while the Senate was in executive session, the President's secretary appeared at the door with a communication, which was handed to the Vice-President, and by him to the Executive Clerk, and read. When it arrived Conkling was sitting at his own desk, buried in a voluminous letter. He never raised his eyes from his letter, nor moved a muscle of his face or body while the Clerk monotonously read the momentous message, withdrawing, not Robertson, but all the nominations of men for the leading New York offices who were acceptable to the Senator. The arrow went home, of course, but the wounded one betrayed no sign of pain.

The nomination was referred to the Committee on Commerce, of which Mr. Conkling was chairman, and was there pigeon-holed until issue on it was squarely made in the Senate and in the Republican party. Republican Senators, who visited the White House or the Departments in search of offices for their henchmen, were plainly told that their votes in favor of the confirmation of Judge Robertson's nomination would be expected. The Democratic Senators were also looked after, and among other means resorted to in order to disarm their opposition was a letter signed by every Democratic member of the New York Legislature, addressed to Senator Pendleton, chairman of the Senatorial caucus, urging the confirmation of Judge Robertson. It would make an Administration and an anti-Administration faction in New York Republicanism, and would secure the State to the Democrats.

Senator Conkling was not idle, and he appealed to the "Senatorial courtesy" of those around him to defeat the obnoxious nomination, but in vain. Senator Jones, of Nevada, and a half-dozen Democrats were all the strength that he could command, and the nomination of Judge Robertson was confirmed. Senator Conkling immediately left the Senate, taking his colleague, Senator Platt, with him, and they appealed to the Legislature of the State of New York, expecting that they would be triumphantly re-elected, and, thus indorsed, would return to the Senate with flying colors, conquering and to conquer.

The exodus of Senators Conkling and Platt left the Republican Senators again in a minority, and as it was evident that Senator Davis would not aid in electing Senator Anthony President pro tem., Vice-President Arthur did not vacate the chair prior to the close of the session, and thus render it necessary to elect a temporary presiding officer.

The most noticeable event of the executive session was a three hours' speech by Senator Mahone, of Virginia, in reply to bitter personal attacks that had been made on him by the Democrats since he had acted with the Republicans. No speech for years had attracted a greater audience, even the diplomatic gallery being crowded. Prominent among the many ladies present were Mrs. Secretary Blaine and Mrs. Kate Chase Sprague, accompanied by her three young daughters. The Supreme Court was present in a body, having adjourned on account of the funeral in the family of Justice Field. Representatives, still hunting for office, abandoned the White House for once, while each Senator seemed to have a score of secretaries, so many persons being admitted upon secretaries' cards. The Speaker was surrounded by Anthony, Morrill, Allison, Conger, and other leading Republicans. On the opposite side was Davis, of West Virginia, with a snowy white spot on his dark chin beard. Wade Hampton's military waxed moustache and haughty countenance was beside the genial face of Senator Pendleton, and next came the sagacious round head of Senator Beck, with close-cut, curling hair. Ingalls, of Kansas, a tall, slim collegian--"the bluejay of the plains"--clad in blue from head to foot, and with a bright blue ribbon encircling his slender throat, stood somewhat back of the seats. Senator Voorhees' form towered in the shadow of the cloak-room. Senator Conkling, who had not yet left the Senate, "Fier d'etre moi," sat in the middle aisle, dressed in a mixed brown business suit, with a bit of red handkerchief showing above the breast pocket.

Senator Mahone was just recovering from a temporary indisposition, and his voice was faint and thin, but his bearing was defiant as he rose, with his pointed beard streaming over his breast, and adjusted his gold-rimmed eye-glasses. A mass of public documents and newspapers were piled on his desk, with an ominous display of cut lemons, showing that he expected to be compelled to strengthen his voice. His weight at that time was but ninety pounds, and those ninety pounds must have been composed of brain and voice and sinew, for, notwithstanding his evident feebleness, he spoke calmly and earnestly for three hours. As for the speech, those who came expecting to witness a renewal of the outburst of passion and invective which characterized his first appearance in the Senate, when he made his impromptu, eloquent reply to the savage assaults of Senator Ben. Hill, of Georgia, went away disappointed. There was very little that was personal in his speech, but there was enough to show that the Virginia Senator intended on all occasions to take care of himself, and that it would be wise for the Bourbons to forego personalities in their future debates with him. Those who came to hear a careful explanation of the debt question in Virginia, as it was understood by the Refunders, and to listen to an exposition of the opposition to Bourbonism, of which General Mahone was a leader, went away enlightened, if not fully satisfied. The speech was not intended as a philippic; it was designed as a careful exposition of the Virginia debt question, as an argument in support of the Readjuster party, and an arraignment of the Bourbons. It was one of the old style, solid political speeches, customary with Southern orators, which were much sought and generally read in the cross-roads counties of the Old Dominion, where the telegraph and the newspapers had usurped the ancient functions of the Congressional Record.

Senator Mahone indicated, possibly, a line for future aggressive debate in the Senate when he called upon the leaders of the different schools of finance and tariff in the Democratic party to stand up and tell him who was the leader of the party. He was unable to say whether it was the stalwart Greenbacker, Mr. Voorhees, the stalwart hard-money man, Mr. Bayard, or the author of the Ohio idea, Mr. Pendleton, and he called upon Mr. Voorhees, whose silver eloquence, he said, he had heard could make the water of the Wabash run backward, to answer the inquiry at his leisure. The general assaults upon him personally Senator Mahone repelled by a disclaimer and the Scotch quotation ending,

"If thou sayest I am not peer, To any lord of Scotland here, Highland or Lowland, far or near, Lord Angus, thou hast lied."

In conclusion, Senator Mahone declared to him and to those who supported him the Solid South had become a mere geographical expression, that he and they stood for the right of freemen, and that he, in the name of the brave men who stood behind him, would guarantee to the North that thereafter in Virginia there should be a full and free ballot and an honest count.

President Garfield's first appearance in public after his inauguration was at the unveiling of the statue of Farragut, which was the work of his protege, Mrs. Vinnie Ream Hoxie. A procession was formed at the Capitol, and was headed by Commodore Baldwin, as Grand Marshal, with the Naval School Cadets as an escort. The naval division, commanded by Captain Meade, included the battalion of marines and band, two infantry battalions of sailors and bands, and a battalion of naval light artillery, dragging their howitzers. The army division, commanded by Colonel Pennington, included the Second Artillery band, four batteries of artillery armed and equipped as infantry, and a light battery. The militia division, commanded by Colonel Webster, included the volunteer infantry companies of Washington, white and colored, with a battery of artillery.

The procession marched to the statue, where seats had been provided for invited guests. When the troops had been massed near by, Rev. Arthur Brooks offered prayer, and the canvas covering was then removed from the statue by Quartermaster Knowles, of the navy, who was ordered by the executive officer of the Hartford to follow Farragut up the shrouds during the engagement in Mobile Bay, and to lash him to the rigging, which he did. Bartholomew Diggins, who was captain of Farragut's barge, then hoisted the Admiral's flag on a mast planted near the pedestal, the drums beat four ruffles, the trumpets sounded four flourishes, the Marine Band played a march, and an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns was fired from a naval battery, the troops presenting arms at the first gun and coming to a "carry" at the last.

Brief addresses were then delivered in turn by President Garfield, Horace Maynard, and Senator Voorhees. The Marine Band played "Hail to the Chief," and was followed by an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns, during which the troops presented arms, drums beat, trumpets sounded, and bands played, and at last gun the Admiral's flag was hauled down. The column then re-formed and marched in review before the President at the Executive Mansion.

President Garfield, later in the spring, conferred the degrees at the College for Deaf Mutes at Kendall Green, just north of Washington. The graduates delivered addresses in sign language, while one of the College professors read their remarks from manuscript, very few of the audience understanding the gestured speech. The President concluded a neat little address by saying: "During many years of political life in one way or another, I always looked upon this place as a neutral ground, where we all, no matter what the political differences were, could meet, all trying to make this institution worthy the capital, and I hope to see this unchanged by any political vicissitudes that can happen."

President Garfield showed deep practical interest in all educational measures. He had learned by his own experiences how rough the road to literary eminence may be. He had received for himself when a boy the slender aid of a winter school in a country district; he had fed his early mental cravings with the narrow store of borrowed books in a rural section; but he had studied diligently and worked hard to enter college and to graduate, and his subsequent life for many years was one of unintermitted mental toil. No wonder, therefore, that institutions of learning received his constant attention.

[Facsimile] DavidDavis DAVID DAVIS was born in Cecil County, Maryland, March 9th, 1815; was graduated from Kenyon College in 1832; studied law at the New Haven Law School; was admitted to the bar, and commenced practice at Bloomington, Illinois, in 1836; was Judge of an Illinois Circuit Court, 1848-1862; was appointed by President Lincoln a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States in October, 1862, and served until March 5th, 1877, when he resigned to take his seat as United States Senator from Illinois; when Vice-President Arthur became President he was chosen President pro tempore of the Senate, and served until March 3d, 1883, and died at Bloomington, Illinois, June 26th, 1886.

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XXXVII. THE ASSASSINATION

General Garfield was a singularly domestic man, and his life while he was a Representative, at his pleasant home on I Street was a happy one. Believing in the power of steady and sincere labor, he had mastered language, science, literature, and the fine arts. Artists found in him a zealous advocate for their employment and remuneration by Congress, and he was thoroughly acquainted with the works of the old masters. He was a great lover of scrap-books, and he had in his library a shelf full of them, containing articles and paragraphs relating to the subjects lettered on their back. In this work Mrs. Garfield rendered him valuable aid, cutting and sorting the scraps which he would mark in newspapers, and then pasting them into the scrap-books.

Freemasonry was very dear to General Garfield, who was a regular attendant on the meetings of the lodge, chapter, and encampment with which he was affiliated. He was the President of a literary association, the meetings of which he used to attend with great regularity. Occasionally he went to the theatre or to a concert, and I well remember the delight which he manifested when attending the "readings" of Charles Dickens. When the "Christmas Carol" was read, as Mr. Dickens pronounced the words, "Bless his heart, it's Fezziwig alive yet," a dog, with some double bass vocalism, stirred, perhaps, by some ghostly impulse, responded: "Bow! wow! wow!" with a repetition that not only brought down the house wildly, but threw Mr. Dickens himself into such convulsions of humor that he could not proceed with his readings. "Bow! wow! wow!" was General Garfield's favorite greeting for months afterward when he met any one whom he knew to have been at the lecture.

The White House, during the short time that General Garfield was permitted to occupy it, was a continued scene of domestic enjoyment. "Mother" Garfield had an honored place at the family table at her son's right hand, and was always waited on first, whoever else might be present. On the other side of the President sat Jamie, who was his father's pet. Harry, the oldest boy, always sat next his mother, and then Miss Mollie, who was approaching womanhood, Irwin, and little Abram, who was but nine years of age. Mrs. Garfield was a believer in good fare, and there was always an abundance of wholesome, nutritious food, with good coffee, tea, and milk. Flowers from the conservatory adorned the table at every meal. After dinner President Garfield used to indulge in a game of billiards, having promptly restored to its place the billiard- table banished by Mrs. Hayes. Occasionally he would indulge in a cigar, and he was not averse to a glass of champagne or Rhine wine or lager beer, although he drank temperately and without hypocrisy. He liked, as night came on, to take a gallop on horseback, and he was a fearless rider.

General Garfield displayed the advantage of having been regularly "trained" for his Presidential position. He heard the stories of all with a sympathetic manner that inspired confidence. He knew how to free himself from those who attempted to monopolize too much of his time, and he never gave place-hunters reason to believe that their prayers would be granted when he knew that it would not be so. There was not, after all, such a crowd of office-seekers as might have been expected at the commencement of a new Administration. Some members of the Cabinet had scores of political mortgages out, which they were called upon to redeem, and which gave the President a great deal of trouble. Then came the rejection of a Solicitor- General by the Senate, whose appointment was not acceptable to the pragmatical Attorney-General, New York troubles, the forced exposure of the Star-route scandals, and other antagonisms, rivalries, and dissensions. The Garfield Administration was on the verge of dissolution within four months after its creation.

Mrs. Garfield, familiarly called by her husband "Crete," held four successive receptions of invited guests immediately after the inauguration, at which her deportment and dress met with the heartiest commendation of "society." Lady-like, sweet-voiced, unruffled, well informed, and always appropriately dressed, she was eminently fitted to be "the first lady in the land," and she quietly yet firmly repelled any patronizing attempts to direct her movements. She had a natural aversion to publicity, but was anxious to entertain the thousands who flocked to the White House. To a stranger she appeared reticent and rather too retiring to make him feel at home, but the second and third time he saw her he began to appreciate her sterling, womanlike qualities, and to like her.

During the Presidential campaign Mrs. Garfield had been under a mental strain, and when installed in the White House the struggle between the contending New York factions gave her great uneasiness, for she possessed a complete mastery of politics. At last she was taken ill, and called in a lady physician, a responsible middle- aged woman, homoeopathic in practice, who had sometimes attended the children. When she grew worse they summoned Dr. Pope, a homoeopath of skill and reputation, and gave the case into his hands, retaining the lady as nurse. Last of all, as the physician wished consultation, they sent for Dr. Boynton, of Cleveland, a cousin of the President and a physician of good local practice. It was decided that Mrs. Garfield should seek change of air, and she left Washington and her husband for Long Branch, little dreaming that she should never see him again in health.

Then came the fatal morning of Saturday, July 2d, when--as we are told by Mr. Blaine, who accompanied him--General Garfield was a happy man, feeling that trouble lay behind him and not before him, that he was soon to meet his beloved wife, recovered from an illness that had disquieted him, and that he was going to his Alma Mater to renew the most cherished association of his early manhood. Thus gladsome, he entered the station of the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad, strong, healthy, and happy. There was a succession of pistol-shots, and he fell helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture as he slowly descended through the martyr-gate into his grave.

The nation was inexpressibly shocked as the news of the assassination spread over the wires, and the deep anxiety which pervaded the popular mind showed the warm and intense love felt for their President, who was the incarnation of their own institutions. A special train carried Mrs. Garfield to Washington, bearing up under the weight of her sorrow with true womanly fortitude, and on her arrival she had the satisfaction of finding her husband alive and able to converse with her. There were hopes that with his heroic and cheerful courage, and his naturally strong constitution, he might struggle back to vigorous life. The bulletins issued twice a day by the physicians in attendance gave hopes, generally, of the ultimate recovery of the suffering patient, but there are good reasons for believing that these bulletins did not give a correct statement of the sufferer's condition. The President's family physician, Dr. J. H. Baxter, was not allowed to see him, and eminent surgeons, while they believed that death was inevitable, asserted that the entire diagnosis of the case was wrong from the beginning to the end. Meanwhile the patient endured pain with the calmness of a martyr, and he gazed on death with the eye of a philosopher. "I am not afraid to die," said he, "but I will try to live." He was finally taken to the seaside, and there he breathed his last.

His remains were conveyed to Washington, attended by his bereaved family, President Arthur, General Grant, and other distinguished persons, and escorted to the Capitol by the Knights Templar and the military. Twenty-nine weeks previous, when General Garfield had gone in state, in the strength of his manhood, along Pennsylvania Avenue, the Via Sacra of our Republic, to assume the responsible duties of Chief Magistrate, the bands had played patriotic airs, and he had received the loud acclaims of his fellow-citizens. Now, as his mortal remains passed over the same route in a hearse drawn by six white horses, the lively music was replaced by the solemn strains of funeral marches, and sorrow appeared to fill every breast.

The casket was laid in state beneath the great dome of the Capitol, within a short distance of the spot where, on the 4th of March previous, the occupant had pronounced his inaugural address. For two days thousands of citizens, of all classes, conditions, and nationalities, reverentially filed past the coffin and gazed upon the wasted form and pallid lineaments of the deceased. On Friday the afflicted widow took the last look at the face of the dead, and after she had left the impressive funeral ceremonies were performed. The remains were then escorted by the military, their arms reversed, their flags shrouded, and their bands wailing dirges, to the depot where the assassination took place, where they were placed on a railroad train to be conveyed to Cleveland with his family and a large number of distinguished mourners.

The funeral train arrived at Cleveland on the afternoon of September 24th, and on the 26th the remains of the nation's second martyr- President were consigned to their last resting-place, amid the flashing lightning and the rolling thunder of a severe storm. The day was consecrated all over the country to manifestation of respect for the memory of the dead, and messages of condolence were flashed beneath the Atlantic from the leading foreign powers of the Old World, expressing their regard for the memory of a ruler who had endeared himself to the wide world by the heroism of humanity. As the muffled bells in fifty thousand steeples tolled the burial hour, the hearts of fifty millions of people beat in homage to the deceased President, whose remains were being entombed on the shore of Lake Erie. Public and private edifices were lavishly decorated in black, there were processions in the Northern cities, and funeral services in many congregations, eliciting the remark that the prayers of Christian people in all quarters of the globe "following the sun and keeping company with the hours," had circled the earth with an unbroken strain of mourning and sympathy. Criticism was silenced, faults were forgotten, and nothing but good was spoken of the dead.

Charles Guiteau, the cowardly wretch who assassinated General Garfield, was a native of Chicago, thirty-six years of age, short in stature, and with a well-knit, stout frame. He had led a vagabond life, and had come to Washington after the inauguration of General Garfield, seeking appointment to a foreign consulate, and when he found himself disappointed, his morbid imagination sought revenge. Attorney-General MacVeagh, who was then bent on making political mischief by the Star-route prosecutions, made himself ridiculous when General Garfield died by asserting that the United States had jurisdiction over the cottage in which the President died, and endeavoring to exclude the New Jersey authorities. He then appeared to take no interest in the prosecution of Guiteau, and although he had employed eminent legal talent in the Star-route and Howgate cases, he gave District Attorney Corkhill no aid in the trial of the assassin until President Arthur gave peremptory instructions that Messrs. Porter and Davidge should be employed. They came in to the case at a late day, and were forced to depend almost wholly upon the District-Attorney for bearings.

Colonel George A. Corkhill, the District Attorney, was a native of Ohio, then forty-four years of age. After graduating from the Iowa Wesleyan University he entered Harvard Law School, where he remained over a year, when, at the breaking out of the Rebellion, he entered the army, serving faithfully until the close of the war. After having practiced at St. Louis, he married a daughter of Justice Miller, of the Supreme Court, and came to Washington in 1872 as editor of the Daily Chronicle. In January, 1880, President Hayes appointed him District Attorney.

From the day on which General Garfield was shot, Colonel Corkhill began industriously to "work up the case." He obtained the evidence, studied precedents, hunted up witnesses, and, unaided by any other counsel, had Guiteau indicted and arraigned. The admirable preparation of the case, the spirit of justice, the fairness so liberally extended to the prisoner and his counsel, and the judicious and effective conduct of the trial to a just and satisfactory conclusion were mainly due to him. His management of the case from the start was beyond all praise. From his opening speech he displayed great good sense, added to a perfect understanding of the facts, a marked talent for criminal practice, thorough judgment of men, and an extraordinary dignity of bearing. With admirable temper and self-control, he submitted to indignity and insult in the court-house, which the judge was unable to restrain, and to unmerited obloquy, without arousing misapprehension and misconstruction.

The trial lasted eleven weeks, but it could not be said to have been a wearying or tiresome exhibition. On the contrary, none of the sensational plays that had been in vogue for years past had been crowded with more dramatic situations and unexpected displays.

This most remarkable of criminal trials came at last to an end, and the promptitude of the jury in rendering a verdict of "guilty," conveyed a sharp rebuke to the lawyers who spent so many wearisome days in summing up the case. In due time atonement for the great crime was made on the scaffold, so far, at least, as human laws can go. The nation then rested easier and breathed freer, happy in the fact that the meanest of cowardly knaves had passed to his long account.

[Facsimile] Leut Genl P.H. Sheridan PHILIP HENRY SHERIDAN was born at Somerset, Ohio, March 6th, 1831; was graduated from the Military Academy at West Point, and commissioned as Brevet Second Lieutenant July 1st, 1853; served on the Pacific coast, and at the outbreak of the War for the Suppression of the Rebellion was Chief Quartermaster of the Army of Missouri; distinguished himself as a cavalry commander; he was made Brigadier and then Major-General of Volunteers, and received the commission of Major-General in the regular army for his gallantry at Cedar Creek, October 19th, 1864, when he achieved a brilliant victory for the third time in pitched battle within thirty days; was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General March 4th, 1869, and became Commander of the Army on the retirement of General Sherman, February 8th, 1884.

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XXXVIII. VICE-PRESIDENT ARTHUR BECOMES PRESIDENT

When President Garfield was assassinated Vice-President Arthur was on his way from Albany to New York, on a steamboat, and received the intelligence on landing. That night he went to Washington, where he was the guest of Senator Jones, who then occupied the large granite house directly south of the Capitol, erected a few years previously by General Butler. On the evening of July 4th, when the President's death seemed imminent, Secretary Blaine visited Mr. Arthur and said: "The end is at hand; the President is dying; you must prepare to assume the responsibilities which the Constitution places upon you in such an event."

Mr. Arthur, sick with sorrow, reluctantly accepted as true the statement respecting the President's condition, and replied that when the Cabinet and Justice Field, the senior Justice of the Supreme Court, then in Washington, should call upon him, he would be ready to take the oath of office. Soon afterward, while waiting in sorrowful expectation that the next moment might bring him the sad news that the President had died, the door-bell was rung violently, and an orderly handed in a message from Secretary Blaine, which the Vice-President eagerly snatched, opened, and read. "Thank God!" he said, handing it to Senator Jones.

It announced that with the rising of the cool breeze, the President's condition had changed for the better. No apprehension of his immediate death was entertained.

The next morning a correspondent who called on the Vice-President alluded to editorials in a Democratic paper at Louisville, and a Republican paper at New York, connecting his name and that of Senator Conkling with Guiteau's crime. The Vice-President seemed deeply moved by these insinuations. "No one," he said, "deplores the calamity more than Senator Conkling and myself. These reports are so base and so unfounded that I cannot believe they will be credited. They do not affect Senator Conkling and myself as much as they do the entire country. They are a slur upon our institutions, an attack upon the integrity of republican government. Good God! if such a thing were possible, then liberty is impossible. Such a calamity as this should be treated as national, not only by every citizen, but by the entire press of the country. Party and faction should be forgotten in the general grief."

After condemning the perpetrator of the crime in the strongest terms, the Vice-President said: "If it were possible for me to be with the President, I would not only offer him my sympathy, I would ask that I might remain by his bedside. All personal considerations and political views must be merged in the national sorrow. I am an American among millions of Americans grieving for their wounded chief."

The Vice-President remained at Washington until the President was taken to Long Beach. He continued to experience great mental anguish, never even alluding to the chances of his becoming President of the United States. He went from Washington to his own home in New York, where he received news of the President's death on the evening of its occurrence. It had been determined between Vice- President Arthur and the members of the Cabinet that in the event of the President's death his successor should be sworn in without delay. Justice Brady was sent for, and the oath was administered in the presence of eight persons. At its conclusion the President, who had stood with uplifted hand, said, impressively, "So help me, God, I do!" A few moments afterward his son, Alan, approached, and laying one hand on his father's shoulder, kissed him.

President Arthur repeated the oath of office in the Vice-President's room at the Capitol on the twenty-second of September. The members of General Garfield's Cabinet, who had been requested by his successor to continue for the present in charge of their respective departments, were then present, with General Sherman in full uniform, ex-Presidents Hayes and Grant, and Chief Justice Waite, in his judicial robes, escorted by Associate Justices Harlan and Matthews. There were also present Senators Anthony, Sherman, Edmunds, Hale, Blair, Dawes, and Jones, of Nevada, and Representatives Amos Townsend, McCook, Errett, Randall, Hiscock, and Thomas. Ex-Vice- President Hamlin, of Maine, and Speaker Sharpe, of New York, were also present.

When President Arthur entered the room, escorted by General Grant and Senator Jones, he advanced to a small table, on which was a Bible, and behind which stood the Chief Justice, who raised the sacred volume, opened it, and presented it to the President, who placed his right hand upon it. Chief Justice Waite then slowly administered the oath, and at its conclusion the President kissed the book, responding "I will, so help me God!" He then read a brief but eloquent inaugural address.

As President Arthur read his inaugural address his voice trembled, but his manner was impressive, and the eyes of many present were moistened with tears. The first one to congratulate him when he had concluded was Chief Justice Waite, and the next was Secretary Blaine. After shaking him by the hand, those present left the room, which was closed to all except the members of the Cabinet, who there held their first conference with the President. At this Cabinet meeting a proclamation was prepared and signed by President Arthur, designating the following Monday as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer.

President Arthur soon showed his appreciation of the responsibilities of his new office. Knowing principles rather than persons, he subordinated individual preferences and prejudices to a well-defined public policy. While he was, as he always had been, a Republican, he had no sympathy for blind devotion to party; he had "no friends to reward, no enemies to punish," and he was governed by those principles of liberty and equality which he inherited. His messages to Congress were universally commended, and even unfriendly critics pronounced them careful and well-matured documents. Their tone was more frank and direct that was customary in such papers, and their recommendations, extensive and varied as they were, showed that he had patiently reviewed the field of labor so sadly and so unexpectedly opened before him, and that he was not inclined to shirk the constitutional duty of aiding Congress by his suggestions and advice. An honest man, who believed in his own principles, who followed his own convictions, and who never hesitated to avow his sentiments, he gave his views in accordance with his deliberate ideas of right.

The foreign relations of the United States were conducted by Secretary Frelinghuysen, under the President's direction, in a friendly spirit, and, when practicable, with a view to mutual commercial advantages. He took a conservative view of the management of the public debt, approving all the important suggestions of the Secretary of the Treasury and recognizing the proper protection of American industry. He was in favor of the great interests of labor, and opposed to such tinkering with the tariff as would make vain the toil of the industrious farmer, paralyze the arm of the sturdy mechanic, strike down the hand of the hardy laborer, stop the spindle, hush the loom, extinguish the furnace fires, and degrade all independent toilers to the level of the poor in other lands. The architect of his own fortune, he had a strong and abiding sympathy for those bread-winners who struggle against poverty.

The reform of the civil service met with President Arthur's earnest support, and his messages showed that every department of the Government had received his careful administration. Following the example of Washington, he had personally visited several sections of the United States, and had especially made himself thoroughly acquainted with the great and complicated problem of Indian civilization.

President Arthur's Administration was characterized by an elevated tone at home and abroad. All important questions were carefully discussed at the council table, at which the President displayed unusual powers of analysis and comprehension. The conflicting claims of applicants for appointments to offices in his gift were carefully weighed, and no action was taken until all parties interested had a hearing. The President had a remarkable insight into men, promptly estimating character with an accuracy that made it a difficult matter to deceive him, or to win his favor either for visionary schemes, corrupt attacks upon the Treasury, or incompetent place-hunters.

Possessing moral firmness and a just self-reliance, President Arthur did not hesitate about vetoing the "Chinese Bill," and the "Bill making Appropriations for Rivers and Harbors," for reasons which he laid before Congress in his veto messages. The wisdom and sagacity which he displayed in his management of national affairs was especially acceptable to the business interests of the country. They tested his administration by business principles, and they felt that so long as he firmly grasped the helm of the ship of state, she would pursue a course of peace and prosperity.

President Arthur convened the Senate for the transaction of executive business on the 10th of October, 1881. The galleries of the Senate Chamber were filled at an early hour on that day, and those who had the privilege of the floor availed themselves of it. Roscoe Conkling's absence was, of course, noticed by those who had seen him occupying a seat in the very centre of the Senate Chamber during the past fourteen years. That seat was occupied by Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin, a gray-haired, tall, spare man, who lacked only the kilt and plaid to make him a perfect Scotchman. General Burnside's seat was occupied by Eugene Hale, a graceful and ready debater, while in the place of Mr. Blaine was Senator Frye, his successor. Senator Edmunds returned rejuvenated, and although he appeared to miss his old friend and antagonist, Senator Thurman, he gave potent evidence during the afternoon of his ability as an intellectual gladiator, strong in argument, ready in retort, and displaying great parliamentary keenness and knowledge of affairs.

Senator Anthony, the Republican nominee for the President of the Senate pro tempore, sat a quiet observer of the contest, and around him were Allison, Sherman, Dawes, Ingalls, Hoar, Logan, and the other Republican war-horses, with the more recent comers, including Hale, Mitchell, and Conger. With them, if not of them, was General Mahone, with the delicate frame of a woman, a large head covered with flowing brown hair, sharp, piercing eyes, a flowing beard, and a manner which showed his revolutionary instincts.

Mr. Pendleton, portly and gentlemanly, was the central figure on the Democratic side, as their caucus Chairman. At the commencement of the session, the Democratic nominee for the Presidency--Bayard --sat by his side to give him counsel. Senator Harris, of Tennessee, who would have liked himself to be President pro tem., was a better parliamentarian, to whom the rules and the manual were as familiar as "household words." Senator Jones, of Florida, the best Constitutional lawyer in the body, had some volumes of debates on his desk, and was examining the precedents. Senator Ben. Hill sat leaning back in his chair apparently rather dejected, but his countenance lighted up as he gave Edmunds a cordial greeting. Senators Lamar and Butler, and Ransom and Hampton, were all in their seats, and on the sofa behind them were ex-Senators Gordon and Withers, and a dozen or more Democratic Representatives.

After prayer had been offered and the President's proclamation had been read, Senator Pendleton offered a resolution declaring Mr. Bayard President pro tem. Senator Edmunds adroitly endeavored to secure the admission of Messrs. Lapham, Miller, and Aldrich, but in vain. At first, Senator Davis voted with the Republicans in a low and undecided tone, but when the final vote came he did not vote at all. This was interpreted to mean that he would not vote, after the three Senators had been admitted, to oust Mr. Bayard, and without his vote it could not be done.

The next day Senators Lapham and Miller, of New York, and Aldrich, of Rhode Island, were duly qualified, and the Republicans reversed the election of the preceding day by electing Senator David Davis President pro tem. He was not willing to aid in the election of Senator Anthony as presiding officer and he voted to oust Senator Bayard from the chair, but abstained from voting when his own name was presented by Senator Logan. Senator Davis, then in his sixty- seventh year, was a genial gentleman, and moved about with great activity, considering that he weighed some three hundred and fifty pounds. On that day he was more carefully dressed than usual, wearing a black broadcloth coat, light trousers and vest, a white cravat, and low-quartered shoes. He knew what was in store for him, and a placid smile showed his satisfaction. It was as good as a play to see him, his broad countenance wreathed in smiles, escorted to the President's chair by Senator Bayard, who had been deposed by his vote, and by Senator Anthony, who would have been elected if Davis would have voted for him. In a brief speech he accepted the position as a tribute to the independent ground which he claimed to have long occupied in the politics of the country.

[Facsimile] Chester A. Arthur CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR was born at Fairfield, Vt., October 5th, 1830; was graduated from Union College in 1845; studied law and commenced practice in New York city; was appointed by President Grant Collector of the Port of New York in November, 1871; was elected Vice-President on the Garfield ticket, and inaugurated, March 4th, 1881; on the death of President Garfield, September 19th, 1881, he became President, serving until March 4th, 1885; died in New York, November 18th, 1886.

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XXXIX. THE CENTENNIAL OF YORKTOWN

President Arthur was a man of gracious presence, of good education, of extensive reading, and of courteous manners, refined by his having mingled in New York society. He was always well dressed, usually wearing in his office a Prince Albert coat, buttoned closely in front, with a flower in the upper button-hole, and the corner of a colored silk handkerchief visible from a side pocket. Dignified, as became his exalted station, he never slapped his visitors' shoulders, or called them by their Christian names, but he treated them as entitled to his consideration without that stilted courtesy which rebuffs even when veneered with formal civility. He was a good listener and he conversed freely, although he carefully avoided committing himself upon political questions, and never indulged in criticisms of those arrayed in opposition to him. The code of etiquette first adopted by General Washington on the recommendation of General Hamilton, from which there had been departures in recent years, was re-established, except that President Arthur occasionally accepted invitations to dinner. He devotedly cherished the memory of his deceased wife, before whose picture in the White House a vase of fresh flowers was placed daily, and he was affectionately watchful over his son Alan, a tall student at Princeton College, and his daughter Nellie, who was just entering into womanhood.

Soon after the commencement of the October session of Congress, Washington was enlivened by the official reception of the French and German officers, who came as the nation's guests to witness the dedication of a national monument at Yorktown on the centennial of the victory which those nations helped the revolutionary colonists to win. The day was bright and sunny, and there was a general display of flags, those of France and Germany mingling with the stars and stripes. There were nearly forty of the guests, all wearing the uniforms of their respective positions. The Frenchmen regarded the Germans with manifest hatred, while the latter evidently remembered that their comrades had recently triumphantly occupied the French capital.

The guests, under the escort of the French and German Ministers, were first driven to the Department of State. There, Assistant- Secretary Hitt received them at the foot of the staircase and led the way to the diplomatic reception-room. There they were cordially received by Secretary Blaine, to whom each one was presented, and he then presented them to the other members of the Cabinet. Many complimentary remarks were interchanged, but there were no set speeches; and after remaining a quarter of an hour or so the guests re-entered their carriages and were escorted to the Capitol. Pennsylvania Avenue presented an animated appearance, the gay and varied dresses of the ladies at the windows and on the sidewalks forming a kaleidoscopic framework for the column of citizen soldiers. The District militiamen never looked better nor stepped more proudly, and five companies of colored men marched with the swinging gait of veterans. The civic portion of the procession was a failure, but this was atoned for by the well-organized Fire Department with its apparatus.

Meanwhile, those fortunate in having received invitations congregated in the rotunda of the Capitol, which was still heavily draped in black in honor of the last assassinated President, whose remains had lain in state there but a few days previously. Among the gentlemen and ladies who had been asked to witness the welcome extended by the Chief Magistrate to the representatives of our ancient allies were General Sherman, wearing his showy gala uniform, a score or more of other military and naval officers, Senator Dawes and wife, Commissioner Loring and wife, nearly all of the Senators, and a few Representatives.

At last the nation's guests entered from the eastern portico, preceded by Secretary Blaine and the French Minister, and walking by twos, according to their respective ranks. Passing around the southeastern wall, the head of the column halted before the door leading to the House of Representatives. The gay uniforms worn by the greater portion of them relieved the sombreness of the black suits of their civilian associates. Monsieur Outrey, the French Minister, wore a black dress suit, while Herr von Scholzer, the diplomatic representative of Germany, appeared in a gold-embroidered court dress. The French army officers all wore red trousers, with the exception of one in white breeches and high boots, and their uniforms and equipments were very handsome. The Germans had a more soldier-like appearance, as if they meant business and not show.

President Arthur, who had not removed from "Castle Butler" to the White House, came over, and for the first time occupied the President's room adjacent to the Senate Chamber. Secretary Blaine went there for him, and advanced with him to where the French Minister stood in the rotunda. President Arthur was attired in a full suit of black, with black cravat and gloves. The French Minister introduced the President to the French guests, and then the German Minister introduced him to the German guests. Secretary Lincoln then passed along the line with the army officers, and then came Secretary Hunt with the naval officers. Pleasant little speeches were exchanged, and there was no end of bowing and hand- shaking.

As the hour of three approached, the Senators gradually returned to their desks in the Senate Chamber, and they found the galleries, which they had left empty, filled with ladies, whose bright attire was equal to the variegated hues of a bed of blooming tulips. Some routine business was transacted, and then the nation's guests, who had been accorded the privilege of the floor, came in, escorted by Mr. Blaine, and took a row of seats which encircled the chamber behind the desks. Senator Bayard then rose, and in an eloquent and graceful little speech alluded to the presence of the distinguished citizens of our sister Republic of France and the Empire of Germany, who had come here to join in celebrating the victory of Yorktown. He concluded by asserting that he spoke the sentiments of the American Senate by saying that they were most welcome, and moved a recess of half an hour, that the Senators might individually pay their respects to them. The motion was carried amid loud applause, and then the visitors were presented to President David Davis and the Senators. When the introductions were over, the guests were shown to their carriages and driven back to the Arlington.

As the evening approached and the twilight deepened crowds flocked to the White House grounds and vicinity to witness the display of fireworks. Pennsylvania Avenue was brilliant with electric and calcium lights and myriads of paper lanterns. The fireworks were very excellent, and several of the pieces were loudly applauded.

President Arthur and his Cabinet, with many Senators and Representatives, officers of the army and navy, and their ladies went with the nation's guests to Yorktown on a fleet of steamboats. There the Governors of the original States, each with a militia escort, with a military and naval force of regulars, joined in the centennial exercises. Virginia hospitality was dispensed on the Congressional steamer by Senator Johnston, Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, who exceeded the liberal appropriation some twenty thousand dollars, much of which was for liquors and champagne. Congress finally voted the necessary amount without the filing of detailed vouchers.

Secretary Blaine's entertainment to the nation's guests, at Wormley's Hotel, was the most sumptuous and enjoyable evening party ever given at Washington. The doors connecting the parlors and those leading into the hall had been removed, and in their places were curtains of gray damask, bordered with cardinal red. The stars and stripes were conspicuously displayed, and there was a lavish display of rare plants, variegated foliage, and vines. From the keystones of the arches which divided the rooms were suspended floral globes, and the chandeliers were festooned with garlands. In the hall was the full Marine Band, in evening dress, with their string and reed instruments.

A few moments before ten o'clock Secretary and Mrs. Blaine arrived, and took their position in the outside parlor, near the entrance. Mr. Blaine was in excellent health and spirits, displaying that bonhomie for which he is so justly famed. Mrs. Blaine wore an evening dress of white brocaded satin, with a long train, trimmed with lace and pearls.

An usher, who knew every one, and who could pronounce the names and give the rank of the numerous foreigners, announced the guests as they entered. The French were the first to arrive, followed by the Germans, and after they had paid their respects they were ranged next to Mr. Blaine, and the other guests, as they arrived, were also presented to them. The French and German officers wore their respective uniforms, with their decorations of various orders of knighthood, and the civilians were in full evening dress, many wearing decorations. Madame la Marquise de Rochambeau wore an evening dress of royal purple, moire antique silk, trimmed with heliotrope plush and a profusion of rare lace.

The Diplomatic Corps was out in force, and several of the Foreign Ministers were accompanied by their wives. Madame Outrey, wife of the French Minister, wore a white brocade with a sweeping train, trimmed with lace, and a rare set of diamonds. Madame Bartholomei, wife of the Russian Minister, wore a court dress of black satin brocade, trimmed with jet, and a magnificent set of emeralds and diamonds.

The army was well represented, headed by General Sherman in his gala uniform, with its golden baldric, and there were Admirals and Commodores enough to man a vessel. The foreigners were much interested in Admiral Worden, who commanded the Monitor in the critical iron-clad fight.

A quorum of the Senate was present, with their burly President, David Davis, and there were not a few Representatives, including Messrs. Kasson and Hiscock, the rival candidates for the Speakership. Senators Cameron, Bayard, Voorhees, and Butler were accompanied by their daughters. Chief Justice Waite and nearly all of the Associate Justices were present, and also the members of the Cabinet, with the exception of Attorney-General MacVeagh, who, of course, stayed away. The journalists invited, several of them accompanied by their wives, showed that Mr. Blaine never forgot his original calling.

The supper-table extended the whole length of the dining-room, and it was laid with exquisite taste. The ware was the finest Dresden china, much of the silver was gilded, and the glass was of the newest patterns. A profusion of roses in low mounds set off these appointments to great advantage. As for the menu, it comprised terrapin, canvas-backs, oysters, and saddles of mutton, with all the recognized masterpieces of French culinary art. Even the young French and German officers, who had scowled at each other as they had bowed salutations with formal politeness earlier in the evening, fraternized at the supper-table. I saw a young Frenchman look approvingly on as a stalwart German Captain effected an entrance into a Strasburg pie and dealt out its toothsome contents, and the Teutons, whose favorite tipple had been beer, kept up a fusillade of champagne corks as they filled the glasses of their fair partners. After the supper, the guests returned to the spacious parlors, where, to the witching strains of the Marine Band, the merry dancers chased the hours with flying feet until long after the midnight stars had struggled through the clouds.

The next night, while the Von Steubens were at Baltimore enjoying the torchlight procession and the Fatherland songs of their countrymen, Mr. Blaine treated the French guests to a sight of the Capitol, brilliantly lighted up from dome to basement. The effect when seen from without was fairy-like, and within the noble proportions of the rotunda, the legislative halls, and the long corridors were disclosed to great advantage.

Later in the evening Monsieur Max Outrey, the Minister of France, gave a reception in honor of his visiting countrymen. It was noticeable that this fete had been postponed until after the departure of the Germans, but Monsieur Outrey took care to mention that they had been invited, but had sent "a very sweet letter of regret." The home guests invited were generally those who were at Secretary Blaine's reception the night previous, but the ladies of the Legations were rather more handsomely dressed. Monsieur Outrey was enthusiastic in his praises of the liberal hospitality extended to his countrymen, who had, he said, drank more champagne since they had been in Washington then they ever drank in all their lives at home, and who were really getting fatigued with their ceaseless round of entertainments.

[Facsimile] W. T. Sherman General, 1885. WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN was born in Lancaster County, Ohio, February 8th, 1820; was graduated at the West Point Military Academy, June 30th, 1840; served in Florida and California, 1840-1851; was President of the Louisiana State Military College, 1859-1861; served in the Union Army from 1861, receiving the appointment of Lieutenant- General in July, 1866, and of General in March, 1869; went on the retired list in 1884.

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XL. PRESIDENT ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION

The first session of the Forty-seventh Congress, which was commenced on the 5th of December, 1881, and prolonged until the 8th of August, 1882, found the Republicans again in the possession of the Federal Government. In the Senate, where the elephantine David Davis presided in his pleasant way, often disregarding parliamentary rules, there was a Republican majority of two, and in the House, which had elected as its Speaker that gallant, burly, impulsive son of Ohio, General J. Warren Keifer, there was a majority of ten. These small majorities made the game of legislation the more interesting, as every move had to be carefully studied before it was made. The proposed revision of the customs tariff and the Internal Revenue Tax Bill interested every member, as each had one or more pet industries belonging to favorite constituents, on which he wanted the high war taxes or duties retained, while he boldly advocated sweeping reductions on everything else.

President Arthur's appointments of Judge Folger to the Treasury Department, of Mr. Frelinghuysen to the State Department, of Mr. Brewster to the Department of Justice, and of Mr. Howe to the Post- Office Department were all predicted and expected, but no one looked for Mr. Conkling's appointment to the vacant place on the bench of the Supreme Court, as it was well known that he had only a few years previous refused the Chief Justiceship. The appointment gave Mr. Conkling's enemies an opportunity to talk about his theatrical, overbearing manner, but his appointment met general approbation; some, doubtless, feeling a relief that his political career would thus be ended. The Senate confirmed the nomination, but Mr. Conkling declined the honor thus tendered.

One of the first acts of the Forty-seventh Congress was the appointment of a joint committee of eight Senators and a Representative for every State, to whom was referred so much of the message of President Arthur as related to the decease of General Garfield, with instructions to report by what token of respect and affection Congress could express the deep grief of the nation. The Committee reported, condoling with the widow of the deceased, and providing for an oration on his life and character, to be pronounced before the two houses of Congress and the high officials of Government, by the Hon. James G. Blaine.

The scene in the Hall of the House of Representatives on the 27th of February, when the Garfield Memorial services were held, would have kindled the spark of oratorical fire in a less gifted man than Mr. Blaine. As he stood there at the Clerk's desk, looking over the great assemblage before him, his glance must first have fallen upon the calm features and dignified presence of the President of the United States, who was seated in the chair of honor, directly in front of his late Secretary of State. Then Mr. Blaine must have met the glance of his late associates in President Arthur's Cabinet --Folger, of impressive manner; Lincoln, to whom the proceedings of the day rekindled the saddest of recollections; Brewster, noticeable by the quaintness of his dress; Kirkwood, of plain, homely ways and dress, and the Creole-like Hunt. By the side of these Mr. Blaine saw his own successor in the Cabinet, Frelinghuysen and with him Postmaster-General Howe. A little to the left, resplendent in gilt trappings and buttons, sat General Sherman, with his weather-beaten and kindly face, and by his side plucky Phil. Sheridan, now gray and demure, and Hancock, of stately bearing. There, too were Admiral Porter and Rear-Admiral Worden of the navy, men of fame.

In another direction sat the Justices of the Supreme Court, clad in their flowing robes of office. States were there represented by their Governors, and their Senators, and their Representatives, throwing aside for the nonce the strife and partisanship incidental to legislative warfare, gave testimony by their respectful silence to the esteem in which they held the memory of the man, who, prior to the Chicago Convention, enjoyed the friendship of all his colleagues.

Still further back an area of sheen and color marked the position of the Diplomatic Corps, with its variety of costumes and decorations. Yet further back were Fred. Douglass, conspicuous from his long white hair and strong features, and General Schenck, with hale, firmly set face. The orator's glance must have noted the venerable historian Bancroft, himself the orator of the day like this when Lincoln's eulogy was pronounced, and by the side of Bancroft the philanthropist, Corcoran, and next him, and to the President's left, Cyrus W. Field. As Mr. Blaine's glance was raised to the galleries he must have been struck with the uniform sombreness of the appearance of the embanked multitude of ladies, whose dark attire was peculiarly appropriate, forming, as it did, a kind of mourning frame around the living picture which was presented on the floor. In the President's gallery the orator could see the refined lineaments of George William Curtis, or the English-like face of Henry James, Jr. Such were the salient features of the audience to whom Mr. Blaine was to speak of Garfield.

It looked to some who knew Mr. Blaine well as if he felt tempted to cast aside the pile of manuscript heavily bordered with black, which he placed before himself, and to speak as inspiration suggested, so long did he stand before that remarkable audience before beginning. To the audience the orator was second in interest only to the subject of the oration. Expectation was great respecting Mr. Blaine's treatment of the subject. He was the dead man's closest friend, and he was looked upon as the representative of one wing or division of a party within which was great bitterness. To separate his duty to the dead from due consideration for the living and balance the two was difficult, but he held the scales with such an even, steady hand, that neither the lovers of the dead President and his acts were disappointed or dissatisfied, nor the friends of the living President offended. He merely performed the duty assigned him in a simple, earnest, manly, truthful, conscientious, becoming manner.

Mr. Blaine was not the "plumed knight" of political debate, impetuous and enthusiastic, but he read page after page with patient enunciation, his resonant voice only faltering when for a moment it quivered with emotion as he described the boyish joy of General Garfield as he breathed the fresh morning air on the fatal day when he went forth to meet his doom. The personal pronoun did not once occur in the whole eulogy, and not one single allusion was made that could be thought of as referring to the speaker.

When Mr. Blaine had finished there was a reverential silence. President Arthur, who seemed to have been deeply impressed, made no movement to go. The immense audience was motionless. It was the most impressive moment of the day. At length there was a faint stir. Then President Arthur arose, and, with his Cabinet, silently left the great hall. The Supreme Court followed, and then the great assemblage quietly dissolved. The last public ceremonial over the death of Garfield was finished. It was just one year previous that he had quitted his home at Mentor to come to Washington and be inaugurated as President of the United States.

President Arthur wore mourning for his predecessor six months, dressing in black, using writing paper with a broad black border, declining all invitations to theatrical performances, and giving no state entertainments at the White House. At first he endeavored to bring about a millennium of political forces, but the "stalwart" lions refused to lie down with the "half-breed" lambs, and his honest attempts to secure a reconciliation only provoked the enmity of both factions. Before the burial of General Garfield a series of personal attacks was begun on his constitutional successor at the White House, which were industriously kept up. With a low cunning that generally concealed its malignancy, about once a fortnight some ingenious paragraph was started, ostensibly stating some fact connected with the Federal Government, but really stabbing at President Arthur. Unable to condemn his administration of national affairs, his enemies sought by innuendo and misrepresentation to render him ridiculous and neglectful of the public interest. But it so happened that President Arthur's Scotch-Irish character displayed itself in a practical utility never before known at the White House. His extensive knowledge of State politics was constantly called into requisition in making appointments, while in his messages to Congress he made statements and suggestions with a strenuous conviction of their truth, as he stood like a sturdy sentinel before the gates of the Constitution. He "made haste slowly" and he made but few blunders.

The President's daily life was very simple, although pains were taken to make him out a bon vivant. He usually rose about half- past nine, took a cup of coffee and a roll while dressing, and went into his office, where he read his private letters, dictated replies to official communications, and courteously received Congressional and other place-hunters. At noon he ate a light breakfast--no meat, but oatmeal, fish, and fruit--and then returned to his desk, where he remained until four o'clock in the afternoon. He then took a drive or a ride on horseback, sometimes accompanied by his daughter. His family dinner hour was six, when his favorite repast was a mutton-chop, with a glass of Bass' ale, or a slice of rare roast beef, with a glass of claret, hot baked potatoes, and the fruits of the season. After dinner he returned to his work, reading the many papers submitted to him by the heads of departments, and not leaving his desk until the "wee sma' hours."

The "Star-route" trials were inaugurated by Attorney-General MacVeagh to bring reproach upon the Administrations of Grant and Hayes. This system of "extra allowances" for carrying the United States mails dated back, however, to the days of William Taylor Barry, Postmaster-General under President Jackson. A Democratic Committee of Congress which investigated the mismanagement of the Post-Office Department, ascribed much of the rascality to "the large disbursements of money under the name of extra allowances. It is a puzzling problem to decide whether this discretionary power, throughout its whole existence, has done most mischief in the character of impostor upon the Department, or seducer to contractors. It has, doubtless, been an evildoer in both guises."

The "Star-route" system of plunder was, however, handed down from Administration to Administration, and the contractors who were thereby enriched were called upon at each successive Presidential election to contribute to the campaign fund. This had been done in the Garfield and Hancock contest just concluded. Mr. Jay A. Hubbell, who was the custodian of the Republican campaign fund, applied to Assistant Postmaster-General Brady, who negotiated the "Star-route" contracts, for pecuniary aid, and was told that it should be forthcoming, provided he could have a letter from General Garfield to exhibit to the contractors to spur them up to make liberal contributions.

General Garfield wrote, on the 23d of August, 1880, not to Brady, but to Hubbell: "Yours of the 19th received and contents noted. Please say to Brady I hope he will give us all the assistance possible. Please tell me how the Departments are doing. As ever, yours." The letter from Hubbell, to which this was a reply, was never published, and General Garfield's friends afterward maintained that he had not alluded to the "Star-route" contractors. The letter, they maintained, was simply the expression of a hope that Brady, a citizen of Indiana, who was reputed to have made an immense fortune in "Bell Telephone stock," would respond from his ample means in aid of his party in the life-and-death struggle then going on in his own State.

The Attorney-General made a great display in his prosecution of some of those who had enriched themselves by "Star-route" contracts, retaining eminent counsel, and bringing witnesses to Washington at a great expense. There was much rascality developed, and some reputations were smirched, but the disagreement of juries prevented any punishment of the offenders. They regarded themselves as political victims and felt deeply wronged because of their prosecution by an Administration which they had certainly helped into power.

The people believed that the Star-route scandals, like the whisky frauds, the bogus quarter-master's claims, the public-land seizures, and the steamship subsidy schemes, were "ring" relics of the war, with their profligacy and corruption, on each one of which Colonel Mulberry Sellers would have remarked: "There's millions in it." Yet the lobbyists and schemers enriched by these plunder schemes, who bore the brand of "swindler" in scarlet letters of infamy upon their foreheads, did not lose their places in Washington society.

[Facsimile] David D Porter DAVID D. PORTER, born at Philadelphia, June, 1813; Midshipman in the navy, 1829; Lieutenant, 1841; served in the Mexican War; Commander, 1861; took active part in opening the Mississippi; Rear- Admiral, July 4th, 1863; took Fort Fisher, January, 1865; Vice- Admiral, July 25th, 1866; Admiral, August, 1870.

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XLI. GAY AND FESTIVE SCENES

New Year's Day has always been celebrated at the National Capital in the style which President Washington inaugurated when the Federal Government was located at New York. The foreign Ministers and the Government dignitaries go in state to pay their respects to the President, after which the old Knickerbocker custom of visiting friends generally is kept up. One is certain to see at the White House on New Year's Day all the prominent people of both sexes in Washington. Then, too, it is the only place in the metropolis where the ladies can pass in review all of the new toilets, and see what the leaders of fashion have designed since last season. It is the only place where there is room for a large crowd to move about easily and where the full effect of brilliant dressing can be displayed. The ladies invited to receive with the President, with many others, are in evening costume, although walking-costumes are not uncommon.

President Arthur's first New Year's reception was a brilliant affair. Mrs. Frelinghuysen accompanied the President into the Blue Room, and stood next to his sister, Mrs. McElroy, at his right hand, with the wives of the other ministers of the Cabinet. When his daughter and niece came in, he welcomed them with a happy smile and bent down and kissed them. Their simple white ribbon sashes were in refreshing contrast with the gorgeous costumes of the diplomats.

Brilliant as were the diamonds of Madame de Struve, the wife of the Russian Minister, and effective as was the bronze golden silk dress, trimmed with gold beads, of the wife of Attorney-General Brewster, the "observed of all observers" was Dr. Mary Walker, who came tripping in with elastic step, shook hands with President Arthur, and was profusely poetical in wishing him the compliments of the season. She wore a black broadcloth frock coat and pantaloons, and carried a high black silk hat in her left hand, while in her right she flourished a slender cane. After leaving the President, she passed along the line of ladies who received with him, giving to each a sweeping bow, and then went into the East Room, where she was carefully scrutinized by the ladies.

Senator Hoar gave a most enjoyable dinner to a party of gentlemen invited by him to meet Mr. Justice Gray, after his appointment to the bench of the Supreme Court. It was given at the hotel of Mr. Wormley, the friend of Charles Sumner, and the guests assembled in a parlor containing much of the furniture which adorned the house of the great Senator. The guests met about seven o'clock, and after an exchange of salutations, the large doors which form one side of the room were thrown open, and Senator Hoar informally invited those present to gather around the magnificently furnished table which presented itself. Covers were laid for thirty-six persons, and the china, the silver, and the glassware were all rare and of beautiful design. A belt of flowers encircled the table in front of the plates, and within this inclosure were mounds of rare exotics and quaintly constructed ornaments of confectionery. The place of each guest was marked by a card, on which his name was printed, and on this was an exquisite button-hole bouquet. The bills of fare were on large sheets of cardboard, handsomely engraved, and the succession of thirteen courses, beginning with oysters and ending with coffee, was an epicurean treat. In accordance with Washington etiquette, President Arthur sat at the host's right hand, and on his right sat Judge Gray. At the left of the host sat Chief Justice Waite; directly opposite sat Senator Dawes; at the right hand end of the long table was George Bancroft, and at the left hand end was Representative Harris. There was not, of course, any speech-making or drinking of healths, but after the dessert had been served, gentlemen left their seats and sat in little groups around the table, chatting pleasantly until after midnight. Taken as a whole, dinner and guests, it was the finest entertainment that I have ever seen in Washington--and I have seen a great many.

President Arthur's first state dinner was given in honor of General and Mrs. Grant. The parlors and the East Room were profusely decorated with flowers, and in the dining-room were palm trees and other exotics massed in the corners, while the mantels were banked with cut flowers. There were thirty-four plates on the long table, in the centre of which was a plateau mirror, on which were roses and lilies of the valley. On either side of it were tall gilt candelabra bearing eleven wax lights each, and beyond these large gilt epergnes overflowing with Marechal Niel roses. At the end of the mirror were pairs of silver candelabra bearing shaded wax lights and oval cushions of white camelias set with roses and orchids. At the extreme ends were round pieces of bon silene roses and lilies of the valley. Around this elaborate centre decoration were ranged crystal compotes and cut-glass decanters. Large, flat corsage bouquets of roses, tied with satin ribbons, were laid at each lady's plate, and small boutonnieres of rosebuds were provided for the gentlemen. The cards were of heavy gilt-edge board, embossed with the national coat-of-arms in gold, below which the name of each guest was written. The Marine Band performed selections from popular operatic music.

The guests were received by President Arthur in the East Room. At eight o'clock dinner was announced, and the guests repaired to the dining-room in the following order, each lady taking a seat at the right hand of the gentleman who escorted her: President Arthur, escorting Mrs. Grant, who wore a white satin dress with low neck and long train deeply flounced with lace, and a profusion of diamonds; General Grant, escorting Mrs. Frelinghuysen, who wore a black velvet dress with flowing train, opening in front, and showing a petticoat of plaited black satin; Secretary Frelinghuysen, escorting Mrs. Lincoln, who wore a black velvet dress with sweeping train and rich jet trimmings; General Sherman, escorting Miss Beale, who wore a white satin dress with a train of silver brocade, trimmed at the neck and sleeves with Valenciennes lace; Admiral Porter, escorting Miss Coleman, who wore a dress of terra-cotta satin trimmed with flowered brocade and lace; Senator Anthony, escorting Mrs. Logan, who wore a magnificent dress of wine-colored velvet trimmed with Pompadour brocade; Senator Miller, escorting Mrs. Kinsley, who wore a ball-dress of cardinal satin trimmed with brocade; Senator Jones, of Nevada, escorting Mrs. Beale, who wore a white satin dress trimmed with lace; Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, escorting Mrs. John Davis, who wore a ball-dress of white satin trimmed with lace; General Beale, escorting Miss Frelinghuysen, who wore a dress of marine-blue velvet, with a long train trimmed with iridescent bugles; Secretary Folger, escorting Miss Cutts, who wore white satin trimmed with lace; Secretary Lincoln, escorting Mrs. Secretary Chandler, who wore an exquisite dress of pale blue surah and crape; Postmaster-General Howe, escorting Mrs. Teller, who wore a dress of white satin; Attorney- General Brewster, escorting Mrs. Cameron, who wore a pink satin dress elaborately trimmed with ruffles of rare lace; Secretary Chandler, escorting Mrs. Brewster, who wore a dress of cardinal satin with a court train embroidered with gold in large figures; Secretary Teller, escorting Miss Totten, who wore white satin trimmed with white ruchings.

Dinner was served in fourteen courses, with which there were served eight varieties of wines, each variety having its appropriate wine- glass. The guests were two hours at the table, and the menu was eulogized, especially the terrapin, which was highly commended by the epicures who enjoyed it.

Mr. Blaine was a prominent figure in Washington society, both social and political, after he left the Department of State, and there was always a great desire to know his opinions on passing events. His heath was excellent, and he never appeared to greater advantage. Tall and portly, yet graceful in movement, his wealth of white hair set off his mobile, expressive features, with their never-quiet dark eyes.

The new house built by Mr. Blaine in the northwestern part of Washington was an imposing structure, covering an area of about seventy by seventy-five feet, and it was solid and substantial from its steep roof to its roomy basement. The spacious halls and stairways were wainscoted, finished, and ceiled in oak; the drawing- room, the dining-room, and the library were furnished in solid mahogany; and the chambers were finished in poplar and pine. The great charm of the house was that each and every room, large and small, had its open fire-place, some of them surrounded by beautiful mantel-pieces, with carved wood and mirrors. It was, indeed, an English house, with its comforts set off by many Yankee contrivances.

In this house, on a bright morning of early spring, Colonel John T. Coppinger, of the United States army, was married to Miss Alice Stanwood Blaine. President Arthur adjourned the regular meeting of the Cabinet that he and his constitutional advisers might attend. The Speaker of the House, with the Maine Senators and Representatives, left their Congressional duties in order to be present. The Diplomatic Corps, doubtless remembering the courtesies which they received from Mr. Blaine when Secretary of State, was out in full force. The army and navy were largely represented, the elite of fashionable society was present, and there was a good representation of the press. All had congregated to show their good wishes toward the family of the young bride.

Colonel Coppinger, who belongs to an old Roman Catholic family in Ireland, served gallantly in the Papal Army, and coming to this country in 1861, was commissioned in the Fourteenth Infantry. He received two brevets for "gallant and meritorious services" in a score of engagements, and after having displayed great energy in command of troops operating against the Indians, he was made Acting Inspector-General on the staff of General Pope, a position only given to those thoroughly versed in the manual, the drill, the equipment, and the discipline of the army. He was forty-nine years of age, tall, erect, with clear, hazel eyes, gray hair and whiskers, and a martial deportment.

Twelve o'clock, noon, was the hour fixed for the ceremony, and soon after that time conversation was suddenly hushed, as the Rev. Dr. Chapelle, of St. Matthew's Church, took his assigned position. He wore a black robe with a cape, and carried a small prayer-book, from which he subsequently read the brief service used when a Roman Catholic is wedded to one not belonging to that Church. A moment later Mrs. Blaine came down the broad staircase on the arm of her eldest son, Mr. Walker Blaine. She wore a high-necked corsage of wine-colored velvet, with a satin dress and train of the same color, trimmed with lace.

Soon the bride came down the staircase leaning on the arm of her father, who appeared somewhat impressed by the solemnity of the occasion. She wore a dress of white satin with a sweeping train trimmed with crystal, while an ample veil partially concealed her youthful features and slight form. She carried a bouquet of roses and lilies-of-the-valley. Behind her came her only attendant, her young sister, Miss Hattie Blaine, who was dressed in white. Mr. Blaine's other two sons and Miss Abigail Dodge, of Hamilton, Massachusetts, followed.

At the improvised altar, Colonel Coppinger, attended by Lieutenant Emmet, of the Ninth Cavalry, advanced to claim his bride. As the happy pair knelt before the altar, Mr. and Mrs. Blaine and Miss Hattie stood at their right, and President Arthur, George Bancroft, and Miss Dodge stood at their left. The service was quickly performed, and after the parents, President Arthur was the first to salute the bride. The guests were then presented seriatim to Colonel and Mrs. Coppinger, and if good wishes could have been regarded as an augury of their future, there could have been no doubt of their good fortunes.

After congratulations had been offered, President Arthur escorted the bride to the large dining-room. There a table was bountifully spread, while on a sideboard were boxes of wedding-cake to be sent to friends at a distance. It was not long before the bridegroom and bride left the festive scene to array themselves for their journey, and they quietly departed from the house to take the train for Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Taken as a whole, the wedding surpassed any similar festal scene ever witnessed at Washington, and was a hearty manifestation of good feeling toward the happy couple and the parents of the bride.

One of the most charming houses in Washington was that occupied for some years by the British Legation, and which Admiral Porter rebuilt and refurnished with a portion of the large sum of prize- money received by him during the war. It was a model of good taste and luxury, elegant without display, and perfect in all its appointments. The square hall, with tessellated marble floor, led into a suite of three parlors, opening into each other by arched- ways, heavily draped with satin damask. The central parlor was upholstered in crimson velvet, that on the right in drab, and that on the left in blue. The hangings and furniture were of colors to match. The marble mantels were decorated with articles of virtu, and rare painting adorned the walls. Leading from the crimson parlor was a long, wide ball-room, with waxed and polished floor, and rows of seats for the accommodation of dancers and spectators. Numberless crystal chandeliers emitted a flood of softened light, while flowers bloomed everywhere in pots, vases, and baskets in indescribable profusion.

[Facsimile] Robert T. Lincoln ROBERT TODD LINCOLN, eldest child of Abraham Lincoln, born at Springfield, Ill., August 1st, 1843; graduated at Harvard, 1864; member of General Grant's staff during the last month of the war; admitted to practice law in Chicago, 1867; Secretary of War under Presidents Garfield and Arthur, March 5th, 1881 - March 6th, 1885.

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XLII. THE WASHINGTON NATIONAL MONUMENT

When the Forty-eighth Congress met on the 3d of December, 1885, Senator Edmunds occupied the chair of the Senate as President pro tempore; Judge Davis, not having been re-elected Senator from Illinois, had vacated the chair on the last day of the preceding session. Senator Anthony, who had been elected to a fifth term, could not be sworn in as a Senator until after the commencement of that term, and was consequently ineligible. So Senator Edmunds accepted the position with the understanding that he would vacate it as soon as his friend from Rhode Island, by qualifying as a Senator, should be eligible for election.

When the Senate met, Senator Anthony was recovering from a severe illness, and it was not until the following week that he was able to appear in the Senate Chamber. He entered leaning on the arm of his colleague, Senator Aldrich, and as he took his accustomed seat, his attention was attracted by a large bouquet of flowers, bearing the name of a lady clerk who had been retained in place by his kind offices. The Senators soon crowded around him with their congratulations on his convalescence, and among the first were General Butler, of South Carolina, maimed in the Confederate cause, and General Miller, of California, who lost his right eye in the Union army at Vicksburg.

After prayers and the reading of the journal, Senator Aldrich rose, and was recognized by the Chair as the "senior Senator from Rhode Island." He announced the presence of his colleague, the Senator- elect, whose credentials had been filed, and asked that the oath of office might be administered to him. The presiding officer invited the Senator-elect to receive the oaths, and when Governor Anthony stood before him, he administered the regular oath of 1789, first taken by the parliamentary veteran in 1859, with the "iron- clad oath" that had been adopted in 1862. As the good old man stood with uplifted hand, every other member of the Senate rose, and stood until the obligation had been administered--a merited compliment to the Pater Senatus. No other man, save Thomas Hart Benton, had ever been sworn in five consecutive times as Senator.

Closing the book from which he had read the oaths, Senator Edmunds was first to shake his old friend's hand. Senator Anthony then resumed his seat, and nearly every Senator came to greet him, followed by the veteran officers of the Senate, who had always found in him a true friend. A few weeks later, Senator Edmunds resigned, and Senator Anthony was elected President pro tem., but the precarious state of his health forced him, in a speech prompted by a heart overflowing with gratitude, to decline the honor, and Senator Edmunds was recalled to the post of honor.

Senator Anthony had twice before been chosen President pro tem. of the Senate, and he had for a number of years past been the President in the caucus of Republican Senators. It is in the caucus of the dominant party that legislation is shaped, and unanimity of action in open Senate secured. Governor Anthony's tact and skill as a presiding officer had, doubtless, exercised a potent influence in harmonizing opposing views entertained by Republican Senators, and there was no Senator who could fill the chair, either in open Senate, in executive session, or in caucus, with more dignity and impartiality than he.

General McCook, an Ohio soldier, and an ex-Representative from New York city, was elected Secretary of the Senate, defeating George C. Gorham, who had been the candidate of the Republican caucus. The Republican nominee for Sergeant-at-Arms, Mr. Riddleberger, was also dropped, and Colonel Wm. P. Canaday, of North Carolina, was chosen. At the commencement of the next session, Mr. Riddleberger took his seat as a Senator from Virginia.

A Democratic tidal wave had swept over the country at the preceding fall elections, and the Democrats had a considerable majority in the House of Representatives. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, who was elected Speaker, was a tall, well-made man, with a studious look in his eyes, and the winning manners of Henry Clay. He had a sweet voice, and his expositions of parliamentary law in the preceding sessions had elevated him to the front rank of statesmanship in the opinion of the House. His impartiality as a presiding officer was recognized by all parties, and his firmness of purpose could not be moved by corrupt intriguers or brawling sycophants. He was also fortunate in having a devoted wife, tall and graceful, whose attractive personal appearance was equaled by her well-balanced mind and her practical common sense. As Mrs. Edmunds was at that time absent from Washington, on the New Year's Day after her husband's election as Speaker Mrs. Carlisle was "the first lady in the land," and stood at President Arthur's right hand during the official reception.

Washington society was very gay during the closing year of President Arthur's Administration. The receptions to which invitations were given and those open to the public at the White House were largely attended, while there was a succession of balls, German masquerades, and receptions at the residences of diplomats, housekeeping Senators, officials, and citizens. Several entertainments were given "for charity's sake," which realized considerable sums, and the theatres also were unusually well attended.

The world-weary rejoiced when the matin chimes of Lent announced that the gay season was ended, but although gayety arrayed itself in sackcloth and sprinkled ashes broadcast, the sackcloth moved in the waltz as its wearer tripped over the ashes. There were successions of informal dancing parties, lunch parties, and card parties during the penitential forty days, and then came the post-Lenten festivities.

The giving of good dinners was, however, the distinguishing feature of Washington society during the Arthur Administration. The example was set at the White House, where, instead of dinners supplied by a caterer at two dollars a plate, with cheap wines of doubtful origin, a gastronomic artist served the delicacies of the season, cooked in the latest Parisian style, while the wines were of the rarest vintages, embodying the fervor of long Gascon summers, the warmth of Burgundian suns, and the delicate flavor of Xeres. Never had epicures so enjoyed themselves at Washington, and they rejoiced when they contrasted his dispensation with the barbaric repasts of former years, when "hog and hominy" was the principal dish, and tangle-foot whisky punch was the fashionable table beverage.

Washington City was greatly improved during President Arthur's Administration. The National Museum was completed and opened to visitors, the northern wing of the stupendous pile, the State, War, and Navy Department Building, was occupied, and that hideous architectural monstrosity, the Pension Office, was built. At the West End scores of elegant private houses were erected, varying in size from the palatial mansion built by Mr. Blaine to the rustic cabin of Joaquin Miller, and the small Queen Anne cottages, now so popular, and some of which are models of convenience and beauty. Many avenues and streets were repaved, others were planted with bordering lines of shade trees, and several of the large reservations were adorned with statues and fountains. The previously unfinished city, which Governor Shepherd had "lifted from out of the mud," became a national metropolis, in which the people of the country could take pride.

The dedication of the Washington National Monument, on the 22d of February, 1885, was a fit conclusion to President Arthur's official career. This work had been long in progress, as its record, engraved on its aluminum tip, shows. It is as follows: "Corner-stone laid on bed of foundation, July 4, 1848. First stone at height of 152 feet laid August 7, 1880. Capstone set December 6, 1884." The laying of the capstone was duly celebrated. The wind, at the top of the monument, was blowing at the rate of sixty miles an hour, and thousands of eye-glasses were pointed toward the little party on the scaffoldings at the summit. All on the upper platform, five hundred and fifty feet above the ground, spread a portion of the cement, and the capstone, weighing three thousand three hundred pounds, was lowered into place. The tip was then fitted and the work was done, which fact was duly announced by flying the flag at the top of the monument, and by the answering boom of cannon from various points below.

The day of final dedication was clear and cold, the ground around the base of the majestic shaft was covered with encrusted snow, and the keen wind that came sweeping down the Potomac made it rather uncomfortable for those who were assembled there. The regular troops and the citizen soldiery were massed in close columns around the base of the monument, the Freemasons occupied their allotted position, and in the pavilion which had been erected were the invited guests, the executive, legislative, and judicial officers; officers of the army, the navy, the marine corps, and the volunteers; the Diplomatic Corps, eminent divines, jurists, scientists, and journalists, and venerable citizens representing former generations, the Washington National Monument Society, and a few ladies who had braved the Arctic weather. After addresses had been delivered by Senator Sherman, W. W. Corcoran, and Colonel Casey, the chief engineer, President Arthur made a few well-chosen remarks, and concluded by declaring the monument dedicated from that time forth "to the immortal name and memory of George Washington." The cost of the structure has been nearly two millions of dollars, about half of which the Government has paid, the remainder having been secured by the Monument Association. After the exercises at the monument, a procession was formed headed by Lieutenant-General Sheridan, which marched along Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol. The President's special escort was the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts, chartered in 1638, which had come to participate in the exercises of the day. Two addresses were delivered in the House of Representatives at the Capitol--one (which was read by ex-Governor Long) by Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston, who had delivered the address when the corner-stone was laid in 1848, and the other by Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia. In the evening the Ancient and Honorable Artillery attended a special reception at the White House, reciprocatory of courtesies extended by the corps to President Arthur, one of its honorary members.

Meanwhile there had been a Presidential campaign. The National Republican Convention met at Chicago on June 3d; on the 6th, James G. Blaine, of Maine, was nominated for President on the fourth ballot, receiving five hundred and forty-one of the eight hundred and nineteen votes cast, and General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was nominated for Vice-President without opposition. The National Democratic Convention met at Chicago on July 6th, and on the 11th Hon. Grover Cleveland, of New York, was nominated for President on the second ballot, receiving six hundred and eighty-four of the eight hundred and twenty votes cast, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated for Vice-President without opposition. The National Prohibition Convention met at Pittsburg on July 23d, and nominated for President ex-Governor St. John, of Kansas, and for Vice-President William Daniel, of Maryland. The National Greenback Convention met at Indianapolis on May 29th, and nominated for President General B. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and for Vice- President A. M. West, of Mississippi.

The Presidential contest was disgracefully personal. The private characters of the two prominent candidates were mercilessly assailed, and political principles were apparently forgotten in the degrading desire to defame the nominees. The result turned upon the vote in the State of New York, which was very close. The shrewdest political manipulators were sent over the State to correct pretended irregularities, but it soon became evident that the Democrats had chosen the Cleveland electors by a decisive plurality. The official count showed five hundred and sixty-three thousand one hundred and fifty-four votes for Cleveland, against five hundred and sixty-two thousand and five votes for Blaine, twenty-five thousand and six votes for St. John, and seventeen thousand and four votes for Butler. The total vote in the United States was four million nine hundred and thirteen thousand two hundred and forty-seven votes for Cleveland, four million eight hundred and forty thousand eight hundred and twenty-five votes for Blaine, one hundred and fifty thousand one hundred and thirty-four votes for St. John, and one hundred and thirty-four thousand and twenty-eight votes for Butler.

[ Cleveland 563,154 in New York, 4,913,247 overall Blaine 562,005 4,840,025 St. John 25,006 150,134 Butler 17,004 134,028 ]

President Arthur's numerous friends contemplated his departure from the White House without regret, and were confident that his Administration would present a creditable appearance on the pages of impartial history. Utility to the country had been the rule of his official life, and he attained that high standard of official excellence which prevailed in the early days of the Republic, when honesty, firmness, and patriotism were the characteristics of public men. He saw himself deserted by influential early associates because he would not avenge their political grievances, while those whom he protected ungratefully repaid him by defeating the election of his friend, Judge Folger, as Governor of the State of New York --a treacherous demonstration of partisan bigotry, which killed the Judge as certain as the assassin's bullet killed Garfield. Under President Arthur's lead, the Republican party, disorganized and disheartened when he came into power, became gradually strengthened and united before the Presidential election, in which it was very near being victorious.

President Arthur, in his desire to administer his inherited duties impartially, made himself enemies among those who should have been his friends. Before President Garfield was interred, General Grant asked that his own personal friend, General Beale, might be appointed Secretary of the Navy, and he never forgave President Arthur for not complying with his request.

The removal of Judge Robertson from the New York Custom House would doubtless have been acceptable to Roscoe Conkling, but it was not made, and the ex-Senator, after refusing the tendered appointment of a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, turned his back on his former friend. Appointments which had been promised by Mr. Blaine, when President Garfield's Secretary of State, were invariably made, although the recipients had personally abused President Arthur, yet the "Garfield Avengers," as the officious friends of the martyr President chose to style themselves, never alluded to his successor except as the man who had profited by the assassination. Slander, calumny, and falsehood were resorted to by the press to deceive the people by giving them an untrue idea of their Chief Magistrate. His private life was invaded, his social relations were violated, his most patriotic actions were sneered at, and he was made the object of obloquy and vituperation by that faction of the Republican party opposed to his policy.

I well remember with what sadness and indignation he referred to the manner in which he had been treated when I had been selected by him to write a campaign life of him, which was to have been published by his friends had he been nominated for the Presidency in 1884. There were several matters about which he had been mercilessly abused for which I found ample explanations exonerating him. One was his going to Albany in 1881, when he was Vice-President, to labor for the re-election of Messrs. Conkling and Platt. I had ascertained that he had done this in return for a visit made to Ohio during the preceding campaign by Mr. Conkling to speak in favor of the election of General Garfield. This had been on the personal solicitation of Mr. Arthur, and it would have been ungrateful for him to have declined an appeal to aid Mr. Conkling in an hour of need by a visit to Albany. When President Arthur read what I had written on this subject he said pleasantly: "That is all true, but I must ask you not to publish it." Never have I seen a public man so determined not to criminate others, even in self- justification.

During his Presidential term Mr. Arthur did what friends and fortune can do for no man, and what neither friends nor foes could take from him. "He won a fame for which he himself fought, and from which no man's censure could detract." While he was emphatically "the first gentleman in the land," giving unequaled receptions, dinners, and evening entertainments with lavish hospitality, he was, as he used to cheerily remark, "a night-bird," and his favorite enjoyment was to have two or three personal friends eat a late supper with him, and then chat with them far into the "wee sma' hours." His thorough knowledge of prominent men and politics during the preceding quarter of a century enabled him to entertain his listeners with graphic descriptions of remarkable scenes, piquant but never indelicate anecdotes, keen sketches of men and women, and interesting statements about the workings of political machinery, especially in the State of New York.

Unfortunately, President Arthur, before he left the White House, became impressed with the idea that the people had misunderstood his official conduct, and that his sacrifices of friends and of fortune in the Administration of the General Government had not been appreciated. When he was at last relieved from executive cares his robust constitution had been undermined, the ruddy look of health left his cheeks, and his stalwart form wasted away, until (as this work is passing through the press) his sad heart found its peace, and his remains were laid, without pomp, by the side of those of his beloved wife in a rural cemetery near Albany, N. Y.

An appreciative and elegant biographer of this lamented ex-President writes thus: "Flos Regum Arthur the Laureate heads the noble dedication of his Arthurian legends to the manes of Albert. Not 'flower of kings' shall history call this Arthur of ours, and yet must she accord him some attributes of his mythic namesake--a high and noble courtesy to all men, small and great; an unflinching, uncomplaining loyalty to friends who turned too often ingrate; a splendid presence, a kindly heart, a silent courage, and an even mind. These things go no small way toward the making of America's first gentleman."

[Facsimile] W.W. Corcoran WILLIAM W. CORCORAN was born at Georgetown, D. C., December 27th, 1798; he engaged in mercantile pursuits, and then in banking, becoming the Government banker during the Mexican War. Since he retried from business in 1854 he has founded and endowed the Louise Home for gentlewomen in reduced circumstances, the Corcoran Art Gallery, and the Oak Hill Cemetery, on Georgetown Heights, while he has contributed liberally to the Columbian College, the University of Virginia, the William and Mary College, and the churches and orphan asylums of Washington, besides numerous private charities.

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XLIII. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND

The inauguration of Grover Cleveland as the twenty-second President of the United States, on the 4th of March, 1885, restored the executive power of the Federal Government to the Democrats, after it had been enjoyed by the Republicans for twenty years. The throng of visitors was great, the railroads leading into Washington having brought nearly half a million of passengers during the week, while several thousand more came by the Potomac River steamboats. The hotels and boarding-houses were full, yet there was always room for late arrivals, and the military were quartered in the spacious halls of the Departments.

The day was spring-like, with breeze enough to display the flags which floated from nearly every building. Pennsylvania Avenue and other thoroughfares were elaborately decorated. The procession was the largest of its kind that ever passed along Pennsylvania Avenue, and the military escort was exceeded only by the great reviews of 1865. General H. W. Slocum was Chief Marshal, efficiently aided by General Albert Ordway, his chief of staff. The United States troops, commanded by Major-General Ayres, headed the escort. President Arthur and President-elect Cleveland rode with two Senators in an open carriage drawn by four bay horses, and next came Vice- President-elect Hendricks, with a Senator, in a carriage drawn by four white horses. As the carriages passed along the occupants were loudly cheered, especially Vice-President Hendricks, who was well known in Washington and personally popular.

The militia organizations which came next presented a fine appearance, particularly a division of the National Guard of Pennsylvania, commanded by Major-General John F. Hartranft. The Southern troops were commanded by Major-General Fitzhugh Lee, of Virginia, a nephew of the great Confederate war-leader, who received a rousing ovation the whole length of the route. Prominent among the military organizations were the New York Sixty-ninth, "wearing the green;" the Grenadiers Rochambeau, of New York; the Jackson Corps, of Albany; the Continentals, of Schenectady; the Fifth Maryland Infantry, the Meagher Guards, of Providence; the Busch Zouaves, of St. Louis, and several companies of colored men from the South.

The feature of the procession, however, was the civic portion, which included organizations representing many States in the Union. Each one had its band, its banner, and its badges, while nearly all of them were uniformly dressed and carried canes. The Society of Tammany, of New York, one thousand strong, marched in an inaugural procession for the first time in its long history, its officers carrying Indian tomahawks. Nearly a hundred other political organizations followed; and in the ranks of one of them from the city of New York there was a body of men wearing the old Knickerbocker costume and carrying long canes, with which they beat time on the pavements as they marched along in a grotesque manner, creating much merriment.

A distinguished audience had gathered in the Senate Chamber, including the Supreme Court, the Diplomatic Corps, many prominent officials, and those officers of the army and navy who had received the thanks of Congress. Shortly after twelve o'clock President Arthur entered the Chamber, and was escorted to his seat. The deputy Sergeant-at-Arms then announced the "President-elect of the United States," and the entire assemblage rose as Mr. Cleveland passed down the aisle and took a seat at the side of President Arthur. Vice-President-elect Hendricks then entered and advanced to the desk of the presiding officer, where Senator Edmunds, President pro tempore, administered to him the oath of office as Vice-President of the United States. Senator Edmunds then delivered a brief valedictory address, at the conclusion of which he declared the Senate adjourned sine die.

Vice-President Hendricks took the chair, called the Senate to order, delivered a short address, and administered the oath to the new Senators. When the Senate had been thus organized, a procession was formed by those in the Senate Chamber, which moved through the rotunda to the platform erected before the eastern portico. On the large plaza in front of the Capitol were gathered at least two hundred thousand people, while behind them as a framework were the military and civic organizations, with waving banners, gay uniforms, and gleaming bayonets.

When Mr. Cleveland came to the front of the platform, he was received with tumultuous applause; after it had subsided, he delivered his inaugural address in such a clear voice that it was heard by nearly all of those before him. When he had finished, he turned to Chief Justice Waite, bowed, and said "I am now prepared to take the oath prescribed by law."

The Chief Justice, holding in his left hand a small open Bible, which had been given to Mr. Cleveland by his mother when he had started to seek his fortune in the world, raised his right hand and recited the oath: "I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Mr. Cleveland, whose right hand had rested on the Bible, responded: "I swear," and raising the book to his lips, kissed it. His lips touched verses 5-10 inclusive, of the 112th Psalm.

Those on the platform congratulated the President; the assembled multitude cheered; over a hundred bands played "Hail to the Chief," and the cannon at the Navy Yard and the Arsenal thundered forth a Presidential salute. The procession was then re-formed, and moved up Pennsylvania Avenue. When the head of the column reached the Treasury Building, a brief halt was made, that President Cleveland might go to the reviewing stand in front of the White House. There he witnessed the procession pass in review, which occupied three hours, and it was after five o'clock when he entered the White House.

Early in the evening there was a display of fireworks, which attracted much attention; then came the inauguration ball, held in the interior court-yard of the unfinished Pension Building, which was covered by a temporary roof. The waxed dance-floor was three hundred and sixteen feet long and one hundred and sixteen feet wide, surrounded by reception-rooms, supper-rooms, and telegraph offices. The decorations were very effective, and electric lamps supplied a bright, clear light. Nearly ten thousand people were present and the receipts from the sale of tickets amounted to forty thousand dollars. President Cleveland and Vice-President Hendricks were present for an hour, and the ball was regarded as a fitting close to the ceremonies of the day.

Mr. Cleveland's Cabinet gave general satisfaction to the Democrats at Washington. The selection of Senator Bayard for Secretary of State was in deference to the national sentiment of the party that had twice asserted itself in presenting him for the Presidency, and that had made him Mr. Cleveland's chief competitor at Chicago. Senator Bayard, when first summoned to Albany and invited to become the Premier of the incoming Administration, had frankly told Mr. Cleveland that he might consider himself absolved from all obligation to bestow his chief Cabinet honor upon him, and that he would prefer to remain in the Senate. He finally consented, however, to accept the portfolio of State, to the delight of the Diplomatic Corps, who were acquainted with his accomplished wife and daughters, and who looked forward to the enjoyment of their hospitality. He took an early opportunity to publicly declare that he was heartily in favor of civil service reform, and he followed the traditions of the Department of State by retaining the experienced clerks. Mr. Bayard has no appreciation of humor or fondness for political intrigue, and department drudgery would be intolerable to him were it not for his passionate fondness for out-door exercise. A bold horseman, an untiring pedestrian, and enthusiastic angler, and a good swimmer, he preserves his health, and gives close attention to the affairs of his Department.

Mr. Daniel Manning, who was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, had been graduated in boyhood from a printing office, that best of colleges, and had gradually become a reporter, a sub-editor, and finally the sole manager and principal owner of the Albany Argus. Devoting all his energies to his business, he was richly rewarded pecuniarily, and under his direction the time-honored "organ" of the Democracy of the Empire State challenged admiration by the boldness and the success of its editorial management. His sagacity as a politician attracted the notice of Mr. Tilden, whose champion he became, and subsequently his untiring efforts in the columns of his paper and at the Chicago Convention did much to secure for Mr. Cleveland the Presidential nomination. His financial experience as President of a national bank was favorably regarded in Wall Street, and his views coincided with those entertained by Mr. Cleveland. Old stagers have detected in him a striking personal resemblance to that sturdy New York Democrat of a former generation, William L. Marcy, except that he wears a moustache, fiercely upturned.

Mr. William C. Endicott, a representative of the worth and intelligence of New England, was appointed Secretary of War. A lawyer by profession, he had been forced by ill health to resign his seat on the State Supreme Bench, and his defeat as the Democratic nominee for Governor of the Bay State gave him a claim on the party for its honors. Prominent in cordially welcoming those who had renounced their party allegiance to vote for Mr. Cleveland, he was the pledged advocate of civil service reform. He is a very handsome man, with long brown hair and moustache, slightly silvered by time.

The Secretary of the Navy, Mr. William C. Whitney, is the son of a famous old Massachusetts "War Horse," who entered upon the practice of law at New York city. He made his professional mark while he was City Corporation Attorney in the prosecution of "Boss Tweed," but his large fortune is the result of successful railroad operations. He is rather youthful in appearance for a man forty-five years of age, rather slenderly built, quick of movement, and with the air of courageous self-reliance that marks a successful and experienced business operator.

Mr. Lucius Quintius Curtius Lamar, the Secretary of the Interior, had taken broader views since the war on national questions than any other Southern leader. The possessor of a well-balanced and highly cultivated intellect, a thorough acquaintance with the theories of Federalism and State Rights, and a varied civil and military experience, Mr. Lamar may well be called a successful molder of public opinion. Some used to regard him as ideal rather than practical, but the business-like manner in which he directed his subordinates dispelled that mistaken idea. His studious habits are shown by his rounded shoulders, and his grizzled long hair, beard, and moustache impart a leonine character to his features.

Postmaster-General William F. Vilas is a native of Vermont, who went to Wisconsin when a lad, became a successful lawyer there, and served gallantly in the Union army during the war. He is probably better versed in the machinery of American politics than any other member of the Cabinet, and he is slowly but surely replacing the Republican incumbents of fifty thousand offices with Democrats. He is a man of showy, brilliant manners, vigorous eloquence, fascinating conversational powers, and an attractive personal appearance.

Mr. Augustus H. Garland, the Attorney-General of the new Administration, took with him from the Senate a high legal and social reputation. His Roman features are clean shaven, his jet black eyes sparkle with intelligence, and his manners are polished, although he rarely mingles in society.

Not of the Cabinet, but the President's confidential adviser, is Colonel Daniel S. Lamont, who, like the Secretary of the Treasury, received his political education in the office of the Albany Argus. Colonel Lamont left his editorial chair to become the private secretary of Mr. Cleveland when he became Governor of the State of New York, and has since been his devoted adherent. Slender, with intellectual features and a dark red moustache, which lights up his pale face, Colonel Lamont has the mouth of a man who is silent and the ears of a man who listens, while the quick glances of his eyes take in what there is to be seen. The possessor of great personal urbanity, always clear-headed, and very reticent, especially concerning the President, he is emphatically "the right man in the right place." He keeps up his Albany habit of calling Mr. Cleveland "Governor," while the President familiarly calls him "Dan." There is no "Kitchen Cabinet" to act as office-brokers and to secure the Executive approval of measures "for a consideration."

At the Cabinet meeting held at the Executive Mansion, the President sits at the head of the Council table, and the members occupy positions as indicated in the accompanying diagram. The Cabinet has no legal existence. Any other official or any individual not holding official position can be called upon by the President to meet with him as a member of his Cabinet, and to consult him on the days in the week designated by him for that purpose. In some Administrations--notably those of Presidents Taylor and Pierce-- the members of the Cabinet assumed a power equal to that of the Venetian oligarchy. But Mr. Cleveland has not chosen to act the part of King Log, and right autocratically has he exercised his prerogative.

This habit of personally assuming responsibility has ever characterized Mr. Cleveland. When Mayor of Buffalo and when Governor of New York, he was open to suggestions from those whose judgment he valued, but he was always ready to carry his own full share of responsibility, as he now does in his relations with his chosen advisers of the Cabinet.

[Fascimile] Grover Cleveland GROVER CLEVELAND was born at Caldwell, Essex County, New Jersey, March 18th, 1837; studied law at Buffalo and commenced practice there; was Mayor of Buffalo, 1882, 1883; was Governor of the State of New York, 1883-1885; was elected President of the United States on the Democratic ticket, November 4th, 1884, and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1885.

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XLIV. OFFICIAL AND SOCIAL LIFE

President Cleveland is emphatically a working man. Possessing a strong physique, he industriously devotes his time and his energies to the duties of his office. Gentle in his strength, unobtrusive in his modesty, and unswerved by partisan clamor, he endeavors to do what he--from his personal and political standpoint--regards as right. He is above medium height, quite stout, and rather sluggish in his movement. He is of the Teutonic type--blonde, with ruddy color. His head is large, with a broad forehead, deeply set blue eyes, a large, straight nose, with vigorous nostrils, and a firm mouth, partly shaded by a drooping light mustache. He generally wears a frock coat, buttoned up so high that only an inch or so of his shirt bosom is visible, with a slight black cravat encircling a standing collar. In conversing with strangers, he generally stands with his hands clasped behind him, and when he thinks that he has heard enough from the person addressing him he brings his hands forward.

The President rises early, shaves himself, dresses without assistance, and then reads the newspapers until breakfast time. From the breakfast-table he goes to the library, an oval-shaped room in the second story of the White House, with large windows at one end commanding a fine southern view, with Alexandria and Arlington in the background. The room is partially lined with book-cases, and the furniture is upholstered with red leather, while in the centre of the room, near the windows, is the President's desk. It was presented by Queen Victoria, and was made from the oaken timbers of the Resolute, which was sent to the Arctic regions by the British Government in search of Sir John Franklin, abandoned in the ice, saved by American whalers, and restored to the British Government by the United States. On this desk the many papers before the President are methodically arranged, and he never has to waste time in hunting for mislaid letters.

The morning mail first passes through the hands of Colonel Lamont, who lays before the President such letters as require instructions as to the replies to be made. Mr. Cleveland answers many of his private letters himself, writing with great rapidity and not always very legibly. At ten o'clock visitors begin to arrive, Senators and Representatives claiming precedence over all others. A few of the Congressmen escort constituents who merely desire to pay their respects, but the greater portion of them--Republicans as well as Democrats--have some "axe to grind," some favor to ask, or some appointment to urge.

At one o'clock the President goes down-stairs to lunch, and on his way to the private dining-room passes through the East Room to see the sovereign people congregated there. There are queer mosaics of humanity at these daily impromptu receptions, generally including a few persistent place-hunters, who are invariably referred to the heads of Departments; several bridal couples in new clothes; an old Bourbon in a shiny black dress-coat, who "has voted for every Democratic President, sir, since the days of Jackson;" half a dozen commercial drummers--travelers, I mean--with their pockets full of samples, and three or four fond mothers, whose children invariably forget to speak the complimentary little piece taught them. The President wastes no time, but goes along the line like an old- fashioned beau dancing the grand right and left figure in a cotillion, and then goes to his luncheon.

Two days in the week, when there is a Cabinet meeting, the reception in the East Room is held at noon, or omitted. After luncheon, the President returns to his desk and works there steadily until five o'clock, unless some one calls who cannot be refused an audience. None of his predecessors have ever weighed the qualifications and claims of candidates for Federal appointment with such painstaking care as has Mr. Cleveland. He has carefully read the recommendations in every case, and, after such investigation as it has been possible for him to make into the character and antecedents of the rival applicants, he has made his appointments.

At five o'clock the President takes a drive, although the carriage is often sent back to the stable that the examination of the papers in some case may be finished that day. Dinner is served at seven, and by half-past eight the President is at work again, often remaining at his desk until midnight. But then he leaves his cares behind him. When asked if he ever carried the work to bed with him, as many men of a nervous organization would do, he replied: "No! I generally fall asleep without any difficulty. I generally am asleep as soon as I am fairly in bed, and never wake until morning."

Miss Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, one of the President's sisters, presided over the domestic arrangements of the White House after the inauguration of Mr. Cleveland. She is a lady of literary tastes, and under her direction the routine of receptions and dinners was carefully continued. On these occasions the floral decorations were remarkably elegant, and there was a profusion of palms, India rubber plants, roses, azalias, tulips, hyacinths, and growing orchids.

The first state dinner was given in honor of the Cabinet. At each end of the long table were ornaments of white wax. At the eastern end the figures upholding three fancy molds of jellied pate de foie gras were white swans, with outspread wings, under the shelter of which rested a brood of snowy young ones. At the opposite end of the table the figures were those of eagles, while the pates de foie gras arranged above on horseshoes were little square blocks, attached to the horseshoes by means of silver skewers, with ornamental hilts. Interspersed the length of the board were glass and silver stands of conserves, bonbons, and salted almonds. The service used at the first course was that especially decorated for the White House during the Hayes Administration. At each plate were set six Bohemian wine-glasses, a cut-glass carafe, tumbler, and champagne glass. Salt-sellers of cut-glass, with golden shovels, and silver pepper-stands were beside these. On each plate was folded a large damask napkin, on the top of which rested a bouquet of roses and ferns, tied with a broad white satin ribbon, on one end of which, running bias, were painted the colors of the Union. On the other end was an etching in black and white of the White House and surrounding shrubbery, while underneath, in gilt lettering, was "Jan. 14, 1886." Gilt bullet-headed pins, to attach the bouquet to the corsage, lay beside these, while above lay a large white card bearing the name of the guest assigned to the seat. Above the name of the guests, blazoned in gold, was the American eagle, above whose head, through a cluster of stars, was the motto, "E Pluribus Unum." At the plates laid for the gentlemen were boutonnieres of green, with a single Bon Silene rosebud. Miss Cleveland had a corsage bouquet of pink roses; Miss Bayard, who occupied the seat to the right of the President, Perie du Jardin roses, and Mrs. Manning, who sat to the left, lilies of the valley and ferns.

The guests assembled in the East Room, and when dinner was announced as served, passed down the corridor, the Marine Band performing selections from the "Mikado," and entered the state dining-room in the following order: President Cleveland and Miss Bayard, who wore a trained dress of pink silk, the front of which was white lace; Secretary Whitney and Mrs. Vilas, who wore a blue silk dress; Senator Edmunds and Mrs. McCullough, who wore cream satin and lace; Senator Harris and Mrs. Edward Cooper, who wore white satin, with side panels embroidered in gold and silver; General Sheridan and Mrs. Endicott, who wore a court train of black velvet over a pink satin petticoat, with point lace flounces; Secretary Bayard and Mrs. Whitney, who wore white cut velvet, trimmed with clusters of ostrich tips. Postmaster-General Vilas and Mrs. Sheridan, who wore sky-blue silk, with front brocaded in roses; Mr. Speaker Carlisle and Mrs. Edmunds, who wore black velvet; Mr. McCullough and Miss Weddell, who wore white brocaded satin; Secretary Lamar and Mrs. Carlisle, who wore gold-flowered brocade, with front of network of iridescent beading; Admiral Rogers and Mrs. D. Willis James, who wore cardinal velvet with court train, over a white satin and lace petticoat; Hon. Edward Cooper, of New York, and Miss Love, who wore white satin, with black velvet train; Mrs. D. Willis James, of New York, and Mrs. Utley, who wore white satin brocade; Secretary Manning and Miss Cleveland, who wore a gown of white satin, with court train of white plush.

Miss Cleveland had her afternoon receptions, and she also gave several luncheon parties to ladies, at which her temperance principles were exemplified. At the first of these luncheon parties Miss Cleveland graciously received her guests in a morning dress of pink surah silk, with a high-necked bodice and panels of ruby velvet, trimmed with white lace, and Miss Van Vechten, an inmate of the White House, wore a walking-dress of dark blue velvet, with a vest of light blue silk, trimmed with blue steel beads. Nearly all of the ladies wore walking-dresses and bonnets, although a few were in the evening attire that they would have worn to a dinner-party. Mrs. Warner Miller wore a bronze-green Ottoman silk with panels of cardinal plush; Mrs. Potter (the amateur actress) wore a bright green Ottoman silk short dress, with a tight-fitting jacket of scarlet cloth, richly embroidered; Mrs. John A. Logan wore a dress of peacock-blue satin, trimmed with blue brocade; Mrs. Marshal Roberts wore a brown velvet dress, and Mrs. Van Rensselaer a black satin dress trimmed with jet. The repast was an abbreviated dinner, daintily served, but in the place of seven kinds of wine there were served iced Potomac water, Apollinaris water and lemonade.

Miss Cleveland talks very much as she writes, and those who have enjoyed her Summer Hours can imagine the bright staccato strain of her conversation. She seemed when in the White House to be always longing for what she used to call her "little old house on the Holland Patent, with the village on the one side and the hills on the other." She remarked one day to a lady visitor: "I wish that I could observe Washington life in its political phase; but I suppose I am too near the centre to get an accurate perspective on that. Those who live on Mount Athos do not see Mount Athos."

Society was saddened early in the fashionable season of 1886 by the sudden death of Secretary Bayard's eldest daughter, a young lady whose personal attractions, gifted intellect, and quick wit endeared her to a large circle of devoted friends. A fortnight later, the bereaved father was deprived by death of his wife, a lady of gracious presence and refined disposition, who was the mother of twelve children, eight of whom survived her. These sad events closed the pleasant home of the Premier on Highland Terrace, greatly to the regret of the diplomats and others, who loved to congregate there.

Prominent among the wives of the members of the Cabinet was Mrs. Whitney, the only daughter of Senator Harry B. Payne, of Ohio, whose unstinted expenditures have made her house in Washington, like her other residences, noted for their hospitality. The residence of Secretary Manning, with its drawing-room fitted up in the Louis XVI. style, is palatial, while those who visit the home of the Secretary of War admire the quiet style of its furniture and the rare old family silver on its table.

The death of Vice-President Hendricks removed an official around whom the disaffected Democrats could have crystallized into a formidable opposition. Believing as he did, that he had been defrauded of the office of Vice-President by the Electoral Commission in 1876, he regarded his election in 1884 as a triumphant vindication of his rights, and he was not disposed to have the position longer regarded as "like the fifth wheel of a coach." He made no secret of his opposition to civil service reform and to his Indiana rival, ex-Senator McDonald, against whose appointment to a place in the Cabinet he formally protested. Perhaps a social antagonism between Mrs. McDonald and Mrs. Hendricks had something to do with this.

Vice-President Hendricks was slightly lame, from a singular cause. He spoke in public a great deal in the Presidential campaign of 1882, and while speaking he was in the habit of bending forward on the tip of his right foot, resting his entire weight upon it. From the pressure of his right shoe a swelling arose on one of his toes, shortly after he reached home after making a speech at Newcastle, Indiana. In twenty-four hours erysipelas developed, and it was only after an illness of six months that he recovered. But he always afterward was somewhat lame, especially when he was fatigued.

[Facsimile] T. A. Hendricks THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS was born in Muskingum County, Ohio, September 7th, 1849; was taken when three years of age to Indiana, where he studied law and practiced; was a Representative in Congress from Indiana, 1851-1855; was Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1855-1859; was United States Senator from Indiana, 1863- 1869; was Governor of Indiana, 1872-1877; was nominated for Vice- President on the Democratic ticket at St. Louis in 1876, and was defeated; was again nominated for Vice-President on the Democratic ticket at Chicago in 1884, and was elected; was inaugurated March 4th, 1885, and died at Indianapolis, November 25th, 1885.

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XLV. THE FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS

The first session of the Forty-ninth Congress was commenced on the 7th of December, 1885. The Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but it was understood that they would not oppose the Administration in a factious way, but would insist upon having the reasons for the removals of Republican officials and the appointment of Democrats in their places. The President, on the other hand, intimated that he should assert all his prerogatives. A number of the Democratic Senators were not happy, and asked each other whether they had dragged their weary way out of the wilderness to the top of a civil service Mount Pisgah only to gaze upon the promised land, there to see the pleasant pastures and shady groves of official life, without being permitted to enjoy them.

John Sherman was elected President pro tempore of the Senate. Although he had twice lost the Republican nomination for the Presidency by the treachery of Ohio politicians, he had not "sulked in his tent," but had done all in his power to carry that State for Garfield and then for Blaine. It was understood that Senator Edmunds had resigned in his favor all claims to the Presidency of the Senate, and he was elected by the full party vote, thirty-four against twenty-nine. He stated in his brief inaugural speech that he should endeavor to enforce the rules with impartiality, ascertaining, if possible, the sense of the majority, and giving to the minority its full constitutional rights and protection.

There was a prolonged and acrimonious debate in the Senate, called the third battle of Bull Run, as it related to the conduct of Fitz John Porter in the second battle. One day Senator Plumb, of Kansas, declared that the attempt to reinstate Porter was the beginning of an attempt to re-write the history of the Union army, and to put that which was disloyal and unfaithful above that which was loyal and faithful. "This," said Mr. Plumb, "was our quarrel, if quarrel it was, and the other side ought to refrain from voting on it."

This roused Senator Butler, of South Carolina, who had served as a Brigadier-General in the Confederate army, and he, in sharp tones, protested against what Mr. Plumb had said, denouncing it as "absolutely and entirely and unqualifiedly untrue. And, sir," he went on to say, "if it were in another form I would pronounce it as false and cowardly." He concluded by declaring that he did not believe Fitz John Porter was a traitor. He did not believe that he deserted his colors, and believing that, he should vote to reinstate him. "Ah!" quietly remarked Mr. Plumb, "I knew all that before the Senator arose." "Then," retorted Mr. Butler, "I hope the Senator will stop his insinuations." To this Mr. Plumb replied, "As the Senator has not restrained himself from making a somewhat lively speech here, I hope he will not feel under any restraint elsewhere."

Senator Butler was by that time thoroughly enraged, and, advancing toward the Senator from Kansas, he exclaimed: "I can say this to the Senator, that if he were to indulge in just such sentiments and expressions elsewhere as he has, he would be very likely to hear from me." "Oh! Mr. President," cooly remarked Mr. Plumb, "we hear a great many things in these days. There are signs and portents, and all that sort of thing. It is just what the Senator has said that I was commenting upon; that, while the men who served in the Union army and the Northern people were divided to some extent on this question affecting the honor, the good name, the faithfulness, and the loyalty of one of their own soldiers, no Confederate soldier had any doubt upon the subject, but voted nem. con. that he was not guilty."

A few moments later, Mr. Plumb said he has just been informed that the President had vetoed a bill giving a pension of fifty dollars a month to the widow of Major-General Hunter, who had been presiding officer of the court-martial that had tried Fitz John Porter. That seemed a fitting accompaniment for the passage of the Fitz John Porter Bill. But the loyal people of the country would see to it that Mrs. Hunter did not suffer. The debate then lagged, and in a few minutes the vote was reached and the bill was passed.

The champion of President Cleveland in the Senate was Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland, the son of a respectable citizen of Washington and the grandson of an Irishman. Educated at the public schools in Howard County, Maryland, he was appointed, when thirteen years of age, a page in the Senate of the United States. Prompt, truthful, and attentive to whatever was entrusted to him, he was gradually promoted until he became the Senate Postmaster. Among his warmest friends was Andrew Johnson, and when he was removed from office because he always spoke well of the President, Mr. Johnson appointed him Collector of Internal Revenue for the Fifth District of Maryland, which place he held until the Grant Administration came into power. Entering into Maryland politics, and thoroughly acquainted with parliamentary law, he was elected Speaker of the House of Delegates, and afterward State Senator. When forty years of age he was elected United States Senator, defeating William Pinckney Whyte, who was the representative of the aristocratic element in Maryland. This element at once commenced a merciless warfare against Mr. Gorman, but he was in no wise daunted, and he has been re-elected by a large majority. He is rather an under-sized, squarely built man, with jet-black hair, a Roman nose, a clean-shaven face, very dark blue eyes, and a decisive manner. He is noted for his fidelity to his friends, and at the same time he often forgives those who have shamefully treated him, but who come to ask favors of him. He did much toward securing the election of Mr. Cleveland as President, and he has had the satisfaction of seeing that what he did has been fully appreciated at the White House.

Senator Kenna, of West Virginia, another stanch defender of President Cleveland, was the youngest Senator when he took his seat, but he had served three terms in the House of Representatives and was chosen for a fourth term when he was elected to the seat formerly occupied by Henry G. Davis. He is a tall, thick-set man, with a full, clean-shaven face, blue eyes, chestnut hair, rather inclined to curl. He is negligent in his dress and rather slow in the utterance of his sentences, as he speaks extemporaneously, what he says, however, is always to the point at issue.

General Charles F. Manderson is one of the ablest among the younger Senators on the Republican side of the Chamber. A native of Pennsylvania, he commenced the practice of law in Ohio, but went into the Union army, where he fought gallantly, receiving severe wounds. After peace was declared he migrated to the young State of Nebraska, whose interests he carefully looks after while he participates in general legislation, especially military affairs and printing. He is of medium height, compactly built, with bright eyes and a well-modulated voice.

Senator Spooner, of Wisconsin, is the young orator of the Senate. Slender in form, and not of commanding presence, he has a well- modulated voice, and his words are always well chosen. Whatever he says is characterized by depth of reflection and purity of style, and he is fearlessly independent in the expression of his ideas.

General McCook, the Secretary of the Senate, taking a wife, it became necessary, in accordance with the traditions of that body, to make him a wedding present. The Quaker Senator, Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island, was one of a committee appointed to collect the contributions for a gift to General McCook, and he began to solicit donations while the Senate was in session, which made it necessary for him to speak low, and, perhaps, somewhat indistinctly. No sooner had be interviewed Mr. Dolph, of Oregon, than that Senator, leaving his seat, went out into the cloak-room, where sat several of the upper house, enjoying their cigars and a chat. "Well," said Mr. Dolph, as he joined them, "I have been called upon, since I have been in public life, to contribute to all sorts of enterprises and for all sorts of purposes, but I just had a request that beats any demand I have ever had made upon my pocket-book." "What was it?" asked the Senators, in a body. "Why," replied Mr. Dolph, "Friend Chace just came to me, and in a mysterious way said that his cook was about to be married, and that he wanted to have me subscribe to a testimonial to her. What in--" but here his auditors broke out in roars of laughter, in which Mr. Dolph joined when he saw his mistake. It was not the cook of Friend Chace who was to receive a wedding testimonial, but handsome Aaron McCook, the Secretary of the Senate.

The House of Representatives, in which the Democrats had a good working majority, re-elected Mr. Speaker Carlisle, with nearly all of the old officers. The only real contest was over the Chaplainship. Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, presented as his candidate the Rev. W. H. Milburn, known as the blind preacher, who received ninety votes against eighty-two for all the other candidates, and was elected.

John Griffin Carlisle, Speaker of the House, is a thorough parliamentarian, who rises above party lines in his rulings and is the model of courtesy in the chair. The clearness and the fairness with which he states a question to the House has never been equaled, and his ready recollection of precedents is wonderfully accurate. He is the fourth Kentuckian who has wielded the Speaker's gavel, Henry Clay having been elected again and again, while Linn Boyd, a veteran Representative, occupied the Speaker's chair for four years. John White, of Kentucky, was also Speaker for one term, but when it was ascertained that an eloquent address delivered by him at the close of a session had been pirated from one delivered by Aaron Burr on vacating the chair of the Senate, he was mercilessly ridiculed and committed suicide.

Another able Kentuckian in the House is William C. P. Breckinridge, of Lexington, who has inherited the brilliant oratorical powers of his father, the Rev. Dr. Robert C. Breckinridge, and of his uncle, Vice-President John C. Breckinridge. He is a model of venerable, manly beauty, his snow-white hair and beard bringing out in strong relief his ruddy complexion, while his large blue eyes gleam with forensic fire.

In the "gift enterprise" of seats, a New York Representative, Mr. Stahlnecker, drew the first prize and selected a seat in the third row from the front. Mr. Hiscock, who is always observed by all observers, had, with Mr. Hewitt, to content themselves with seats in the outside row. The seat of the patriarchal Judge Kelley was protected by his hat, and no one appropriated it until his name was called, when he again resumed his old place. General Robert Smalls, the coal-black Representative from South Carolina, was the object of much interest as he stepped forward to select his seat, and all necks were craned to get a view of New York's Republican standard-bearer when a scholarly, refined-looking gentleman responded to the name of Ira Davenport. Of course, all strangers wanted to see the indefatigable Randall, the economical Holman, the free- trader Morrison, the Greenback Weaver and the argentive Bland, the eloquent McKinley, the sarcastic Reed, the sluggish Hiscock, and the caustic-tongued Butterworth. Old stagers who remembered the shrunken, diminutive form of Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, could but smile when they saw his successor, Major Barnes, who weighs at least three hundred pounds.

The lobby is a quiet but efficient part of Congressional machinery. Scores of bills are considered and passed during every session, each involving thousands of dollars, and those having them in charge do not feel like turning a deaf ear to any one who can promise support. An occasional investigation reveals the work of ex- Congressmen, who hover about the Capitol like birds of prey, and of correspondents so scantily paid by the journals with which they are connected that they are forced to prostitute their pens. But the most adroit lobbyists belong to the gentler sex. Some of them are the widows of officers of the army or navy, other the daughters of Congressmen of a past generation, and others have drifted from home localities, where they have found themselves the subjects of scandalous comments. They are retained with instructions to exert their influence with designated Congressmen. Sometimes the Congressmen are induced to vote aye on a certain measure; sometimes to vote no, and it often occurs that where the lobbyist cannot make an impression on them, one way or the other, they will endeavor to keep them away from the House when the roll is called.

To enable them to do their work well, they have pleasant parlors, with works of art and bric-a-brac donated by admirers. Every evening they receive, and in the winter their blazing wood fires are often surrounded by a distinguished circle. Some treat favored guests to a game of euchre, and as midnight approaches there is always an adjournment to the dining-room, where a choice supper is served. A cold game pie, broiled oysters, charmingly mixed salad, and one or two light dishes generally constitute the repast, with iced champagne or Burgundy at blood heat. Who can blame the Congressman for leaving the bad cooking of his hotel or boarding- house, with the absence of all home comforts, to walk into the parlor web which the cunning spider-lobbyist weaves for him?

[Facsimile] Fredk T. Frelinghuysen FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN was born at Millstown, New Jersey, August 4th, 1817; graduated at Rutgers College in 1836; was Attorney- General of the State of New Jersey, 1861-1866; was United States Senator, 1866-1869, and again 1871-1877; was Secretary of State under President Arthur, December 12th, 1881 - March 4th, 1885; died at Newark, N. J., May 20th, 1885.

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XLVI. THE PRESIDENT'S WEDDING

President Cleveland was married at the White House at seven o'clock on the 2d of June, 1886, to Miss Frances Folsom, the daughter of his former law partner. Since the historic mansion had been occupied there had been eight marriages within its walls, but for the first time a President of the United States was the bridegroom. The day had been unpleasant, but in the afternoon it cleared off, and the sunbeams flittered through the foliage of the trees. Only a few relatives of the bride and high officials were invited, but a large crowd assembled around the door of the White House, where they could only hear the music of the Marine Band when the ceremony was commenced. At the same time a Presidential salute was fired from the Arsenal, and the church-bells chimed merry peals.

The state apartments at the White House were profusely decked with flowers, nodding palms, and tropical grasses. The crystal chandeliers poured a flood of light upon the scene, and the warm and glowing colors of the masses of scarlet begonias and jacqueminot roses mingled with the bright tints of the frescoed walls and ceilings. The open fire-places were filled with colias and small pink flowers, while on the mantels were large plaques of pansies bearing appropriate mottoes.

Precisely at seven o'clock the Marine Band struck up Mendelssohn's Wedding-March, and the President came slowly down the staircase with his bride leaning on his arm. They were unaccompanied--even the bride's mother awaited her coming. The bride wore a train four yards in length. Attached to the lower side of the train on the left was a scarf of soft, white India silk, looped high, and forming an overskirt, which was bordered on the edge with orange-blossoms. Across the bodice were full folds of muslin, edged with orange- blossoms. Long gloves were worn to meet the short sleeves. The bridal veil was of white silk tulle, five yards in length, fastened on the head with orange-blossoms, and falling to the end of the beautiful train, which, as the bride stood with bowed head beside the President, lay far behind her on the floor. Her only jewelry as a superb diamond necklace, the President's wedding present, and an engagement-ring containing a sapphire and two diamonds.

President Cleveland wore an evening dress of black, with a small turned-down collar, and a white lawn necktie; a white rose was fastened to the lapel of his coat. The bridal couple turned to the right as they entered the Blue Parlor from the long hall, and faced the officiating clergyman, Rev. Dr. Sunderland, who immediately commenced the ceremony in accordance with the usages of the Presbyterian Church.

After the couple had pledged their troth the President placed a wedding-ring upon the bride's finger, and Dr. Sunderland then pronounced them man and wife, with the injunction: "Whom God hath joined together let no man put asunder." The Rev. Mr. Cleveland, a brother of the bridegroom, then stepped forward and concluded the ceremony with an invocation of blessing upon the pair.

At the conclusion of the ceremony the bride's mother, Mrs. Folsom, was the first to tender her congratulations. She was followed by Miss Cleveland and the other relatives and friends in turn. Then the band struck up the march from Lohengrin, and the President and his wife led the way through the East Room to the family dining- room, where the wedding supper was served. The decorations were of an elaborate character. A mirror in the centre of the table represented a lake, on which was a full-rigged ship, made of pinks, roses, and pansies. The national colors floated over the mainmast, and small white flags, with the monogram "C. F." in golden letters, hung from the other masts. The guests were not seated, but stood up and enjoyed the croquets, game, salads, ices, and creams. The health of the bride and bridegroom was pledged in iced champagne. Each guest received a box of cardboard, containing a white satin box filled with wedding cake five inches long by two broad and two deep. On the cover the date was hand-painted in colors, and a card affixed bore the autograph signature of Grover Cleveland and Frances Folsom, which they had written the previous afternoon.

At a quarter-past eight the President and his wife left the supper- room and soon reappeared in traveling dress. He wore his usual black frock business suit, and she a traveling dress of deep gray silk, with a large gray hat lined with velvet and crowned with ostrich feathers. They left the back door of the White House amid a shower of rice and old slippers, and were driven to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where they took a special train for Deer Park.

[Facsimile] B. Sunderland BYRON SUNDERLAND was born at Shoreham, Vermont, November 22d, 1819; was graduated from Middlebury College in the class of '38; taught school for two years at Port Henry, New York; was a student at the Union Theological Seminary for two years and a half; was licensed to preach and was ordained in 1848 pastor of the Presbyterian church at Batavia, New York, where he remained for eight years; received a call to the Park Church at Syracuse, and was its pastor until the close of 1852; became pastor of the First Presbyterian Church at Washington in 1853, and has occupied its pulpit since, except from August, '64, to January, '86, when he was temporarily absent in charge of the American Chapel at Paris, France. From 1861 to 1864 he was Chaplain of the United States Senate, and resigned on account of failing health.

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XLVII. A SUMMING-UP OF SIXTY YEARS

The progress of Washington City during the past sixty years--1827- 1887--has been phenomenal. The United States of America, then twenty-four in number, now number thirty-eight, bound together by iron bands, then unknown, while the telegraph and the telephone add their usefulness to that of the railroads. Domestic rebellion showed itself, to be overthrown only after a struggle in which the courage and endurance of the North and the South were equally demonstrated. The teeming population of Europe has overflowed into every section of the Republic where wealth is to be won by enterprise and industry. The fertile prairies of the far West not only supply the inhabitants of the Eastern States with food, but they export large quantities of meat and of grain. The workshops and factories resound with the whir of wheels and the hum of well-paid labor, which, in turn, furnishes a market for agricultural and horticultural products. There has been of late a fomentation of ill-feeling and jealously between classes dependent upon each other, and both equally valuable to the nation. But, on the whole, it is impossible to deny that the United States is a free, a prosperous, and a happy country.

The national metropolis has, during these past sixty years, enjoyed peaceful progress. In 1827 the population of the entire District of Columbia was less than seventy-five thousand, of whom sixty-one thousand were inhabitants of the city of Washington; now the population of the District is two hundred and three thousand, and that of Washington is about one hundred and fifty thousand. The increase of wealth has been even greater than the increase of population. Then there was not a paved street, and it was often difficult to extract carriages from mud-holes in the principal thoroughfares; now there are many miles of stone and asphalt street pavements, shaded by thousands of forest trees. Then there were twenty-four churches, now there are over two hundred. Then there were no public schools for white children that amounted to much, and it was forbidden by law to teach colored children, now there are scores of schools, with their hundreds of teachers, and twenty- six thousand six hundred and ninety-six pupils in the white schools, and eleven thousand six hundred and forty pupils in the colored schools--thirty-eight thousand three hundred and thirty-six pupils in all. The streets, then dark at night when the moon did not shine, are now illuminated by electricity and gas. The public reservations are ornamented with shrubs and flowers, while numerous statues of the heroes and the statesmen of the country are to be seen in different parts of the city.

That the tone of society has been wonderfully improved during the past sixty years the earlier chapters of this book bear testimony. Duels and personal encounters are no longer witnessed at the national metropolis, and yet our legislators have not grown craven- hearted, nor do they lack indomitable energy and sound judgment. Neither is it true that Congress has become demoralized by railroad speculations, or degraded by the influence of shoddy, although the war subjected its members greatly to these influences, and some succumbed to them.

When the silver-toned trumpets of peace proclaimed the close of hostilities, Washington suffered from the laxity of morals and corruption attendant upon the presence of a great army of soldiers and a more unscrupulous legion of contractors. "I have seen," said Senator Hoar, on the impeachment of Secretary Belknap before the Senate, "the Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in the House, rise in his place and demand the expulsion of four of his associates for making sale of their official privilege of selecting the youths to be educated at our military school. When the greatest railroad of the world, binding together the continent and uniting the two great seas which wash our shores was finished, I have seen our national triumph and exultation turned to bitterness and shame by the unanimous reports of the three Committees of Congress, two of the House and one here, that every step of that mighty enterprise had been taken in fraud. I have heard in the highest places the shameless doctrine avowed by men grown old in public offices that the true way by which power should be gained in the Republic is to bribe the people with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which it should be used when gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and the gratification of personal revenge."

The time was when the "Rex Vestiari," as the King of the Lobby styled himself, on a silver cup which he impudently presented to a retiring Speaker, had no difficulty in assembling the leading Congressmen and prominent diplomats around his table to enjoy his exquisite repasts. But there has come a more vigorous code of morality, and society is now rarely disgraced by the presence of these scoundrels.

The tone of the political newspapers of the country has greatly changed since the Democratic organ at Philadelphia, then the seat of Government, thanked God, on the morning of Washington's retirement from the Presidential chair, that the country was now rid of the man who was the source of all its misfortunes. The Federal newspapers at Washington City denounced President Jefferson for his degraded immorality, and copied the anathemas hurled against him from the New England pulpits as an atheist and a satyr. The letters written from Washington to newspapers in other cities used often to be vehicles of indecent abuse, and once one of the caused a duel between two Representatives, which resulted in the death of Mr. Cilley, of Maine. While there is less vituperation and vulgar personal abuse by journalists of those "in authority," the pernicious habit of "interviewing" is a dangerous method of communication between our public men and the people. The daily and weekly press of Washington will compare favorably with that of any other city in the Union.

A sad feature of Washington life is the legion of Congressional claimants, who come here session after session, and too often grow old and destitute while unsuccessfully prosecuting before Congress a claim which is just, but in some respects irregular. These ruined suitors, threadbare and slipshod, begging or borrowing their daily bread, recall Charles Dickens' portraiture of the Jarndyce vs. Jarndyce Chancery suite, which had become so complicated that no one alive knew what it meant. The French spoilation claims that were being vigorously prosecuted in 1827 are yet undetermined in 1886. None of the original claimants survive, but they have left heirs and legatees, executors and assignees, who have perennially presented their cases, and who are now indulging in high hopes of success. Government, after more than fourscore years of unjustifiable procrastination, is at last having the claims adjudicated, and in time the heirs of the long-suffering holders will be paid.

Up to the commencement of the great Rebellion, Washington was socially a Southern city, and although there have since been immigrations from the Northeast and the Northwest, with the intermediate regions, the foundation layer sympathizes with those who have returned from "Dixie" to control society and direct American politics. Many of those known as the "old families" lost their property by the emancipation of their slaves, and are rarely seen in public, unless one of the Virginia Lees or the daughter of Jefferson Davis comes to Washington, when they receive the representatives of "the Lost Cause" with every possible honor. There are but few large cities at the South, and intelligent people from that section enjoy the metropolis, where they are more at home than in the bustling commercial centres of the North, and where their provincialisms and customs are soon replaced by the quiet conventialities and courtesies of modern civilization. There are a few of the old camp-followers here who perfected their vices while wearing "the blue" or "the gray," and they occasionally indulge in famous revels, when, to use one of their old army phrases, they "paint the town red."

Washington society does not all centre around the Capitol, or in the legal circle that clusters around the Supreme Court, on in the Bureaucracy, where vigor of brains atones for a lack of polish, or among the diplomats, worshiped by the young women and envied by the young men. Vulgar people who amass fortunes by successful gambling in stocks, pork, or grain can attain a great deal of cheap newspaper notoriety for their social expenditures here, and some men of distinction can be attracted to their houses by champagne and terrapin, but their social existence is a mere sham, like their veneered furniture and their plated spoons.

Meanwhile, Washington, from a new settlement of provincial insignificance, has become the scientific and literary, as well as the political capital of the Union. Unfitted by its situation or its surroundings for either commerce or manufactures, the metropolis is becoming, like ancient Athens, a great school of philosophy, history, archaeology, and the fine arts. The nucleus of scientific and literary operations is the Smithsonian Institution, which, under the direction of Professor Spencer F. Baird, reflects high honor upon its generous founder, and is in fact what he intended it should be--an institution "to increase and diffuse knowledge among men."

In the National Museum there is a judicious admixture of the past and present, and still more, happily blending with these, are not only the wonders of the vegetable and floral kingdom, but of those geological, zoological, and ethnological marvels which it is the privilege of this age to have brought to light and classified. It is not only the storehouse of the results of scientific expeditions fitted out by the United States, but the depository of the contributions of foreign nations, which added so much to the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia in 1876. The work of the United States Fish Commission is too well known to require description, and is of itself well worth a journey to Washington. Then there are the museums of the State, the War, and the Navy Departments, with that of the Department of Agriculture and the Army Medical Museum.

The Observatory, with its magnificent instruments for astronomical purposes, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, and the Naval Hydrographic Bureau, each with its stores of maps and charts; the Bureau of Education, the Indian Office, the General Land Office, and the Geological Survey are all scientific institutions of acknowledged position. The Corcoran Art Gallery, and the Roman Catholic and the Protestant Colleges, with their law and medical schools, add to the scientific and artistic attractions of the capital, while the facilities afforded by the Congressional and other libraries for study and research are of such a superior character that many men engaged in scientific pursuits have been attracted here from other sections.

There are also in Washington the Philosophical, the Anthropological, and the Biological Societies, devoted to general scientific investigation, and at the Cosmos Club the scientists develop the social side of their natures. The house long occupied by Mrs. Madison has been fitted up by the Club, the membership of which includes about all of the prominent scientific men in the city, and it is said that there are more men of distinction in science in Washington than in any other city in the country.

L'ENVOI

It is not without regret that I lay down my pen, and cease work on the Reminiscences of Sixty Years, of my life. As I remarked in the Preface, my great difficulty has been what to select from the masses of literary material concerning the national metropolis that I have accumulated during the past six decades, and put away in diaries, scrap-books, correspondence with the press, and note-books. Many important events have been passed over more lightly than their importance warranted, while others have been wholly ignored. But I trust that I have given my readers a glance at the most salient features of Life in Washington, as I have actually seen it, without indulging in sycophantic flattery of men, or glossing over the unpleasant features of events. "Paint me as I am," said Cromwell, and I have endeavored to portray the Federal Metropolis as I have seen it.

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