Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 03 (of 11) (part 3 of 7)

Appendix

National Socialist German Workers Party

Gau Coblenz--Trier

Coblenz June 7, 1933

Propaganda Department

To all Kreis directorates Subject: List M. 18, Jew baiting Nr 2

You will receive in the next few days a list of the communities of your districts in which you will find the Jewish firms and businesses of your district. You will immediately check in your whole district whether the addresses given are correct or whether some have been forgotten. The highest importance is to be placed on accuracy since the list is to be printed.

Subject: Jew baiting

The district directorate will set up a committee which has the task of directing and supervising the communities in the whole district. The strength of this committee will be determined by the district directed. You are to inform the Gau-propaganda directorate at once of the committees named. The Gau propaganda directorate will then set itself in coordinating with these committees through you.

Present tasks of the committees.

The committee will form in all the local groups and support localities such committees whose names shall be known only to the district committee. The members of the sub-committees shall report to the district committee the names of those Party members and other Germans who buy from Jews. The district committee will publish articles whose content is such that it will point out to the miscreant members of the nation the shamefulness of their deed, and will make them aware of the shame to which they would be subjected if they were proceeded against publicly. This article must be arranged so that only the addresses of those involved, the business and the time in which he made the purchase will be given. The article should bear no signature and will be posted on various posting spots. Further the committees have to secure female clerks from Jewish stores, who can then very easily name those who purchase in Jewish shops. This demands some caution and has to be done with the greatest secrecy. The names of these clerks shall in no case be mentioned. Negotiations are to be undertaken with the association for the employed middle class so that it will prepare the means for this action and will assume the responsibility of finding a new job in another shop of equal importance in case the clerk loses her job. Her name must not be given, only the number.

The district directorate will point out in all gatherings of members or in all public gatherings that the Jew in all countries is again carrying on a low attack which is greatly harmful to Germany. It must be made clear to the masses that no German may buy from a Jew. It is also to be demanded of the Party membership that it constantly bring this to the attention of its friends and acquaintances. The Party membership must go so far in the interest of the nation that it cease friendship with best acquaintances if the latter continue to purchase from Jews. It must go so far that no German will speak to a Jew if it is not absolutely necessary, and this must be particularly pointed out.

German girls who go with Jews are to be made cognizant of the shamefulness of their actions. A member of our party must, in no way, have anything to do with such a person.

Heil Hitler Signed: Bang Gau-Propagandaleiter

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 375-PS

TOP SECRET

Berlin, 25 August 1938 General Staff of the 5th Section (German Air Force) (Genstb. 5. Abteilung) No. 28/38. TOP SECRET (G-2) For Commanders only [CHEF-SACHE] THROUGH OFFICER COURIER ONLY

Subject: Extended Case Green [GRUEN--code for Czechoslovakia.] Estimate of the Situation with Special Consideration of the Enemy.

A. Initial Political Situation:

1. The basic assumption is that France will declare war during the Case Green.

It is presumed that France will only decide upon war if active military assistance by Great Britain is definitely assured.

2. The Soviet Union will probably side immediately with the Western Powers.

3. It is not expected for the moment that other states will intervene against Germany.

The Dutch-Belgian area assumes in this connection much more importance for the prevention of the war in Western Europe than during the World War. This mainly as an advanced base for the air war.

4. The United States of America will immediately support the fight of the Western Powers with strong ideological and economic means.

5. Italy, Nationalistic-Spain, Hungary and Japan are regarded as benevolent neutrals.

B. Initial Military Situation:

1. The French-Czechoslovakian treaty provides for military assistance only in the case of an unprovoked attack. At least an agreement of the French and British views as to the legal aspect has to be achieved. If only for political reasons we have to consider the 2nd day as the earliest possible day of war on a European scale. In cast of a 24 hour ultimatum it would be the 3rd day.

2. It is further assumed that the actual commencement of hostilities will only take place after the French armed forces have been tactically deployed. That means within the fourth to eighteenth day. This to

a. use the deployment as a means of political pressure,

b. and to be able to deploy the troops undisturbed.

3. The war aim of the Entente Powers is to be considered as the overcoming of Germany through attacking its war economy. With other words through a long war.

4. The following are possible methods of operation for the French army:

a. to man and hold the Maginot-line,

b. to march into Belgium and the Netherlands at the beginning of the war with the aim of occupying the Ruhr-territory.

All suppositions support the first alternative.

5. The French Air Force will probably attack both economic and German Air Force targets as well as military and communication objectives. Thus no concentrated effect will be achieved at any one place.

6. The French Navy will probably cooperate through operations with the British sea power to supplant the North Sea blockade. The aim will be the maintenance of naval predominance in the Atlantic and the Western Mediterranean.

7. The British Air Force is assumed to be committed from English bases against the Rhine-Westphalia industrial area and the North Sea ports. Sooner or later the Belgium-Dutch neutrality will be violated.

A camouflaged aircraft reporting network in Belgium and the Netherlands has to be taken into account from the first day of the war. No transfer to France on the part of the British Air Force need be expected at the beginning of the war. Equally it is held to be out of the question for any large parts of the British armed forces to be transferred to France.

8. Provision seems to have been made for the use of North French ground organizations during the course of the war at least by part of the attacking British Air Forces.

The existence of a relatively large number of civilian airfields in Belgium and the Netherlands seem to indicate the intention of moving advanced elements of the air defenses of London (light fighters and reconnaissance aircraft) into this area after a while.

9. Thanks to the expected neutrality of Poland, the active participation of Soviet Russia will be largely restricted to the prosecution of the war in the Baltic.

Furthermore, air attacks against East Prussia and the Baltic coast are to be anticipated and occasional raids on Berlin are regarded as possible.

10. The basic assumption in respect to our own prosecution of the war is that two war plane air forces will be available in the West at the beginning of hostilities. There will be five war plane air forces in all after three to four weeks. The aim will be to bring about a decision by the defeat of the Western powers.

C. Task of the German Air Force:

The German Air Force has at present not all the forces necessary to seek a decision by attacking the enemy's war economy with the aid of the navy. The prime responsibility of the German Air Force in the present situation must be to help the armed forces immobilized opposite a fortified front to achieve operational freedom.

D. Enemy War Plane Forces:

1. The French Air Force will have on the 1st October some 640 war planes in the front line units on French home territory of which not more than 120 to 150 attain a modern standard of performance. Available reserves total about 320 obsolete war planes.

There are another 150 obsolete war planes in North Africa for use in colonial war or against Southern Italy.

It is assumed that the French home war plane units will be deployed for the most part in the known areas of Eastern France at the beginning of the war. They will be employed against various targets (air force targets, industrial and communications targets, military installations, Army targets) in the operational area as well as in depth according to the capabilities of their personnel and equipment.

Any transfer of more than insignificant forces to Czechoslovakia is regarded as outside the range of practical possibilities, as is the concentrated commitment of large formations against the armies fighting in Czechoslovakia.

2. The British war plane force will consist of some 850 war planes on October 1st of which 300 to 350 can be regarded as modern. The majority of the front line aircraft as well as some 200 to 300 reserve aircraft can be described as only conditionally serviceable in the face of modern defences.

Due to their inadequate range the present British war plane formations are not in a position to carry on a vigorous air war from their home bases only without violating sovereign Dutch or Belgian territory.

Even if Dutch and Belgian neutrality is ignored only the modern war planes need to be taken into account as a serious threat to the Ruhr.

A transfer of British Air Forces to Northern France is to be expected at the earliest, after several weeks of war.

If the French Army Command decides to march through Belgium and the Netherlands the immediate influx of British fighters into this area becomes probable.

Heavy attacks against the North Sea ports by carrier based aircraft need not be reckoned with:

a. because the equipment and training of these aircraft is designed to fit them for specific naval tasks;

b. because aircraft carriers, due to their vulnerability, will be committed in the North Sea only for very pressing reasons, which do not exist in this instance.

On the other hand occasional attacks by coastal aircraft forces against targets on the North Sea coast are feasible and probable.

E. Enemy Aircraft Industries:

1. The first aircraft put into mass production as a result of the expansion of French military aircraft industry during the years 1934 to 1938 are at present rolling off the assembly lines. At the moment the aero-engine factories are lagging behind with deliveries.

In August 1938 forty single-engined and thirty twin-engined military aircraft were delivered to the French Air Forces. It must be assumed that these figures will be increased during the coming months to 100 aircraft a month, 50 single-engined and 50 twin-engined.

A further moderate increase in production is possible and to be expected from spring 1939 on.

2. In Great Britain existing plants have been extended since 1936 with the aid of State funds and the effect on the armament situation will begin to make itself felt increasingly from 1939 on. If the present plans will be observed the program will be completely carried out by 1941.

Present production (August 1938) is estimated at some 200 aircraft of all types (commercial and military aircraft) a month. It must be noted that the import of training aircraft and long-range reconnaissance aircraft from the United States and Canada is intended.

3. North American aircraft industry (United States and Canada) is at the moment fully occupied. No notable expansion has yet taken place but is possible. A possible expansion would have no practical effects in 1939.

250 aircraft of all types (commercial and military) a month for the home and foreign market may be stated as the present production rate. Appreciably more aircraft engines are manufactured.

F. Position with regard to preparation of target data:

1. It is proposed to supply units on or before 5th October with the following target data for France:

a. Air Force (airfields, air parks and equipment depots, air force fuel dumps). About 90% of existing installations are included.

b. Fuel Supply.

100% of the refineries are included and 60% of the total storage capacity (including the above-mentioned Air Force fuel dumps).

c. Ammunition Supply.

An estimated 70% to 80% of the total productive capacity of explosive and gunpowder factories and 17 large supply dumps (main ammunition depots and ammunition depots, Army and Air Force) are included.

d. Power Supply.

All the large power plants are included.

e. Key Industries.

In particular the Paris aero-engine industry has been included.

f. Targets in the Paris area.

Further target data, particularly for essential industrial targets, are accumulating currently.

In addition, command authorities will receive maps of the tactical situation and of target groups on or before the above-mentioned date.

2. Basic target maps of British ground organization (airfields) are approximately 90% ready. They have been passed on to Air Force Group 2 for printing and for the adding of sectional excerpts of maps. They have been ordered to be ready by 15 September.

As far as essential industrial targets are concerned, work has been carried out on the food and crude oil supply systems and docks in the London and Hull areas (basic target maps, sector maps, partially covered also by aerial and ground panoramas).

These will be reproduced after the ground organization targets have been printed. They cannot be expected to be ready before 20 October.

Tactical maps and target maps of London and Hull will be issued to the command authorities prior to the end of September.

3. The basic target maps of the Air Force objectives for Belgium and the Netherlands are ready for printing. Reproduction and distribution (including sector maps) will probably be possible only during October.

4. In general it must be emphasized that, unlike Czechoslovakia, there are relatively very few aerial photographs of Western European targets available.

G. Recommendations for our own Prosecution of the Air War.

1. A negative answer must be given to the question as to whether it is appropriate to postpone the massed commitment of our striking power until the spring. The balance of force would probably have altered by that time to our disadvantage due to further progress of French and British aircraft industry and imports from North America.

2. From a climatological point of view the autumn offers our forces greater prospect of success than the enemy, due to our relatively good training in instrument flying.

3. As our forces must be regarded as small, even if we accept the figure of 5 air forces as a basis, the task can only be fulfilled by concentrated blows directed against the enemy's weakest points.

For this purpose choice of targets must be made with the greatest care and must be restricted to the decisive points.

4. As long as only 2 air forces are available prosecution of the war on the basis of gaining time is advisable. This is seen in attacks against the enemy air forces in the airfields where they are deployed in Eastern France, with a view to prevent complete aerial predominance by the enemy.

Attacks on Paris should only be carried out as a reprisal, especially as the air defences in and around Paris are strong. Such attacks must however be possible at all times.

Direct cooperation with the Army is only considered desirable if the enemy deploys or advances in such strength as to endanger the Western German fortifications by a break through or out-flanking.

Support for the Army will be supplied in this case by attacks:

a. against transports, troop concentrations and movements,

b. against enemy war planes, should these cooperate with his armed forces in great numbers.

Should there be danger of a penetration of the Western fortifications, a further measure would be to concentrate fighter forces scattered in the West on the decisive ground front.

Attacks against objectives in the British Isles are to be regarded as unjustifiable in view of the small numbers of our combat forces.

Should the enemy remain on the defensive in the ground war and withdraw with his war plane forces to the West there will be no urgent reason for us to commit our own forces. In this case it would seem better to save our forces until reinforcements arrive.

5. As soon as strong forces are freed for the prosecution of the war in the West, operations in the air must be directed without delay at reaching a decision.

It would seem possible to achieve this end by attacking:

a. fuel refineries and dumps;

b. gunpowder and high explosive factories, main ammunition depots and ammunition depots;

c. the most important parks handling imports which are also centers for the transfer and reshipment of fuel and ammunition.

Thus the enemy's fuel and ammunition supply system for his ground and air forces would be paralyzed or at least curtailed to an intolerable degree.

Assuming that the individual groups of targets are one after the other successively attacked until eliminated it would appear that by the use of 5 air forces a sufficient measure of success could be achieved to enable the Army to break through the enemy's fortified front.

No large-scale operations against targets in the British Isles could be carried out in addition to this task.

Everything should however be prepared to make reprisal attacks against London possible at any time.

Considering the strength of the air defences in and around London success in such attacks is only likely if strong forces are committed.

In addition occasional harassing attacks against targets in South and Southeast England may be worthy of consideration, particularly if the weather enforces a lull in France. A secondary aim of such attacks would be to pin down strong defence forces in Great Britain.

6. Should still stronger war plane forces--at least 3 air forces--be available after the French targets had been successfully attacked, they might be committed to advantage in attacks against the food supply of Great Britain, notably of London. It must however be emphasized that it is only regarded as possible to achieve decisive successes if considerably stronger forces are committed and if the western ports are also subjected to air attacks.

H. Requests to Armed Forces Supreme Command, Army and Navy:

1. The use of the Condor Legion against the refineries in Bordeaux and possibly against those in Marseilles would valuably supplement our attacks of the French fuel supply system.

2. The ammunition situation has to be rendered precarious for the enemy as soon as possible. Therefore the armed forces should accompany the air attacks against the ammunition supplies with synchronized offensive thrusts. Special attention should be directed towards the ammunition supplies stored in the Maginot Line itself and accessible to air attack.

3. The Navy should hamper imports through the French Atlantic ports to as great an extent as is compatible with its other tasks and the forces available. Especially for some 2-3 months at the beginning of the attack against the fuel supply of France.

4. Belgium and the Netherlands would, in German hands, represent an extraordinary advantage in the prosecution of the air war against Great Britain as well as against France. Therefore it is held to be essential to obtain the opinion of the Army as to the conditions under which an occupation of this area could be carried out and how long it would take. In this case it would be necessary to reassess the commitment against Great Britain.

Signed: For: WOLTER

1 inclosure Distribution: Chief of German Air Force Operations Staff General Staff/5th Section (Draft) 1. copy with 1 inclosure 2. copy with 1 inclosure

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 376-PS

SECRET

FUEHRER'S H.Q. 29/10/40

Major (General Staff) Freiherr von Falkenstein [Addressed to an unspecified General] "Chefsache"

In order to supplement today's telephone conversation of 10:00 A.M. I take the liberty of submitting to you a brief resume of the military questions current here for your personal information before I go on leave. Major Queisner, my deputy, is informed of the questions touched on here and can supply further information if necessary.

The exception is Gibraltar, General Warlimont having requested that all inquiries be made to him, as this territory is regarded as a particularly ticklish business.

1. At the moment no intervention in Greece is intended. Nor for the moment is anything to be undertaken with regard to Crete.

2. The question of beginning preparation in Libya in conjunction with Italy is to be examined in the light of a report by General Ritter von Thoma, which will be received during the next few days.

In the light of this report a proposal is to be submitted to the Fuehrer by Field Marshal Keitel with regard to strength required, date of offensive, etc. Field Marshal Keitel and Marshal Badoglio will then meet in mid-November and will settle details. Large-scale preparations should not be expected before then.

The Quartermaster-General (Colonel Langemeyer) has been informed by us of the necessity for timely disposal of special war material, equipment and clothing.

3. No orders respecting Case East [Fall Ost] have been given and no orders are to be expected at the moment.

At the moment the Russian action against Rumania is dismissed as a trifling matter.

Transports to Rumania are proceeding according to plan as ordered by the Fuehrer and are not to be speeded up.

4. No activity should be expected at present on the part of Spain. The conversation between the Fuehrer and Franco therefore covered only economic collaboration and long-term developments.

The Gibraltar affair should not however be lost to mind though it will have to be treated with extreme care.

The Army will shortly send a small reconnaissance staff [Erkundungsstab] to Spain where it will cooperate with Admiral Canaris: this has been authorized by the Fuehrer. The GAF will request permission to participate on its own account.

There will be further orders from the Armed Forces Supreme Command; the details requested in tele-printer message 00 926/40 are required for this purpose.

5. The Fuehrer is at present occupied with the question of the occupation of the Atlantic Islands with a view to the prosecution of war against America at a later date. Deliberations on this subject are being embarked upon here. Essential conditions are at the present:--

a. No other operational commitment,

b. Portuguese neutrality,

c. Support of France and Spain.

A brief assessment of the possibility of seizing and holding air bases and of the question of supply is needed from the GAF.

Major Queisner will fetch the documents for himself from Ic Kurferst (C. in C. GAF Rear Hq.). I would like to ask Colonel Schmidt to arrange that he be supplied with the information he desires.

6. C. in C. Armed Forces Norway has expressed fears that as a result of the Order: Armed Forces Supreme Command, Armed Forces Operations Staff/Abteilung L. No. 35 331/40 top secret and Chefsache dated 22/10/40 greater activity on the part of the British will develop against Norway, and has requested naval and air force reinforcements. The question of moving Stuka Staffeln was touched upon. I expressed my opinion that Stuka units had at present to prepare for other tasks, but would however request that the matter be further examined.

7. General von Boetticher has made repeated reference, especially in his telegram 2314 dated 26/10, to the fact that in his opinion too many details of our knowledge of American aircraft industry are being published in the German press. The matter has been discussed at Armed Forces Supreme Command. I pointed out that the matter was a specifically GAF one, but have taken the liberty of referring the matter to you on its own merits.

[Signed] Falkenstein.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 382-PS

_WRITTEN STATEMENT BY KORVETTENKAPITAN MOEHLE DATED 19th JULY, 1945_

A. Order of September, 1942

In September 1942 (I can no longer recollect the exact date), the following W/T message was given to all U-boats and operational flotillas by the Commander in Chief U-boats in officers' cypher, i.e. Top Secret:--

1. "All rescue measures such as righting of capsized life-boats, going alongside, provisioning, towing to land, etc., are absolutely forbidden and must cease.

2. Previous orders concerning the rescue and taking prisoner of masters and chief engineers remain in force since their interrogation is of the highest importance to the High Command. Boats should rescue as many as they can carry.

3. All rescue measures contradict the most primitive demands of warfare that ships and crews should be destroyed.

4. You must be hard and remember that the enemy in his bombing attacks on German towns has no consideration for women and children."

This W/T message was without any doubt sent out at the instigation of the Commander in Chief U-boats himself, i.e. Grand Admiral Doenitz. In view of my knowledge of the way in which the Staff of the Chief Command U-boats worked, I consider it quite impossible that an order of such importance could have been given without his knowledge.

I do not know whether the order was given with the concurrence or at the instigation of the Supreme Command, i.e. the Fuehrer's headquarters, or at the instigation of the Fuehrer himself after one of his many conferences with Grand Admiral Doenitz.

As Senior Officer of the 5th U-boat Flotilla, it was my duty to pass on these instructions of Commander in Chief U-boats to Commanding Officers of U-boats which were leaving on their war patrols.

So far as concerns the order itself, it undoubtedly states, and in particular for those who know the manner in which Commander in Chief U-boats is wont to give his orders, that the High Command regard it as desirable that not only ships but also their crews should be regarded as objects of attack, i.e. that they should be destroyed; at that time German propaganda was continually stressing the shortage of crews for enemy merchant ships and the consequent difficulties. I too understood this order in that way.

Had the point of view of the High Command been otherwise the order would undoubtedly have been expressed in different words. It would then only have stated that for reasons of security rescue measures were to cease and this order would have been passed as a normal secret W/T message. It was perhaps even the intention that this order could be interpreted in two ways and the reason may be that in the first place, it contravenes international laws of warfare and secondly, that it was an order which must give rise to serious conflicts of conscience in commanding officers.

It was very difficult for me as senior officer of the Flotilla to ask for clarification of this order from the Commander in Chief U-boats since while I was senior officer (15.6.41-5.5.45) I could only, owing to lack of time, visit the Commander in Chief U-boats four or five times. I could not discuss this order with officers on my staff as all messages in officers' cypher might only be received by me. I was moreover of the opinion that commanding officers who were uncertain as to the meaning of this particular point always had the opportunity (an opportunity which they often took on other points) to obtain a clear understanding of this point when they went for their instructions to the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats itself; these instructions by the staff of the Commander in Chief U-boats were for the great part given by very young officers with much more recent operational experience than I had--the officers on Commander in Chief U-boats' staff changed frequently. Generally speaking, with very few exceptions, commanding officers received their instruction from the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats after I myself had given them their instructions. Commanding officers were generally speaking in much closer personal contact with these young staff officers than they were with myself as senior officer of a purely transit flotilla. There were many commanding officers whom I only saw and got to know for a few days in Kiel while they were fitting their boats out for operations.

Having given considerable thought to the whole of this matter I now remember that during one of my visits to Commander in Chief U-boats' staff in the winter of 1942/3 or the summer '43, one of the staff officers, Korvettenkapitaen Hessler or perhaps more likely Korvettenkapitaen Kuppisch, with whom because of very close ties of friendship I used to converse intimately as long as he was Commander in Chief U-boats' staff, told me of the following occurrence (whether I broached the subject or how the matter came up I can no longer remember).

A type VII boat (500-tonner) reported in her war log that when outward bound from a base in France, she met far out in the Bay of Biscay a raft with five enemy airmen, but was not able to take them on board owing to shortage of room (she had a complement of 54 and carried full provisions for 14 weeks). The boat therefore proceeded without taking any notice of the survivors.

This action of the U-boat was vehemently denounced by the Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. It was stated that she would have acted more correctly in destroying this raft since it was highly probable that the enemy air crew would be rescued by the enemy and in the meantime might once more have destroyed a German U-boat.

This occurrence made the views of the Commander in Chief U-boats clear to me.

As concerns making the order known to commanding officers: the order was always passed on during a commanding officers' conference while their boats were having their final overhaul or while they were being fitted out in Kiel for operational patrols; during these conferences I passed on to commanding officers once again all important orders about the equipping of their boats, procedure on departure, in home waters and while in convoy to Norway. Operational orders were not given by the flotilla; they were always given by the Commander in Chief U-boats himself or by Captain U-boats West on his behalf.

I was wont to pass on this controversial and serious order with more or less the following words:--"I have now to inform you of a High Command order concerning conduct towards survivors. It is a very ticklish matter. Commander in Chief U-boats in September 1942 gave the following order in an 'officers only' signal ( ... the exact words of the order were then read out)."

Since I am myself in my innermost conscience in disagreement with this order, I was very glad that in most cases commanding officers raised no queries and I was therefore relieved of any further discussion on this point.

Sometimes however queries were raised and I was wont to answer somewhat as follows:--

"I will explain the viewpoint of the High Command, which gave this order, by reference to the following event": I then mentioned the example of the Type VII boat in the Bay of Biscay together with the explanation and viewpoint expressed to me by Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. I then went on to say, "Gentlemen, you must yourselves decide what is compatible with own consciences. The safety of your own boat must always remain your prime consideration."

Since the introduction of total underwater war ("Schnorchel"), I have in this connection in various ways further stated that commanding officers were in a much easier position in this respect since they had no occasion to surface and that the order was therefore illusory for them. They had to keep clear of everything which was not worth the firing of a torpedo.

I also remember that many commanding officers after the order of September 1942 had been read said, "That is quite clear and unequivocal however hard it may be". Had this order been given to me as a commanding officer I would have taken note of it in silence but in practice would always have been able with a clear conscience not to carry it out since I consider I would endanger my own boat by acting in this way, (i.e., by shooting at life-boats).

If therefore U-boat commanding officers state that they had received from me the order to destroy life-boats, this does not correspond with the facts, but they received from me quite insufficiently clearly expressed instructions from the High Command together with my personal views thereon.

Before the order of September 1942 was issued I never discussed this difficult question at a commanding officers' conference and the subject of conduct towards survivors was never broached.

B. Conduct Towards Neutral and Hospital Ships

On this matter, which I treated together with what has gone before, I gave commanding officers the following directions:

There was an express order of the High Command, and Commander in Chief U-boats was adamant on this point and would relentlessly pursue the breach of it by court martial (i.e., he insisted on the order being strictly obeyed), that no neutral or Red Cross ship might be molested even if the enemy misused neutral flags or the Red Cross.

The political results of sinking a neutral were much more serious than would have been the usefulness of the tonnage sunk.

I told commanding officers for their guidance in doubtful cases--in bad visibility, when neutral markings were not distinct, etc.--that it was better to allow five enemy vessels to go free than to sink one neutral.

So far as concerns the stopping and examination of neutrals, an order was made in January 1944 that in particular Spanish and Portuguese steamers in the North and Central Atlantic were to be stopped and examined for contraband and members of enemy nations of military age. I told commanding officers "Don't touch them. Stay underwater. You are endangering yourselves too much by that because you will certainly be reported by wireless and we know from experience that when such examinations are made watchfulness is liable to suffer. You are only exposing yourself to the danger of being surprised. If a ship carries neutral markings let it go by unscathed."

Objection was often made that German hospital ships had often been destroyed by the enemy, as German propaganda had stressed for years. My answer was: That does not matter, however unpleasant it may be. The order of the High Command is decisive and binding. Politics come before warfare.

C. Rendering of Reports

There was an order--I do not remember whether it was in the form of a written or verbal instruction--that no events during a war patrol which contravened established international agreements should be entered in the war log. I believe that the reason for this order was that eight copies were made of war logs and were available to many authorities; there was always the danger therefore that events of this nature would become known and it was undoubtedly undesirable for reasons of propaganda that this should be so.

Events of this nature were only to be reported if asked for when commanding officers made their personal reports; these were invariably made after every patrol to Commander in Chief U-boats or later in certain instances to Captain U-boats.

I also gave the commanding officers instructions on this point.

To conclude, I can only stress that the order of September 1942 appeared to me personally to go too far and I am in total disagreement with it at heart. As a serving officer I had however to carry out the command to pass on this order to commanding officers for their instruction.

During the long time that I was senior officer of the Flotilla no single commanding officer mentioned to me that he could not reconcile obedience to this order with his conscience and that he was therefore unable to carry it out.

An order of this nature was never given by me, i.e. on my own initiative, and could not be given by me since, had I exceeded my authority in so serious a way, I would immediately and without question have been relieved.

[signed] MOEHLE Korvettenkapitaen

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 386-PS

Berlin, 10 Nov 1937

NOTES on the Conference in the Reichskanzlei on 5 Nov 37 from 1615-2030 hours

Present: The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

The Reichsminister for War, Generalfeldmarschall v. BLOMBERG

The C-in-C Army, Generaloberst Freiherr von FRITSCH

The C-in-C Navy, Generaladmiral Dr. h. c. RAEDER

The C-in-C Luftwaffe, Generaloberst GOERING

The Reichsminister for Foreign Affairs Freiherr v. NEURATH

Oberst HOSSBACH

The Fuehrer stated initially that the subject matter of today's conference was of such high importance, that its further detailed discussion would probably take place in Cabinet sessions. However, he, the Fuehrer, had decided NOT to discuss this matter in the larger circle of the Reich Cabinet, because of its importance. His subsequent statements were the result of detailed deliberations and of the experiences of his 4-1/2 years in Government; he desired to explain to those present his fundamental ideas on the possibilities and necessities of expanding our foreign policy and in the interests of a far-sighted policy he requested that his statements be looked upon in the case of his death as his last will and testament.

The Fuehrer then stated:

The aim of German policy is the security and the preservation of the nation, and its propagation. This is, consequently, a problem of space.

The German nation is composed of 85 million people, which, because of the number of individuals and the compactness of habitation, form a homogeneous European racial body which cannot be found in any other country. On the other hand, it justifies the demand for larger living space more than for any other nation. If no political body exists in space, corresponding to the German racial body, then that is the consequence of several centuries of historical development, and should this political condition continue to exist, it will represent the greatest danger to the preservation of the German nation [Volkstum] at its present high level. An arrest of the deterioration of the German element in Austria and Czechoslovakia is just as little possible as the preservation of the present state in Germany itself. Instead of growth, sterility will be introduced, and as a consequence, tensions of a social nature will appear after a number of years, because political and philosophical ideas are of a permanent nature only as long as they are able to produce the basis for the realization of the actual claim of existence of a nation. The German future is therefore dependent exclusively on the solution of the need for living space. Such a solution can be sought naturally only for a limited period, about 1-3 generations.

Before touching upon the question of solving the need for living space, it must be decided whether a solution of the German position with a good future can be attained, either by way of an autarchy or by way of an increased share in universal commerce and industry.

Autarchy: Execution will be possible only with strict National-Socialist State policy, which is the basis; assuming this can be achieved the results are as follows:

A. In the sphere of raw materials, only limited, but NOT total autarchy can be attained:

1. Wherever coal can be used for the extraction of raw materials autarchy is feasible.

2. In the case of ores the position is much more difficult. Requirements in iron and light metals can be covered by ourselves. Copper and tin, however, can NOT.

3. Cellular materials can be covered by ourselves as long as sufficient wood supplies exist. A permanent solution is not possible.

4. Edible fats--possible.

B. In the case of foods, the question of an autarchy must be answered with a definite "NO".

The general increase of living standards, compared with 30-40 years ago, brought about a simultaneous increase of the demand for an increase of personal consumption even among the producers, the farmers, themselves. The proceeds from the production increase in agriculture have been used for covering the increase in demands, therefore they represent no absolute increase in production. A further increase in production by making greater demands on the soil is not possible because it already shows signs of deterioration due to the use of artificial fertilizers, and it is therefore certain that, even with the greatest possible increase in production, participation in the world market could NOT be avoided.

The considerable expenditure of foreign currency to secure food by import, even in periods when harvests are good, increases catastrophically when the harvest is really poor. The possibility of this catastrophe increases correspondingly to the increase in population, and the annual 560,000 excess in births would bring about an increased consumption in bread, because the child is a greater bread eater than the adult.

Permanently to counter the difficulties of food supplies by lowering the standard of living and by rationalization is impossible in a continent which had developed an approximately equivalent standard of living. As the solving of the unemployment problem has brought into effect the complete power of consumption, some small corrections in our agricultural home production will be possible, but NOT a wholesale alteration of the standard of food consumption. Consequently autarchy becomes impossible, specifically in the sphere of food supplies as well as generally.

Participation in World Economy. There are limits to this which we are unable to transgress. The market fluctuations would be an obstacle to a secure foundation of the German position; international commercial agreements do NOT offer any guarantee for practical execution. It must be considered on principle that since the World War (1914-18) an industrialization has taken place in countries which formerly exported food. We live in a period of economic empires, in which the tendency to colonize again approaches the condition which originally motivated colonization; in Japan and Italy economic motives are the basis of their will to expand, the economic need will also drive Germany to it. Countries outside the great economic empires have special difficulties in expanding economically.

The upward tendency, which has been caused in world economy, due to armament competition, can never form a permanent basis for an economic settlement, and this latter is also hampered by the economic disruption caused by Bolshevism. It is a pronounced military weakness of those States who base their existence on export. As our exports and imports are carried out over those sea lanes which are ruled by Britain, it is more a question of security of transport rather than one of foreign currency, and this explains the great weakness in our food situation in wartime. The only way out, and one which may appear imaginary, is the securing of greater living space, an endeavor which at all times has been the cause of the formation of states and of movements of nations. It is explicable that this tendency finds no interest in Geneva and in satisfied States. Should the security of our food position be our foremost thought, then the space required for this can only be sought in Europe, but we will not copy liberal capitalist policies which rely on exploiting colonies. It is NOT a case of conquering people, but of conquering agriculturally useful space. It would also be more to the purpose to seek raw material producing territory in Europe directly adjoining the Reich and not overseas, and this solution would have to be brought into effect in one or two generations. What would be required at a later date over and above this must be left to subsequent generations. The development of great world-wide national bodies is naturally a slow process and the German people, with its strong racial root, has for this purpose the most favorable foundations in the heart of the European Continent. The history of all times--Roman Empire, British Empire--has proved that every space expansion can only be effected by breaking resistance and taking risks. Even setbacks are unavoidable; neither formerly nor today has space been found without an owner; the attacker always comes up against the proprietor.

The question for Germany is where the greatest possible conquest could be made at lowest cost.

German politics must reckon with its two hateful enemies, England and France, to whom a strong German colossus in the center of Europe would be intolerable. Both these states would oppose a further reinforcement of Germany, both in Europe and overseas, and in this opposition they would have the support of all parties. Both countries would view the building of German military strongpoints overseas as a threat to their overseas communications, as a security measure for German commerce, and retrospectively a strengthening of the German position in Europe.

England is NOT in a position to cede any of her colonial possessions to us owing to the resistance which she experiences in the Dominions. After the loss of prestige which England has suffered owing to the transfer of Abyssinia to Italian ownership, a return of East Africa can no longer be expected. Any resistance on England's part would at best consist in the readiness to satisfy our colonial claims by taking away colonies which at the present moment are NOT in British hands, e.g. Angola. French favors would probably be of the same nature.

A serious discussion regarding the return of colonies to us could be considered only at a time when England is in a state of emergency and the German Reich is strong and well-armed. The Fuehrer does not share the opinion that the Empire is unshakable. Resistance against the Empire is to be found less in conquered territories than amongst its competitors. The British Empire and the Roman Empire cannot be compared with one another in regard to durability; since the Punic Wars the latter did not have a serious political enemy. Only the dissolving effects which originated in Christendom, and the signs of age which creep into all states, made it possible for the Ancient Germans to subjugate Ancient Rome.

Alongside the British Empire today a number of States exist which are stronger than it. The British Mother Country is able to defend its colonial possessions only allied with other States and NOT by its own power. How could England alone, for example, defend Canada against an attack by America or its Far Eastern interests against an attack by Japan.

The singling out of the British Crown as the bearer of Empire unity is in itself an admission that the universal empire cannot be maintained permanently by power politics. The following are significant pointers in this respect.

a. Ireland's tendency for independence.

b. Constitutional disputes in India where England, by her half-measures, left the door open for Indians at a later date to utilize the nonfulfillment of constitutional promises as a weapon against Britain.

c. The weakening of the British position in the Far East by Japan.

d. The opposition in the Mediterranean to Italy which--by virtue of its history, driven by necessity and led by a genius--expands its power position and must consequently infringe British interests to an increasing extent. The outcome of the Abyssinian War is a loss of prestige for Britain which Italy is endeavoring to increase by stirring up discontent in the Mohammedan world.

It must be established in conclusion that the Empire cannot be held permanently by power politics by 45 million Britons, in spite of all the solidity of her ideals. The proportion of the populations in the Empire, compared with that of the Motherland is 9:1, and it should act as a warning to us that if we expand in space, we must NOT allow the level of our population to become too low.

France's position is more favorable than that of England. The French Empire is better placed geographically, the population of its colonial possessions represents a potential military increase. But France is faced with difficulties of internal politics. At the present time only 10 per cent approximately of the nations have parliamentary governments whereas 90 per cent of them have totalitarian governments. Nevertheless we have to take the following into our political considerations as power factors:

Britain, France, Russia and the adjoining smaller States.

The German question can be solved only by way of force, and this is never without risk. The battles of Frederick the Great for Silesia, and Bismarck's wars against Austria and France had been a tremendous risk and the speed of Prussian action in 1870 had prevented Austria from participating in the war. If we place the decision to apply force with risk at the head of the following expositions, then we are left to reply to the questions "when" and "how". In this regard we have to decide upon three different cases.

Case 1. Period 1943-45. After this we can only expect a change for the worse. The re-arming of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force, as well as the formation of the Officers' Corps, are practically concluded. Our material equipment and armaments are modern, with further delay the danger of their becoming out-of-date will increase. In particular the secrecy of "special weapons" cannot always be safeguarded. Enlistment of reserves would be limited to the current recruiting age groups and an addition from older untrained groups would be no longer available.

In comparison with the re-armament, which will have been carried out at that time by the other nations, we shall decrease in relative power. Should we not act until 1943/45, then, dependent on the absence of reserves, any year could bring about the food crisis, for the countering of which we do NOT possess the necessary foreign currency. This must be considered as a "point of weakness in the regime". Over and above that, the world will anticipate our action and will increase counter-measures yearly. Whilst other nations isolate themselves we should be forced on the offensive.

What the actual position would be in the years 1943-1945 no one knows today. It is certain, however, that we can wait no longer.

On the one side the large armed forces, with the necessity for securing their upkeep, the aging of the Nazi movement and of its leaders, and on the other side the prospect of a lowering of the standard of living and a drop in the birth rate, leaves us no other choice than to act. If the Fuehrer is still living, then it will be his irrevocable decision to solve the German space problem no later than 1943-45. The necessity for action before 1943-45 will come under consideration in cases 2 and 3.

Case 2. Should the social tensions in France lead to an internal political crisis of such dimensions that it absorbs the French Army and thus renders it incapable for employment in war against Germany, then the time for action against Czechoslovakia has come.

Case 3. It would be equally possible to act against Czechoslovakia if France should be so tied up by a war against another State, that it cannot "proceed" against Germany.

For the improvement of our military political position it must be our first aim, in every case of entanglement by war, to conquer Czechoslovakia and Austria simultaneously, in order to remove any threat from the flanks in case of a possible advance Westwards. In the case of a conflict with France it would hardly be necessary to assume that Czechoslovakia would declare war on the same day as France. However, Czechoslovakia's desire to participate in the war will increase proportionally to the degree to which we are being weakened. Its actual participation could make itself felt by an attack on Silesia, either towards the North or the West.

Once Czechoslovakia is conquered--and a mutual frontier, Germany-Hungary is obtained--then a neutral attitude by Poland in a German-French conflict could more easily be relied upon. Our agreements with Poland remain valid only as long as Germany's strength remains unshakeable; should Germany have any setbacks then an attack by Poland against East Prussia, perhaps also against Pomerania, and Silesia, must be taken into account.

Assuming a development of the situation, which would lead to a planned attack on our part in the years 1943-45, then the behavior of France, Poland and Russia would probably have to be judged in the following manner:

The Fuehrer believes personally that in all probability England and perhaps also France have already silently written off Czechoslovakia, and that they have got used to the idea that this question would one day be cleaned up by Germany. The difficulties in the British Empire and the prospect of being entangled in another long-drawn-out European War, were decisive factors in the non-participation of England in a war against Germany. The British attitude would certainly NOT remain without influence on France's attitude. An attack by France without British support is hardly probable assuming that its offensive would stagnate along our Western fortifications. Without England's support, it would also NOT be necessary to take into consideration a march by France through Belgium and Holland, and this would also not have to be reckoned with by us in case of a conflict with France, as in every case it would have as consequence the enmity of Great Britain. Naturally, we should in every case have to bar our frontier during the operation of our attacks against Czechoslovakia and Austria. It must be taken into consideration here that Czechoslovakia's defence measures will increase in strength from year to year, and that a consolidation of the inside values of the Austrian army will also be effected in the course of years. Although the population of Czechoslovakia in the first place is not a thin one, the embodiment of Czechoslovakia and Austria would nevertheless constitute the conquest of food for 5-6 million people, on the basis that a compulsory emigration of 2 million from Czechoslovakia and of 1 million from Austria could be carried out. The annexation of the two States to Germany militarily and politically would constitute a considerable relief, owing to shorter and better frontiers, the freeing of fighting personnel for other purposes and the possibility of re-constituting new armies up to a strength of about 12 Divisions, representing a new division per 1 million population.

No opposition to the removal of Czechoslovakia is expected on the part of Italy; however, it cannot be judged today what would be her attitude in the Austrian question since it would depend largely on whether the Duce were alive at the time or not.

The measure and speed of our action would decide Poland's attitude. Poland will have little inclination to enter the war against a victorious Germany, with Russia in its rear.

Military participation by Russia must be countered by the speed of our operations; it is a question whether this need be taken into consideration at all in view of Japan's attitude.

Should Case 2 occur--paralyzation of France by a Civil War--then the situation should be utilized at any time for operations against Czechoslovakia, as Germany's most dangerous enemy would be eliminated.

The Fuehrer sees Case 3 looming nearer; it could develop from the existing tensions in the Mediterranean, and should it occur he has firmly decided to make use of it any time, perhaps even as early as 1938.

Following recent experiences in the course of the events of the war in Spain, the Fuehrer does NOT see an early end to hostilities there. Taking into consideration the time required for past offensives by Franco, a further three years duration of war is within the bounds of possibility. On the other hand, from the German point of view a 100 per cent victory by Franco is not desirable; we are more interested in a continuation of the war and preservation of the tensions in the Mediterranean. Should Franco be in sole possession of the Spanish Peninsula it would mean the end of Italian intervention and the presence of Italy on the Balearic Isles. As our interests are directed towards continuing the war in Spain, it must be the task of our future policy to strengthen Italy in her fight to hold on to the Balearic Isles. However, a solidification of Italian positions on the Balearic Isles can NOT be tolerated either by France or by England and could lead to a war by France and England against Italy, in which case Spain, if entirely in white (i.e. Franco's) hands, could participate on the side of Italy's enemies. A subjugation of Italy in such a war appears very unlikely. Additional raw materials could be brought to Italy via Germany. The Fuehrer believes that Italy's military strategy would be to remain on the defensive against France on the Western frontier and carry out operations against France from Libya against North African French colonial possessions.

As a landing of French-British troops on the Italian coast can be discounted, and as a French offensive via the Alps to Upper Italy would be extremely difficult and would probably stagnate before the strong Italian fortifications, French lines of communication by the Italian fleet will to a great extent paralyze the transport of fighting personnel from North Africa to France, so that at its frontiers with Italy and Germany France will have at its disposal solely the metropolitan fighting forces.

If Germany profits from this war by disposing of the Czechoslovakian and the Austrian questions, the probability must be assumed that England--being at war with Italy--would not decide to commence operations against Germany. Without British support a warlike action by France against Germany is not to be anticipated.

The date of our attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria must be made dependent on the course of the Italian-English-French war and would not be simultaneous with the commencement of military agreements with Italy, but of full independence and, by exploiting this unique favorable opportunity he wishes to begin to carry out operations against Czechoslovakia. The attack on Czechoslovakia would have to take place with the "speed of lightning" [blitzartig schnell].

Feldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch in giving their estimate on the situation, repeatedly pointed out that England and France must not appear as our enemies, and they stated that the war with Italy would NOT bind the French army to such an extent that it would NOT be in a position to commence operations on our Western frontier with superior forces. Generaloberst von Fritsch estimated the French forces which would presumably be employed on the Alpine frontier against Italy to be in the region of 20 divisions, so that a strong French superiority would still remain on our Western frontier. The French would, according to German reasoning, attempt to advance into the Rhineland. We should consider the lead which France has got in mobilization, and quite apart from the very small value of our then existing fortifications--which was pointed out particularly by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg--the four motorized divisions which had been laid down for the West would be more or less incapable of movement. With regard to our offensive in a South-Easterly direction, Feldmarschall von Blomberg draws special attention to the strength of the Czechoslovakian fortifications, the building of which had assumed the character of a Maginot line and which would present extreme difficulties to our attack.

Generaloberst von Fritsch mentioned that it was the purpose of a study which he had laid on for this winter to investigate the possibilities of carrying out operations against Czechoslovakia with special consideration of the conquest of the Czechoslovakian system of fortifications; the Generaloberst also stated that owing to the prevailing conditions he would have to relinquish his leave abroad, which was to begin on 10 November. This intention was countermanded by the Fuehrer who gave as a reason that the possibility of the conflict was not to be regarded as being so imminent. In reply to the remark by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that an Italian-English-French conflict be not as near as the Fuehrer appeared to assume, the Fuehrer stated that the date which appeared to him to be a possibility was summer 1938. In reply to statements by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch regarding England and France's attitude, the Fuehrer repeated his previous statements and said that he was convinced of Britain's non-participation and that consequently he did not believe in military action by France against Germany. Should the Mediterranean conflict already mentioned lead to a general mobilization in Europe, then we should have to commence operations against Czechoslovakia immediately. If, however, the powers who are not participating in the war should declare their disinterestedness, then Germany would, for the time being, have to side with this attitude.

In view of the information given by the Fuehrer, Generaloberst Goering considered it imperative to think of a reduction or abandonment of our military undertaking in Spain. The Fuehrer agreed to this in so far as he believed this decision should be postponed for a suitable date.

The second part of the discussion concerned material armament questions.

(Signed) HOSSBACH

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 388-PS

APPERTAINING TO WAR HISTORY

[pencil note]

S.O. Only

"FALL GRUEN"

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

[ITEM 1] [Handwritten notes] * * * of the Fuehrer: [semi-illegible]

1. Does Mussolini regard his work as completed or not.

a. if so, close future boundary of Czechoslovakia, West; then wait and see. "Return with the bag empty."

b. if not, then the "Empire" of Africa. Impossible without German help. Czechoslovakia is a preliminary condition. "Return with Czechoslovakia in the bag."

2. Mussolini, who is no illusionist, can definitely assess Germany's military potentialities. Therefore he will suit timing of his aims with that.

3. Against France and England problem of Czechoslovakia can be settled only if still allied with Italy. France and England will not intervene. (Only to overcome the four-week re-grouping period.)

4. Living under a common fate. (Example, 1805 and 1806)

5. State of Armament: comparisons relative but in our favor:

a. Deliveries of ores: France--600,000 tons; Germany--2 million tons.

b. Britain has been arming for 9 months. Launchings not for 2 years.

c. Out of date air force equipment.

6. No general staff conferences of the various branches of the Armed Forces. Would have to retract permission to the Army. Only through Supreme Command. Very important that actual intentions be kept secret.

7. Arming progressing too slowly: Guns not only for constituted units, but also in reserve for replacement. Fortifications. Range of guns.

8. Replacement of officers doubtful.

* * * * *

Schm [Major Schmundt's writing and initialled by him]

* * * * *

[ITEM 2] [Typed notes] S.O. Only Berlin, 22 April 1938

BASES OF THE DISSERTATION ON "GRUEN"

Summary of discussion between Fuehrer and General Keitel of 21 April:

A. Political Aspect

1. Strategic surprise attack out of a clear sky without any cause or possibility of justification has been turned down. As result would be: hostile world opinion which can lead to a critical situation. Such a measure is justified only for the elimination of the last opponent on the mainland.

2. Action after a time of diplomatic clashes, which gradually come to a crisis and lead to war.

3. Lightning-swift action as the result of an incident (e.g. assassination of German ambassador in connection with an anti-German demonstration).

B. Military Conclusions

1. The preparations are to be made for the political possibilities 2 and 3. Case 2 is the undesired one since "Gruen" will have taken security measures.

2. The loss of time caused by transporting the bulk of the divisions by rail--which is unavoidable but should be cut down as far as possible--must not impede a lightning-swift blow at the time of the action.

3. "Separate thrusts" are to be carried out immediately with a view to penetrating the enemy fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction. The thrusts are to be worked out to the smallest detail (knowledge of roads, of targets, composition of the columns according to their individual tasks). Simultaneous attacks by the Army and Air Force.

The Air Force is to support the individual columns, (e.g. dive-bombers: sealing off installations at penetration points, hampering the bringing up of reserves, destroying signal communications traffic, thereby isolating the garrisons.)

4. Politically, the first 4 days of military action are the decisive ones. If there are no effective military successes, a European crisis will certainly arise. Accomplished facts must prove the senselessness of foreign military intervention, draw Allies into the scheme (division of spoils!) and demoralize "Gruen".

Therefore: bridging the time gap between first penetration and employment of the forces to be brought up, by a determined and ruthless thrust by a motorized army. (e.g. via Pi past Pr) [Pilsen, Prague],

5. If possible, separation of transport movement "Rot" from "Gruen". A simultaneous strategic concentration "Rot" can lead "Rot" to undesired measures. On the other hand it must be possible to put "Fall Rot" into operation at any time.

C. Propaganda

1. Leaflets on the conduct of Germans in Czechoslovakia (Gruenland).

2. Leaflets with threats for intimidation of the Czechs (Gruenen).

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

Written by an officer [The following are handwritten notes]

22 April

A. POLITICAL POSSIBILITIES

1. Sudden surprise attack out of clear sky not possible. World opinion can produce critical situation. Would be thinkable only for ultimate conflict without the threat of other opponents.

2. Action after a period of tension and constant aggravation of the situation.

3. Action as the result of an incident. (example)

B. MILITARY NECESSITIES

Cases 2 and 3 can be considered. In case 2 "security measures" will be taken. Duration of transporting by rail to be looked into.

1. Invasion by columns ready to march at points which lie in a direction, strategically important. (Permanent fortifications must be known, columns assembled to suit particular situations, roads reconnoitred.) Simultaneous attack by Luftwaffe, cooperation with Luftwaffe, isolation of garrisons of the fortifications, cutting of communications.

2. "Dead Space" in first 4 days prior to actual operation must be avoided under all circumstances. Must be bridged through motorized army. Penetrating via Pilsen. Hamper mobilization.

3. Separation of transport movement "Rot" and "Gruen",

a. in order not to aggravate "Rot",

b. but also so as not to arrive late, if necessary.

Basic Principle: Create Accomplished Facts so that

a. help comes too late--other powers do not intervene

b. Allies take part (like wolves also want something out of it)

c. State collapse from within.

Propaganda: Directions to Germans. Threats to others.

Submit:

1. Fortifications (strength in detail)

2. Distribution of nationalities within Wehrmacht.

* * * * *

[ITEM 3] [Four Telegrams]

MOS 1 16/5 0925-- Supreme Command of the Armed Forces ZEITZLER Most Secret--1. Which divisions on the "Gruen" frontiers ready to march within 12 hours, in the case of mobilization? 2. What is the final day of mobilization?

SCHMUNDT MOS 1 1930 MELDAU MBZ

[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

* * * * *

MOS No. 2 1115-- MBZ 02 16/5 1114-- Major Schmundt, Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer-- Most Secret to Question 1, 12 of them--in garrisons to Question 2, Third day--Please state time of receipt. Teleprint left my room at 1110--NN. ZEITZLER Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

* * * * *

MOS 03 16/5 1155 OKW for Oberstleutnant Zeitzler--Most Secret 1. Teleprint received 1115 2. Please send the numbers of the divisions. Schmundt 1159 MOS 03 Wagner (?) [the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

* * * * *

MBZ 04 16/5 1302--

Major Schmundt Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer--

Most Secret to message 1155 7, 17, 10, 24, 4, 14, 3, 18, 28, 8, armored and mountain.

Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff.

* * * * *

[ITEM 4] [Telegram] MBZ 05 17/5 1505

TO MAJOR SCHMUNDT, ARMED FORCES ADJUTANT TO THE FUEHRER--MOST SECRET

IN ANSWER TO OBERST LEUTNANT ZEITZLER AND WITH REGARD TO MAP OF FORTIFICATIONS:

FORTIFIED CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF FAIRLY LARGE NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS AS WELL AS LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS TO CLOSE GAPS BETWEEN FORTIFICATIONS. NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS VARIES FROM ONE TO NINE PER KILOMETER. POSITIONS CONSTRUCTED CONSIST OF LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AND AN OCCASIONAL STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATION IN BETWEEN. NUMBER OF MG EMPLACEMENTS VARIES FROM TWO TO NINE PER KILOMETER. BLOCK CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF LIGHT, SOMETIMES MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AT MAIN ROADS AND THOROUGHFARES. DEFENSIVE POTENTIALITIES: STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL KNOWN CALIBRES. LIGHT MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., MEDIUM MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENT BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 21.00 CM., SOMETIMES AGAINST THE LARGEST CALIBRES.

ZEITZLER OBERSTLEUTNANT ON THE GENERAL STAFF

* * * * *

[ITEM 5] [Covering letter, with draft for Gruen attached]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 20 May 1938 Tirpitzufer 72.76

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces L Ia No. 38/38 S.O. Only

S.O. Only access only through Officer

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

My Fuehrer!

Effective 1 October 1938 (beginning of the new mobilization year for the army) new strategic directives must be issued, whose political bases and stipulations you, my Fuehrer, yourself intend to make.

For the meantime, however, it is necessary that the "Gruen" section of the strategic directives be replaced by a new version that takes into account the situation which has arisen as a result of the incorporation of Austria into the Reich and the newly-suspected intentions of the Czech General Staff.

A draft of this kind is attached. It has not yet been discussed with the Commanders in Chief. I intend to do this only after this draft in its fundamental ideas has been approved by you my Fuehrer, so that it can then be resubmitted to be signed.

Heil, my Fuehrer [signed] Keitel

* * * * *

L Ia to No. 38/38 S.O. Only

written by an officer MOST SECRET S.O. Only access only through officer

Berlin, 20 May 1938

DRAFT for THE NEW DIRECTIVE "GRUEN"

3 Copies 1st Copy (Provisional)-[pencil note]

1. Political Prerequisites: It is not my intention to smash Czechoslovakia without provocation, in the near future through military action. Therefore inevitable political developments within Czechoslovakia must force the issue, or political events in Europe create an especially favorable opportunity and one which may never come again.

2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action: An invasion without suitable obvious cause and without sufficient political justification cannot be considered with reference to the possible consequences of such an action in the present situation.

Rather will the action be initiated either:

a. after a period of increasing diplomatic clashes and tension, which is coupled with military preparations and is made use of to push the war-guilt onto the enemy. Even such a period of tension preceding the war however will terminate in sudden military action on our part, which must come with all possible surprise as to time and extent, or

b. by lightning-swift action as a result of a serious incident, through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way and for which at least part of the world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

"b" is militarily and politically the more favorable.

3. Conclusions for the Preparations of "Fall Gruen"; which must take into account the possibilities mentioned in 2 a and 2 b.

a. For Armed War it is essential to create--already in the first 4 days--a military situation which plainly proves to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation, and gives the nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to immediate intervention against Czechoslovakia. In such a case the intervention of Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia can be expected, especially if France, due to Italy's clearly pro-German attitude fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by her intervention against Germany.

It is very probable that attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved as a result of the ground operations during the first few days, a European crisis will certainly arise.

b. The Propaganda War must, on one hand, intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and reduce her power of resistance, on the other hand, give instructions to the national minorities for supporting the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking.

c. The Economic War has the task of employing all means at the disposal of economy to hasten the final collapse of Czechoslovakia.

The opening of the Economic and Propaganda war can precede the Armed war. I myself will determine the date.

Z [initialled at end by Zeitzler]

[Paragraphs 4, 5, and 6 of this draft are set forth with minor changes under ITEM 11.]

* * * * *

[ITEM 6] [Typescript]

Questions on "Gruen"

1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.

2. Strength of mobile divisions.

3. Composition of 2nd Armored Division in the case of mobilization.

4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) to be used for independent thrust.

5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?

6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combating fortifications such as fortresses?

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MOST SECRET

L Ia

Berlin, 23 May

Questionnaire of 23 May

1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.

Strength of a peacetime division 14,000 men Strength of a division made ready to march 14,000 men

(but composition is different from that of a peacetime division, i.e. some men are left out and others included).

2. Strength of mobile divisions.

Strength of a mobile division 17,000 men

3. Composition of the 2nd Armored Division in the case of Mobilization. In the case of mobilization the 2nd Armored Division is composed of 1 rifle brigade, one tank brigade and divisional troops.

The rifle brigade has one Infantry regiment motorized of 2 battalions and one motorcycle rifle battalion.

The tank brigade has two tank regiments of two battalions.

The Divisional Troops will include 1 Artillery Regiment motorized of 2 light Battalions, 1 Reconnaissance Battalion motorized, 1 Anti-Tank Battalion, 1 Engineer Battalion motorized, and 1 Signal Battalion motorized.

Altogether the 2nd Armored Division (mobile) has 807 light Machine guns, 250 heavy Machine guns, 18 light mortars, 12 heavy mortars, 8 light Infantry howitzers, 48 Anti-Tank guns, 122 2 cm. guns, 16 37 cm. guns, 16 7.5 cm. guns and 24 light field howitzers.

4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) for independent thrust. In the case of mobilization, C-in-C Army is in command of the motorized units. C-in-C Army must therefore be questioned as regards any new employment.

Altogether the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Armored Divisions (rapid march readiness is intended) 4 motorized divisions and the light division (for the moment not yet intended for rapid march readiness; presumably from 1 October).

5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars? Mobilization of the infantry guns (= 15 cm. mortars) planned only for the fall, as ammunition for them will only then be available. For training purposes nearly all corps except the 3 corps have the heavy infantry guns at the moment without live ammunition, however.

6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combatting fortifications such as fortresses? Only 21 cm. howitzers. Altogether 23 (of which 8 are in East Prussia) with 16,000 rounds (of which 4,000 in East Prussia).

[In Schmundt writing]: In general, single experimental artillery piece (guns).

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[On next page the questions are put again, plus the following additional questions:]

7. What do the individual types of Czechoslovakian permanent frontier fortifications look like? Profile?

8. Is cooperation between infantry and bombers assured for attacks against enemy strong points etc.?

9. Can the construction of fortifications in the West, in the form of MG strong points and road blocks, be hastened by the employment of work columns of the Inspector of Road Construction?

10. What progress has been made in the howitzer (Moerser) programme? What progress has been made in the conversion of heavy naval guns?

* * * * *

[Next three pages contain the first 6 questions above and answers to them in a teleprint message, beginning: "I am answering several questions which the Fuehrer put to me during conferences. I request that you report the answers to the Fuehrer."]

* * * * *

[ITEM 8] [Telegram]

1. INFORM GENERAL KEITEL: THE FUEHRER IS GOING INTO "GRUEN" IN DETAIL. BASIC IDEAS NOT CHANGED. SURPRISE ELEMENT TO BE EMPHASIZED MORE. CONFERENCE WITH PARTICIPANTS WILL TAKE PLACE AFTER RETURN, AT THE LATEST. CONFERENCE HERE NOT OUT OF THE QUESTION. RETURN PROBABLY BEGINNING NEXT WEEK.

2. INFORM COLONEL GENERAL VON BRAUCHITSCH AND GENERAL KEITEL:

A. THE FUEHRER, IN CONNECTION WITH HIS CONSIDERATIONS ON 1, HIMSELF SUGGESTED THE HOLDING OF MANEUVERS TO PRACTISE TAKING FORTIFICATIONS BY SURPRISE ATTACK. I THEN REPORTED THAT C-IN-C ARMY WAS PLANNING A CORRESPONDING TRAINING EXERCISE FOR SEPTEMBER. THE FUEHRER THINKS THAT MOMENT TOO LATE. HE HIMSELF WILL DISCUSS THIS WITH C-IN-C ARMY.

B. THE FUEHRER REPEATEDLY EMPHASIZED THE NECESSITY OF PRESSING FORWARD GREATLY THE FORTIFICATION WORK IN THE WEST.

(NOTE FOR K. KPT. V PUTTKAMER: PLEASE DESTROY TEXT OF 1 AND 2 AFTER USE)

[ITEM 9] [Telegram] REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL SIGNAL SERVICE

MOST SECRET

CANARIS REPORTS ON EVENTS OF THE NIGHT: NO SPECIAL OCCURRENCES. THE MOBILIZATION MEASURES ORDERED IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA CONTINUE. THE FOLLOWING HAVE BEEN DRAFTED: CLASSES 1913 AND 1914 COMPLETE AND SPECIALISTS ONLY FROM CLASSES 1894 TO 1911 LEAVING OUT CLASSES 04, 06, 09. I SHALL KEEP YOU FURTHER CONTINUALLY INFORMED. I CONSIDER IT NECESSARY THAT THE FUEHRER INFORM HIS C'S-IN-C OF HIS INTENTIONS SOON. HAVE YOU ANY FURTHER QUESTIONS?

* * * * *

[ITEM 10] [Handwritten notes]

[ILLEGIBLE]

* * * * *

[ITEM 11] [Covering letter, with directive for Gruen attached] Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L I Berlin, 30 May 1938

Copy of the 4th Copy S.O. Only Access only through Officer

3 Copies, 1st Copy Written by an Officer

By order of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, Part 2, Section II of the directive on the unified preparations for war of the Armed Forces dated 24 June 1937 (Ob.d.W. No. 55/37 g.kdos Chefsache L Ia) ("Two-Front-War with main effort in the South-East--strategic concentration 'Gruen'") is to be replaced by the attached version. Its execution must be assured as from 1 October 38 at the latest.

Alterations in the other parts of the directive must be expected during the next few weeks.

By order

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 1 Appendix

sgd. Keitel

To: C-in-C Army--Copy 1 C-in-C Navy--Copy 2 C-in-C Air Force--Copy 3 OWK Section L--Copy 4-5

Certified a true copy Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

* * * * *

MOST SECRET

Appendix to: Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia dated 30.5.38.

Copy of the 4th Copy

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

Written by an Officer 3 Copies, 1st Copy

II. Two front war with main effort in the South East (strategic concentration "Gruen")

1. Political Prerequisites. It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment.

An inevitable development of conditions inside Czechoslovakia or other political events in Europe creating a surprisingly favorable opportunity and one which may never come again may cause me to take early action.

The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favorable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.

2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action. The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:

a. suitable obvious cause and, with it

b. sufficient political justification,

c. action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.

From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

But even a period of tension, more or less preceding a war, must terminate in sudden action on our part--which must have the elements of surprise as regards time and extent--before the enemy is so advanced in military preparedness that he cannot be surpassed.

3. Conclusions for the Preparation of "Fall Gruen".

a. For the Armed War it is essential that the surprise element as the most important factor contributing to success be made full use of by appropriate preparatory measures, already in peacetime and by an unexpectedly rapid course of the action. Thus it is essential to create a situation within the first four days which plainly demonstrates, to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation and which at the same time will give nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to intervene immediately against Czechoslovakia. In such a case, intervention by Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia may be expected, especially if France--due to the obvious pro-German attitude of Italy--fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by intervening against Germany. Attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia mainly by the Air Force are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved by the land operations within the first few days, a European crisis will certainly result. This knowledge must give commanders of all ranks the impetus to decided and bold action.

b. The Propaganda War must on the one hand intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and soften her power of resistance, on the other hand issue directions to national groups for support in the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking. I reserve further directions and determination of the date.

4. Tasks of the Armed Forces. Armed Forces Preparations are to be made on the following basis:

a. The mass of all forces must be employed against Czechoslovakia.

b. For the West, a minimum of forces are to be provided as rear cover which may be required, the other frontiers in the East against Poland and Lithuania are merely to be protected, the Southern frontiers to be watched.

c. The sections of the army which can be rapidly employed must force the frontier fortifications with speed and decision and must break into Czechoslovakia with the greatest daring in the certainty that the bulk of the mobile army will follow them with the utmost speed. Preparations for this are to be made and timed in such a way that the sections of the army which can be rapidly employed cross the frontier at the appointed time at the same time as the penetration by the Air Force *before the enemy can become aware of our mobilization.*

* For this, a timetable between Army and Air Force is to be worked out in conjunction with the OKW and submitted to me for approval.*

5. Missions for the branches of the Armed Forces.

a. Army. The basic principle of the surprise attack against Czechoslovakia must not be endangered by the inevitable time required for transporting the bulk of the field forces by rail nor the initiative of the Air Force be wasted. Therefore it is first of all essential to the army that as many assault columns as possible be employed at the same time as the surprise attack by the Air Force. These assault columns--the composition of each, according to their tasks at that time--must be formed with troops which can be employed rapidly owing to their proximity to the frontier or to motorization and to special measures of readiness. It must be the purpose of these thrusts to break into the Czechoslovakian fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction, to achieve a breakthrough or to break them down from the rear. For the success of this operation, cooperation with the Sudeten German frontier population, with deserters from the Czechoslovakian army, with parachutists or airborne troops and with units of the sabotage service will be of importance. The bulk of the army has the task of * frustrating the Czechoslovakian plan of defense, of preventing the Czechoslovakian army from escaping into Slovakia, of forcing a battle,* of beating the Czechoslovakian army and of occupying Bohemia and Moravia speedily. To this end a thrust into the heart of Czechoslovakia must be made with the strongest possible motorized and armored units using to the full the first successes of the Assault columns and the effects of the Air Force operations. The rear cover provided for the West must be limited in numbers and quality to the extent which suits the present state of fortifications. Whether the units assigned this will be transported to the Western frontier immediately or held back for the time being will be decided in my special order. Preparations must however, be made to enable security detachments to be brought up to the Western frontier even during the strategic concentration "Gruen". Independent of this, a first security garrison must be improvized from the engineers at present employed in constructing fortifications and from formations of the Labor Corps. The remaining frontiers, as well as East Prussia, are to be weakly protected. But, always depending on the political situation, the transfers by sea, of a part or even the bulk of the active forces of East Prussia, into the Reich must be taken into account.

[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

b. Air Force. While leaving a minimum of defensive forces in the West, the Air Force is to be employed in bulk in a surprise attack against Czechoslovakia. The frontier is to be flown over at the same time as it is crossed by the first section of the army. (see 5_a_) The most important task of the Air Force is the destruction of the Czechoslovakian Air Force and their supply bases within the shortest possible time, in order to eliminate the possibility of its employment as well as that of Russian and French air forces, should the occasion arise, against the strategic concentration and penetration of the German army and against the German "Lebensraum." Next to this the crippling of enemy mobilization, of the direction of the government and Armed Forces, as well as the delaying of the strategic concentration of the Czech Army by attacks on communication installations, mobilization and government centers can be of considerable importance to the initial success of the army. At points in the frontier area where stronger sections of the Czechoslovakian Army *or the depth of the defensive system* might make the success of the sudden breakthrough of the German Land-attack questionable, the employment of adequate bomber forces must be assured. Czechoslovakian industrial installations are to be spared as far as the course of operations permits. Retaliatory attacks against the population will be carried out only with my permission. Centers of air defense are to be created throughout Berlin, the central German industrial area and the Ruhr area *and gradually prepared even now in an inconspicuous fashion.*

c. Navy. The Navy will assist the army operations by employing the Danube-flotilla. For this purpose the flotilla will be under the orders of C-in-C Army. As regards the conduct of naval warfare at first only those measures are to be taken which appear to be necessary for the careful protection of the North Sea and the Baltic against a sudden intervention in the conflict by other states. These measures must be confined to the absolutely necessary extent. Their inconspicuousness must be guaranteed. It is of decisive importance that all actions, which might influence the political attitude of the European Great Powers unfavorably, be avoided.

6. Tasks of the War Economy. In the war economy it is essential that in the field of the armament industry a maximum deployment of forces is made possible through increased supplies. In the course of operations, it is of value to contribute to the reinforcement of the total war--economic strength--by rapidly reconnoitring and restarting important factories. For this reason the sparing of Czechoslovakian industrial and works installations--insofar as military operations permit--can be of decisive importance to us.

7. *All preparations for sabotage and insurrection will be made by OKW. They will be made, in agreement with and according to the requirement of the branches of the Armed Forces, so that their effects accord with the operations of the Army and Air Force.*

signed ADOLF HITLER Certified copy signed Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

* * * * *

[ITEM 12] [Typescript] Berlin, 9 June 1938 L I a H

SHORT SURVEY OF ARMAMENT OF THE CZECH ARMY

1. SMALL ARMS

Armed uniformly with Mauser Rifle, Model 24, calibre 7.92 mm (similar to German Rifle 98). Also grenade launcher for rifle grenades is attached to the rifle.

2. MACHINE GUNS

Light MG Z.B. 26, weight 9 Kg, 20 round magazine.

Heavy MG, temporarily the MG "Schwarzlose" which has been improved in range. Super-heavy MG, 20 mm MG, Oerlikon system has been introduced (especially for active air defence), other models are being tested.

3. MORTARS

8.1 cm Stokes-Brandt, range 3000 m.

9cm light Skoda mortar, model 17, range 1200 m.

14cm medium mortar, model 18, range 2500 m.

26cm heavy mortar, model 17, range 2700 m.

4. INFANTRY GUNS FOR ANTI-AIRCRAFT AND ANTI-TANK DEFENSE

Several models are being tested, some of them twin barrel guns.

Calibre 37--40 mm and/or 66--70 mm.

5. ARTILLERY PIECES

a. Light and Mountain Artillery:

8cm field gun, model 17, range 10 km

8cm field gun, model 30, range 13.5 km (can also be used as an AA gun)

10cm light field howitzer, model 14/19, range 10 km.

7.5 Mountain gun, model 15, range 7 km.

10cm Mountain howitzer, model 16/19, range 10 km.

b. Heavy Artillery:

10.5cm gun, model 35, range 18 km.

15cm howitzer, model 14/16, range 8 km.

15cm howitzer, model 25, range 12 km.

15cm gun, model 15/16, range 20 km.

24cm gun, model 16, range 36 km.

21cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 18, range 10 km.

30.5cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 16, range 12.4 km.

Also in use are French 15.5cm howitzers.

c. A A Artillery:

9cm AA-gun, model 12/20 (stationary), range 12 km.

8.35cm AA-gun, model 22/24 horizontal range 18 km, vertical range 12 km.

7.65cm AA-gun, model 35, horizontal range 16 km, vertical range 11 km.

6.6cm AA-gun, model is being tested.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

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[ITEM 13] [Typescript] L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

FUEHRER'S QUESTIONS ON 9 JUNE 1938

Berlin, 9 June 1938 2 copies 1st copy

MOST SECRET

Question 1: Armament of the Czech Army?

Answer:

Arming and equipping of the Army with new means of war is progressing, thanks to the excellent production capacity of the Czech armament industry.

The armament was built up from the weapons of the old Austrian Army. It is slowly and steadily being modernized.

In Detail:

Artillery: Light field artillery. At present the old armament from the Austrian Army predominates. Mountain Artillery: the same. Medium artillery. New armament predominates. Heavy artillery, old armament predominates.

Infantry Weapons: The following are available: a uniform new infantry rifle; a uniform new light MG; a uniform old improved heavy MG.

Equipment of heavy infantry weapons (AT-guns, Infantry Howitzers, Mortars) and tanks is modern, but still incomplete.

A new modern AA-gun has been introduced, but is not yet available in sufficient numbers.

Reserves of weapons and ammunition seem to be guaranteed.

Summary: The Czech Army must be considered up to date as far as armament and equipment are concerned.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

Question 2: How many battalions, etc., are employed in the West for the construction of emplacements?

Answer:

Up to now the following have been employed on fortifications:

The 36th Infantry Battalion

The 10th Infantry Howitzer Company

The 12th Anti-Tank Company

The 10th Battery

The 30th 1/3 Engineer Battalions

In addition:

The 78th German Labor Service Battalion, and later the 190th German Labor Corps Battalion.

In addition, the Commander of Army Group 2 (General Adam) has the authority to draw still further troops from his 4th Corps for the construction of emplacements if he deems it necessary.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

[Pencilled notes by Schmundt:] Number of troops Production possibilities

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

Question 3: Are the fortifications of Czechoslovakia still occupied in unreduced strength?

Answer:

The troops have been withdrawn to some extent from the fortifications and are housed in local billets. The fortifications themselves are guarded. The barriers at the frontiers are opened.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

Question 4: Frontier protection in the West?

Answer:

In the West as at the other frontiers, the first frontier protection is undertaken by the VGAD, then the Frontier Guard.

This protection by the Frontier Guard is directly at the frontier. At the same time as the Frontier Guard at the frontier, the fortification installations, which lie further back, receive security garrisons (reserve personnel).

Strength of the Frontier Guard on the Western Frontier:

15,200 men with 1,250 light MG's.

For further details on the frontier guard see appendix.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

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[ITEM 14] [Typescript] L I a

Berlin, 18 June 1938

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

1. DRAFT FOR THE NEW DIRECTIVE

(1st copy)

In three parts.

MOST SECRET

4 copies 1st copy

Written by an officer.

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

Part 1

GENERAL GUIDING PRINCIPLES

1. There is no danger of a preventive war by foreign states against Germany.

Germany has not committed herself to any military alliances which would automatically force Germany into a warlike conflict of foreign powers.

The immediate aim is a solution of the Czech problem by my own, free decision; this stands in the foreground of my political intentions. I am determined to use to the full every favorable political opportunity to realize this aim.

Thereby, friends, interested parties and enemies can be called upon to take part in this scheme and other powers can remain indifferent even though they could not be previously placed with absolute certainty in one of these categories.

However, I will decide to take action against Czechoslovakia only if I am firmly convinced as in the case of the occupation of the demilitarized zone and the entry into Austria that France will not march and therefore England will not intervene.

2. The preparations of the Armed Forces must cover:

a. thorough preparation of the action against Czechoslovakia ("Fall Gruen"). See Part 2.

b. Maintenance of the previous "Fall Rot" (strategic concentration with the main effort against the West.) See Part 2.

c. Special preparations, mainly in the form of studies and deliberations within the Supreme Commands. See Part 3.

d. Preparatory measures, in case German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power. See number 3.

3. If in the midst of peace, German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power, armed resistance will be offered without any special order.

Therefore, the branches of the Armed Forces must empower their competent Commanders on the frontier or on the coast to take on their own authority, all measures necessary to repulse the enemy attack should such a case occur. (See Reich Defense Law (RVG) para. 2).

In no event, however, may the German Reich frontier be crossed by troops or aircraft, nor any foreign territory violated, without my order.

It will not be considered a violation of German territory (see 1st sentence of this number) if single sentries or patrols cross the frontier unintentionally and accidentally or through the over-eagerness of a subordinate commander, or if aircraft fly over the frontier due to faulty navigation, or warships sail in our German territorial waters with obviously no hostile intentions.

4. This directive concerns the uniform preparation for war and the general strategic considerations applying to the outbreak of the war. It will be augmented as necessitated by the various strategic concentrations by regulations dealing with matters of Special Administration and War Economy.

The directives necessary for the prosecution of the war itself will be issued by me from time to time.

K [Initialled by Keitel] Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

MOST SECRET

4 copies 1st copy

Written by an officer

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

Part 2

STRATEGIC CONCENTRATIONS

1. Action against Czecho-Slovakia ("Fall Gruen")

The directive, issued as OKW Nr 42/38 Most Secret S.O. only L I dated 30 May 1938, remains in force. Regulations dealing with special matters, Administration and War Economy relative to "Fall Gruen" are still to be issued.

2. Two Front War with the main effort in the West ("Fall Rot")

Since even a war against us started by the Western Nations must, in view of the situation today, begin with the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia, the preparation of strategic concentration for a war with the main effort by the Army and Air Force against the West, is no longer of primary importance.

The preparations made to date for the event ("Rot"), however, remain in effect. They contribute, as far as the Army is concerned, towards camouflaging and screening the other strategic concentration and serve, in the case of the Luftwaffe, as a preparation for the shifting of the main effort from the East to the West, which may, under certain circumstances, suddenly become necessary. They also serve as preliminary work for future possibilities of war in the West.

It is left to C in C Army to decide how far the Army strategic concentration "Rot", prepared by OKH for the beginning of the new mobilization year 38/39, will be issued to subordinates.

The tasks which arise for the Navy in "Fall Rot" will be the same as those should "Fall Gruen" be extended to include the Western European nations. The naval preparations are therefore to be continued with the previous objective.

J K [Initialled by Keitel and Jodl]

* * * * *

Written by an officer

2. DRAFT

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 7 July 38 2 copies 1st copy

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

Part 3

CONSIDERATIONS

I. In connection with "Gruen".

How the political situation will develop during the execution or after the conclusion of "Gruen" cannot be predicted. Therefore the Armed Forces will confine themselves to the preparation of the measures given in Part I, Number 3, to "Fall Gruen" and "Fall Rot". However, it seems expedient to make at least theoretical considerations and calculations for several possible eventualities, to avoid being mentally unprepared. These considerations would have to cover:

a. What would have to be done if other nations intervened against us during the execution of "Gruen"--contrary to our expectations.

b. What should be done after the conclusion of "Gruen".

To a. If, during the execution of "Gruen", France intervenes against us, the measures provided in "Fall Gruen" come into force. The primary essential in this connection is to hold the Western fortifications, until the execution of the action "Gruen" permits forces to be freed. Should France be supported by England, in this it will have small effect at first on the land-war. It is the duty of the Air Force, the Navy, and the OKW (War Economy Staff, Defense, Armed Forces Communications), however, to carry out far-sighted deliberations in their sphere.

Among the Eastern powers, Russia is the most likely to intervene. This, in the beginning at any rate, will probably consist of reinforcement of the Czech Air Force and Armament. However, the decision must not be neglected concerning what measures are to be taken if Russia were to come to the point of starting a Naval and Air war against us or even wish to penetrate into East Prussia, through the border states.

In the case of a penetration by Poland, we must hold the Eastern fortifications and East Prussia, using the Frontier Guard and other formations, until the conclusion of the action "Gruen" once more gives us freedom of movement.

To b. If the action "Gruen" takes place still during this Mobilization year, we must be in the position after the conclusion of "Gruen" to put a provisional strategic concentration quickly into force.

In connection with the latter, further to what was said in part 1, number 3, it is of primary importance to safeguard the German frontiers, including the new addition by the Armed Forces, and still have the bulk of the Field Forces and the Air Force at our disposal. It would have to be possible to put such a future strategic concentration, "Frontier Protection," into force separately for the various frontiers.

II. Independent of "Fall Gruen"

Germany will not refrain from occupying the Memel-territory by a lightning blow in the case of a Polish-Lithuanian conflict occurring. The deliberations on this eventuality must cancel the directive issued 18 March 1938 (OKW Nr 472/38 g. Kdos L Ia).

III. General

The branches of the Armed Forces are still allowed to deliberate further on the matter contained in Section I) and II). These however, may be carried out only as theoretical studies within the Supreme Commands without the participation of subordinate authorities.

Z K [Initialled by Keitel and Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[Item 15]

[Six pages of mobilization schedules, not translated]

* * * * *

[ITEM 16] [Covering memorandum, with report attached] Berlin, 22 July 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 1233/38 Most Secret L Ia

2 Copies 1st Copy

MOST SECRET

To: Major Schmundt or deputy

I enclose a conference report. Your attention is requested (e.g. the remark of Chief OKW).

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By order

[Signed] Zeitzler

Submitted to the Fuehrer on 1.8. Schm [pencil note by Schmundt]

[Stamp]

Adjutants' Office of the Armed Forces to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Recd. 26 July 1938 App. 1 No. 82/38 Most Secret

* * * * *

[pencil note:] Maj. Schmundt 1 copy 3rd report to Fuehrer Berlin, 12 July 1938

L Ia to L No. 1233/38 Most Secret

2 copies 1st Copy

Conference Notes K [Initialled by Keitel] MOST SECRET

OKH issues new manoeuvre intentions for 1938. Reason for alteration: development of the western fortifications and spreading of the foot-and-mouth-disease.

Details:

1. Of the previously intended training manoeuvres, the following remain:

Fall exercise for the I Army Corps

Training exercise for the XI Army Corps

Fortress warfare exercise for the 1st Army Group Command

2. New training manoeuvres:

a. Fighting for fortifications

b. Coordination with the Air Force

c. Cooperation between ground attack, airplanes and field units commencing 1 August in the exercise area.

d. Mobilization exercises for the Staffs

e. Supply and communications control

f. Chemical defense and cleansing of contaminated areas

3. Training Manoeuvres for armored divisions:

1st Armored Division up to 24 October at GRAFENWOHR, Corps HQ of the XVI Army Corps will also be there

2nd Armored Division remains in Austria

3rd Armored Division up to 24 September in KOENIGS-BRUEK, from 25 September near BRESLAU West of the ODER

4. Training Manoeuvres for motorized divisions ready to march:

2nd motorized Division in exercise area A, from 28 September, in NEUHAMMER

29th motorized Division in exercise area B

20th motorized Division in exercise area C

13th motorized Division in exercise area D

1st light Division in exercise area E

Commencement of the exercises not before 12 September, the end 24 November.

5. Terrain exercises for units ready to march:

These take place in the following Wehrkreise:

II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, XIII, XVII,

Commencement of terrain exercises: 20 September

6. Training Manoeuvres for the mountain divisions composed as on mobilization:

2nd Mountain Division in area STEYR-PICHL-WEGER

3rd Mountain Division in area SEMMERING-BRUCK

Commencement of exercises: 26 September, End: 24 November

7. Training Manoeuvres for Training Divisions (Reserve Divisions):

a. 15 August to 13 September:

Training Division VII Army Corps (69th Division) Field units Exercise Area NEUHAMMER,

Training Division IX Army Corps (52nd Division) Field units Exercise Area GROSSBORN,

Training Division III Army Corps (68th Division) Field units Exercise Area JUETERBOG.

b. 9 September to 24 November:

Training Division IV Army Corps (56th Division) Field units Exercise Area OHRDRUF

Training Division VIII Army Corps (62nd Division) Field units Exercise Area SENNE

Training Division XIII Army Corps (73rd Division) Field units Exercise Area MUENDINGEN

Training Division XII Army Corps (79th Division) Field units Exercise Area WAHN

From about 24 September these 4 divisions will train West of the RHINE.

8. New dispositions:

a. Truck Regiment 616, 20 September to 24 October disposition by III Army Corps.

b. Army Artillery:

6 battalions: 15 August to 3 September disposition and training

11 battalions: 9 September to 24 October disposition and training.

Of these, beginning 24 September:

5 battalions, to Reserve divisions West of the RHINE

6 battalions to Terrain exercises of troops "ready to march"

c. Engineer Battalions:

3 Engineer Battalions, 9 September to 24 October, disposition and training.

of these 2 battalions, 20 September, to terrain training of troops "ready to march"

1 battalion, from 20 September to Reserve Division West of the Rhine.

d. Artillery Intelligence Regiments:

4 battalions and 2 Telephone communications companies (motorized) 9 September to 24 November.

Disposition and training; from 28 September, the battalions will be situated in the neighborhood of BRESLAU, GRAFENWOEHR, NEWHAMMER, INGOLSTADT.

9. Employment of Engineer Battalions on the Western fortifications:

Employment of Engineer Battalions extended for no longer than 3 weeks, also 7 engineer battalions will be added.

10. Reich Party Rally and Harvest Festival:

Participation remains as intended.

11. Foreign Military Delegations:

The foreign military delegations as well as foreign military attaches will be invited to attend the fall exercises of the I Army Corps.

Z [Initialled by ZEITZLER]

* * * * *

[Item 17] [Typescript] Chief Section L

Written by General Staff Officer MOST SECRET

Berlin, 24 August 1938

S.O. Only Access only through Officer

1 Copy

TIMING OF THE X-ORDER AND THE QUESTION OF ADVANCE MEASURES

The Luftwaffe's endeavor to take the enemy air forces by surprise at their peace-time airports justifiably leads them to oppose measures taken in advance of the X-order and to the demand that the X-order itself be given sufficiently late on X minus 1 to prevent the fact of Germany's mobilization becoming known to Czechoslovakia on that day.

The Army's efforts are tending in the opposite direction. It intends to let OKW initiate all advance measures between X minus 3 and X minus 1 which will contribute to the smooth and rapid working of the mobilization. With this in mind OKH also demands that the X order be given not later than 1400 on X minus 1.

To this the following must be said:

Operation (Aktion) Gruen will be set in motion by means of an "incident" in Czechoslovakia which will give Germany provocation for military intervention. The fixing of the exact time for this incident is of the utmost importance.

It must come at a time when weather conditions are favorable for our superior air forces to go into action and at an hour which will enable authentic news of it to reach us on the afternoon of X minus 1.

It can then be spontaneously answered by the giving of the X order at 1400 on X minus 1.

On X minus 2 the Navy, Army and Air Force will merely receive an advance warning.

If the Fuehrer intends to follow this plan of action, all further discussion is superfluous.

For then no advance measures may be taken before X minus 1 for which there is not an innocent explanation as we shall otherwise appear to have manufactured the incident. Orders for absolutely essential advance measures must be given in good time and camouflaged with the help of the numerous manoeuvres and exercises.

Also, the question raised by the Foreign Office as to whether all Germans should be called back in time from prospective enemy territories must in no way lead to the conspicuous departure from Czechoslovakia of any German subjects before the incident.

Even a warning of the diplomatic representatives in Prague is impossible before the first air attack, although the consequences could be very grave in the event of their becoming victims of such an attack (e.g. death of representatives of friendly or confirmed neutral powers).

If, for technical reasons, the evening hours should be considered desirable for the incident, then the following day cannot be X day, but it must be the day after that.

In any case we must act on the principle that nothing must be done before the incident which might point to mobilization, and that the swiftest possible action must be taken after the incident. (X-Fall).

It is the purpose of these notes to point out what a great interest the Wehrmacht has in the incident and that it must be informed of the Fuehrer's intentions in good time--insofar as the Abwehr Section is not also charged with the organization of the incident.

I request that the Fuehrer's decision be obtained on these points.

J 26/8 [Initialled by Jodl]

Notes: [in Schmundt's handwriting] Submitted on 30.8 The Fuehrer will act on these lines. On 31.8 Col. v. S. Jodl notified. Schm 31.8

* * * * *

[ITEM 18] [In Schmundt's handwriting]

CONFERENCE on 3 September 38 at the BERGHOF

Present: The Fuehrer Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch General of Artillery Keitel Major Schmundt

I.

Gen. Ob. v. Brauchitsch

Reports on the exact time of the transfer of the troops to "exercise areas" for "Gruen". Field units to be transferred on 28 Sept. From here will then be ready for action. When X Day becomes known, field units carry out exercises in opposite directions.

Fuehrer

Has objection. Troops assemble; field units a 2-day march away. Carry out camouflage exercises everywhere.

?

OKH must know when X-day is by 1200 noon, 27 September.

II.

The Fuehrer

Expresses different opinion on employment of troops for "Gruen". Aspects for the 2nd Army (OS) are smallest. Strongest Cz. fortifications there. Waste of troops; thrust in the 10th Army area, however, is promising. Roadblocks prepared everywhere in addition also in 2nd Army area. No reason for hindrance. The Czechs will stop opposite 2nd army and keep assault army ready east of Prague. A thrust against it into the heart of Cz. is to be made. Thrust in the 14th army area will fail because of means of transport. Therefore assemble all mot. and arm'd divisions with 10th army and employ in the thrust. Once we are through there, the South front, which is built up opposite our 12th army in 3 defense lines, will collapse. An army in the heart of Bohemia will bring about the decision. Possible repetition of Verdun in case of 2nd army. An attack there would mean bleeding to death for a task which cannot be accomplished.

v. Brauchitsch

Has objections because of the state of the mot. divisions, supply and untrained leaders.

The Fuehrer:

The course now planned corresponds to Cz. expectations.

Opposite the 10th Army the enemy is not always in concrete emplacements. Possibility here of drawing in the Henlein people (uniforms). The line here is very far back. Cooperation between 10th and 12th armies. We must add motorized units to army. As formerly the "Prussian Cavalry." How else can we gather experiences? Decisive is the coordination of equal speeds. Breakthrough in sector of 2nd army not so rapid, so that a tactical success can be turned into a strategic one. The Fuehrer gives orders for the development of the western fortifications; improvement of advance positions around Aachen and Saarbrucken. Construction of 300 to 400 battery positions (1600 artillery pieces). He emphasizes flanking action.

Certified. SCHMUNDT, Major on the General Staff BERGHOF, 4 Sept 1938

* * * * *

[In Schmundt's writing] [ITEM 19] [In Schmundt's handwriting]

S.O. Only MOST SECRET DISCUSSION

Nurnberg, 9 Sept to 10 Sept, 2200 to 0330.

Present: Fuehrer Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch General Halder General Keitel Major Schmundt Hauptmann Engel Hauptmann v. Below [?]

General Halder states reasons for operational plan "Gruen". Mission: to prevent retreat of Cz. Army from Moravia-Bohemia area. To beat army. To bring about rapid decision. Mission can be accomplished by pincer attack in the direction of Olmutz and Brunn to be undertaken by 2nd and 14th Armies. Difficult transport situation in Austria. Therefore main effort in 2nd Army area. Cz. frontier can only be lightly held. Withdrawal certain on part of Cz. forces. Several defensive lines favorable but terrain will delay second thrusts and allow time to be gained for a Cz. retreat, and so retain a rear position. This is to be avoided. The Bohemian Moravian heights which will confront the attacker in the last phase will favor probable Cz. line of action. The pincer attack makes a "rear attack" from behind these heights possible. This operation will definitely succeed. Reserves at first mainly local. Further reserves near and south of Prague. Opponent won't have time to form further reserves. Opponent does not possess closed armoured forces. They are distributed and consist of light units.

2nd Army. Weaknesses opposite its sector recognized. Installations only partly completed. Mostly lack armd cupolas. There are great gaps. Olmutz will be reached on the second day. Oppa is no obstacle, can be crossed by tanks as well as Inf. No armd forces opposing. Freudenthal only 35 men garrison. So-called light motorized forces on right flank are no danger. Consist partly of mounted units and will be engaged by adjoining Army. Were the attack, against expectations, to fail, then under no circumstances "bleed to death" before the position. Strategic concentration to be flexible. Rear sections will then be brought up to the points where success has been achieved. Cz fears the Glaz mountain area. Only demonstrations to be staged in this area; there will be a tie up of Cz forces. To provide cover eastwards tanks will be valuable.

On the rest of the mountain front: 4th (9?) Corps, and in the frontier sector demonstrations must be staged to tie up forces.

12th and 14th Armies will work together. Their columns must necessarily support one another during the thrust and cause the front to collapse. Bohemia only weakly occupied at frontier: 1 Division to 120 kms. Operation therefore promising. After the thrust in a northerly direction 12 Army forces east and "races" for Brunn. The enemy will not be able to employ reserves according to plan.

10th Army faces Pilsen Riegel which is strongly fortified. Bad roads. Tanks must break through here and establish bridge-heads for following up forces. Forces of the next wave will be brought up by truck units. After the 3rd and 4th Mobilization day 6 further divisions will be brought up to the 2nd and 3rd line and can be employed where success is in the balance.

The Fuehrer: We should not plan the action on the operations as we desire them, but take into consideration the probable course of action pursued by the enemy. With regard to his course of action two factors are decisive: 1. At the time of our rearmament between 1934 and 1938 our opponent must have endeavoured to secure himself against a tearing of the East-West Communication, in his case probably between Trappau and Nikolsburg. Against us this would imply the building of fortifications on the Upper Silesian frontier. In the South an agreement with Austria would achieve a defense north of the Danube, or an advance to the Danube to protect the Southern flank.

2. The latter is no longer possible. Therefore, as a result of the situation created in March 1938, it is all the more probable that they have increased their fortifications opposite our 2nd army. The enemy must hold there--otherwise there is no sense in holding the remaining front. Hence here the best regiments and fortifications are to be expected. Holding of the front facing the 2nd Army will decide the "To be or Not to be" of Cz. There is no doubt that the planned pincer movement is the most desirable solution and should take place. But its success is nevertheless too uncertain for it to be depended on. Especially as a rapid success is necessary from a political point of view. The first 8 days are politically decisive; within that week a far-reaching territorial gain must be achieved. Our artillery (210cm Howitzers) not adequate against fortifications. Where an attack is expected the element of surprise is ruled out. Besides from experience it is difficult to refrain from an action that achieves only part-success. More and more units are thrown into breaks, and bleeding-to-death which one wanted to avoid sets in (Verdun!!). Tanks are used up and are not available for the subsequent territory-gaining operation. The consequence is that motorized divisions have to advance without tanks. ("Tables Turned")

Also the objectives of the motorized units are not too far-removed and can be gained without fighting, so that they could be equally well gained by infantry troops. The motorized divisions will not be able to influence a decision to any extent. It is the task of motorized forces to bridge areas free of the enemy. Where an attack opens up a large free space, the commitment of motorized forces is justified. Compare with the use of army cavalry at the beginning of the 1914 war. It is catastrophic for tanks to have to stop and wait for infantry. This contradicts all laws of logic. In the 14th army sector fortifications can only have been begun since March. Hence, thrust toward Brunn will be easier. 2nd Pz Div can therefore be left there. However, this division should operate with the 29th motorized division. Therefore the 29th must not arrive on the evening of the 2nd day. The 2nd Pz must constitute the advance column of the 29th Div (Mot.). Are the road conditions suitable for the 29th? The 13th Division, which has no prospects of success as a Mot. division with the 12th Army, is to be transferred to the Reichenau Army together with 2nd Motorized Div. Thus 2 chances for victory will be created.

If pincer movement has no success, 10th Army will open way for 12th Army, bringing strong forces into the heart of the country. If both operations are successful, this means the end of Cz. In place of the two motorized divisions it is preferable to mobilize two further divisions which are to be brought up in trucks and buses. For the 10th Army the turn Northeast toward Prague may become necessary.

General Oberst v. Brauchitsch: Employment of motorized divisions was based on the difficult rail situation in Austria and the difficulties in getting other divs. (ready to march) into the area at the right time. In the West vehicles will have to leave on the 20th of Sept., if X-Day remains as planned. Workers leave on the 23rd, by relays. Specialist workers remain according to decision by Army Command 2.

The Fuehrer: Doesn't see why workers have to return home as early as X-11. Other workers and people are also on the way on mobilization day. Also the RR cars, they will stand around unnecessarily later on.

General Keitel: Workers are not under the jurisdiction of district commands (Bezirks Kdos.) in the West. Trains must be assembled.

v. Brauchitsch: 235,000 men RAD [Labour Service] will be drafted. 96 Construction Bns will be distributed (also in the east). 40,000 trained laborers stay in the West.

Fuehrer: Trained men should be distributed among newly formed divisions on 2nd line.

Brauchitsch: Will be investigated. Implies change of mobilization orders if war orders already in the hands of the people.

General Construction Inspector Dr. Todt (late brought into the conference): Delays in unloading of material through slow changeover in timetable of RRs only from 15 September. Transports must be in their appointed positions by X minus 11. Air zone to take 2nd place to the Infantry zone. Build battery positions.

Certified /s/ SCHMUNDT Major on Gen. Staff

* * * * *

[ITEM 20] [Typescript] Schm [initialled by Schmundt] Nurnberg, 10 September 1938 [Stamp]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer Reich Chancellor

Received 19 September 1938 The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces

TOP SECRET

1. The whole RAD organization comes under the command of the Supreme Command of the Army effective 15 September.

2. The Chief of OKW decides on the first commitments of this organization in conjunction with the Reichs Labor Leader (Reichsarbeitsfuehrer) and on assignments from time to time to the Supreme Commands of the Navy, Army and Air Force. Where questions arise with regard to competency he will make a final decision in accordance with my instructions.

3. For the time being this order is to be made known only to the departments and personnel immediately concerned.

[signed] ADOLF HITLER

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2038/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc T 9.9

Distribution:

C-in-C of the Army Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Force C-in-C of the Navy Reichsminister of the Interior for the attention of Ministerial Director Dr. Danckwerts Head of Reich Labor Service through Admin Office (VOA)

Distribution:

Adjutant to the Fuehrer--1st Copy WZ, WH, WR--2nd to 4th Copies Armed Forces Ops. Dept.--5th Copy LIa, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA--6th to 10th Copies WNV--11th Copy Office for Ausl/Abwehr--12th to 14th Copies General Armed Forces Office--15th to 17th Copies Armed Forces Staff--18th to 20th Copies Spare--21st to 25th Copies

25 Copies 1st Copy A true copy: Hofmann Oberst (Reserve)

[ITEM 21] [Typescript]

Berlin, 14 September 1938 12 Copies

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2044/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

[Stamp]

Office of the Adjutant of the Armed Forces attached to the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor

Received 19 Sept. 1938 Reg. No. 198/35 Despatched Schm Clerk [initialled by Schmundt]

Subject: Employment of Reich Labor Service for Manoeuvres with Wehrmacht.

I. Effective 15 September the following units will be under command of the C-in-C of the Army

1. The RAD forces of the light road construction battalions.

2. Those parent units of construction troops which are to be formed from personnel from 2 Gau Commands, 21 RAD Group Commands, and 91 RAD Battalions of Wehrkreis HQs VII, IX and XIII, and set up at Army Group HQ 2 (Heeresgruppenkommando) for the purpose of carrying out exercises within the areas of Wehrkreis HQs V and XII.

3. a. The staff of Labor Gau W (Arbeitsgaustab) and the section and group staffs of the RAD employed on the construction of the Western fortifications and also RAD Battalions with the exception of those branches of the RAD attached to the Reich Minister for Air and the C-in-C of the Air Force (compare Section 8).

b. Labor Gaus XXI, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII, and XXXII come under the Supreme Command of the Army only in matters affecting the defence of the country. Those RAD units from these Labor Gaus employed at the moment for purposes of the country's Kultur, etc., will retain these tasks for the time being, Labor Service for Girls [AWJ] is excepted from coming under the control of the Supreme Command of the Army.

c. It must be borne in mind, when allotting military tasks to those sections of the RAD named in a and b above, that in accordance with Appendix 7 to the Army Commands and Guard Units will remain with the RAD if and when mobilization takes place.

4. The C-in-C of the Army and Reichs Labor Leader are requested to discuss all details under 1 and 3 direct.

II. 5. Light road construction battalions are training-units of the Army. Their members are regarded as having been drafted into the Armed Forces for manoeuvre purposes and are soldiers.

6. The members of remaining formations as per 2 and 3 who have been taken exclusively from the RAD will remain RAD leaders or men until mobilization.

But it is possible that they will have to be attached to the Army for administration or that the army must furnish money if difficulties are encountered in prompt payment of the men.

The C-in-C of the Army and the Reich Labor Leader are requested to settle details by direct agreement.

7. In case of mobilization the regulations laid down in Appendix 7 of the plan for the mobilization of the army come into effect automatically and apply also to those exercise formations for which there have up to now been restrictive regulations with regard to their coming fully under the command of the Army.

III. 8. Those RAD staffs and Battalions made over to the Luftwaffe in the Limes area will be under command of the Reich Minister for Air and the C-in-C of the Air Force beginning September 15. The same regulations apply in essence to them.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Signed Keitel

Distribution:

C-in-C of the Army--1st to 3rd Copy Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces--4th to 6th Copy Head of Reich Labor Service--7th to 8th Copy L Ia, II, IV--9th to 11th Copy Draft (VOA)--12th Copy

Distribution 2: 25 Copies

Adjutant to the Fuehrer--1st Copy WZ, WH, WR--2nd to 4th Copy Armed Forces Ops Dept--5th Copy Armed Forces Ops Dept/L Ib, Ic--6th Copy Armed Forces Communications (WNV)--7th Copy Office of Ausl/Abwehr--8th to 10th Copy General Armed Forces Office--11th to 13th Copy Armed Forces Staff--14th to 16th Copy Draft--17th Copy Spare--18th to 25th Copy

A true Copy: HOFMANN Oberst (Reserve)

* * * * *

[ITEM 22] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 16 September 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces WFA No. 194/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia

S.O. Only Access only through Officer

7 Copies 5th Copy 19.9.38 Schm

Subject: Preparations on part of Reichsbahn etc.

The Reichsbahn must provide trains of empty trucks in great numbers by September 28 for the carrying out of mobilization exercises. This task now takes precedence over all others.

Therefore the train-loads for the Limes-job will have to be cut down after September 17 and those goods loaded previous to this date unloaded by September 20.

The Supreme Command of the Army (5th Division of the Army General Staff) must issue further orders after consultation with the authorities concerned.

However, in accordance with the Fuehrer's directive, every effort should be made to continue to supply the materials in as large quantities as feasible even after 20th September 1938, and this for reasons of camouflage as well as in order to continue the important work on the Limes.

Reports should be submitted on what can be done in this direction.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Signed Keitel

Distribution:

Supreme Command of the Army--1 (Copy 1) C-in-C of the Air Force (Ketzinger's staff)--1 (Copy 2) General Inspector for Roads--1 (Copy 3)

Certified Zeitzler Oberst on the General Staff

Major Schmundt [There is no ITEM 23 in the file]

* * * * *

[ITEM 24] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, September 16, 1939 30 Copies 4th Copy T 9.9

[Stamp]

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Rec. 19th Sept. 1938, Enclosures Reg. No. 199138 Despatched Clerk

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2120/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

Subject: Employment of the Reich Labor Service (RAD)

1. The following RAD forces will receive military training; in accordance with the instructions of the C-in-C of the Army:

From the area of the--

IInd Army Korps (AKs) 7 Battalions IIIrd 2 Battalions IVth 31 Battalions Vth 1 Battalion VIth 78 Battalions VIIth 1 Battalion IXth 65 Battalions Xth 84 Battalions XIth 33 Battalions

For the time being these battalions are still part of the RAD in matters regarding personnel, administration, and discipline.

2. The C-in-C of the Army and Reich Labor Leader are requested to settle all details by direct agreement.

For the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Jodl

Distribution:

Supreme Command of the Army--1st Copy Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces--2nd Copy Head of Reich Labor Service--3rd Copy WZ, WH, WR--5th-7th Copies Armed Forces Ops Division--8th Copy L Ia, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA--9th-13th Copies Armed Forces Communications Dept.--14th Copy Office of Ausl/Abwehr--15th-17th Copies General Armed Force Office--18th-20th Copies Armed Forces Staff--21st-23rd Copies Spare--24th-30th Copies

* * * * *

[ITEM 25] [Telegram] [Handwritten note]

MOST SECRET

S.O. ONLY

LAST NIGHT CONFERENCE TOOK PLACE BETWEEN FUEHRER AND OBERSTLEUTNANT KOECHLING. DURATION OF CONFERENCE 7 MINUTES. LT. COL. KOECHLING REMAINS DIRECTLY RESPONSIBLE TO OKW. HE WILL BE ASSIGNED TO KONRAD HENLEIN IN AN ADVISORY CAPACITY. HE RECEIVED FAR-REACHING MILITARY PLENARY POWERS FROM THE FUEHRER. THE SUDETEN GERMAN FREE CORPS REMAINS RESPONSIBLE TO KONRAD HENLEIN ALONE. PURPOSE: PROTECTION OF THE SUDETEN GERMANS AND MAINTENANCE OF DISTURBANCES AND CLASHES. THE FREE CORPS WILL BE ESTABLISHED IN GERMANY. ARMAMENT ONLY WITH AUSTRIAN WEAPONS. ACTIVITIES OF FREE CORPS TO BEGIN AS SOON AS POSSIBLE.

[Pencil Note] 1045, 18 Sept 38 RADIOED to Capt. Engel, Berlin.

* * * * *

[ITEM 26] [Telegram] [Handwritten note]

MOST SECRET S.O. ONLY

[In Ink] 18.9 38 1030 vb

GERMAN 2nd ARMY--COSEL--7 Inf. Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks, 1 Light Div, of these the following arrive on 1st X day: Two-thirds of one Inf Div, 1 Armd Div, and 1 Inf Div on trucks.

On 2nd X Day: one-third of one Inf Div.

On 3rd X Day: 1 Inf Div

On 4th X Day: 1 Inf Div

On 5th X Day: 2 Inf Divs from 7th day on 1 Inf Div and one light Div.

8th Army:--FREIBURG--4 Inf Divs. The following is the timetable for arrival:

On 2nd X Day: two-thirds of one Inf Div

On 3rd X Day: one-third of one Inf Div

On 4th and 5th X Day: One Inf Div each day.

4th Army Corps--Herrenhut, 2 Inf Divs of which one will arrive on the 1st day, the other on the 3rd day.

10th Army:--SCHWANDORF--3 Inf Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Light Div, 3 Mot Inf Divs. They will arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: 1 Inf Div and 1 Armd Div. 1 Light Div, 2 Mot Inf Divs.

On 2nd X Day: 1 Inf Div., 1 Mot Inf Div.

On 4th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

12th Army:--PASSAU--7 Inf Div's, 1 Mountain Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks, Regt. They arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: 1 Inf Div, 1 Mountain Div.

On 2nd X Day: 2 Inf Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks

On 4th X Day: 2 Inf Div's.

On 7th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

On 8th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

14th Army:--VIENNA--1 Inf Div, 2 Mountain Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Light Div, 1 Mot Inf Div. N N Mot [?] They will arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: one-third of one Inf Div, 1 Armd Div, 1 Mot. Div.

On 2nd X Day: 2/3 of one Inf Div, 1 Light Div.

On 3rd X Day: 2 Mountain Divs.

END

Reich War Ministry/Naval Communication Service

MOST SECRET 18.9

Renewed attention is called to strictest observance of secrecy regarding following message. Noted. Message begins--

[There follows a repetition of the above telegram in its exact form.]

Any questions?

* * * * *

[ITEM 27] [Typescript]

Army Appointments Held

Army Group Command: C-in-C: Gen. of Inf. Adam CofS : Gen. of Inf. Wietersheim G-3 : Lt. Col. Muller

1st Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Arty Beck CofS : Maj. Gen. v. Apell G-3 : Col. v. Greiffenberg

2nd Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. v. Rundstedt CofS : Brig Gen v. Salmuth G-3 : Lt. Col. Hasse

3rd Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Arty v. Kuechler CofS : Brig. Gen. Hollidt G-3 : Lt. Col. Wagner

4th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. (for special duties) v. Hamerstein CofS : Maj. Gen. Viebahn G-3 : Lieut. Col. Metz

5th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Inf Liebmann CofS : Brig. Gen. v. Sodenstern G-3 : Col. Duvert

7th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Inf. (for special duties) Baron Zeutter v. Lotzen CofS : Brig. Gen. Modl G-3 : Col. v. Witzleben

8th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. v. Bock CofS : Brig. Gen. Felber G-3 : Col. Hauffe

10th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Arty v. Reichenau CofS : Brig. Gen. Bernard G-3 : Col. Dostler

12th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. Ritter (for special duties) v. Leeb CofS : Maj. Gen. v. Lewinsky, known as v. Manstein G-3 : Lt. Col. Blumentritt

14th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Inf List CofS : Maj. Gen. Ruoff G-3 : Col. Wohler

* * * * *

[ITEM 28: One Page Mobilization Schedule, not translated]

* * * * *

Berlin, 21 Sept 1938

[ITEM 29] [Typescript]

Chief, OKW

If the Czech Government accepts terms:

a. Cession of Sudeten German territory

b. Plebiscite in Czech-German territories,

The following military measures are to be considered:

1. The withdrawal by the Czechs from this territory of troops, police and Gendarmerie and other military units.

2. The immediate surrender of arms in these territories.

3. The immediate surrender of all fortifications in the areas with all arms and equipment.

4. The immediate evacuation of fortifications by the military outside the above territories.

5. The withdrawal of all military power behind a security line, which will include the fortifications under (4).

6. The right of the German Wehrmacht to use all public transportation and communications, especially the railroads, for military purposes.

7. The right to fly over the above territories and to maintain Air security up to the security line.

8. The occupation of territories to be ceded including the adjoining railroad junctions, communications installations, towns, airfields, etc. inland beyond the last fortification line.

9. Pacification and security of the Plebiscite Areas by:

a. German Police (originally)

b. International Police (later for plebiscite)

10. Demobilization of the entire Czech armed forces in the remaining area of the country, discharge of all reserves, etc.

11. Immediate discharge of all Sudeten-Germans in the armed forces from the whole of Czechoslovakia to be sent home into Sudeten-Germany.

12. Closing down of entire armament industry until after the end of all negotiations.

13. a. Prohibition of any new fortifications and field fortifications opposite the security line.

b. Destruction of all existing fortifications which are situated beyond the future German borders.

14. Demand further cession of territory on military grounds, namely the Pressburg bridgehead, the area northwest of Pilsen, the Eger sector west of the Elbe to Laun.

15. Security line must be 25 km from the territory being ceded to Germany or the territory being put to the vote. (See number 5.)

16. Cessation, immediately, of all military Intelligence work against Germany. Violation will be considered breach of neutrality.

17. Immediate pardon and release of all Germans and Sudeten-Germans, convicted of espionage.

18. Transfer of all Czech Air Force personnel to their peace time garrisons and prohibiting of all military flying operations.

19. Prohibition of destruction or sabotage of any military installations, including ground installations of the Air Force, in the territories to be ceded.

20. The closing down and handing over to the German armed forces of all radio transmitters of a military, official or private nature in the areas to be ceded.

21. The handing over of all Railroad networks including rolling stock, undamaged.

22. The handing over of all Public Utilities (power houses, gas works, etc.) undamaged.

23. No materials of any kind to be transferred (such as raw materials, provisions, livestock, etc.).

24. Prohibition of import of war equipment of any kind.

25. Demobilization of Danube patrol and security vessels.

* * * * *

[ITEM 30] [Typescript]

Bayreuth 134 [Pencil note written by Schmundt:] Not sent off. Schm

26 September 1938

HEADQUARTERS OF THE SUDETEN-GERMAN FREE CORPS

Herr Benesch has dissolved the Sudeten-German Party and believes that he will thus be able to destroy the unity of the Sudeten-German radical group and to deal the death blow to the Sudeten-Germans. Konrad Henlein knew the answer to this. He issued a call on 17.9.38 for the formation of a Sudeten-German Free Corps. Within a few hours, thousands of Sudeten-Germans had already rallied to the colors all along the border. Thousands who were burning to fight for their tortured homeland were forced, to their great disappointment, to remain at their places of work, because it was impossible, in such a short period of time, to induct, equip and arm the masses of enthusiastic volunteers. For even in the first few hours after the appeal (probably the first instance in the history of the Free Corps) shock troops of the Free Corps began, in extremely daring operations, to secure the escape of their countrymen who had been hounded out of their homeland by their torturers.

Since 19 Sept.--in more than 300 missions--the Free Corps has executed its task with an amazing spirit of attack (defense)* and with a willingness often reaching a degree of unqualified self-sacrifice. The result of the first phase of its activities: more than 1500 prisoners, 25 MG's and a large amount of other weapons and equipment, aside from serious losses in dead and wounded suffered by the enemy (The Czech Terrorists).*

Thousands of members of the Sudeten-German Free Corps stand shoulder to shoulder on the frontiers of Germany. They are inspired by but one desire: The freedom of the homeland within Adolf Hitler's Greater Germany.

For Konrad Henlein The Chief of Staff

[*The superimposed corrections represent actual ink corrections on the original manuscript.]

* * * * *

[ITEM 31] [Typescript]

Adj to the Fuehrer [Note in pencil] 28/7 Schm. Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Berlin 27.9.1938

MOST SECRET 1920 hours. WFA/L No. 2305/38 Most Secret II 45 copies, 16th copy

The Fuehrer has approved the mobilization without warning of the five regular west divisions (26th, 34th, 36th, 32, and 35th). The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces has expressly reserved the right to issue the order for employment in the fortification zone and the evacuation of this zone by workers of the Todt organization.

It is left to the OHK--to assemble as far as possible first of all the sections ready to march and subsequently the remaining sections of the divisions in marshalling areas behind the western fortifications.

CHIEF OF THE SUPREME COMMAND OF THE ARMED FORCES. Signed: Keitel

Distribution: II.

* * * * *

[ITEM 32] [Typescript] [Stamp] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached To the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Recd. 3 Oct 1938 Reg. No. 259/38 Most Secret

[pencil note] Adjutant to the Fuehrer

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2288/38 Most Secret WFA/L II

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 27 Sept. 1938

Subject: Mobilization Measures

To: The Deputy Fuehrer, via Administrative Offices (J)

The Reischsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police attn: S.S. Oberfuehrer Petri.

Express 47 copies, 18th copy

As a result of the political situation the Fuehrer and Chancellor has ordered mobilization measures for the Armed Forces, without the political situation being aggravated by issuing the mobilization (X) order or corresponding code-words.

Within the framework of these mobilization measures it is necessary for the Armed Forces authorities to issue demands to the various Party authorities and their organizations, which are connected with the previous issuing of the Mobilization order, the advance measures or special code names.

The special situation makes it necessary that these demands be met (even if the code word has not been previously issued) immediately and without being referred to higher authorities.

OKW requests that subordinate offices be given immediate instructions to this effect so that the mobilization of the Armed Forces can be carried out according to plan.

Following are several examples of cases where previous mobilization measures were delayed and a recurrence of which might seriously endanger the mobilization of the Armed Forces:

1. The SA in Wehrkreis XI refused to give up equipment requisitioned by the Armed Forces in accordance with mobilization regulations, because mobilization has not yet taken place.

2. Billets which were prepared for troops under mobilization regulations were not evacuated because mobilization has not taken place. (NSKK-School Kreischwitzsilesia).

3. Police authorities refused to give up Police Radio Stations for the A/C reporting network, although the A/C reporting service had already been called up.

The Supreme Command of the Armed Forces further requests that all measures not provided for in the plans which are undertaken by Party Organizations or Police units as a result of the political situation, be reported in every case and in plenty of time to the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. Only then can it be guaranteed that these measures can be carried out in practice.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. KEITEL

Further: Distribution II

* * * * *

[ITEM 33] [Typescript]

28.9.38

MOST SECRET MEMORANDUM

At 1300 September 27 the Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces ordered the movement of the assault units from their exercise areas to their jumping-off points.

The assault units (about 21 reinforced regiments, or 7 divisions,) must be ready to begin the action against "Gruen" on September 30, the decision having been made one day previously by 1200 noon.

This order was conveyed to General Keitel at 1320 through Major Schmundt.

[pencil note by Schmundt]

* * * * *

[ITEM 34] [Typescript]

[Stamp:] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant Attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

[initialled] Schm.

Recd: 3 October 1938 Req. No.: 261/38 Most Secret

Adj. to the Fuehrer Berlin, 28 Sept 38

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, No. 2310/38 Most Secret L I a 45 copies, 16th copy

MOST SECRET

To define spheres of responsibility on the Cz-German frontier, the following orders are issued:

Through mobilization of the frontier guard (Grenzwacht) responsibility has shifted entirely on to the army, that is on to the competent general staff corps. All the units operating on the frontier are subordinate to them.

No new units of police, customs or party may be shifted into the immediate frontier area without the knowledge of the army headquarters concerned, nor may units already in the area be reinforced without such knowledge. In addition no one may cross the frontier without the knowledge of the army headquarters.

For the Henlein Free Corps and units subordinate to this the principle remains valid, that they receive instructions direct from the Fuehrer and that they carry out their operations only in conjunction with the competent general staff corps. The advance units of the Free Corps will have to report to the local commander of the frontier guard immediately before crossing the frontier.

Those units remaining forward of the frontier should--in their own interests--get into communication with the frontier guard as often as possible.

As soon as the army crosses the Cz border the Henlein Free Corps will be subordinate to the OKH. Thus it will be expedient to assign a sector to the Free Corps even now which can be fitted into the scheme of army boundaries later.

The frontier guard has orders only to protect the German frontier, and not to take part in operations on the other side of the border. Any support to the Free Corps by the frontier guards anywhere over the frontier is prohibited.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Keitel

Distribution II plus: Reich Minister of the Interior. Reich Finance Minister Deputy of the Fuehrer S.A. Hqs. Reichsfuehrer SS Reich Labour Service Free Corps Henlein (Oberstlt Koechling)

[The following 2 pages are an exact duplicate: Copy 33]

* * * * *

[ITEM 35] [Typescript]

[Stamp:] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant Attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor (pencil noted: Adjutant to the Fuehrer)

Recd: 3 October 1938 Req. No: 262/39 Most Secret

Berlin, Sept. 28, 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2315/38 Most Secret WFA/L II

MOST SECRET.

Re: Advance Measures Pertaining to Mobilization Plan (Army) Special Appendix 5

Following advance measures may be carried out:

On the Franco-German border (WEHRKREIS V and XII)

1. Special Group Siegfried, Kz9148--preparation of organization for the reception of refugees.

2. Special Group Siegfried, Kz9145--Preparation of employment of district offices and staffs of collecting areas for the discharging of reservists.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

(Signed) Keitel

Distribution II

* * * * *

[ITEM 36] [Typescript]

[Stamp:] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant

Attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

[pencil note:] Adjutant to the Fuehrer Schm.

Recd: 3 Oct. 1938 Req. No: 260/38 SECRET

Berlin, Sept. 28, 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. No. 2335/38 Most Secret WFA/L II

MOST SECRET

45 copies, 16th copy

Subject: 4 SS-Totenkopf Battalions subordinate to the C in C Army.

To: Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police. (SS Central Office) (36 copies)

By order of the Supreme Command of the armed forces the following battalions of the SS Deaths Head organization will be under the command of the C in C Army with immediate effect.

II and III Bn. of the 2nd SS-Totenkopf Regiment Brandenburg, at present in Brieg (Upper Silesia)

I and II Bn. of the 3rd SS-Totenkopf Regiment Thuringia, at present in Radebeul and Kotzenbroda near Dresden.

C in C Army is requested to deploy these Bn's for the West (Upper Rhine), according to the Fuehrer's instructions.

These SS-Totenkopf units now operating in the Asch promontory (I and II Bn of Oberbayern Regiment) will come under the C in C Army only when they return to German Reich territory, or when the Army crosses the German-Cz. frontier.

It is requested that all further arrangements be made between C in C Army and Reichsfuehrer-SS. (SS Central Office)

For the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces.

Jodl

Further: Distribution II

* * * * *

[ITEM 37] [Typescript] L II b

28.9.38

MEMORANDUM

SA-General Herzog answers question of Adjutant's Office, Chief of Staff of the SA, 1600:

Reichsfuehrer SS, on the 26th of Sept., issued order to Chief of Staff of Sudeten German Free Corps, Ref. Diary 38/Most Secret, according to which the Volunteer Corps would come under the command of the Reichsfuehrer SS in case of German invasion of the Sudeten German territory.

The order was signed by Berger, SS-Colonel.

J. [initialled by Jodl]

* * * * *

[ITEM 38] [Typescript] [Stamp--as usual] Recd 3 Oct 1938 Req No. 263/38 MOST SECRET Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2385/38. Most Secret. L I a

Adjutant to the Fuehrer Berlin 30.9.38 1600 hrs 120 Copies, 16th copy

MOST SECRET

Subject: Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces No. 2371/38 Most Secret. OKW/WFA L I a dated 30.9.38

SPECIAL INSTRUCTIONS NUMBER 2 TO DIRECTIVE NO I.

1. Attachment of Henlein Free Corps:

The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces has just ordered that the Henlein Free Corps in its present composition be placed under command of Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of German Police.

It is, therefore, not at the immediate disposal of OKH as field unit for the invasion, but is to be later drawn in like the rest of the police forces for police duties in agreement with the Reichsfuehrer SS.

The instructions OKW No. 2310/38 Most Secret of the 28th Sept (last paragraph but one) and OKW No. 2371/38 Most Secret of Sept 30 are amended accordingly.

2. Rate of Exchange for the Cz. Krone:

The following rate of exchange will apply for all transactions and payments: 100 Cz. Kronen--10.00 Marks (1 Cz. Krone--10 Rpfg)

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Keitel

Distribution III

and Special Distribution (including Henlein Free Corps and Reichsfuehrer SS through OKW/L II)

* * * * *

[ITEM 39] [Typescript] [Stamp:] Recd 3 Oct 1938 Req No 265/38 Most Secret

Adj. to the Fuehrer Berlin, 30 Sept 1938

The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 2367/38 Most Secret WFA/L I A

MOST SECRET

60 copies, 16th copy

DIRECTIVE #1

Subject: Occupation of territory separated from Czechoslovakia.

1. The sectors separated from Czechoslovakia will be occupied by the Armed Forces as follows:

The sector marked I to be occupied on the 1st and 2nd of Oct, the sector marked II on Oct 2 and 3rd, the sector marked III on Oct. 3, 4 and 5, the sector marked IV on Oct. 6 and 7th. The remaining area up to Oct 10.

The extent of the area I-IV is shown on the attached map. The extent of the remaining areas will be announced later.

2. The Armed Forces will have the following tasks:

The present degree of mobilized preparedness is to be maintained completely, for the present also in the West. Order for the rescinding of measures taken is held over.

The entry is to be planned in such a way that it can easily be converted into operation "Gruen".

The depth of the territories to be occupied daily depends on the details of the evacuation, which are being settled by the international committee.

a. Army: First of all the following units are available for the invasion:

Training Bns. Motorized and Armoured Units Adolf Hitler SS Bodyguard Regiment I and II Bns of SS Deaths Head Regiment (Oberbayern) Henlein Free Corps All combat action on the part of the Free Corps must cease as from 1st October.

b. Air Force: Those ground installations (including supply and signal installations) situated in the separated areas are to be occupied immediately and prepared for the use of our own units. Flying units can be transferred if this becomes necessary for the air defense of the territory yielded or for the possible switch to "Fall Gruen" in accordance with fig. 2. Flights over territory not yet cleared for occupation by German troops must be avoided at all costs. Flak must be assigned to those objectives which cannot be protected by Flak under the command of the Army.

3. Those units of the Armed Forces intended for the occupation of sector I must cross the former Czech-German frontier by 1200 noon Oct 1st.

4. Armed resistance in the area cleared for occupation must be broken. Czech soldiers and other armed personnel found within the sector are to be disarmed and taken prisoner. The boundary of the sector against the Czechs is not to be crossed under any circumstances. Hostile action against the Czechs on or beyond this boundary is to be avoided.

5. The conduct of the field units must be based on the realization that they are occupying a territory whose population, after being harassed for years, looks upon the German Armed Forces as Liberators.

6. The German frontier guard will remain on the former German-Czech frontier, as before.

7. The securing of the boundaries of the sectors against the area still in Czech hands is sole responsibility of the army.

For the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

KEITEL

Distribution: III

[Attached map is not reproduced].

* * * * *

[ITEM 40] [Typescript] [Stamp:] Recd 3 Oct 1938 Req No. 264/38 Most Secret

Adj. to the Fuehrer Berlin, 30 Sept 1938

The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 2371/38, Most Secret, WFA/L I a

MOST SECRET Special Orders No. 1 to Directive No. 1

Subject: Occupation of territory ceded by Cz.

1. Operational Area of the Army:

The area to be newly occupied will be at first an operational area of the Army. In it the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces will have full powers and authority to delegate these powers to the C-in-C's of the armies.

The Commanders exercising these full powers can publish laws, institute special courts and issue directives to offices valid for the operational area with the exception of the highest Reich authorities, the highest offices of the State of Prussia, and the executive board of the NSDAP. This authority to issue regulations has priority over regulations issued by other Superior authorities.

2. Units under Command of Army:

a. The units of the military SS (V.T.) and SS Totenkopf Regiments intended for the occupation of the sector remain under OKH control.

b. The Sudeten German Free Corps comes under the control of OKH. The Bn's of the Free Corps are to be employed in the direction of their native territory wherever possible. They retain their present armament. Provisioning to be guaranteed through the army Hqs. Members of the Free Corps do not come under the military penal code. The Hqs of the Free Corps, after occupation of territory III, is to be transferred from Bayreuth to Eger.

c. The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, in cooperation with Reichsfuehrer SS and at the request of Army Hqs will direct Police Forces and Gestapo forces for the support of Secret Field Police forces in the occupied areas. As required for Military Police duties, the Special Police (SdP) will be drawn in as much as possible.

3. Taking over of Military Accommodation and RR Installations:

a. All military installations, barracks and property will be turned over in the occupied Sudeten German territories by OKH in so far as they were up to now the property of the Cz. army. By OKL if they were property of the Cz. Air Force (including civil aviation.)

b. The Chief of Transport System will make arrangements with the Reich RR's regarding the taking over of rail installations.

4. Signal Communications:

a. The Army will be at liberty to use the postal communication facilities within the area to be occupied. Requirements of the Luftwaffe are to be assured through the Field Signal Units under the command of the OKH attached to the Army Hqs. Depending on the situation, the most important communication installations are to be put into operation as soon as possible, secured and screened against Cz.

Special emphasis must be laid on the effective silencing and confiscation of all transmitting installations. Official, private and permanent radio installations of the Cz army are to be secured through OKH, those of the Cz Air Force through OKL.

5. Customs Frontier Guard

After the crossing of the Reich frontier by the troops, the securing of the old frontier is the responsibility of the Customs Frontier Guard (Zollgrenzschutz); the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces will put the necessary personnel from the Frontier Guard at their disposal.

The customs regulation of the forward line of the area to be occupied, will be determined by the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces in conjunction with the Inspector General of Customs. Liaison officials are still at the disposal of Corps Headquarters acc. to #16 of the regulations governing the VGAD. Shipments to Wehrmacht offices as well as members of the Wehrmacht are not subject to customs regulations.

6. Application of Laws:

a. Compensation laws are to be employed on both sides of the border. Public buildings are to be used mainly for billets. Requisitioned articles do not become the property of the armed forces. Compensation for services rendered in cash (German currency).

b. Special regulations will be issued with regard to the introduction of the German Penal Code in the occupied areas.

7. Mobilization Measures among Civilian Population:

Mobilization measures will not be taken among civilian personnel. But all authorities have been asked to carry out quickly demands made by armed force authorities.

The following measures are especially requested in order to guarantee the tasks of the armed forces.

a. Reichs Postal Ministry

Securing of direct tele-communications in the areas Breslau, Dresden, Wuerzburg, Nurnberg, Munchen, Vienna, Berlin. Establishing of Special Emergency networks. Furnishing of items to the armed forces to whatever degree they may be required. (Compare, Mobilization Book (Z) Section IX No. 3501, 3503, 3532). Fulfilling staff requirements as regards the restoring of signal networks in occupied areas.

b. Ministry of Propaganda:

Dispatch of commissioners to the chiefs of civil administration in the operational area. Prohibition of publication of military news of any kind in the press (compare Mobilization Book (Z) Part V No. 1758 and 1600).

8. Organizations of the Party:

The Fuehrer's Deputy has been asked to inform the party organizations that OKH must furnish permission if party units are to be brought into the Sudeten area.

9. Economic Directives:

Any confiscation of values or balances at credit institutions (Kredit instituten) in the Sudeten German area is prohibited. Requisitioning is also prohibited. Supplying of the armed forces with food, forage and fuel is to be carried out from the Reich. The following rate of exchange applies for all transactions and payments: 100 Cz. kronen = 9.00 RM (1 Cz. Kr = 9 Rpfg) [the underlined crossed out.]

[pencil note: will be published this afternoon]

10. Payment of the armed forces

For the parts of the armed forces operating, pay as applicable in accordance with the peacetime regulations for large-scale maneuvers will go into effect after leaving garrisons or assembly areas. All additional costs arising through the operation are to be deleted under chapter VIII E 20 (OKW Treasury).

11. Administrative Directives:

The army hqs will administer the occupied areas on their own responsibility. The C D Z with their special staffs are at their disposal in an advisory capacity (compare H. Dv. 90. No. 20 etc.)

12. Supply Installations:

For the maintenance and putting into operation of supply installations OKW Admin. Staff will attach the following to the Army/H.Q.'s

------------+---------+---------------+------------ | | | App Time of Army H.Q. | Tech Hq | To | Arrival ------------+---------+---------------+------------ 12 | 13 | LANDAU/ISAR | 10.1 2000 10 | 4 | PLAUEN | 10.2 2000 8 | 3 | GORLITZ | 10.1 2000 2 | 8 | LAMSDORF | 10.5 2000 | | (SW/OPPELN) | ------------+---------+---------------+------------

13. Propaganda Companies:

Propaganda companies are to be used. Amendments as regards attachment made necessary through the peaceful entry will be conveyed verbally.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

KEITEL

DISTRIBUTION: III and Special Distribution

* * * * *

[ITEM 41] [Typescript]

[Stamp:] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor

[pencil note] Adjutant to the Fuehrer

Recd: 3 Oct. 1938 Req. No: 266/38 Most Secret

Berlin 30.9.38 200 copies, 153rd copy

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces WFA/L No. 2150/38 Most Secret IV a.

MOST SECRET

Subject: OCCUPATION OF SUDETEN-GERMAN TERRITORY

1. The Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor has ordered that Sections of the Armed Forces march into the Sudeten-German territory, beginning 1 October, 1938. There will be no general mobilization of the Armed Forces (or case "X"). Units already mobilized, will, for the time being, remain at their present posts.

2. Coincident with the crossing of the Reich frontier, the Commander in Chief of the Army will assume full powers in the territory to be occupied, together with authority to transfer this power to the C's in C of the Armies.

The Commander in Chief can exercise these powers, and pass laws, install special courts, and give directives to the appropriate departments and offices functioning in the area of operations, valid for the operational area with the exception of the highest Reich authorities or officers of the State of Prussia and the Executive Board of the NSDAP. In all other cases, the right of issuing directives has priority over directives from higher superior authorities. The area of operations will be extended forward according to the area to be occupied. The shifting of the rear frontier of the operational area will be ordered separately.

3. Mobilization measures will not be enforced in the civil sphere. However, all authorities are requested to carry out immediately the demands of the armed force authorities. To guarantee completion of the tasks of the armed forces the following measures are especially desired:

a. Reich Postal Ministry:

Securing of direct tele-communications in the districts of the Communications Hqs, Breslau, Dresden, Wuerzburg, Nurnberg, Muenchen, Vienna and Berlin.

Establishing of Special Communications networks. Furnishing of equipment to armed forces in whatever degree may be required (see Mob. Book (Z) Part IX, No. 3501-03-32).

Furthermore it is requested that staff requirements as regards restoring communication networks in the occupied area, be met.

b. Propaganda Ministry:

Dispatch of commissioners to the Chiefs of Civil on the administration operational area. Prohibition of the publication of military news of any kind in the press. (Compare Mob Book (Z) part V, 1758 & 1600)

c. Reichsbank:

Issue of Mobilization money supplies without fiduciary monetary tender is authorized. (Compare Mob Book (Z) Part XVIII, Nr 8031)

4. Application of Laws:

a. There will be a special directive as to the introduction of the German Criminal Code into the occupied territory.

b. The Army Compensation Law [Wehrleistungsgesetz] will be in force on both sides of the frontier. Public buildings will be used as billets primarily. Requisitioned articles will not become property of the armed forces. Payment for services rendered will be made in cash (German currency).

5. Economic Directives:

Any confiscation of valuables or balances at Credit Institutions [Kredit Instituten] is prohibited in the Sudeten-German area. Requisitioning is also prohibited. Supplies of food, forage and fuel for the armed forces will be drawn from the Reich. The following rate of exchange is effective for all transactions and payments:

100 Czech kronen--10.00 RM (1 Czech krone--10 Pfg)

6. Payment of the Armed Forces:

For parts of the armed forces operating, pay as applicable in accordance with the peace-time regulations for large-scale maneuvers, effective from time of departure from areas or garrisons.

7. Customs Frontier Guard:

After the crossing of the Reich Frontier by the troops, the security of the old frontier will be taken over by the Customs-Frontier Guard at whose disposal the supreme commander of the armed forces will put the necessary personnel.

The supreme command of the armed forces will arrange the guarding of the front lines of the area to be occupied (as to collection of duties) with the Inspector General of Customs. The Liaison officials according to Nr 15 of the regulations pertaining to the VGAD will continue to be at the disposal of the Corps Hqs.

Shipments to armed forces authorities as well as members of the armed forces are not subject to customs inspection.

8. Administrative Directives:

The armed Hqs will administer the occupied areas on their own responsibilities. The CdZ with their staff of experts are at their disposal in an advisory capacity (see H. Dv 90, Nr 20 etc.). In all matters of a police nature, the Reichsfuehrer SS is to be consulted.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

(signed) Keitel

Distribution: Overleaf

DISTRIBUTION

The Fuehrer's deputy for the attention of SS-Oberfuehrer Knoblauch--1st copy

Reichminister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery for the attention of Reichminister Dr. Lammers--2nd copy

Foreign Office for the attention of Leg. Rat. Freiherr v. d. Heyden-Rynsch--3rd copy

Reichminister of the Interior for the attention of Min. Div. Dr. Danckwerts--4th copy

Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police--Reich Defence (RV) Section--for the attention of SS-Brigadefuehrer Petri--5th copy

Reich Minister for Enlightenment and Propaganda for the attention of Major (Reserve) Wentscher--6th copy

Reich Minister of Justice for the attention of Min. Rat. Haastert--7th copy

Reich Finance Minister for the attention of Min. Rat. Geh. Rat. Dr. Bender--8th copy

Reich Finance Minister for the attention of Min. Rat. Dr. Mitze--9th copy

Reich Minister of Communications--Motor Transport Service, Shipping Hydraulic Structures--for the attention of Min. Rat. Pigge--10th copy

Reich Minister of Transport--Railroad Dept.--for the attention of Div. Dr. Ebeling--11th copy

Reich Minister for Science, Education--National Culture for the attention of Min. Div. Prof. Dr. Krummel--12th copy

Reich Postal Minister for the attention of Min. Rat. Honold--13th copy

General Inspector for German Roadways for the attention of Reg. Baurat Schaeffler--14th copy

Minister President General Fieldmarshall Goering, Director of the Four Year Plan and the Prussian State Ministry for the attention of Min. Rat. Bergbohm--15th & 16th copy

Operational Staff G B for the attention of Ministerial Director Sarnow--17th & 18th copies

Reich Minister of Economies for the attention of Ob. Reg. Rat. Dr. Burandt--19th copy

Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture for the attention of Min. Rat. Dr. Dietrich--20th copy

Reich Labour Minister for the attention of Min. Rat. Schroeder--21st copy

Directorate of the Reichsbank for the attention of the Reichsbank dir. Dr. Mueller--22nd copy

Reich Conservator of Forests for the attention of Oberlandforstmeister Hausmann--23rd copy

Reich Office for long range regional planning (Raunoreburg) for the attention of Reg. Rat. Dr. Schepers--24th copy

President of the Secret Cabinet Council Reich Minister Freiherr von Neurath--25th copy

Reich Minister Frank for the attention of Oberstaatsanwalt Dr. Buhler--26th copy

Head of Reich Labour Service for the attention of Oberarbeitsfuehrer Richter--27th copy

OKH (2nd Div. Army General Staff) (80X)--28th-107th copy

Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C Air Force (2nd Div. Air Force General Staff) (30X)--108th-137th copy

OKM (A II) (15 x)--138th-152nd copy

Adjutant to the Fuehrer--153rd copy

OKW: Chief of OKW--154th copy

WZ--155th copy

Ausl/Abwehr (with NA for Foreign Abwehr I, II & III) (5 X)--156th-160th copy

General Armed Forces Office (with NA for J. Pressegr. Vers.) (4X)--161st-164th copy

Armed Forces Staff (with NA for WWi, WRo, WRue) (4X)--165th-168th copy

Armed Forces Communications (WNV) (2X)--169th-170th copy

L (Chief, Ia, Ib, Ic, II, IVa, IVb, IVc, IVd, K)--171st-180th copy

WH--181st copy

WR--182nd copy

Special Staff W--183rd copy

Stock kept at L IV--184th-200th copy

* * * * *

[ITEM 42] [Typescript] 200 copies, 153rd copy Supreme Command of the Armed Forces L. No. 2385/38 Most Secret IV A

Subject: Occupation of the Sudeten-German area.

Berlin, 30.9.38 [STAMP] Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer & Reich Chancellor Rec. 3 Oct 1938 Enclosures: Reg. No. 267138 Dispatched-- Clerk

1. By order of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the occupation of the Sudeten-German areas by the Armed Forces will be executed in a manner which will allow a changeover to military operations at any time.

For the advance of the troops to coincide with the withdrawal of the Czechs, particularly in the fortified zones, and on account of the possibility of local resistance, it is necessary for the march in to be arranged in a way suited to the conduct of military operations.

2. The military occupation also necessitates the settling of economic conditions in the Sudeten-German area. Assimilation can only be brought about gradually. For this transition period the rate of exchange has been fixed at 100 Czech crowns to 10.00 Reichmarks so as to enable the retail trade to function. It is a pre-condition of this temporary settlement, however, that, until a final settlement is made with regard to economics and currency, and in order to avoid placing the Sudeten-German population at a disadvantage, only those things are bought in the open market which come in the category of goods which fill the immediate needs of life. Any exploitation of the present economic situation is a serious offense.

3. For the above stated reasons, travel into the Sudetenland from the old Reich will be confined to those officials and authorities who have been given specific tasks in the Sudeten-German area. It is requested that all civil authorities and all organizations of the Party be instructed without delay that it is essential to obtain the previous approval of the military authorities charged with the exercise of executive power (C-in-C of the Army, Army HQ) for the transfer of departments and units of any kind into the Sudeten-German area which is under military authorities.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Keitel

[Distribution for Item 42 identical to that of Item 41]

* * * * *

[ITEM 43 is seven pages of handwritten notes too illegible to translate.]

* * * * *

[ITEM 44] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2400/38 Most Secret LIa Top Secret

Berlin, 1st October 1938 150 copies, 18th copy [Stamp]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer & Reich Chancellor.

Rec. Oct. 3rd 1938, Encl. 2-30 Reg. No. 268338 Secret Dispatched-- Check--

SPECIAL ORDERS NO. 3 to DIRECTIVE No. 1

Parts of the Army Employed.

In addition to the Sections of the Army whose employment has been approved (See Directive 1, Section 2a), the following units will also be used for the occupation:

Command (Generalkommando) III 10th Inf Regiment (4th Inf. Div)

The Chief of Supreme Command of the Army By direction

Jodl

Distribution: III and special distribution

* * * * *

[ITEM 45] [Telegram]

Army Teleprint Network Teleprint Office Notes Received from

HDZG Pass to Date Time Re. No. by 9.10 Dept 9.10 Schm. [?] Klimnisch [?]

Telegram HBZG 12 9110 1304

TO LT. COL. SCHMUNDT FUEHRER'S TRAIN (FUHRERZUG)

1. IF THE OCCUPATION OF ZONE 5 IS CARRIED OUT TODAY ACCORDING TO PLAN AND WITHOUT INCIDENT OKW INTENDS TO DISSOLVE V.G.A.D. IN THE WEST AS FROM 10.10 AND TO BRING THE 5 SERVING DIVISIONS BACK TO THEIR HOME STATIONS * * *

2. ACCORDING TO TELEGRAM RECEIVED HERE POPULATION OF IGLAU VERY WORRIED AND EXCITED. COMMUNISTS THERE ARE ARMED. FOREIGN OFFICE HAS BEEN INFORMED. OKW SUGGESTS EMPLOYMENT OF ENGLISH LEGION, IF IT IS BROUGHT UP IN THIS AREA, FOR PROTECTION OF THE GERMANS. FUEHRER'S CONSENT REQUESTED FOR 1 AND 2 * * *

signed KEITEL

[Ink Notes:--] Telephoned this from Opera House in Saarbrucken at 2100 10.9 to Capt. Deyle. Fuehrer agreed to points 1 and 2. In connection with 2: if the lives of Germans threatened, troops to march in after short warning.

SCHMUNDT, Lt. Col.

* * * * *

[ITEM 46] [Typewritten letter] The C-in-C of the Army

Berlin, W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76, 10 October 1938 [Pencil notes] 11.10.38 1800 hours Schm.

My Fuehrer!

I have to report that the troops will reach the demarcation line as ordered, by this evening. In so far as further military operations are not required, the order for the occupation of the country which was given to me will thus have been fulfilled. The guarding of the new frontier line will be taken over by the reinforced frontier supervision service [Grenzaufsichtsdienst] in the next few days.

It is thus no longer a military necessity to combine the administration of the Sudetenland with the command of the troops of the army under the control of one person.

I therefore ask you, my Fuehrer, to relieve me with effect from October 15, 1938, of the charge assigned to me--that of exercising executive powers in Sudeten German territory.

Heil my Fuehrer,

VON BRAUCHITSCH

[Handwritten Note:] Submitted to Fuehrer 11 October. Agreed. Schm.

[ITEM 47] [Telegram]

Remarks of teleprint office Army Telegraph Network

Pass to Date Time R. No. by Schmundt's 10.10 1940 Schm. Dept.

Received from HOZ6, 10.10, 1930

* * * * *

Telegram SECRET HBZG No. 17 1915 Schm.

TELEGRAM TO FUEHRER'S TRAIN, LT. COL. SCHMUNDT IF EVENING REPORT SHOWS THAT OCCUPATION OF ZONE FIVE HAS BEEN COMPLETED WITHOUT INCIDENT OKW INTENDS TO ORDER FURTHER DEMOBILIZATION

PRINCIPLE: 1 TO SUSPEND OPERATION "GRUEN" BUT MAINTAIN A SUFFICIENT STATE OF PREPAREDNESS ON PART OF ARMY AND LUFTWAFFE TO MAKE INTERVENTION POSSIBLE IF NECESSARY.

2 ALL UNITS NOT NEEDED TO BE WITHDRAWN FROM THE OCCUPIED AREA AND REDUCED TO PEACETIME STATUS, AS POPULATION OF OCCUPIED AREA IS HEAVILY BURDENED BY THE MASSING OF TROOPS.

3 TO DISSOLVE TRUCK REGIMENTS AS A MATTER OF URGENCY, IN THE INTERESTS OF ECONOMY.

4 IN THE WEST--GRADUAL REVERSAL OF ALL MOBILIZATION MEASURES WITHOUT PREJUDICE TO THE WORK ON THE LIMES.

5 INTENTION OF THE C-IN-C OF THE ARMY TO RELINQUISH HIS EXECUTIVE POWERS ON 10.15

FUEHRER'S CONSENT REQUESTED OKW

[Handwritten notes] Fuehrer's decision:

1--Agreed

2--Suggestion to be made on the 13th Oct in Essen by Gen. Keitel. Decision will then be reached.

3--Agreed

4--Agreed

5--Agreed

NB. Notice of 5 to be sent by 6th Division Relayed to Lt. Colonel Zeitzler at 2300, 10.11

SCHMUNDT, Lt. Col.

[in Schmundt's writing]

* * * * *

[Next page contains illegible notes] [Handwritten notes]

10.10.38 What is in the Zone?

5 1 (motorized) For special duties 1 mountain 1 (light) 3 div 1 armoured 1 truck transport regt. 1 mountain 1 div.

4 3 motorized div 3 4 div 1 light Germania 1 armoured 2 div Liebstandarte

1 1 armoured 13 div 3 div 4 div (motorized) 3 armoured 2 mountain 2 light ------------- 24 divisions

[notes in Schmundt's writing]

* * * * *

[Telegram]

Army Telegraph Network

Notes of Telegraph Office Received from HOZG 11.10.10.45

Pass to Date Time R. No. by Lt. Col. 11.10 Schm. Schmundt

HBZG 008 1040

TO THE ARMED FORCES ADJUTANT ATTACHED TO THE FUEHRER AND SUPREME COMMANDER OF ARMED FORCES. THE C-IN-C THE ARMY REGARDS HIS DUTIES AS POSSESSOR OF EXECUTIVE POWERS IN THE SUDETEN GERMAN AREA AS FINISHED AS FROM 10.15 AND SUGGESTS THAT THE ADMINISTRATION BE TAKEN OVER ON THAT DATE BY REICH COMMISSAR HENLEIN, PROVIDING THAT FURTHER MILITARY OPERATIONS ARE NO LONGER NECESSARY. PERSONAL LETTER OF THE C-IN-C TO THE FUEHRER HAS BEEN DISPATCHED.

OKH 6th Div. (Five) General Staff of the German Army 11.37/38

* * * * *

[ITEM 48] [Ink note]

1. If advance orders, times can be shortened. Regrouping of armies.

2. If Hungary, small degree of preparedness. 2 brigades between Pressburg and Budapest. 1 brigade east of Friedl.

[Rest of note impossible to decipher completely]

* * * * *

[Telegram]

Army Telegraph Network

Notes of the telegraph office Received from HBZC 11.10.1955.

Pass to Date Time R. No. by 1)4 Mot. Lt. Col. 11.10 2030 Joe Div. Schmundt 1 B'n ready to March [?] 1 Arm'd Brig. 24 +5 -- 29 [Undecipherable note]

TOP SECRET

HBZG 13 1930.11.10 Lt. Col. Schmundt

Question 1: WHAT REINFORCEMENTS ARE NECESSARY IN THE PRESENT SITUATION TO BREAK ALL CZECH RESISTANCE IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA?

Answer: ARMY SUGGESTS:

ARMY GROUP 5: Nothing

ARMY GROUP FOR SPECIAL DUTIES: 1 Arm'd Brig., 2 Mob. Div.

ARMY GROUP 4: Nothing

ARMY GROUP 3: 1 Mobile Division

ARMY GROUP 1: 1 Division ready to march and 1 Mobile Division

B LUFTWAFFE: EMPLOYMENT NECESSARY OF ALL FORCES PROVIDED TO DATE OKW BELIEVES THAT IT WOULD BE POSSIBLE TO COMMENCE OPERATIONS WITHOUT THESE REINFORCEMENTS IN VIEW OF THE PRESENT SIGNS OF WEAKNESS IN CZECH RESISTANCE.

Question 2: HOW MUCH TIME IS REQUIRED FOR THE REGROUPING OR MOVING UP OF NEW FORCES?

Answer: A Army: FOR REGROUPING: 2 days. FOR MOVING UP OF NEW FORCES FROM THE REICH 4 to 5 DAYS (INCLUDING MOBILIZATION)

B Luftwaffe: OPERATIONAL DUTY POSSIBLE ANY TIME

Question 3: HOW MUCH TIME WILL BE REQUIRED FOR THE SAME PURPOSE IF IT IS EXECUTED AFTER THE INTENDED DEMOBILIZATION AND RETURN MEASURES?

Answer: A Army: IN THE SOUTHEAST ABOUT 10 to 11 DAYS.--IN THE EAST 9 to 10 DAYS.

B Luftwaffe: AFTER RETURN OF FLYING UNITS TO PEACE TIME AIRFIELDS AND THEIR DEMOBILIZATION--THE AA GUNS WHICH ARE READY FOR ACTION AND THE GROUND ORGANIZATION BEING LEFT AS THEY ARE--LENGTH OF TIME IN SOUTHEASTERN AREA 12 HOURS IF WEATHER FAVORABLE. AFTER DEMOBILIZATION IS COMPLETE SEVERAL DAYS, IN ANY CASE LESS THAN IN THE CASE OF THE ARMY.

Question 4: HOW MUCH TIME WOULD BE REQUIRED TO ACHIEVE THE STATE OF READINESS OF OCT. 1st?

Answer: Army: 6 days. If the reserves are called up by radio, 3 days at least.

Luftwaffe: AIR DEFENSE WEST, BEFORE COMMENCEMENT OF REORGANIZATION, WILL BE READY FOR OPERATIONS IN 24 HOURS.

(signed) KEITEL

* * * * *

[ITEM 49] [Typewritten table] LI a

Berlin, 12 October 1938 3 copies, 1st copy

REFLECTIONS Of the Supreme Command of the Army on the withdrawal of Forces from the Sudeten-German Area

---------------+-------------------------------------+ | Present Strength | |-------------------------------------| | | Div. Nos. Earmarked | Army Group | No. of Divs. | for | | | Withdrawal | ---------------+---------------+---------------------+ Army Group | 5 1/3 | 1/3 44, 2 Mtn, | Command 5 | | 3 Mtn, 29th | | | Mot, 4 light, _2nd| | | Armoured | | | | Army Group | 4 1/3 plus | 1/3 5th, 7th, | Command for | 1 SS Regt | 9th, 45th, 1st| Special Duties | | Mtn. | | | | Army Group | 7 (plus 1 | 10th, 24th, 2nd | Command | SS Regt) | (Mot), 13th | 4 | | (Mot), 20th | | | (Mot), 1st | | | Light, 1st Armd. | | | | Army Group | 3 (plus 1 | 4th, 3rd, 18th | Command | SS Regt) | | 3 | | | | | | Army Group | 4 | 8th, 28th, 30th, | Command | | 3rd Arm'd. | ---------------+---------------+---------------------+ TOTAL | 22 2/3 (Plus | | | 3 SS Regts) | | | | | | Namely: | | | 11 2/3 Inf. | | | Div | | | 3 Mtn Divs | | | 3 Mot Divs | | | 3 Light Divs | | | 3 Armd Divs | | | | | ---------------+---------------+---------------------+

---------------+-----------------+----------------- | | | No. of Div. | Strength | To be Withdrawn | After Withdrawal Army Group | | | | ---------------+-----------------+----------------- Army Group | 3 | 2 1/3 1 1/3 Command 5 | | | | | | | | Army Group | 1 1/3 | 3 1 Command for | | Special Duties | | | | Army Group | 2 | 4 2 Command | | 4 | | | | | | | | Army Group | 2 | 2 1 Command | | 3 | | | | Army Group | 1 | 3 2 Command | | ---------------+-----------------+----------------- TOTAL | 8 1/3 | 14 2/3 (Plus | | 3 SS Regts) | | | Namely: | Namely: | 3 1/3 Inf Divs | 8 2/3 Inf Div | 2 Mtn Divs | 1 Mtn Div | 1 Mot Div | 2 Mot Divs | 1 Light Div | 1 Light Div. | 1 Arm'd Div | 2 Arm'd Divs | | | | 7 1/3 ---------------+-----------------+----------------

[ITEM 50] [Telegram] REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL INTELLIGENCE SERVICE MOST SECRET Received on 17.10 from kg at 1535 by [Indecipherable] MBZ O 61 Telegram from MBZ 045 17/10 1525 Lt. Colonel Schmundt

OKW suggests that by 20 October about half of the Army forces still remaining in Sudeten-German Territory (14-1/3 Divs and 3 SS Regiments) should be moved out, as otherwise the orderly discharging of the old age group at the end of October--this is necessary for the building up of the Army--and the reassignment of the recruits will not be possible by 10/11. (Involved are the: 2nd Arm'd Div, 1st Mountain Div, 7th Div, 13th Motorized Div, 20th Motorized Div, 18th Div and 3rd Arm'd Div). Fuehrer's decision requested today.

Signed Keitel

[Note at bottom in Schmundt's handwriting:] The Fuehrer has given his consent 17 Oct. By telephone, 1905 hours, 17 Oct. to Capt. Vogel, Section L, OKW.

Schmundt, Lt. Col.

* * * * *

[ITEM 51] [Typescript]

The Fuehrer and Supreme Comdr of the Armed Forces Berchtesgaden, 18 Oct. 1938 Despatched 19 X 39 M

TO THE C-IN-C OF THE ARMY GENERAL VON BRAUCHITSCH, BERLIN

The occupation of the Sudeten-German territory has been completed, the operation being carried out by sections of the Army, the Air Forces, the Police, the military SS (SS Verfugungstruppe), the SS and SA.

Placed under protection of the armed forces, 3-1/2 millions of German compatriots have returned to the Reich once and for all.

The Civil Administration is taking over charge of them on 21 Oct 1938. Simultaneously I relieve you of your right to exercise executive power, while acknowledging the understanding cooperation of all departments.

Along with our Sudeten German compatriots, the entire German people express their gratitude to those who participated in the liberation of the Sudeten-Land.

(signed) Adolf Hitler Berchtesgaden, 18 Oct 1938 (signed) Schmundt, Lieutenant Colonel, G.S.C.

The Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.

After Delivery:

To the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces I request that publication in the press be initiated from there.

1st Draft.

To The C-in-C of the Army

The occupation of the Sudeten-German territory had been completed according to plan, the operation being carried out by sections of the Army, Air Force, and police. Thus 3-1/2 million German compatriots have returned to the Reich once and for all, and have been placed under the protection of the Armed Forces.

You have borne the responsibility for the occupation of the country and the care of the population from the day when the army marched in, and now I approve your proposal to release you from your authority to exercise executive power in the Sudeten-German area, date of expiry being October 20th 1938.

My thanks to all those who participated in the liberation of the Sudetenland, for the order and discipline, the social understanding and devoted readiness to help with which they have done their duty.

J.

[Handwritten note] The military SS (SS Verfuegungstruppe), the SS and SA

* * * * *

[ITEM 52] [Typescript]

Berlin, 18 October 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2560/38 MOST SECRET L I a 1300 hours [Stamp] 60 copies Copy

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer & Reich Chancellor

Recd. 20 Oct. 1938 Req. No. 297/38 Most Secret Despatch Clerk W

MOST SECRET Directive No. 4

The Fuehrer has ordered:

1. That about half of the forces of the Army still remaining in Sudeten-German territory be shipped back to their peace time bases.

2. That those parts of the Luftwaffe which are under the command of the Army be shipped back and returned to the C-in-C of the Air Force. The withdrawal of other parts of the Luftwaffe operating in Sudeten Germany will be effected by the C-in-C of the Air Force.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Keitel

Distribution: III

* * * * *

[ITEM 53] [Telegram]

REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL INTELLIGENCE SERVICE MOST SECRET

Received at 1040 by [Indecipherable] Initials MBZ 066 Telegram from MBZ 050 21/10 1030 LIEUTENANT COLONEL SCHMUNDT:

(SECRET)--OKW REQUESTS THE FUEHRER'S APPROVAL TO THE FOLLOWING DECREE: ON THE 20TH OF OCTOBER THE REICH LABOUR SERVICE CEASES TO BE UNDER THE COMMAND OF THE SUPREME COMMAND OF THE ARMED FORCES, WITH THE EXCEPTION OF THE RAD FORCES OPERATING IN THE AREA OF THE WESTERN FORTIFICATIONS. THE CHIEF OF THE SUPREME COMMAND OF THE ARMED FORCES REGULATES THE CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT FOR THESE SECTIONS IN ACCORDANCE WITH MY DIRECTIVES, & AGREEMENT WITH THE REICHS LABOR LEADER. OKW NR 2690/38

Secret WFA/L two of 20 Oct 38 JODL [Handwritten:] Consent given, 21 Oct 38. Passed to Colonel Jodl's Ante-Room at 1400 Sch 22/10

* * * * *

[ITEM 54] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET TOP SECRET Only through officer Conference Notes

L I a Berlin, 27.9.38 4 copies, 1st copy

[Pencil note] Time of Attack "Gruen". (Z. v. A. Gruen)

COORDINATED TIME OF ATTACK BY ARMY AND AIR FORCES ON X DAY

As a matter of principle, every effort should be made for a coordinated attack by Army and Air Forces on X Day.

The Army wishes to attack at dawn, i.e., about 0615; it also wishes to conduct some limited operations in the previous night, which, however, would not alarm the entire Czech front.

Air Force's time of attack depends on weather conditions. These could change the time of attack and also limit the area of operations. The weather of the last few days, for instance, would have delayed the start until between 0800 and 1100 due to low ceiling in Bavaria.

If the Luftwaffe were to attack at the time desired by the Army no tactical surprise of the enemy's air force would be achieved and it would necessitate certain changes in the method of attack (height of flight level). Consequently, from the outset the Luftwaffe has desired a later hour of attack on the part of the Army. Even so, there would be no definite guarantee of a well-timed coordinated attack of both Forces, as bad weather conditions on the day of attack might postpone the commitment of the Air Force on X Day in part or altogether.

If an early hour of attack on the part of the Army is regarded as indispensable, a simultaneous attack by the Air Force,--desirable as it may be,--may possibly have to be dispensed with.

Thus it is Proposed:

Attack by the Army--independent of the attack by the air force--at the time desired by the Army (0615) and permission for limited operations to take place before them, however, only to an extent that will not alarm the entire Czech front.

The Luftwaffe will attack at a time most suitable to them.

J. [Initialled by Jodl.]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 392-PS

The Social Life of New Germany with Special Consideration of the German Labor Front [Das Sociale Leben in neuen Deutschland unter besonderer Beruecksichtigung der Deutschen Arbeitsfront] (Berlin, 1938) by Prof. Willy Mueller. Pages 51-54. [Prof. Mueller was Reich Indoctrination Administrator in the German Labor Front].

"The Supreme Directorate of the Political Organization--The Staff Director"

Munich, 21 April 1933

Circular Letter Nr. 6/33

On Tuesday, 2 May 1933, the coordination action [Gleichschaltungsaktion] of the free trade unions begins.

The direction of the entire action lies in the hands of the Action Committee.

The Action Committee is composed as follows:

Dr. Robert Ley, Chairman.

Rudolf Schmeer, Deputy.

Schuhmann, Commissar of the General German Trade Union Federation [ADGB].

Peppler, Commissar for the General Independent Employees Federation [AFA].

Muchow Organization.

Bank Director Muller, Commissar, Director of the Bank for Workers, Employees and Officials.

Brinckmann, Commissar Chief Cashier.

Biallas, Propaganda and Press.

All the commissar directors of the unions belong to the broader Action Committee.

The essential part of the action is to be directed against the General German Trade Union Federation [ADGB] and the General Independent Employees Federation [AFA]. Anything beyond that which is dependent upon the free trade unions is left to the discretion of the Gauleiter's judgment.

The Gauleiters are responsible for the execution of the coordination action in the individual areas. Supporters of the action should be members of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organizations [NSBO or National-Sozialistische Betriebszellen-Organisation].

SA as well as SS are to be employed for the occupation of trade union properties and for taking into protective custody personalities concerned.

The Gauleiter is to proceed with his measures on a basis of the closest understanding with competent regional factory cells directors [Gaubetriebszellenleiter].

The action in Berlin will be conducted by the Action Committee itself.

In the Reich the following will be occupied:

The directing offices of the unions;

The trade union houses and offices of the free trade unions, The Party houses of the Socialist Democratic Party of Germany insofar as trade unions are involved there;

The branches and pay offices of the Bank for Workers, Employees and officials, Inc.

The district committees of the General German Trade Union Federation and of the General Independent Employees Federation.

The local committees of the General German Trade Union Federation and of the General Independent Employees Federation.

The following are to be taken into protective custody:

All trade union chairmen [Verbandsvorsitzende];

The district Secretaries and the branch directors of the "Bank for Workers, Employees and Officials, Inc."

The Chairmen of local committees as well as the employees of unions are not to be taken into protective custody but are to be urged to continue their work.

Exceptions are granted only with the permission of the Gauleiter.

The taking over of the independent trade unions must proceed in such a fashion that the workers and employees will not be given the feeling that this action is against them, but on the contrary, an action against a superannuated system which is not directed in conformity with the interests of the German nation.

The Provisional local direction of the General German Trade Union and of the General Independent Employees' Federations is to be taken over by a commissar of the National Socialist Factory Cells Organization [NSBO].

The dealings with the authorities and other organizations are to be handed over immediately to the newly installed commissars.

All funds and accounts of the independent trade unions are to be blocked immediately and remain thus until Thursday afternoon 1800 hours. Insofar as incumbent cashiers are permitted to remain in office they will be subject to the authority of the commissar. All payment receipts must be countersigned by a commissar.

After raising the blocking of funds the usual payments for the support of persons, etc. must be unconditionally assured in order not to create a feeling of uneasiness among the members of the trade unions.

As soon as possible mass assemblies are to be arranged for the free attendance by all trade union members. In these meetings the meaning of the action is to be set forth and it is to be explained that the rights of the workers and employees are being unequivocally guaranteed.

The following unions belong to the General German Trade Union Federation [Here follows an enumeration of 28 unions].

The following unions belong to the General Independent Employees Federation [Here follows an enumeration of 13 unions].

Up to the present time the following have been proposed for commissars: [Here follows an enumeration of 17 names as commissars for the most important arrangements of the General German Trade Union Federation].

For the rest, the newly installed commissars will be nominated by the Gauleiters in close cooperation with the Regional Factory Cells Office. [Gaubetriebszellenamt].

It is to be understood that this action is to proceed in a strongly disciplined fashion. The Gauleiters are responsible in this respect; they are to hold the direction of the action firmly in hand.

Heil Hitler! /s/ Dr. Robert Ley

* * * * *

The NSBO (National Socialist Factory Cells Organization) took over not only the administrative apparatus but the entire press of the "Free Trade Unions." The papers and magazines which had a pronounced party political [parteipolitisch] tendency had to stop their publication, while the other special publications continued. By all these measures Marxism was to be hit exclusively, but not the idea of trade unions as such, in which the right and defense of the German workers were embodied.

On 5 May 1933, the leader of the action committee reported to Hitler the success of the ordered action. Then, in a public mass demonstration, he reported about the events of 2 May to the workers of Berlin; at the same time, he unfolded before them his future plans which were to secure the maintenance of the financial efficiency of the trade unions in the interest of the worker.

Following the crushing of the free trade unions, the danger came, of course, that former functionaries would try to acquire money and other property items for themselves in an illegal manner. This, however, would have entailed damage to the members. To avoid these dangers on 12 May 1933, the Attorney General of the State confiscated the property of the free trade unions and of all of their affiliated unions and administrative agencies in order to secure an orderly disposition of the property of the German workers. Dr. Robert Ley was assigned as the attorney with the right to dispose of the confiscated property [vefuegungsberechtigter Pfleger der beschlagnahmten Vermoegen].

While the free trade unions were smashed [zertruemmert] in the action of 2 May, Dr. Ley granted the entire Union of the Christian Trade Unions with further full liberty of movement. For this purpose, he told it on the 6th of May 1933 that "nothing will be changed in the present situation until the return of the Saar to the Reich and that they (the Christian Trade Unions) should continue as before to represent and carry on the idea of the Christian Trade Unions and of Germandom as they see it". Therefore the Christian Trade Unions put on temporary constraint in their attitude toward the social political events of 2 May and participated in the Saar in forming the "German Trade Union Front" in order to help to secure the result of the Saar voting by achieving a unity of the people.

The former free trade union leaders behaved differently. These, with the assistance of their colleagues abroad and of the international union of the trade unions, tried to oppose the measures of the German government; this induced Dr. Ley to introduce the defense against sabotage by the legal authorities.

The hostile activities reached their peak at the International Workers Conference of Geneva which began on 8 June 1933. From the German side, Dr. Ley also took part in it; representatives of the Reich Cabinet and of the Christian Trade Unions were with him. The subjects for the meeting were labor mediation, work conditions in certain branches of industry, social insurance, provision for unemployed, and shortening of the working time. The participating states were to enter the basic rules, which were to be set up in an international agreement, into their social legislations. The Germans represented voiced the opinion that the situation of the working people could not be improved by international agreement but by providing work and bread for the workers. In spite of this opposite opinion, Germany took part at the conference; in this way the German government wanted to prove that it had no purpose whatever to smash the social achievements of the German labor but that, on the contrary, she endeavored to retain them and lead them further. However, she was not willing to approve of an international agreement by which the further development of the German social legislation could be hampered.

During the conference, a few foreign personalities opposed the German representatives in such a way that Dr. Ley was induced to reject the further participation of the German Delegation in the discussions.

The atmosphere of Geneva did not remain without influence upon the representatives of the Christian Trade Unions. As already mentioned, the Christian Trade Unions were first given opportunity to continue their social work without interference. They began to exploit this favor. Also formally they have asserted that they were subject to all governmental measures which have been already taken or were to be taken; but that they could not refrain in the course of time from striving for a special position, which was to protect them from being ideologically converted to the world of national socialistic ideas. This attitude, which was contrary to the general interests and was prone to bring again dissension in the ranks of labor, induced Dr. Ley on 24 June 1933 to order the complete incorporation of the Christian Trade Unions into the German Labor Front which had been founded in the meantime. It was again the NSBO to which this task was assigned. At the same time the leaders of the Christian Trade Unions lost their honorary positions which were granted to them by Dr. Ley in the new social order. Concerning this, Dr. Ley submitted the following statement:

I. With the formation of the German Labor Front the majority of workers' and capitalists' organizations should have an opposite orientation. Not only should the last refuge of Marxism be liquidated by this means, but also it should be possible to remove the unfortunate schism of the German laboring men. Petty and selfish persons do not wish to recognize this great and revolutionary fact and seek to weaken this work by imitations and self-help organizations. It is the will of the Fuehrer that outside of the German Labor Front no other organization (whether of worker or of employers) is to exist * * *

II. National Socialism is exercising the power in its strength most generously, however this proceeding is being interpreted here and there by its small opponents as weakness. This National Socialism believed that it could be generous in dealing with the Christian Trade Unions and other middle-class groups. This fact was answered by ingratitude and disloyalty. It turns out that the afore-mentioned unions have shown the greatest corruption in treasury matters and in economic affairs. Because of this knowledge I offer the following: All offices of the Christian Trade Unions and of employee unions are to be occupied by National Socialists * * *

(Signed) Dr. Robert LEY

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 404-PS

MEIN KAMPF Adolf Hitler German Edition, 1935

[Pages 456 to 457]

It is precisely our German people, that today, broken down, lies defenseless against the kicks of the rest of the world who need that suggestive force that lies in self-confidence. But this self-confidence has to be instilled into the young fellow-citizen from childhood on. His entire education and development has to be directed at giving him the conviction of being absolutely superior to others. With this physical force and skill he has again to win the belief in the invincibility of his entire nationality. For what once led the German army to victory was the sum of the confidence which the individual and all in common had in their leaders. The confidence in the possibility of regaining its freedom is what will restore the German people. But this conviction must be the final product of the same feeling of millions of individuals.

* * * * *

[Page 475]

The racial State will have to see to it that there will be a generation which, by a suitable education, will be ready for the final and ultimate decision on this globe. The nation which enters first on this course will be the victorious one.

* * * * *

MEIN KAMPF Adolf Hitler 41st Edition, 1933 Verlag Franz Eher Nachfolger, GMm. b.H. Muenchen.

[Page 607, line 37 to page 608, complete]

For this reason alone, The SA of the NSDAP could have nothing in common with a military organization. It was an instrument for defense and education of the National Socialist movement and its tasks lay in an entirely different province from that of the so-called combat leagues [Wehrverbaende]. But it could also constitute no secret organization. The aim of secret organizations can only be illegal. In this way, the scope of such an organization is automatically limited. It is not possible, especially in view of the talkativeness of the German people, to build up an organization of any size and at the same time to keep it outwardly secret or even to veil its aims. Any such intention would be thwarted a thousand times. Not only that our police authorities today have a staff of pimps and similar rabble at their disposal, who will betray anything they can find for the Juda's payment of thirty pieces of silver, and even invent things to betray, but the supporters themselves can never be brought to the silence, that is necessary in such a case. Only very small groups, by years of sifting, can assume the character of real secret organizations. But the very smallness of such organizations would remove their value for the National Socialist movement. What we needed and still need were and are not a hundred or two hundred reckless conspirators, but hundreds of thousands of fanatical fighters for our philosophy of life [Weltanschauung]. We should not work in secret conventicles, but in mighty mass demonstrations, and it is not by dagger and poison or by pistol that the road can be cleared for the movement, but by the conquest of the streets. We must teach the Marxists that the future master of the streets is National Socialism, just as it will some day be the master of the state.

* * * * *

MEIN KAMPF

Adolf Hitler

Munich, 1933, 39th Edition.

[Page 675]

The trade union in national-socialist interpretation, has not the mission to gradually transform into one class, through condensation, all the various individuals among the people, thereby to take up the fight against other similarly organized structures within the nation. On the whole we cannot assign this mission to the trade union, rather it was first conferred on it at the moment in which it became the weapon of Marxism. It is not that the trade union is imbued with the spirit of the class struggle, directly, on the contrary, Marxism has made of it an instrument for its class war. It created the economic weapon which the international world Jew uses for the ruination of the economic basis of free, independent national states, for the annihilation of their national industry and of their national commerce, and thereby for the enslavement of free peoples in the service of international world finance Jewry.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 405-PS

1933 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 285

Law concerning Trustees of Labor of 19 May 1933

The Reich Government has decided on the following law, which is hereby promulgated.

Section 1

1. The Reich Chancellor appoints trustees of labor for the larger economic areas upon the proposal of the competent provincial governments and in agreement with them.

2. The Reich Labor Minister will assign the trustees either to the participating provincial governments, if they agree, or to the provincial authorities.

Section 2

1. Until a new revision of the social constitution, the trustees are to regulate the conditions for the conclusion of labor contracts. This practice is to be legally binding for all persons and replaces the system founded on combinations of workers, of individual employers or of combinations of employers. The regulations concerning the general application (par 2 ff of the tariff accord decree in the publication of 1 March 1928, Reichsgesetzblatt I, p 47) remain unaffected.

2. Moreover, the trustees are also to look after the maintenance of the labor peace.

3. Furthermore, they are to be convoked for their cooperation in the preparation of a new social constitution.

Section 3

The trustees are empowered to request aid of the competent Reich and provincial authorities for the execution of their regulations. They should contact the provincial government or one of their designated authorities before executing their measures, even though the danger of delay exists.

Section 4

The trustees of labor are bound by the directives and decrees of the Reich Government.

Section 5

The Reich Minister of Labor in agreement with the Reich Minister of Economics issues the necessary regulations for the implementation.

Berlin 19 May 1933.

The Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler

The Reich Labor Minister Franz Seldte

The Reich Economics Minister and Agriculture Hugenberg

The Reich Minister of the Interior Frick

The Reich Minister of Finance Count Schwerin von Krosigk

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 406-PS

Contents Memorandum by Gauleiter

Party Member Julius Streicher

Enclosure 1: First memorandum by Gauleiter Deputy, Party Member Karl Holz, with postscriptum.

Enclosure 2: Second memorandum by Gauleiter Deputy, Party Member Karl Holz, with postscriptum.

Appendix 1: Case Sandreuter

Appendix 2: Case Ritter

Appendix 3: Case J.M. Lang

MEMORANDUM BY GAULEITER PARTY MEMBER JULIUS STREICHER

Action against the Jews on 9/10 November 1938.

I was no longer present at the traditional fellowship congregation in the old town-hall in Munich on the evening of 9 November 1938 when a speaker, who claimed to have higher authority, made it known that the party was launching an action against the Jews during the night of 9/10 November 1938. I was informed of this fact by the party members Obergruppenfuehrer von Obernitz and Obergruppenfuehrer Litzmann around midnight of 9 November 1938. I declared to both these party members that I myself did not approve of an action involving arson of synagogues and destruction of goods but that I would raise no objections, of course, if this action had been sanctioned by the party. Therefore, what was done to the Jews during the night of 9/10 November 1938 happened without my direct or indirect assistance.

The consequences arising from the action against the Jews.

The action against the Jews of November 1938 was not a spontaneous one emanating from the population, and therefore was incomprehensible to many party members also as to its effects. Units of the components of the Party had been ordered to carry out the action against the Jews. If there is evidence now that in isolated cases party members with immaculate police records have appropriated goods during this action it should not be over-looked in judging such incidents that the appropriation was committed in an instant, where all goods were being destroyed in accordance with the orders given.

April 14, 1939

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 407-II-PS

Telegram GBA 760/43 [in ink crossed out in red]

10 March 3.

To the Fuehrer Fuehrer headquarters

With the urgent request for immediate presentation to the Fuehrer in person and decision.

Subject: Difficulties in recruiting of workers [Arbeitsdienstverpflichtung] in the former Soviet territories.

My Fuehrer:

You can be assured that the Arbeitseinsatz is being carried out by me with fanatical determination, but also with care and consideration for the economical and technical, as well as human, necessities and occurrences.

The replacement for soldiers who are to be freed and the reinforcement of the armament program with newly needed workers can and will be supplied, in spite of great difficulties, which had to be overcome in the last two winter months. 258,000 foreign workers could be supplied during January and February to war industry, although the transports in the East were almost completely lacking. The commitment of German men and women is in full force.

Now that the difficulties of the winter months are disappearing more and more the transports from the East can be put into full operation again on account of preparations arranged by me. Although the report and commitment-results of German men and women is outstanding, in the heavy industrial labor the commitment of productive foreigners who are used to labor cannot be neglected.

Unfortunately, a few commanders in chief [Oberbefehlshaber] in the East mobilized the recruiting of men and women in the conquered Soviet territories, as I was told by Gauleiter Koch--for political reasons.

My Fuehrer! To fulfill my task I ask you to abolish these orders. I think it impossible that the former Soviet people should experience a better consideration than our own German people, on whom I was forced to levy drastic measures. If the obligation for labor and the forced recruiting of workers in the East is not possible anymore, then the German war industry and agriculture cannot fulfill their tasks to the full extent.

I myself have the opinion that our army leaders should not give credence under any circumstances to the atrocity and propaganda campaign of the Partisans. The generals themselves are greatly interested that the support for the troops is made possible in time.

I should like to point out that hundreds of thousands of excellent workers going into the field as soldiers now, cannot possibly be substituted by German women, not used to work even if they are trying to do their best. Therefore I have to use the people of the eastern territories.

I myself report to you, that the workers belonging to all foreign nations are treated humanely, correctly and cleanly, are fed and housed well, and are even clothed. On the basis of my own services with foreign nations, I go as far as to state, that never before in the world were foreign workers treated as correctly as is now happening in the hardest of all wars by the German people.

Therefore, my Fuehrer, I ask you to abolish all orders which oppose the obligation of foreign workers for labor and to report to me kindly, whether the concept of the mission presented here is still right.

I would ask to talk to you personally about different important points of the Arbeitseinsatz at the beginning of next week, possibly Tuesday.

Yours, always thankful, sincere and obedient

Signed: Fritz Sauckel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 407-V AND VI-PS

District Administration Thueringen of NSDAP The Plenipotentiary for The Direction of Labour.

Weimar 15 April 1943 Nr. 435/43 10:25 o'clock

To the Fuehrer, Obersalzberg.

23 June 1943 [stamped]

My Fuehrer,

As Gruppenfuehrer Bormann has already informed you, I am going to the eastern areas on the 15th April in order to secure 1 million workers from the East for the German war economy in the coming months.

The result of my last trip to France is that, after exact fulfillment of the last program, another 450,000 workers from the western areas too, will come into the Reich by the beginning of the summer.

Counting the manpower which comes into question from Poland and the remaining areas, and which is in the neighborhood of about 150,000, it will become possible again to place 5- to 600,000 workers at the disposal of German agriculture and 1 million workers at the disposal of the armaments industry and the rest of the war industries by the coming summer months.

I beg you to agree that the new French labor forces can also come into the Reich under conditions similar to those which applied to the last group. I have kept in touch with the High Command of the Armed Forces.

Since the largest part of the Belgian civil workers and prisoners of war perform very satisfactorily, I ask you to agree that a similar statute to that which was granted to the French be made for some 20,000 Belgian prisoners of war. This very great concession by you has made a very deep impression upon Laval and the French Ministers. Laval has repeatedly asked me to transmit his sincerest thanks for this to you, my Fuehrer.

1. After one year's activity as plenipotentiary for the direction of labor, I can report that 3,638,056 new foreign workers were given to the German war economy from 1 April of last year to 31 March this year.

As a whole, these forces have produced satisfactory performances. Their feeding and housing is secured, their treatment so indisputably regulated that, in this respect too, our National Socialist Reich presents a shining example to the methods of the capitalist and bolshevist world. However, it is naturally inevitable that mistakes and blunders occur here and there. I will continue to endeavor with the greatest energy to reduce them to a minimum.

Besides the foreign civil workers, 1,622,829 prisoners of war will be employed in the German economy.

2. The 3,638,056 workers are distributed amongst the following branches of the German war economy:

Armament 1,568,801 Mining industry 163,632 Building 218,707 Communications 199,074 Agriculture and forestry 1,007,544 Other economic branches 480,298

Besides the employment of foreign workers, 5 million German men and women workers were transferred, inside the German economic structure, to the German war economy proper by being switched from businesses unimportant to the war effort to important ones, or by retraining.

All of these efforts were necessary in order to smooth out the natural fluctuations, for example, through death, sickness, expirations or breaches of contract, but especially through drafting into the Armed Forces and the shifting of industries into other regions and to facilitate the enlargement of the armament works, the establishment of new factories and the fulfillment of new programs.

3. The result of the registration action for men and women up to the 7 April is as follows:

On the basis of the order of 27 January 1943, 3,249,743 men and women have registered. The results are not yet final.

The number of men amounts to 553,415 that of women to 2,696,328

Up till now about 52% of these registrations (that is 1,851,771) have been definitely fixed up by the Labor Bureaux.

Up till now only 32.5% of the men come into question for the direction of labor as the majority do not fit in with the requirements as a result of old age or sickness.

Employed up to the present moment are 66,008 men. Up to 7 April 732,489 women were put to work.

This result must be designated as outstanding. 44% of these women, however, work less than 48 hours per week because of their domestic circumstances. The basic armament industry has received from the women and men employed

20,670 men 341,100 women

It was possible to make some 130,000 available to agriculture and the rest to the Armed forces, postal service, railroads, etc.

4. The result of the shutting-down measures taken by the Reich Minister for Economic Affairs includes 74,644 persons, of this group, mostly over-age and consisting of 27,218 men, 47,426 women, only a third could be directed to industry, 10,108 men, 17,929 women, of these the armament industry received 5,258 men, 8,621 women.

The rest were distributed to the remaining industries of war importance and to the Armed Forces.

5. The demands of the armaments industry for men and women workers and the allocations of these from December 1942 until the end of March 1943 give the following result:

Demand Allocation December 1942 } 250,000 January 1943 } total 335,000 172,000 February 1943 } 235,000 ------- total-- 657,000

March 1943 225,000 450,000 replacements for those drafted from the armaments industry. 240,000 ------- --------- 800,000 1,107,000

In the March figures 320,000 men and women are brought into account by the registration-action.

* * * * *

Since I, my Fuehrer, shall be staying in the eastern provinces on the 20 April, I beg, already today, to be allowed to extend my most fervent good wishes to you, along with those of my district and my family.

You can be assured that the district of Thueringen and I will serve you and our dear people with the employment of all strength.

The warmest desire is that you, my Fuehrer, may always enjoy the best of health and that we ourselves can serve you to your complete satisfaction.

Your faithful and obedient, [signed] Fritz Sauckel

Passed on: Puttig.

Received: Weismann Oberg.

Officially received: 1130 o'clock Heinstein pkz Munich for Section Roem. 3.

The above telegram was also sent in letter form. [in ink] WE 15 Apl.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 407-VIII-PS

The Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan The Plenipotentiary for Arbeitseinsatz Berlin W8, Mohrenstr 65 (Thuringenhaus) 17 May 1943 Tel: 12 65 71

To the Telegraph Office of the Party Chancellery Berlin W8

Gauleiter Sauckel requests that the following telegram be transmitted to the Fuehrer and to the Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich.

By direction

Heil Hitler! [signature illegible]

* * * * *

a. To the Fuehrer, Fuehrer Headquarters

b. To the Reich Marshal for the Greater German Reich, Headquarters

to a. My Fuehrer!

to b. Most respected Reich Marshal!

In regard to the Arbeitseinsatz in connection with the Organization Todt, I request that I be permitted to submit the following figures:

In addition to the labor allotted to the total German economy by the Arbeitseinsatz since I took office, the Organization Todt was supplied with new labor continually. The total number of laborers employed by the OT amounted to 270,969 at the end of March 1942 and 696,003 at the end of March 1943.

In this it is noteworthy that the Arbeitseinsatz has accelerated the OT in the West for the purpose of completing the work on the Atlantic Wall and has furnished laborers with utmost energy. This is all the more remarkable because:

1. In France, Belgium and Holland the industries work for the German war economy exclusively, and must always be supplied with labor in any case;

2. Great numbers of workers must be placed at the disposal of the German economy within the Reich itself.

In spite of the attendant difficulties the supply of the OT in the west was raised from 66,701 at the end of March 1942 to 248,200 at the end of March 1943.

Thus the Arbeitseinsatz has done everything to help make possible the completion of the Atlantic Wall.

to a Heil Hitler! Your obedient and faithful Fritz Sauckel to b Your continually obliged Fritz Saukel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 407-IX-PS

The Commissioner for the Four Year Plan The Plenipotentiary for the Arbeitseinsatz Berlin W8, 3 June 1943

1751/43 [pencilled] ab 6/4/43 To the Fuehrer of Greater Germany The Fuehrer's Hq My Fuehrer!

I beg to be permitted to report to you on the situation of the Arbeitseinsatz for the first 5 months of 1943.

For the first time the following number of new foreign laborers and Prisoners of War were employed in the German war industry:

January 1943 --120,085 February 1943 --138,354 March 1943 --257,382 April 1943 --160,535 May 1943 --170,155 -------- Total --846,511

I may remark that this number of 850,000 was reached only after greatest difficulties were overcome which had not existed during the previous year; all those who have worked for the Arbeitseinsatz, particularly in the occupied territories, did so with the greatest fanaticism and devotion.

Unfortunately quite a number of our officials and employees were victims of murders and attacks by partisans.

Besides those labor forces recruited for work within the Reich, several hundred thousand laborers were recruited in the occupied territories through the agencies for the Arbeitseinsatz as well as through the OT and the factories working in the East and the West for the German war industry. Furthermore the Wehrmacht received a large number of laborers as well as labor volunteers.

Moreover, because of the order dated 27 January 1943 requiring everybody to register, the following numbers of men and women were made available:

Men Women Total February 14,594 163,012 177,606 March 45,606 494,931 540,537 April 19,315 269,374 288,689 May 11,405 186,683 198,168 ------ --------- --------- Total 91,000 1,114,000 1,205,000

Of these approximately 800,000 are available only for less than 48 hours of work per week.

Altogether, German war industry during the first 5 months of 1943 recruited more than 2,000,000 laborers.

Furthermore, negotiations resulted in agreements and regulations on the following points: Wage control and increased production in the various European territories especially in France, which enabled us to keep wages in the occupied European territories on a reasonable level, to stabilize living conditions of foreign laborers working for Germany in spite of the difficult conditions of war, to increase production by means of wage control in these territories. These measures were carried out in agreement with industrial and farming authorities as well as with the Commissioner of the Reich for the control of prices.

Heil! Your obedient and faithful Signed: Sauckel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 437-PS

[Extract from report of Hans Frank to Hitler re situation in Poland, dated 19 June 1943--Pages 10 and 11.]

In the course of time, a series of measures or of consequences of the German rule have led to a substantial deterioration of the attitude of the entire Polish people in the General Gouvernment. These measures have affected either individual professions or the entire population and frequently also--often with crushing severity--the fate of individuals.

Among these are in particular:

1. The entirely insufficient nourishment of the population, mainly of the working classes in the cities, whose majority is working for German interests.

Until the war in 1939, its food supplies, though not varied, were sufficient and generally secure, due to the agrarian surplus of the former Polish state and in spite of the negligence on the part of their former political leadership.

2. The confiscation of a great part of the Polish estates and the expropriation without compensation and resettlement of Polish peasants from manoeuvre areas and from German settlements.

3. Encroachments and confiscations in the industries, in commerce and trade and in the field of private property.

4. Mass arrests and mass shootings by the German police who applied the system of collective responsibility.

5. The rigorous methods of recruiting workers.

6. The extensive paralyzation of cultural life.

7. The closing of high schools, junior colleges and universities.

8. The limitation, indeed the complete elimination of Polish influence from all spheres of State administration.

9. Curtailment of the influence of the Catholic Church, limiting its extensive influence--an undoubtedly necessary move--and, in addition, until quite recently, the closing and confiscation of monasteries, schools and charitable institutions.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 440-PS

Berlin, 20 Nov. 1939 The Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces OKW/WFA No. 213/39 g.k. Chefs. (Top Secret, Chief Matter) Department L (I)

8 Copies, Copy

Chief matter By officers only

TOP SECRET

Directive No. 8, for the conduct of the war.

1. The state of alert, to make the continuation of the initiated concentration of troops possible at any moment, must be maintained, for the time being. Only this will make it possible to exploit favorable weather conditions immediately.

The various components of the Armed Forces will make arrangements enabling them to stop the attack even if the order for such action is received by the High Command as late as D-1 at 2300 hours. The keyword

"Rhein" (--start attack) or "Elbe" (--withhold attack)

will be passed on to the High Commands at the latest by this time.

The High Commands of the Army and the Air Forces are requested after having determined the day for attack, to notify Department L of the High Command of the Armed Forces immediately with regard to the mutually agreed hour of the commencement of the attack.

2. Contrary to previous orders, all measures intended against the Netherlands are to be carried out without special orders at the start of the general attack.

The reaction of the Dutch Armed Forces cannot be foreseen. The entering of our troops will take the character of a friendly occupation wherever no opposition is encountered.

3. The Land-operations are to be carried out on the basis of the assemble directive of 29 October. The following is added to complete this directive:

a. All measures have to be taken to move the emphasis of the operation quickly from Army Group B to Army Group A if greater and quicker successes than at Army Group B should be obtained there as the present disposition of enemy's forces that would indicate.

b. The Dutch area, including the coastal West-Frisian Islands, without Texel for the time being, is to be seized as far as the Grebbe-Haas Line, until further notice.

4. The Navy is authorized to take blockage measures for submarines against the Belgian and, contrary to previous orders, also against Dutch harbors and waterways, in the night before the attack and from the time of the start of the blockade activities and the time of the land attack must also be kept as short as possible in the case of the use of submarines.

Combat actions against Dutch naval forces are only authorized, if they adopt a hostile attitude.

The Navy is charged with the coastal artillery defense of the coastal regions to be occupied, against attacks from the sea. Preparations have to be made accordingly.

5. The tasks of the Air Force remain unchanged. They have been supplemented by special orders, issued orally by the Fuehrer, concerning the landing from the air and the support of the army by the seizure of the bridges west of Maastricht.

The 7th Air-borne Division will only be committed for landing activities from the air after the seizure of bridges across the Albert Canal has been secured. The fastest means of transmission of this message between the High Command of the Army and the High Command of the Air Force must be guaranteed.

Localities, especially great open town, and the industries are not to be attacked either in the Dutch or the Belgian-Luxembourg area, without (urgent) military reasons.

6. The closing of the frontiers. a. The border and news traffic across the Dutch, Belgian and Luxembourg frontiers is to be kept at its present volume until the beginning of the attack in the orders to that effect to the military and civilian authorities are not to participate in the preparations for the closing of the border until the start of the attack.

b. The Reich-Border is to be closed towards the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg for all non-military border and news traffic at the start of the attack. The Commander-in-Chief issues the orders to that effect to the military and civilian authorities concerned. The Highest Reich Authorities concerned, will be informed by the OKW (High Command of the Armed Forces) at the beginning of the attack that the measures for the closing of the borders will be issued immediately by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, even for the Dutch Border outside of the operational territory.

c. At first, restrictions in the border and news traffic will not be ordered after the start of the attack on the other Reich-Borders towards the neutral countries. Further prepared measures for the surveillance of personal and news traffic will be taken, if necessary.

By order Distribution: Signed: Keitel

High Command of the Army--1st Copy.

High Command of the Navy--2nd Copy.

R. d. L. [Reichs-Ministry of the Air] and the High Command of the Air Force--3rd Copy.

attested: von Trotha [?] Captain

High Command of the Armed Forces: Chief WFA--4th Copy. L--5-8th Copy. Distribution: Copies K 1st Copy IV 2nd Copy II 2nd Copy for information [in handwriting] Acknowledged 21 October [initials illegible]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 442-PS

The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. OKW/WFA/L No. 33 160/40 Top Secret The Fuehrer's hq. 16 July 1940 7 copies, 4th copy

TOP SECRET

Transmit by officer courier only

General Order No. 16 on the preparation of a landing operation against England.

Since England, despite her militarily hopeless situation still shows no sign of willingness to come to terms, I have decided to prepare a landing operation against England, and if necessary to carry it out.

The aim of this operation is to eliminate the English homeland as a basis for the carrying on of the war against Germany, and if it should become necessary to occupy it completely;

To this end I order the following:

1. The Landing must be carried out in the form of a surprise crossing on a broad front approximately from Ramsgate to the area west of the Isle of Wight, in which air force units will take the roll of artillery, and units of the navy the roll of the engineers. Whether it is practical to undertake subordinate actions, such as the occupation of the Isle of Wight or of County Cornwall, before the general landing is to be determined from the standpoint of every branch of the armed forces and the result is to be reported to me. I reserve the decision for myself. The preparations for the entire operation must be completed by mid-August.

2. To these preparations also belong the creation of those conditions which make a landing in England possible.

a. The English air-force must morally and actually be so far overcome, that it does not any longer show any considerable aggressive force against the German attack.

b. Mine-free channels must be created.

c. By means of a closely concentrated mine-barrier the straight of Dover on both Flanks as well as the western entrance to the channel in the approximate line Aldemey-Portland must be sealed off.

d. The area in front of the coast must be dominated and given artillery protection by strong coastal artillery.

e. Tying down of the English naval forces in the North Sea as well as in the Mediterranean (by the Italians) is desired, whereby it must now be attempted that the English naval forces which are in the homeland be damaged by air and torpedo attack in strength.

3. Organization of the leadership and of the preparations;

Under my command and according to my general directions the supreme commanders will lead the forces to be used from their branches of service. The command-staffs of the supreme commander of the army, the supreme commander of the Navy, and the supreme commander of the air-force must from 1 August on be located within a radius of at least 50 km. from my headquarters (Ziegenberg). Lodging the command staffs of the supreme commanders of the army and navy together at Giessen appears practical to me.

Hence for the leadership of the landing armies the supreme commander of the army will have to employ an army group hq.

The project bears the code-name "Seeloewe" [Sea-lion].

In the preparation and carrying out of the undertaking the following tasks fall to the various branches:

a. Army: will draw up the operational plan and the transport plan for all units of the 1st wave to embark. The AA artillery to be transported with the 1st wave will at the same time be attached to the army (to the individual crossing groups) until such a time as a division of tasks in support and protection of ground troops protection of the ports of debarkation and protection of the aerial strong points to be occupied can be carried out. The Army furthermore distributes the means of transport to the individual crossing groups and establishes the embarkation and landing points in agreement with the Navy.

b. Navy: will secure the means of transport and will bring them corresponding to the desires of the Army and according to the requirements of seamanship into the individual embarkation areas. Insofar as possible ships of the defeated enemy states are to be procured. For every ferrying point it will provide the necessary naval staff for advice on matters of seamanship with escort vessels and security forces. It will protect, along with the air forces employed to guard the movement, the entire crossing of the channel on both flanks. An order will follow on the regulation of the command relationship during the crossing. It is further the task of the navy to regulate, in a uniform manner, the building up of the coastal artillery, that is, all batteries which can be used for firing against sea targets of the Army as well as of the Navy, and to organize the fire control of the whole. As great an amount of very heavy artillery as possible is to be employed as quickly as possible to secure the crossing and to protect the flanks from enemy operations from the sea. For this purpose, railway artillery (supplemented by all available captured pieces) without the batteries (Ks and K12) provided for firing on targets on the English mainland, is to be brought up and emplaced by use of railway turntables.

Independent of this, the heaviest available platform batteries are to be opposite the Straits of Dover, so emplaced under concrete that they can withstand even the heaviest aerial attacks and thereby dominate the Straits of Dover under any circumstances in the long run, within their effective range.

The technical work is the responsibility of the Todt Organization.

c. Mission of the Air Force is: To hinder interference from the enemy air force. To overcome coastal defenses which could do damage to the landing positions, to break the first resistance of enemy troops and to smash reserves which may be coming up. For this mission closest cooperation of individual units of the air force with the crossing units is necessary. Furthermore, to destroy important transportation routes for the bringing up of enemy reserves, and to attack enemy naval forces, which are coming up, while they are still far away from the crossing points. I request proposals on the use of parachute and glider troops. In this regard it is to be determined if it is worth-while here to hold parachute and glider troops in readiness as a reserve to be quickly committed in case of emergency.

4. The armed forces chief of signals will carry out the necessary preparations for signal connections from France to the English mainland. The installation of the remaining 80km East Prussian cables is to be provided for in conjunction with the Navy.

5. I request the supreme commanders to submit to me as soon as possible:

a. The intentions of the Navy and Air Force for achieving the necessary conditions for the crossing of the channel (see figure 2).

b. The construction of the coastal batteries in detail (Navy).

c. A survey of the tonnage to be employed and the methods of getting it ready and fitting it out. Participation of civilian agencies? (Navy).

d. The organization of aerial protection in the assembly areas for troops about to cross and the means of crossing (Air Force).

e. The crossing and operations plan of the army, composition and equipment of the first crossing wave.

f. Organization and measures of the Navy and the Air Force for carrying out of the crossing itself, security of the crossing, and support of the landing.

g. Proposals for the committment of parachute and glider troops, as well as for the attachment and command of anti-aircraft, after an extensive gain of territory on English soil has been made (Air Force).

h. Proposal for the location of the command staffs of the supreme commanders of the Army and of the Navy.

i. The position of army, navy, and air force on the question whether and what subsidiary actions before the general landing are considered practical.

k. Proposal of army and navy on the overall command during the crossing.

A. Hitler [Initialled] J [Jodl] K [Keitel]

Distribution: Supreme Cmdr of the Army--1st copy. Supreme Cmdr of the Navy--2nd copy. Supreme Cmdr of the Air Force--3rd copy. Armed Forces Command Section [?]--4th copy. (WFA) Section L--5th and 7th copy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 444-PS

TOP SECRET

The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces WFSt/Abt.L(I) No 33 356/40 g.K.Chefs Only by officer

Directive No. 18

Fuehrer's Headquarters 12 November 40 2F/408 10 copies, 4th copy 55

The preparatory measures of Supreme Hq for the prosecution of the war in the near future are to be made along the following lines:--

1. Relations with France. The aim of my policy towards France is to cooperate with this country in the most effective way for the future prosecution of the war against England. For the time being France will have the role of a "non-belligerent power"--she will have to tolerate German military measures on her territory, especially in the African colonies, and to give support, as far as possible, even by using her own means of defense. The most pressing task of the French is the defensive and offensive protection of their French possessions (West and Equatorial Africa) against England and the deGaulle movement. From this initial task France's participation in the war against England can develop fully.

For the time being, the conversations with France resulting from my meeting with Marshal Petain are being carried on--apart from the current work of the armistice commission--entirely by the foreign office [Auswartiges Amt] in cooperation with the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces [OKW].

More detailed directives will follow at the close of these talks.

2. Spain and Portugal. Political steps to bring about an early Spanish entry into the war have been taken. The aim of German intervention in the Iberian peninsula (code name Felix) will be to drive the English out of the Western Mediterranean. For this purpose:

a. Gibraltar will be taken and the Straits closed.

b. The British will be prevented from gaining a foothold at another point of the Iberian peninsula, or the Atlantic Islands.

The preparation and execution of this operation is intended as follows:

Section I

a. Reconnaissance troops (officers in civilian clothes) make the necessary preparations for the action against Gibraltar and for taking over aerodromes. As regards disguise and cooperation with the Spaniards they will comply with the security measures of the Chief of Foreign Intelligence.

b. Special units of the Foreign Intelligence Bureau are to take over the protection of the Gibraltar area, in secret cooperation with the Spaniards, against English attempts to widen the terrain in front and against premature discovery and frustration of our preparations.

c. The units intended for this operation will be kept in readiness away from the French-Spanish border and information will be withheld from the troops, at this early stage. In order to start operations, a warning order will be given three weeks before the troops cross the Spanish-French border (but only after conclusion of the preparations regarding the Atlantic Islands).

With regard to the low capacity of the Spanish railways, the army will detail mainly motorized units for this operation, so that the railways are available for reinforcements.

Section II

a. Units of the Air Force, directed by observation at Algeciras, will, at a favorable moment, carry out an air attack from French soil on the units of the British fleet lying in the port of Gibraltar, and will force a landing on Spanish aerodromes after the attack.

b. Shortly after this the units intended for use in Spain will cross the Franco-Spanish frontier on land or in the air.

Section III

a. Attack for the seizure of Gibraltar by German troops.

b. Mobilization of troops to march into Portugal should the British gain a foothold there. The units intended for this will march into Spain immediately after the units intended for Gibraltar.

Section IV

Support by the Spanish in closing the Straits after the seizure of the Rock from the Spanish-Moroccan side as well, if required.

As for the strength of the units to be used for operation "Felix" the following will apply:

Army. The units intended for Gibraltar must be in sufficient strength to seize the Rock even without Spanish assistance.

Apart from this, a smaller group must be available to aid the Spaniards in the unlikely event of the British attempting to land at a different point on the coast. The units to be kept in readiness for a possible invasion of Portugal are to be predominately of a mobile nature.

Air Force. Sufficient forces will be detailed for the air attack on Gibraltar to guarantee substantial success.

For the subsequent operations against naval objectives and for the support of the attack on the Rock mainly dive-bomber units are to be transferred to Spain.

Sufficient anti-aircraft artillery is to be supplied to the army units, and is also to be used to engage ground targets.

Navy. Provision is to be made for U-boats to attack the British-Gibraltar-Squadron, particularly when they leave harbor, which they are expected to do after the air raid.

To support the Spaniards in the closing of the Straits, preparations are to be made in cooperation with the army for the transfer of single coastal batteries.

An Italian participation is not envisaged.

As a result of operation "Gibraltar", the Atlantic Islands (in particular the Canaries and Cape Verde Islands) will gain increased importance for the British conduct of the war at sea, as well as for our own. The commanders in chief of the Navy and Air Force are examining how the Spanish defense of the Canaries can be supported and how the Cape Verde Islands can be occupied.

I also request that the question of an occupation of Madeira and the Azores be examined and also the advantages and disadvantages that would arise from this for the conduct of the war at sea and in the air. The results of this examination are to be given to me as soon as possible.

3. Italian Offensive against Egypt. If at all, the use of German forces only comes into consideration after the Italians have reached Morsa Metruh. Even then the use of German air forces will be considered mainly if the Italians put at our disposal the air bases necessary for this.

The preparations of the branches of the armed forces for use in this or any other North African theatre of war are to be carried on as follows:

Army. Holding an armored division ready for use in North Africa (composition as previously provided for).

Navy. Fitting out of such German ships lying in Italian ports as are suitable as transports for the transfer of the strongest possible forces either to Libya or to North West Africa.

Air Force. Preparations for attacks on Alexandria and on the Suez Canal, so as to deny the British Command the use of the latter.

4. Balkans. The commanders-in-chief of the Army will make preparations for occupying the Greek mainland north of the Aegean Sea in case of need, entering through Bulgaria, and thus make possible the use of German air force units against targets in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular against those English air bases which are threatening the Roumanian oil area.

In order to be able to face all eventualities and to keep Turkey in check, the use of an army group of an approximate strength of ten divisions is to be the basis for the planning and the calculations of deployment. It will not be possible to count on the railway, leading through Yugoslavia, for moving these forces into position.

So as to shorten the time needed for the deployment, preparations will be made for an early increase in the German Army mission in Roumania, the extent of which must be submitted to me.

The Commander-in-chief of the Air Force will make preparations for the use of German Air Force units in the South East Balkans and for aerial reconnaissance on the southern border of Bulgaria, in accordance with the intended ground operations.

The German Air Force mission in Roumania will be increased to the extent proposed to me.

Bulgarian requests to equip their army (supply of weapons, ammunition) are to be given favorable treatment.

5. Russia. Political discussions have been initiated with the aim of clarifying Russia's attitude for the time being. Irrespective of the results of these discussions, all preparations for the East which have already been verbally ordered will be continued.

Instructions on this will follow, as soon as the general outline of the army's operational plans has been submitted to, and approved by, me.

6. Landing in England. Due to a change in the general situation it may yet be possible or necessary to start operation "Seeloewe" in the spring of 1941. The three services of the armed forces must therefore earnestly endeavor to improve conditions for such an operation in every respect.

7. I shall expect the commanders-in-chief to express their opinions of the measures anticipated in this directive. I shall then give orders regarding the methods of execution and synchronization of the individual actions. In order to assure secrecy, only a restricted staff will work on these plans. This applies particularly to the operations in Spain and for the plans concerning the Atlantic Isles.

Signed: Adolf Hitler J [initialled: Jodl]

Distribution: Ob.d.H (Op.Abt.)--1st Copy. Ob.d.M (l.Skl.)--2nd Copy. Ob.d.L. (LwFueSt.Ia)--3rd Copy. O.K.W. SFSt--4th Copy. Abt. L.--5th-10th Copy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 446-PS

The Fuehrer and Commander-in-Chief of the German Armed Forces

OKW/WFSt/Abt.L(I) Nr. 33 408/40 gK Chefs. SECRET The Fuehrer's Headquarters 18 December 40 (only through officer) 9 copies, 4th copy

Directive Nr. 21

Case Barbarossa

The German Armed Forces must be prepared to crush Soviet Russia in a quick campaign before the end of the war against England (case Barbarossa).

For this purpose the Army will have to employ all available units with the reservation that the occupied territories will have to be safeguarded against surprise attacks.

For the Eastern campaign the Airforce will have to free such strong forces for the support of the Army that a quick completion of the ground operations may be expected and that damage of the eastern German territories will be avoided as much as possible. This concentration of the main effort in the East is limited by the following reservation: That the entire battle and armament area dominated by us must remain sufficiently protected against enemy air attacks and that the attacks on England and especially the supply for them must not be permitted to break down.

Concentration of the main effort of the Navy remains unequivocally against England also during an Eastern campaign.

If occasion arises I will order the concentration of troops for action against Soviet Russia eight weeks before the intended beginning of operations.

Preparations requiring more time to start are--if this has not yet been done--to begin presently and are to be completed by 15 May 1941.

Great caution has to be exercised that the intention of an attack will not be recognized.

The preparations of the High Command are to be made on the following basis:

I. General Purpose:

The mass of the Russian Army in Western Russia is to be destroyed in daring operations by driving forward deep wedges with tanks and the retreat of intact battle-ready troops into the wide spaces of Russia is to be prevented.

In quick pursuit a (given) line is to be reached from where the Russian Airforce will no longer be able to attack German Reich territory. The first goal of operations is the protection from Asiatic Russia from the general line Volga-Archangelsk. In case of necessity, the last industrial area in the Urals left to Russia could be eliminated by the Luftwaffe.

In the course of these operations the Russian Baltic Sea Fleet will quickly erase its bases and will no longer be ready to fight.

Effective intervention by the Russian Airforce is to be prevented through forceful blows at the beginning of the operations.

II. Probable Allies and their tasks.

* * * * *

[Page 4, par. II]

2. It will be the task of Rumania, together with the forces concentrating there, to pin down the opponent on the other side and, in addition, to render auxiliary services in the rear area.

* * * * *

[Page 8, par. IV]

IV. It must be clearly understood that all orders to be given by the commanders-in-chief on the basis of this letter of instructions are precautionary measures, in case Russia should change her present attitude toward us. The number of officers to be drafted for the preparations at an early time is to be kept as small as possible. Further co-workers are to be detailed as late as possible and only as far as each individual is needed for a specific task. Otherwise, the danger exists that our preparations (the time of their execution has not been fixed) will become known and thereby grave political and military disadvantages would result.

V. I am expecting the reports of the commanders-in-chief on their further plans based on this letter of instructions.

The preparation planned by all branches of the Armed Forces are to be reported to me through the High Command, also in regard to their time.

[signed] Hitler [initialed by: Jodl, Keitel, Warlimont and one illegible.]

Distribution: Ob. d. H. (Op. Abt.)--1. copy Ob. d. M. (Skl.)--2. copy Ob. d. L. (Lw.Fue.St.)--3. copy OKW: WFSt.--4. copy Abt.--5-9. copy

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 447-PS

TOP SECRET

Top Secret Only thru officer

OKW Armed Forces Operational Staff Section L (IV/Qu) 44125/41 Top Secret

Fuehrer Hq, 13 March 1941 5 copies, 4th copy

Subject: Armed Forces Operational Staff/Section L(I) #33408/40. Top Secret. 18 December 1940 Directives for Special Areas to Order #21 (Case Barbarossa)

I. Area of operations and executive power

1. The authorization to issue orders and the regulations regarding supply for an area of operations within the armed forces shall be set up by the High Command of the Armed Forces in East Prussia and in the General Gouvernement at the latest four weeks before operations are started. The proposal by the High Command of the Army (OKH) is being made in time, after an agreement with the Commander of the Luftwaffe (Ob.d.L.) has been reached.

It is not contemplated to declare East Prussia and the General Gouvernement an area of operations. However, in accordance with the unpublished Fuehrer orders from 19 and 21 October 1939, the Supreme Commander of the Army shall be authorized to take all measures necessary for the execution of his military aim and for the safeguarding of the troops. He may transfer his authority onto the Supreme Commander of the Army Groups and Armies. Orders of that kind have priority over all orders issued by civilian agencies.

2. The Russian territory which is to be occupied shall be divided up into individual states with governments of their own, according to special orders, as soon as military operations are concluded. From this the following is inferred:

a. The area of operations, created through the advance of the Army beyond the frontiers of the Reich and the neighboring countries is to be limited in depth as far as possible. The Supreme Commander of the Army has the right to exercise the executive power in this area, and may transfer his authority onto the Supreme Commanders of the Army Groups and Armies.

b. In the area of operations, the Reichsfuehrer SS is, on behalf of the Fuehrer, entrusted with special tasks for the preparation of the political administration, tasks which result from the struggle which has to be carried out between two opposing political systems. Within the realm of these tasks, the Reichsfuehrer SS shall act independently and under his own responsibility. The executive power invested in the Supreme Commander of the Army (OKH) and in agencies determined by him shall not be affected by this. It is the responsibility of the Reichsfuehrer SS that through the execution of his tasks military operations shall not be disturbed. Details shall be arranged directly through the OKH with the Reichsfuehrer SS.

c. As soon as the area of operations has reached sufficient depth, it is to be limited in the rear. The newly occupied territory in the rear of the area of operations is to be given its own political administration. For the present, it is to be divided, according to its genealogic basis and to the positions of the Army Groups, into North (Baltic countries), Center (White Russia) and South (Ukraine). In these territories the political administration is taken care of by Commissioners of the Reich who receive their orders from the Fuehrer.

3. For the execution of all military tasks within the areas under the political administration in the rear of the area of operations, commanding officers who are responsible to the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces (OKW) shall be in command.

The commanding officer is the supreme representative of the Armed Forces in the respective areas and the bearer of the military sovereign rights. He has the tasks of a Territorial Commander and the rights of a supreme Army Commander or a Commanding General. In this capacity he is responsible primarily for the following tasks:

a. Close cooperation with the Commissioner of the Reich in order to support him in his political task.

b. Exploitation of the country and securing its economic values for use by German industry (see par. 4).

c. Exploitation of the country for the supply of the troops according to the needs of the OKH.

d. Military security of the whole area, mainly airports, routes of supply and supply-dumps against revolt, sabotage and enemy paratroops.

e. Traffic regulations.

f. Billeting for armed forces, police and organizations, and for PW's inasmuch as they remain in the administrative areas.

The commanding officer has the right, as opposed to the civilian agencies, to issue orders which are necessary for the execution of the military tasks. His orders supersede all others, also those of the commissioners of the Reich.

Service directives, mobilization orders and directives on the distribution of the necessary forces shall be issued separately.

The time for the assumption of command by the commanding officers will be ordered as soon as the military situation shall allow a change in the command without disrupting military operations. Until such time, the agencies set up by the OKH remain in office, operating according to the principles valid for the commanding officers.

4. The Fuehrer has entrusted the uniform direction of the administration of economy in the area of operations and in the territories of political administration to the Reich Marshal who has delegated the Chief of the "Wi Rue Amt" with the execution of the task. Special orders on that will come from the OKW/Wi Rue Amt.

5. The majority of the Police Forces shall be under the jurisdiction of the Commissioners of the Reich. Requests for the employment of police forces in the area of operations on the part of the OKH are to be made as early as possible to the OKW/Armed Forces Operational Staff/Section Defense.

6. The behavior of the troops towards the population and the tasks of the military courts shall be separately regulated, and commanded.

II. Personnel, Supply and Communication Traffic:

7. Special orders shall be issued by the OKW Armed Forces Operational Staff for the measures necessary before the beginning of operations for the restriction of travel, delivery of goods and communications to Russia.

8. As soon as operations begin, the German-Soviet Russian frontier and at a later stage the border at the rear of the area of operations will be closed by the OKH for any and all non-military traffic with the exception of the police organizations to be deployed by the Reichsfuehrer SS on the Fuehrer's orders. Billeting and feeding of these organizations will be taken care of by the OKH-Gen. Qu. who may for this purpose request from the Reichsfuehrer SS the assignment of liaison officers.

The border shall remain closed also for leading personalities of the highest government agencies and agencies of the Party. The OKW/Armed Forces Operational Staff shall inform the highest government and Party agencies of this fact. The Supreme Commander of the Army and the agencies under him shall decide on exceptions.

Except for the special regulations applying to the police organizations of the Reichsfuehrer SS, applications for entrance-permits must be submitted to the Supreme Commander of the Army exclusively.

III. Regulations regarding Rumania, Slovakia, Hungary and Finland.

9. The necessary arrangements with these countries shall be made by the OKW, together with the Foreign Office, and according to the wishes of the respective high commands. In case it should become necessary during the course of the operations to grant special rights, applications for this purpose are to be submitted to the OKW.

10. Police measures for the protection of the troops are permitted, independently from the granting of special rights. Further orders in this shall be issued later.

11. Special orders shall be issued at a later date for the territories of these countries, on the following subjects:

Procurement of food and feed. Housing and machinery. Purchase and the shipment of merchandise. Procurement of funds and wage-control. Salaries. Request for indemnity-payments. Postal and telegraph services. Traffic. Jurisdiction.

Requests of units of the Armed Forces and agencies of the OKW from the respective governments regarding these subjects, are to be submitted to the OKW/Armed Forces Operational Staff/ Section Defense not later than 27 March 1941.

IV. Directives regarding Sweden.

12. Since Sweden can only become a transient-area for troops, no special authority is to be granted the commander of the German troops. However, he is entitled and compelled to secure the immediate protection of RR-transports against sabotage and attacks.

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces Signed: KEITEL

Distribution: OKH--1st copy. OKM--2nd copy. R.d.L.u.O.K.L.--3rd copy. Armed Forces Operational Staff--4th copy. Section L--5th copy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 448-PS

Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. OKW/WFST/Abt. L Nr. 44018/41 g. K. Chiefs F.H.Q. 11th Jan 44 TOP SECRET 13 copies, 4th copy.

Order No. 22

Participation of German Forces in the Fighting in the Mediterranean Theater of Operations.

The situation in the Mediterranean Theater of Operation demands for strategical, political and psychological reasons German assistance, due to employment of superior forces by England against our allies.

Tripolitania must be held and the danger of a collapse of the Albanian front must be removed. Beyond that, the Army group Cavallero, in connection with later operations of the 12th Army, shall be enabled to start an attack also from Albania.

I order therefore, the following:

1. A blocking unit is to be recruited by the High Command of the Army which will be in a position to render valuable services to our Allies in the defense of Tripolitania especially against the English armored divisions. The principles for its composition will be given separately. The preparations for the transfer of the unit will be made in time to follow immediately the present transport of an Italian armored division and a motorized division to Tripoli (starting approximately 20 February).

2. The X Air Corps will retain Sicily as basis for operations. Its most important assignment will be the fight against the English Naval forces and their communications between the western and eastern Mediterranean. Besides that, provisions are also to be made, with the help of temporary landing fields, to attack the English unloading harbors and supply bases on the coast of Western Egypt and Cryenaica and thus give immediate support to the Army group of Graziani.

The Italian Government has been asked to declare the territory between Sicily and the North African coast a "restricted area" [Sperrgebiet] in order to facilitate the operations of the X Air corps and to avoid incidents against neutral ships.

3. For transfer to Albania, German units in the approximate strength of one corps, among them the 1st Mountain Division and Armored forces, are to be provided and held in readiness. The transport of the 1st Mountain Division is to commence, as soon as the approval of the Italians is received by the High Command of the Armed forces. In the meantime, it must be examined and determined with the Italian High Command in Albania whether and how many more forces for operational attacks could be employed to good advantage and could also be supplied besides the Italian Divisions.

The duty of the German forces will be:

a. To serve in Albania for the time being as a reserve for an emergency case, should new crises arise there;

b. To ease the burden of the Italian Army group when later attacking with the aim:

To tear open the Greek defense front on a decisive point for a far-reaching operation,

To open up the straits west of Saloniki from the back in order to support thereby the frontal attack of List's Army.

4. The directives for the questions of authority over the German troops to be employed in North Africa and Albania and the restrictions which are to be made with reference to their employment, will be settled by the High Command of the Armed Forces and the Italian Armed Forces staff.

5. The suitable transports available in the Mediterranean only as far as they are not already used for transportations to Tripoli, to be provided for the transfer of the Albania-bound troops. For transports of personnel, the transportation group Ju 52 stationed in Foggia is to be utilized.

Every effort should be made to complete the transfer of the bulk of the German forces to Albania before the transfer of the blocking unit to Lybia starts, (See 1) and the use of all German boats becomes necessary for this purpose.

[signed] Adolf Hitler

Distribution:

OKH/Gen Staff of Army, operating--1st cy. OKM/Skl--2nd cy. Ob.d.L./Lw.F.St.I a--3rd cy. OKW WFST--4th cy. --------L--5th to 9th cy. WNV--10th cy. Foreign/Intelligence--11th cy. Armed Forces, Transport Chief--12th cy. German General with the Italian high command--13th cy.

* * * * *

F.H.Q. 29th Jan 41

High Command of the Armed Forces WFST/Abt. L(I) Nr. 44018/41 g.K. Chefs II. Anz.

13 copies, 4th copy.

Ref: The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. OKW /WFST/Abt. L(L) Nr. 44018/41 gk Chefs. V. 11th Jan. 41

The measures ordered in Order 22 are to be given the following code names:

Operation Tripoli: "Sonnenblume" Operation Albania: "Alpenveilchen"

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces.

By order

(Signed) Warlimont

Distribution:

OKH/general staff of Army, operations--1st cy. OKM/SKL--2nd cy. Ob. d. M./Lw Fuest--3rd cy.

OKW: WFST--4th cy. Section L--5th to 9th cy. WNV--10th cy. Foreign/Intelligence--11th cy. Armed Forces, Transportation Ch.--12th cy. German General with the Italian high command--13th cy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 498-PS

TOP SECRET

The Fuehrer

No. 003830/42 g. Kdos. OKW/WFSt

Fuehrer HQ, 18 Oct. 1942 12 copies, 12th copy.

1. For some time our enemies have been using in their warfare methods which are outside the international Geneva Conventions. Especially brutal and treacherous is the behavior of the so-called commandos, who, as is established, are partially recruited even from freed criminals in enemy countries. From captured orders it is divulged, that they are directed not only to shackle prisoners, but also to kill defenseless prisoners on the spot at the moment in which they believe that the latter as prisoners represent a burden in the further pursuit of their purposes or could otherwise be a hindrance. Finally, orders have been found in which the killing of prisoners has been demanded in principle.

2. For this reason it was already announced in an addendum to the Armed Forces report of 7 October 1942, that in the future, Germany, in the face of these sabotage troops of the British and their accomplices, will resort to the same procedure, i.e., that they will be ruthlessly mowed down by the German troops in combat, wherever they may appear.

3. I therefore order:

From now on all enemies on so-called Commando missions in Europe or Africa challenged by German troops, even if they are to all appearances soldiers in uniform or demolition troops, whether armed or unarmed, in battle or in flight, are to be slaughtered to the last man. It does not make any difference whether they are landed from ships and aeroplanes for their actions, or whether they are dropped by parachute. Even if these individuals, when found, should apparently be prepared to give themselves up, no pardon is to be granted them on principle. In each individual case full information is to be sent to the O.K.W. for publication in the Report of the Military Forces.

4. If individual members of such commandos, such as agents, saboteurs, etc. fall into the hands of the military forces by some other means, through the police in occupied territories for instance, they are to be handed over immediately to the SD. Any imprisonment under military guard, in PW stockades for instance, etc., is strictly prohibited, even if this is only intended for a short time.

5. This order does not apply to the treatment of any enemy soldiers who, in the course of normal hostilities (large-scale offensive actions, landing operations and airborne operations), are captured in open battle or give themselves up. Nor does this order apply to enemy soldiers falling into our hands after battles at sea, or enemy soldiers trying to save their lives by parachute after battles.

6. I will hold responsible under Military Law, for failing to carry out this order, all commanders and officers who either have neglected their duty of instructing the troops about this order, or acted against this order where it was to be executed.

[signed] Adolf Hitler

Distribution: Copy No.

O.K.H. / Genst.d.H (High Command of the Army / General Staff of the Army). 1 O.K.M. / Skl. (High Command of the Navy / Naval War Staff). 2 Ob.d.L. / Lw.Fue.St. (C in C Air Force / Air Force Operational Staff). 3 W.B. Norwegen (Armed Forces Commander, Norway) 4 W.B.Sudeost (Armed Forces Commander, Southeast) 5 Ob. West (C in C, West) 6 Geb.A.O.K. 20 (20th Mountain Army) 7 Ob. Sued (C in C, South) 8 Pz.Armee Afrika (Panzer Army Africa) 9 Rf.SS u. Chef d.Dtsch.Polizei (Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police). 10 OKW /WFSt (High Command of the Armed Forces / Armed Forces Operational Staff). 11-12

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 501-PS

Field Post Office Kiev, 16 May 1942 No 32704 B Nr 40/42

TOP SECRET

To: SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Rauff [Handwritten:] Berlin, Prinz-Albrecht-Str. 8 pers. R/29/5 Pradel n.R b/R

[Handwritten:] Sinkkel [?] b.R, p 16/6

The overhauling of vans by groups D and C is finished. While the vans of the first series can also be put into action if the weather is not too bad, the vans of the second series (Saurer) stop completely in rainy weather. If it has rained for instance for only one half hour, the van cannot be used because it simply skids away. It can only be used in absolutely dry weather. It is only a question now whether the van can only be used standing at the place of execution. First the van has to be brought to that place, which is possible only in good weather. The place of execution is usually 10-15 km away from the highways and is difficult to access because of its location; in damp or wet weather it is not accessible at all. If the persons to be executed are driven or led to that place, then they realize immediately what is going on and get restless, which is to be avoided as far as possible. There is only one way left; to load them at the collecting point and to drive them to the spot.

I ordered the vans of group D to be camouflaged as house-trailers by putting one set of window shutters on each side of the small van and two on each side of the larger vans, such as one often sees on farm-houses in the country. The vans became so well-known, that not only the authorities, but also the civilian population called the van "death van", as soon as one of these vehicles appeared. It is my opinion, the van cannot be kept secret for any length of time, not even camouflaged.

The Saurer-van which I transported from Simferopol to Taganrog suffered damage to the brakes on the way. The Security Command [SK] in Mariupol found the cuff of the combined oil-air brake broken at several points. By persuading and bribing the H.K.P. [?] we managed to have a form machined, on which the cuffs were cast. When I came to Stalino and Gorlowka a few days later, the drivers of the vans complained about the same faults. After having talked to the commandants of those commands I went once more to Mariupol to have some more cuffs made for those cars too. As agreed two cuffs will be made for each car, six cuffs will stay in Mariupol as replacements for group D and six cuffs will be sent to SS-Untersturmfuehrer Ernst in Kiev for the cars of group C. The cuffs for the groups B and A could be made available from Berlin, because transport from Mariupol to the north would be too complicated and would take too long. Smaller damages on the cars will be repaired by experts of the commands, that is of the groups in their own shops.

Because of the rough terrain and the indescribable road and highway conditions the caulkings and rivets loosen in the course of time. I was asked if in such cases the vans should be brought to Berlin for repair. Transportation to Berlin would be much too expensive and would demand too much fuel. In order to save those expenses I ordered them to have smaller leaks soldered and if that should no longer be possible, to notify Berlin immediately by radio, that Pol. Nr.------ is out of order. Besides that I ordered that during application of gas all the men were to be kept as far away from the vans as possible, so they should not suffer damage to their health by the gas which eventually would escape. I should like to take this opportunity to bring the following to your attention: several commands have had the unloading after the application of gas done by their own men. I brought to the attention of the commanders of those S.K. concerned the immense psychological injuries and damages to their health which that work can have for those men, even if not immediately, at least later on. The men complained to me about head-aches which appeared after each unloading. Nevertheless they don't want to change the orders, because they are afraid prisoners called for that work, could use an opportune moment to flee. To protect the men from these damages, I request orders be issued accordingly.

The application of gas usually is not undertaken correctly. In order to come to an end as fast as possible, the driver presses the accelerator to the fullest extent. By doing that the persons to be executed suffer death from suffocation and not death by dozing off as was planned. My directions now have proved that by correct adjustment of the levers death comes faster and the prisoners fall asleep peacefully. Distorted faces and excretions, such as could be seen before, are no longer noticed.

Today I shall continue my journey to group B, where I can be reached with further news.

Signed: Dr. Becker SS Untersturmfuehrer

* * * * *

Reichs Security Main Office Message Center

1900, 15 June 1942 [Handwritten:] Riga E 2 II D 3a Maj Pradel Message No 152452 R 16/6 Wiederhausen

Riga 7082--15-6-42--1855--BE To Reichs Security Main Office--Roem. 2D3A--Berlin

TOP SECRET

Subject: S-Vans

A transport of Jews, which has to be treated in a special way, arrives weekly at the office of the commandant of the Security Police and the Security Service of White Ruthenia.

The three S-vans, which are there, are not sufficient for that purpose. I request assignment of another S-van (5-tons). At the same time I request the shipment of 20 gas-hoses for the three S-vans on hand (2 Daimond, 1 Saurer), since the ones on hand are leaky already.

The commandant of the Security Police and the Security Service "Ostland" Roem IT-126/42 GRS Stamp: Signed: Truehe, SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer No 240/42 II D 3a 16 June 42 Procedure: [handwritten] 1. When can we count on having another S-van ready? 2. Are gas-hoses on hand, ordered or when to be delivered? 3. Request answer.

R 16/6

* * * * *

Reichs Security Main Office

II D 3a B Nr 240/42 Berlin, 22 June 1945

TOP SECRET

Stamped: Message Nr 107903 Sent by message center 2016, 22 June 42

1. FS [?] To the Commandant of the Security Police and Security Service Ostland Riga

Subject: S-Van

The delivery of a 5-ton Saurer can be expected in the middle of next month. The vehicle has been at the Reichs Security Main Office for repairs and minor alterations up to this time. 100 meters of hose will be supplied.

By order of

[signature as in heading]

2. Dissemination at once by II D 3a (9) By direction

Rauff

* * * * *

Handwritten note:

Berlin, 13 July 1942

II D 3a (9)

Nr I.Z. Widderhausen [?] for further action and attention to the note of 13 July 1942 on back page of telegram from Belgrad. For the reasons mentioned 5 sections of hose, each of 10 meters, can be supplied me.

By direction

[signature illegible]

* * * * *

Reichs Security Main Office

Stamps: 1003 9 Jun 1942

handwritten: After return immediate repair

II D 3a No 964/42

10 June 1942

R 10/6 Notify about repair ND. Nr 144702 Belgrad No. 3116 9.6.42 0950--SOM

To: Reichs Security Office, Amt Roem 2 D 3 KL. A--Z. HD. V. Major Pradel--Berlin.

Subject: Special-van-Saurer Preceding messages: None

The Drivers SS-Scharfuehrer Goetz and Meyer have fulfilled their special mission and could be ordered back with the van mentioned above. In consequence of a broken rear-axle-half, transportation cannot be made by car.

Therefore I have ordered the vehicle loaded and shipped back to Berlin by railroad.

Estimated arrival between 11th and 12th June 1942. The drivers Goetz and Meyer will escort the vehicle.

The commandant of Security Police and Security Service Belgrad--Roem I--BNR 3985/42. Signed: Dr. Schaefer, SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer

* * * * *

[Handwritten note back page]

II D 3a (2) T.O.S. a Dr. SUKKEL

Berlin, 11 June 1942

For further action and immediate start of repairs. I request to be informed about arrival of vans.

By direction:

signed: Just Berlin, 16 June 1942.

II D 3a (9)

Note

The vehicle arrived 16 June 1942 about 1300 h. After thorough cleaning the repairs will start immediately.

By direction

signed: [?] Berlin, 13 July 1942.

II D 3a 9

1. Note: The S-truck Pol 71463 is ready.

2. Sent to the motor-pool management T.F. Niederhausen for its information and further action.

By direction

signed: [?]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 502-PS

TOP SECRET

B 101 Enclosures 2 Berlin, 17 July 1941

Office IV

Regulations (directives) for the commandos of the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service, which are to be activated in Stalags.

The activation of commandos will take place in accordance with the agreement of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces as of 16 July 1941 (see enclosure I). The commandos will work independently according to special authorization and in consequence of the general regulations given to them, in the limits of the camp organizations. Naturally, the commandos will keep close contact with the camp commander and the defense officers assigned to him.

The mission of the commandos is the political investigating of all camp-inmates, the elimination and further "treatment"

a. of all political, criminal or in some other way undesirable elements among them.

b. of those persons who could be used for the reconstruction of the occupied territories.

For the execution of their mission, no auxiliary means can be put at the disposal of the commandos. The "Deutsche Fahndungsbuch", the "Aufenthaltsermittlungsliste" and the "Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR" will prove to be useful in only a small number of cases; the "Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR" is not sufficient, because it contains only a small part of Soviet-Russians considered to be dangerous.

Therefore, the commandos must use their special knowledge and ability and rely on their own findings and self-acquired knowledge. Therefore, they will be able to start carrying out their mission only when they have gathered together appropriate material.

The commandos must use for their work as far as possible, at present and even later, the experiences of the camp commanders which the latter have collected meanwhile from observation of the prisoners and examinations of camp inmates.

Further, the commandos must make efforts from the beginning to seek out among the prisoners elements which appear reliable, regardless if there are communists concerned or not, in order to use them for intelligence purposes inside of the camp and, if advisable, later in the occupied territories also.

By use of such informers and by use of all other existing possibilities, the discovery of all elements to be eliminated among the prisoners, must succeed step by step at once. The commandos must learn for themselves, in every case by means of short questioning of the informers and eventual questioning of other prisoners.

The information of one informer is not sufficient to designate a camp inmate to be a suspect, without further proof; it must be confirmed in some way if possible.

Above all, the following must be discovered:

All important functionaries of state and party, especially

Professional revolutionaries.

Functionaries of the Komintern.

All policy-forming party functionaries of the KPdSU and its fellow organizations in the central committees, in the regional and district committees.

All Peoples-Commissars and their deputies.

All former Political commissars in the Red Army.

Leading personalities of the state authorities of central and middle regions.

The leading personalities of the business world.

Members of the Soviet-Russian intelligence.

All Jews.

All persons, who are found to be agitators or fanatical communists.

It is not less important, as mentioned already, to discover all those persons who could be used for the reconstruction, administration and management of the conquered Russian territories.

Finally, all such persons must be secured who are still needed for the completion of further investigation, regardless if they are police investigations or other investigations, and for explanations of questions of general interest. Among them are all those especially, who because of their position and their knowledge are able to give information about measures and working methods of the Soviet-Russian State, of the communist party or of the Komintern.

In the final analysis, consideration must be given to the nativity in all decisions to be made. The leader of the Einsatz Kommando will give every week a short report by telephone or an express-letter to the Reichs-Security-Main-Office, containing:

1. Short description of their activities in the past week.

2. Number of all definitely suspicious persons. (report of number sufficient)

3. Individual names of all persons found to be functionaries of the Komintern, leading functionaries of the party, Peoples-Commissars, leading personalities and Political commissars.

4. Number of all persons found not to be suspicious informers, with a short description of their position.

A. Prisoners-of-war.

B. Civilians.

On the basis of those activity reports the Reichs-Security-Main-Office will issue immediately the further measures to be applied. For the measures to be applied on the basis of this successive directive the commandos are to demand the surrender of the prisoners involved from the camp command.

The camp commandants have received orders from the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, to approve such requests (see enclosure I).

Executions are not to be held in the camp or in the immediate vicinity of the camp. If the camps in the General-Government are in the immediate vicinity of the border, then the prisoners are to be taken for special treatment, if possible, into the former Soviet-Russian territory.

Should execution be necessary for reasons of camp discipline, then the leader of the Einsatz Kommando must apply to the camp commander for it.

The commandos have to keep lists about the special treatments carried out and must contain:

Current number. Family name and first name. Time and place of birth. Military rank. Profession. Last residence. Reason for special treatment. Day and place of special treatment (card file).

In regard to executions to be carried out and to the possible removal of reliable civilians and the removal of informers for the Einsatz-group in the occupied territories, the leader of the Einsatz-Kommando must make an agreement with the nearest State-Police-Office, as well as with the commandant of the Security Police Unit and Security Service and beyond these with the Chief of the Einsatz-group concerned in the occupied territories.

Reports of that kind are to be transmitted for information to the Reichs-Security-Main-Office, IV. A 1. Excellent behavior during and after duty, the best cooperation with the camp-commanders, and careful examinations are the duty of all leaders and members of the Einsatz-Kommando.

The members of the Einsatz-Kommando must be constantly impressed with the special importance of the missions entrusted to them.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 503-PS

Top Secret

High Command of the Armed Forces. No 55 1781/42 g. K Chefs. W F St/Qu F.H. Qu., 19 October 1942

Top Secret By officer only 22 copies, 21st copy

Added to the decree concerning the destruction of terror and sabotage troops (OKW/WFst No. 003830/42 top secret of 18 October 1942) a supplementary order of the Fuehrer is enclosed.

This order is intended for commanders only and must not under any circumstances fall into enemy hands.

The further distribution is to be limited accordingly by the receiving bureaus.

The bureaus named in the distribution list are held responsible, for the return and destruction of all distributed pieces of the order and copies made thereof.

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces

By order of

Jodl

1 enclosure (distribution list--over) Distribution list:

General Staff of the Army--1st copy.

Chief of Ordnance and Commander of Replacement Army--2nd copy.

High Command of the Navy Sea Warfare Diary--3rd copy.

High Command of the Air Force command staff--4th copy.

Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces in Norway--5th copy.

Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces in The Netherlands--6th copy.

Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces in the South-east--7th copy.

Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces in The Eastern Territory (Ostland)--8th copy.

Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces in the Ukraine--9th copy.

High Command West--10th copy.

High Command 20th Mountain army}--11th copy. (GEB.) AOH 20) }

Commanding Officer of German } troops in Denmark }--12th copy. (Bfh. d. dt. Tr. in Denmark }

High Command South--13th copy.

Tank Army--Africa--14th copy.

German General in Headquarters of Italian Armed Forces--15th copy.

Reich Fuehrer SS and Chief of German Police and Main Bureau for Security Police--16th and 17th copies.

High Command of the Armed Forces:

Foreign Counter Intelligence--18th copy.

Armed Forces legal section (WR)--19th copy.

Armed Forces propaganda section (PR)--20th copy.

Armed Forces Command Staff, Quartermaster inclusive file copy--21st copy.

War Diary (KtC)--22nd copy.

* * * * *

Top Secret

By officer only

The Fuehrer and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces

18 K

I have been compelled to issue strict orders for the destruction of enemy sabotage troops and to declare non-compliance with these orders severely punishable. I deem it necessary to announce to the competent commanding officers and commanders the reasons for this decree.

As in no previous war, a method of destruction of communications behind the front, intimidation of the populace working for Germany, as well as the destruction of war-important industrial plants in territories occupied by us has been developed in this war.

In the east, this type of combat in the form of partisan warfare as early as last winter led to severe encroachment upon our fighting strength and cost the lives of numerous German soldiers, railroad workers, members of the labor corps [Organization Todt], the labor service, etc. It severely interfered with and sometimes delayed for days, the performance of transportation necessary for the maintenance of the fighting strength of the troops. By a successful continuation or perhaps even intensification of this form of war, a grave crisis in one or another place at the front might develop. Many measures against these horrible, as well as wily, sabotage activities have failed, simply because the German officer and his soldiers were not aware of the great danger confronting them and therefore in individual cases did not act against these enemy groups as would have been necessary in order to help the forward echelons of the front thereby the entire conduct of the war.

It was therefore in part necessary in the East to organize special units who mastered this danger or to assign this task to special SS formations.

Only where the fight against this partisan disgrace was begun and executed with ruthless brutality were results achieved which eased the position of the fighting front.

In all eastern territories the war against the partisans is therefore a struggle of absolute annihilation of one or the other part.

As soon as the realization of this fact becomes the common knowledge of troops, they will regularly be able to cope with these occurrences in short order; otherwise their efforts achieve no decisive results and become purposeless.

Even though under a different name, England and America have decided upon a similar kind of warfare, while the Russian attempts to put partisan troops behind our front by land and only in exceptional cases uses air transportation to land men and to drop supplies, England and America use this method of warfare primarily by landing sabotage troops from submarines or pneumatic boats or by means of parachute agents. Essentially, however, this form of warfare does not differ from the activities of the Russian partisans. For it is the task of these troops:

1. to build up a general espionage service with the assistance of willing natives,

2. to organize troops of terrorists and supply them with the necessary weapons and explosives,

3. to undertake sabotage activities which by destruction of traffic installations, not only continuously disrupt our communications, but also, when things become serious, make troop movements absolutely impossible and eliminate our communications system.

Finally, these troops are to make attacks on war-important installations, in which, according to a scientifically worked out program, they destroy key works by dynamiting, thereby forcing whole industries into idleness.

The consequences of these activities are of extraordinary weight. I do not know whether each commander and officer is cognizant of the fact that the destruction of one single electric power plant, for instance, can deprive the Luftwaffe of many thousand tons of aluminum, thereby eliminating the construction of countless aircraft that will be missed in the fight at the front and so contribute to serious damage of the Homeland as well as bloody losses of the fighting soldiers.

Yet this form of war is completely without danger for the adversary. Since he lands his sabotage troops in uniform but at the same time supplies them with civilian clothes, they can, according to need, appear as soldiers or civilians. While they themselves have orders to ruthlessly remove any German soldiers or even natives who get in their way, they run no danger of suffering really serious losses in their operations, since at the worst, if they are caught, they can immediately surrender and thus believe that they will theoretically fall under the provisions of the Geneva Convention. There is no doubt, however, that this is a misuse in the worst form of the Geneva agreements, especially since part of these elements are even criminals, liberated from prisons, who can rehabilitate themselves through these activities.

England and America will therefore always be able to find volunteers for this kind of warfare, as long as they can truthfully assure them that there is no danger of loss of life for them. At worst, all they have to do is to successfully commit their attack on people, traffic installations, or other installations, and upon being encountered by the enemy, to capitulate.

If the German conduct of war is not to suffer grievous damage through these incidents, it must be made clear to the adversary that all sabotage troops will be exterminated, without exception, to the last man.

This means that their chance of escaping with their lives is nil. Under no circumstances can it be permitted, therefore, that a dynamite, sabotage, or terrorist unit simply allows itself to be captured, expecting to be treated according to rules of the Geneva Convention. It must under all circumstances be ruthlessly exterminated.

The report on this subject appearing in the Armed Forces communique will briefly and laconically state that a sabotage, terror, or destruction unit has been encountered and exterminated to the last man.

I therefore expect the commanding officers of armies subordinated to them as well as individual commanders not only to realize the necessity of taking such measures, but to carry out this order with all energy. Officers and noncommissioned officers who fail through some weakness are to be reported without fail, or under circumstances--when there is danger in delay--to be at once made strictly accountable. The Homeland as well as the fighting soldier at the front has the right to expect that behind their back the essentials of nourishment as well as the supply of war-important weapons and ammunition remains secure.

These are the reason for the issuance of this decree.

If it should become necessary, for reasons of interrogation, to initially spare one man or two, then they are to be shot immediately after interrogation.

(signed) A. Hitler

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 506-PS

Draft

WFSt/Qu (Verw. 1) Nr 006580/44 g.Kdos

Fuehrer Headquarters, 22 June 1944

TOP SECRET

2 copies--1st copy

Reference: WR 2 f 10.34 (III/10) Nr 158/44 g.Kdos.-119/44 V--of

17 June 1944

Subject: Enemy agents--Fuehrer order 003830/42 g.Kdos/OKW /WFSt of 18 October 42

To: W R

WFSt agrees with the view taken in the letter of the Judge Advocate of the Army group with the Supreme Commander South-west of 20 May 44 (Br. B Nr 68/44 g.K.). The Fuehrer order is to be applied even if the enemy employs only one person for a task. Therefore, it does not make any difference if several persons or a single person take part in a commando operation. The reason for the special treatment of participants in a commando operation is that such operations do not correspond to the German concept of usage and customs of (land) warfare.

By direction

initialled: W 3 inclosures [Warlimont]

* * * * *

[Following is an attached handwritten note]

Qu 2 W

All questions connected to the commando order (18 Oct 42) are to be handled according to a previous directive of Chef Qu at Qu 2 (W) page 2140, not at administration.

[initial illegible]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 508-PS

TOP SECRET

WFSt/Op (L)

Fuehrer's Headquarters November 21, 1942 5 copies, 5th copy

Subject: Landing of British Freight Gliders in Norway. [Illegible signature] 2/40/43

Note

Supplement to situation report OKW/WFSt/Op. 21 Nov. 42.

Air Force 5, G-2 Capt. S. Lilienskjold reports 21 Nov. by telephone to inquiry:

1. Following supplementary report is made about landing of a British freight glider at Hegers in the night of November 11:

a. No firing on the part of German defense.

b. The towing plane (Wellington) has crashed after touching the ground, 7 man crew dead. The attached freight glider also crashed, of the 17-man crew 14 alive. Indisputably a sabotage force. Fuehrer order has been carried out.

2. In the same night a second freight glider landed East of Stavanger. 3 men of the crew were captured by the Norwegian police on November 21. They state that after it was detached the freight glider made a crash-landing at the Lyse Fjord in the night of Nov. 20; it had a crew of 16. Supposedly several dead and wounded. The landing occurred on the North shore of the Fjord, opposite the electric plant of Floerly (supplies Stavanger).

The plane has not yet been found. Each and every possible measure to find it and also to seize the other members of the crew has been initiated by the service district.

The towing plane has apparently returned to England. The radio communication was monitored by Air Fleet #5.

[signed] W Went out Nov. 11, 42

Distribution: Chief of Operational Staff of the Armed Forces (previous telephone report). Asst. Chief (Ktb). Operations (Army). Operations (Navy). Operations (Air Force).

* * * * *

TOP SECRET

F. Amt. Ausl./Abw Ag Ausl. Nr. 1951/42 gKdos Ausl. Chef F XVI, E 1/e

Berlin, 4 December, 1942 3 copies, 1st copy

To: WFSt For: Information From: Abw III.

Subject: Fuehrer order of 18 Oct. 42, about treatment of enemy sabotage troops.

Attached copies of two teletype messages of the Norway counter intelligence are hereby forwarded, referring to the order contained in the last paragraph of the 2nd teletype order of the Military commander of Norway.

It is asked that it should be examined how far this order is compatible with the above discussed Fuehrer order.

By direction

[Illegible signature] [Warlimont's initials] 8/12

* * * * *

Copy

TOP SECRET

1. Teletype to: O K W/Abw III F Subject: Commando Raid.

On November 20, 1942, at 5:50 an enemy plane was found 15 km NE of Egersund. It is a British aircraft (towed glider) made of wood without engine. Of the 17 member crew 3 are dead, 6 are severely the others slightly wounded.

All wore English khaki uniforms without sleeve-insignia. Furthermore following items were found: 8 knapsacks, tents, skiis and radio, exact number is unknown. The glider carried rifles, light machine guns, and machine pistols, number unknown. At present the prisoners are with the battalion in Egersund.

A second plane has crashed 5 km East of Helleland. It had a 6-man crew and is supposed to have towed the above glider.

The artillery officer of Stavanger is still at the scene of the incident. Further exact report follows; new annexes attached. The competent commander's staff (KDS) was immediately notified on the basis of the Fuehrer order. Foreign agency Norway, Nov. 20, 42, No. 34304/42

* * * * *

TOP SECRET III F

2. Teletype to: OKW/Amt Ausl./Abw III F Reference: Our No 3/304/42 g.Kdos III F of 20 Nov 42. Subject: Commando Raid.

Foreign service (AST) reports to above teletype:

Besides the 17 member crew, extensive sabotage material and work equipment were found. Therefore the sabotage purpose was absolutely proved. The 280th inf. div. ordered the execution of the action according to the Fuehrer's order. The execution was carried out toward the evening of Nov. 20. Some of the prisoners wore blue ski-suits under their khaki uniforms which had no insignia on the sleeves. During a short interrogation the survivors have revealed nothing but their names, ranks, and serial numbers.

The salvage of the sabotage material was performed by the commander's staff (Kds) of Stavanger. The 2nd aircraft mentioned in the above report is a two-engine plane and was probably the towing plane. It will be inspected. In the same night of the 19th to 20th Nov. a second glider plane was landed at the Lysefjord, 20 km East of Stavanger, 8 km East of the electric plant of Floerly. Until now 3 men, presumably English, were captured by the Norwegian police. The police are on the way to conduct a search for the plane. Supposedly dead and wounded lie around it. According to the statements of the prisoners, this freight gilder is supposed to have a 16-man crew. It is possible that this freight glider was towed by the same enemy plane which towed the glider found 15 km North East of Egersund. The armed forces commander of Norway was notified. Refer. at III Wi and Ag WNV/Fu, Oslo.

In connection with the shooting of the 17 members of the crew, the armed forces commander of Norway (WBN) has issued an order to the district commanders, according to which the interrogations by G-2 and by BDS are important before the execution of the Fuehrer order; in case of no. 4 of the Fuehrer order the prisoners are to be handed out to the BDS.

Foreign agency (Ast) Norway, No. 3/304/42 III F. g.Kdos

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 509-PS

TOP SECRET

Telegraph Office: GWNOL

Date: 7 Nov. 1943

SSD WAQC 0183 7/11 1112 DGZ

To Supreme Command of the Armed Forces/Wehrmacht Fuehrungsstab/Roem I c GKDOS (TOP SECRET).

Subject: British Commando--Operation in Northwest. Pescara, 2 Nov. 43.

3 commandos--special treatment--remaining 9 men wounded, in hospital.

OB SUED F.A. ROEM Ic Nr 7595/43 TOP SECRET

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 512-PS

TOP SECRET

SSD HOSX 4041 13/12 1400--OKW/WFSt

According to the last sentence of the Fuehrer order of 18th October (CHEFS), individual saboteurs can be spared for the time being in order to keep them for interrogation. The importance of this measure was proven in the cases of Glomfjord, Two man torpedo Drontheim, and glider plane stavanger, where interrogations resulted in valuable knowledge of enemy intentions. Since in the case of Egersund the saboteur was liquidated immediately and no clues were won; therefore, armed forces commander referred to above mentioned last sentence of the Fuehrer order (liquidation only after short interrogation).

The Red Cross and the BDS protested after the immediate carrying out of the Fuehrer order in the case of Egersund and intend for their part to bring up the whole question as a matter of principle.

WBN ROEM One A number 5409/42 GKDOS

TOP SECRET

14 December 1942 SSD--Telegram [illegible pencil remarks]

To: Supreme Command Armed Forces Foreign Department.

For information: Commander Armed Forces Norway Supreme Command Armed Forces Counter Intelligence Service.

Reference: AG Ausl. number 1951/42 Top Secret of 4 December 1942. (Commander Armed Forces Norway I a number 5409/42 Top Secret of 13 December 1942).

Subject: Commando Operations.

It is reported that the armed forces commander Norway intends to spare individual saboteurs for the time being in order to have them interrogated. This intention corresponds to the last paragraph of the order OKW/WFSt/QU. number 551781/42 top secret CHEFS of 19th October 1942.

OKW/WFSt/Qu (III) Number 004872/42 Top Secret W [Initialled Warlimont]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 526-PS

WFSt/Qu (III) Subject: Saboteurs, Toftefjord.

10. 5. 1943

TOP SECRET

Notice

On the 30. 3. 1943 in Toftefjord (70° Lat.) an enemy cutter was sighted, cutter was blown up by the enemy. Crew: 2 dead men, 10 prisoners.

Cutter was sent from Scalloway (Shetland Is.) by the Norwegian Navy.

Armament: 2 Colt--MG's, 2 mounted MG's, a small transmitter. In addition there were supposed to have been 4 MG's, 6 sub-machine guns and 1,000 kg of explosives on board.

Captain of the Cutter: Norwegian, Lt. Eskeland.

Purpose: Construction of an organization for sabotaging of strongpoints, battery positions, staff and troop billets and bridges.

Assigner of Mission in London: Norwegian, Maj. Munthe.

Fuehrer order executed by S.D. [Security Service].

Wehrmacht Report of 6.4 announces the following about it:

In Northern Norway an enemy sabotage-unit was engaged and destroyed on approaching the coast.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 531-PS

Armed Forces Operational Staff Qm (Adm. 1) No. 006688/44 Top Secret

Fuehrer's Hq, 23 June 1944

TOP SECRET

3 copies--1st copy

Reference: Fuehrer Order No. 003832/42/OKW/WFSt of 18 Oct 42.

Subject: Treatment of Commando Men.

Conference memorandum

Supreme Command West reports by teletype message No 1750/44 Top Secret of 23 June 44:

The treatment of enemy commando groups has so far been carried out according to the order referred to. With the large-scale landing achieved, a new situation has arisen. The order referred to directs in number 5 that enemy soldiers who are taken prisoner in open combat or surrender within the limits of normal combat operations (large-scale landing operations and undertakings) are not to be treated according to numbers 3 and 4. It must be established in a form easily understood by the troops how far the concept "within the limits of normal combat operations, etc." is to be extended. The view of the Supreme Command West is as follows:

A. The commitment of air-borne troops and commandos effected in Normandy falls clearly under number 5.

B. It is likewise not to be contested that paratroop units or groups set down further to the rear are connected with the large-scale landing operation effected, if they have the mission of breaking supply lines or carrying out deceptive maneuvers etc. The German combat soldier will not always be able, during battle, to decide whether it is a question of sabotage groups parachuted down or larger air-borne operations in closer or more distant connection with a landing from the sea already carried out or still being carried out.

C. As a result of the large turn-over of troops in the area of the Supreme Command West, especially recently, it is possible that a considerable number of soldiers are ignorant of the order referred to, which dates from more than 1-1/2 years ago. For Germans from foreign countries (Volksdeutsche) and foreign nationalities the differentiation in the treatment of prisoners will hardly be able to be made clear due to language difficulties. A further reproduction of the order in the present situation, where cases of losses must be considered, is held by Supreme Command West to be a false course of action. Considerable reprisals against our own prisoners must be expected if its contents become known.

D. The application of number 5 for all enemy soldiers in uniform penetrating from the outside into the occupied western areas is held by Supreme Command West to be the most correct and clearest solution. On the other hand an order of the chief office for Reich security to the commander of the SIPO (Security Police) and the SD (Security Service) in Paris has decided that numbers 3 and 4 of the order referred to are to be applied in the future the same as before in the case of uniformed parachutists committed in groups. A conversation with representatives of the higher SS and police fuehrers in France and of the commander of the SIPO and SD in Paris gave the result that according to the opinion of all concerned the difficulty lies in the determination of the "limits of normal combat operations". As a solution it was agreed to set a line (e.g. Seine from the mouth to Rouen-Argentan-Avranches) North of which number 5, inland of which numbers 3 and 4 apply. This solution also must be called incomplete, since the combat situation can at any time bring the necessity of extending this line to other coastal areas as well. In case of a large-scale aerial landing in the interior such boundaries cannot be drawn anymore at all. Supreme Command West requests, therefore, that, in agreement with the Reichsfuehrer SS, the decision be made, that, in view of the new situation, number 5 is to be applied in the whole occupied Western area.

Position taken by Armed Forces Operational Staff:

1. The Commando order remains basically in effect even after the enemy landing in the west.

2. Number 5 of the order is to be clarified to the effect, that the order is not valid for those enemy soldiers in uniform, who are captured in open combat in the immediate combat area of the beachhead by our troops committed there, or who surrender. Our troops committed in the immediate combat area means the divisions fighting on the front line as well as reserves up to and including corps headquarters.

3. Furthermore, in doubtful cases enemy personnel who have fallen into our hands alive are to be turned over to the SD, upon whom it is encumbent to determine whether the commando order is to be applied or not.

4. Supreme Command West is to see to it that all units committed in its zone are orally acquainted in a suitable manner with the order concerning the treatment of members of commando undertakings of 18 Oct 42 along with the above explanation.

Proposal: Attached teletype message. signed: WARLIMONT

Distribution:

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces--1 copy through Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces Operational Staff.

Ktb, 2 copies.

Qu--Draft, 3 copies.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 532-PS

WFSt/Qu (Verw. 1)

24 June 1944

TOP SECRET

5 copies, 1st copy

SSD--Telegram.

To 1. Supreme Command West.

By mail to 2. Chief of General Staff, Army.

By mail to 3. Supreme Command of the Air Force/Air Force Staff Headquarters.

By mail to 4. Supreme Command Navy/1 Skl. By mail to 5. Reichsfuehrer SS Command Staff. By mail to 6. Military Commander, France. By mail to 7. Supreme Command of Armed Forces/WR.

Authority: 1. Order of the Fuehrer no. 003830/42 Top Secret of 18 Oct 42/OKW/WFSt.

2. Telegram Supreme Command West no. 1750/44 Top Secret of 23 June 44.

Subject: Treatment of Commandos.

1. Standard operating procedure to (1) will be fully maintained.

2. Numeral (5) refers to enemy soldiers in uniform who are captured in open combat by own troops stationed in the immediate combat zone of the beachhead or who surrender. "Own troops stationed in the immediate combat zone" applies in this sense to those of combat divisions on line as well as reserves up to and including general staffs.

3. In cases of doubt enemy personnel falling into our hands alive will be turned over to the SD, which will be responsible for the examination as to whether the order concerning commandos is applicable or not.

4. Accordingly, the paratroop saboteurs dropped by the enemy over Britanny will be treated as commando personnel, since this area is not at present an immediate combat zone. It is immaterial in this case whether the paratroopers dropped wear uniform or civilian clothes. The number of paratroopers captured in Britanny will be included in the daily report currently. In this respect an annex to the armed forces report of 7 October 1942 has already been published to the effect that such criminal elements should be massacred in combat.

(Remark: Enclosures of the order of the Fuehrer of 18 October 1942 as well as the further order regarding the treatment of Commando personnel of 25 June 1944 are attached. The latter mentions also paratroopers under number (2).)

Distribution: [signature illegible]

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces through Chief of the WFSt Qu (Entw.).

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 537-PS

Draft

The Fuehrer's Headquarters, 30 July 1944

The High Command of the Wehrmacht 009074/44 g.k./WFSt/Qu.(Verw.1)

TOP SECRET

re: Treatment of members of foreign "Military Missions", captured together with partisans.

In the areas of the High Command Southeast and Southwest members of foreign so-called "Military Missions" (anglo-American as well as Soviet-Russian) captured in the course of the struggle against partisans shall not receive the treatment as stipulated in the special orders regarding the treatment of captured partisans. Therefore they are not to be treated as PWs but in conformity with the Fuehrer's order the elimination of terror and sabotage troops of 18 October 1942 (OKW/WFSt. 003830/42 g.Kdos).

This order shall not be transmitted to other units of the armed forces via the High Commands and equivalent staffs and is to be destroyed after being read.

The Chief of the High Command of the Wehrmacht

KEITEL

Distribution:

High Comd S/E--1st copy. High Comd S/W--2nd copy. General Staff of the Army--3rd copy. OKM/SKl.--4th copy. OKL/Lw.Fu.Stb.--5th copy.

Reichsfuehrer--and Chief of the German Police--Staff RF--Attention Major General and Major General of the Waffen SS Rhode, also for RSH--6th copy.

OKW/AWA--7th copy. /Chief PWs--8th copy. WR--9th copy. WFSt/W.Pr.--10th copy.

Op. (H-L-M)--11th copy. Org.--12th copy. Ktb.--13th copy. Qu. (Draft)--14th copy. Reserve--15-25 copies.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 551-PS

WFSt/Qu! (Verw. 1)

Chef OKW--[in pencil]

of

[initial] J

26 June 1944

TOP SECRET [Rubber Stamp]

5 copies--1st copy Checked before Release } Chef WFSt } [in pencil] Remark 1 } OB. WFSt } [in pencil]

KR--Teletype To 1. Supreme Commander West. 2. Chief of Army General Staff. 3. OKL/Lw Fu Stab. 4. OKM/1.Skl. 5. Reichsfuehrer SS--Command Staff. 6. Military Commander, France. 7. Military Commander, Belgium/Northern France. 8. Armed forces Commander, Netherlands. 9. OKW/WR. 10. Supreme Commander Southwest [in pencil].

Reference: 1. Fuehrer Order No. 003830/42 Top Secret of 18 Oct 1942 OKW/WFSt.

2. Teletype Supreme Commander West No. 1750/44 Top Secret of 23 June 1944 (only to OKW/WFSt).

Subject: Treatment of Kommando Participants.

1. Even after the landing of Anglo-Americans in France, the order of the Fuehrer on the destruction of terror and sabotage units of 18 Oct 1942 remains fully in force.

Enemy soldiers in uniform in the immediate combat area of the bridgehead, that is, in the area of the divisions fighting in the most forward lines as well as of the reserves up to the corps commands, according to #5 of the basic order of 18 Oct 1942, remain exempted.

2. All members of terror and sabotage units, found outside the immediate combat area, who include fundamentally all parachutists, are to be killed in combat. In special cases, they are to be turned over to the SD.

3. All troops committed outside the combat area of Normandy are to be informed about the duty to destroy enemy terror and sabotage units briefly and succinctly according to the directives issued for it.

4. Supreme Commander West will report immediately daily how many saboteurs have been liquidated in this manner. This applies especially also to undertakings by the military commanders. The number is to be published daily in the armed forces communique to exercise a frightening effect, as has already been done toward previous Kommando undertakings in the same manner.

[Initial] W [Warlimont] [signature] Keitel OKW/WFSt/Qu. (Verw. 1) Nr. 006688/44 Top Secret

Addition for Supreme Commander } Southwest } Similar action is to be taken in the} [Written by hand] Italian theater of war. } [initial] J [Jodl]

After forwarding: Qu (Verw. 1) Simultaneously teletype--1st copy. Op (H)--2nd copy. Op (M)/(L)/Ktb.--3rd copy. VO Foreign--4th copy. VO W Pr--5th copy.

Copy was sent on 18 Aug to the Chief of the Security Police and the SD.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 553-PS

Memo secret 7/4 (Annex 2 to H.Dr.g.l Page 7 current 1910.4) High Command of the armed forces WFSt. (Org.1) amt. AUSL.ABW/ABT ABW.III Nr. 8725/7. 42 g. (IIIb 2) Berlin, 4 August 1942

SECRET

Combatting of single parachutists, 4 Aug. 1942. Unaltered reprint 1943 Reference: OKW/WFSt/ABt.L (II) Nr. 1858 geh.v. 10.8.40

I. In case of enemy landings by air, a difference has to be made between:

A. Parachute troops and airborne landing troops committed to fighting activities.

B. Single parachutists and small groups of parachutists who are dropped in order to execute missions of sabotage, espionage, terror or disruption.

to a The combatting of enemy airborne forces is the exclusive mission of the armed forces according to the reference orders. to b For combatting single parachutists. In alteration of fig. 7 v.a. the following is decreed:

1. In territories (Reich territories and occupied territories) the combatting of single parachutists is the mission of those agencies of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service [SD] designated as executive; in this matter it is immaterial whether the parachutists are in uniform or civilian clothes.

2. To what extent armed forces and agencies of the armed forces should be committed for these missions is to be decided directly by the district commanders [Wehrkreisbefehslhaber] or by territorial commanders [territorialen Befehlshaber] endowed with the powers of district commander with the competent agencies of security police and SD.

3. So far as single parachutists are captured by members of the armed forces, they are to be delivered to the nearest agency of the Chief of the Security Police and SD, without delay; simultaneously reports must be made to the competent intelligence agency. The same procedure is also valid for combat action directed against parachute troops or airborne-landing troops, in case the troops realize that they have to do with saboteurs or spies. If it should be discovered that the parachutists brought to security police by armed forces, or captured directly by members of the police are soldiers, the SS Reich leader and Chief of the German Police will take care that they will be transferred to the competent air forces agencies after the completion of the necessary inquiry.

4. Reports concerning confirmed single parachutists are to be submitted without delay to the nearest agency of the Chief of Security Police and of the SD, simultaneously informing the counter intelligence agency in charge which immediately has to forward the report to district command headquarters commander as well as the airforces command. Moreover, in principle fig. 4 of the reference order is applicable.

5. In territories not mentioned in fig. 1, present regulations remain valid (transfer to secret field police).

II. With regard to the use of objects captured or discarded, in the case of parachutists, as far as these items are sabotage materials, or radio equipment, a supplementary order to fig. 9 v. a. is decreed:

1. Captured sabotage material to be delivered to the nearest security police agency and SD.

The army will dispose of sabotage material captured by troops in the Eastern theater. With regard to further utilization of sabotage material delivered or reverting to the Security Police, agreements made between the Chief of Security Police and SD and foreign section of counter intelligence remain valid.

2. Captured radio equipment, including the directions for operations, code-material, voice material (Sprach-Material) in plain and in code text, are to be delivered immediately via local counter intelligence agencies to OKW (Ag WNV Fu III) for use. The agencies concerned will be informed of results. After a completion of investigations the captured radio equipment will again be at disposal, if needed. If further use of captured radio equipment is considered by either counter intelligence or Security Police, then the delivery of the equipment might be omitted, upon agreement each time with Ag. WNV/Fu III, however, in this case photostatic copies of the directions for use, the code keys, etc., as well as technical descriptions of the equipment are to be forwarded quickly to Ag-WNV/Fu III.

The Chief of High Command of the Armed Forces KEITEL

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 556-2-PS

The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht Fuehrer Hq September 8, 1942

The extensive coastal fortifications which I have ordered to be erected in the area of Army Group West make it necessary that in the occupied territory all available workers should be committed and should give the fullest extent of their productive capacities. The previous allotment of domestic workers is insufficient. In order to increase it, I order the introduction of compulsory labor and the prohibition of changing the place of employment without permission of the authorities in the occupied territories. Furthermore the distribution of food and clothing ration cards to those subject to labor draft should in the future depend on the possession of a certificate of employment. Refusal to accept an assigned job, as well as abandoning the place of work without the consent of the authorities in charge, will result in the withdrawal of the food and clothing ration cards. The GBA [Deputy General for Arbeitseinsatz] in agreement with the military commander as well as the Reich Commissar, will issue the corresponding decrees for execution.

A Hitler [initialled] K [Keitel]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 556-13-PS

Note for the files

1. On 4 January 1943 at 8 P.M. Minister Speer telephones from the Fuehrer Headquarters and communicates that on the basis of the Fuehrer's decision, it is no longer necessary to give special consideration to Frenchmen in the further recruiting of specialists and helpers in France. The recruiting can proceed with emphasis and sharpened measures.

2. Commissar-General Schmidt with the Reich Commissar in Holland just telephones on 5 January 1943 at 5:20 P.M. and explains that on the basis of Armament Action 1943 he must achieve more recruiting in Holland.

3. He has been criticized by the armament Commissions regarding the endangering of German contracts in Holland proper due to labor shortage.

I told him that no attention would be paid these criticisms.

He has already taken the same attitude and in the future will take the appropriate action.

For Information

(signed) SAUCKEL

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 579-PS

Weimar, 5 January 1943 The District Commissar in Riga--Employment Office Section [Fachgebiet] 2 (Commitment of work) Riga, 6 July 1942

File note

Subject: Commitment of Jews.

here: cooperation with the administration offices of the armed forces.

For the last 10 days Jews have been picked up almost daily for commitment in the peat industry by units of the armed forces. While doing so, very considerable difficulties arose because the members of the armed forces who get the Jews from the ghetto daily do not want to comply with the regulations which are issued by the man responsible for work commitment.

It is agreed that the soldiers take over the Jews in columns at the exit of the ghetto. Actually, however, several soldiers enter the fenced-in ghetto and pick up the Jews in question without any permission. During the last week, government inspector Rottenberger and the undersigned were present, at an early hour, during the dispatching of the Jews. Some soldiers also did not follow the instructions of the Reich German workers, entered the ghetto, and themselves got the men who had worked so far for the units in question. It was pointed out to them that manpower had to be committed for specially urgent measures. These instructions were not followed by the soldiers, but they shouted around in the presence of more than 1000 Jews, and simply took the men away in spite of the order forbidding it. In one instance a soldier arrived the next morning in a steel helmet and again did not follow the instructions of the Reich-German manpower. A German police sergeant was charged with banishing the soldiers from the ghetto. The sergeant had hardly turned around when the soldier entered the ghetto again and again got Jews whom he was not supposed to get, and took them away. In another case, the undersigned was just in time to prevent a pfc. of the air force from beating a Jewish policeman. The Jewish policeman beat a Jew who did not want to report for a certain work. The Jewish police is doing well with the daily commitment of about 4000 Jews. Therefore it must be prevented that Germans attack Jewish policemen in the presence of thousands of Jews.

As soon as German soldiers who pick up the Jewish manpower daily from the ghetto, follow the instructions of the Reich-German manpower and, above all, keep discipline, it will be possible to get the Jewish manpower ready for work considerably faster every day. According to my opinion it is at least necessary that one German policeman who can prevent the illegal seizures by the German soldiers, be placed at the entrance of the ghetto daily from 0530 to 0800 hours.

For information:

signed Lippmann.

* * * * *

The District Commissar in Riga The Chief of The Employment Office Riga Azsargu Iela 29/31

Riga, 10 February 1942

Department File No.

To the Reich Commissar for the Baltic states

Work policies and social administration

Riga, through the Commissar general in Riga.

Subject: Transport of Jews from Kauen. Ref.: Your letter of 6 February 1942.

The transport of Jews from Kauen arrived here on 8 February 1942. However, instead of the requested 500 males only,

222 males and 137 females

were sent.

Due to the fact that there exists a considerable need of Jewish manpower for transport and construction work, I am requesting an additional 1000 Jewish males from Kauen.

I was informed by the transport leader that the Jews in Kauen, as far as their commitment for work is concerned, are not under the jurisdiction of the employment office, but that the Jewish manpower is distributed by the German police.

For:

[signature illegible] (Oberregierungsrat)

[ink note:] To the Commissar General [Initials illegible]

* * * * *

Command of Economic Affairs [Wirtschaftskommando] for the Territory of the former Latvia Department of Work

Riga, 21 July 1941

Subject: Work commitment of Jews.

File note

According to the Group Agriculture there is a considerable shortage of workers for farming in Latvia, which endangers especially the beet harvest. According to my findings and also those of the economy office North (Wi.-In. Nord) no prisoners of war are at present available for farming. It should be examined, therefore, to which extent and under which conditions other possibilities of commitment are available.

To clarify the possibility of committing Jews, a conference took place today between the economy office North and the chief war administration advisor (O.K.V.R.) Ellroth, from the department of work. Together with Mr. Ellroth we went to the SS and conferred with the leader of the SD, Sturmbannfuehrer Batz, as well as his deputy, Hauptsturmfuehrer Kirsten. Our proposal to earmark the Jews, to put them together in a ghetto, then to establish a council for Jews, and to effect with it the extensive commitment of Jews for work, was favorably accepted. It was also agreed upon that the commitment of Jews for work should be effected only through the special offices for commitment to be created by the employment office resp. offices, in order to make sure of leadership according to the necessities for war and state policies. The SS reserves only the right of the decision of political problems and the execution of political tasks. The ear-marking of the Jews and their collection in a ghetto is being done. It was furthermore announced that conferences had already taken place between the SS-SD on the one hand and the military administration headquarters (Feldkommandatur) on the other hand, with the result that a registration of the Jews at the police precincts, a daily report of the Jews there, and the establishment of a special office should be instituted for the execution of the commitment of Jews for work through the military administration headquarters.

After that a conference with the war administration council [Kriegsverwaltungsrat] Nachtigall took also place at the military administration headquarters, which had the same result. The military administration headquarters (Fk.) agrees also that the commitment of Jews for work is done by the employment office after the registration of the Jews. While registering, a special index card can be put aside for this commitment of work.

The discussions at the Fk. resulted furthermore in the issuing by the commander of the rear army district of a decree on ceiling prices and wages, already last Wednesday, because it is his opinion that he alone can issue official decrees with effective penalties. Furthermore, the locally customary prices and wages are already established.

[signature illegible] O.K.V.R.

Distribution: Wi.-In. Nord, Dept. for work Commandant SS.-SD. Fk.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 614-PS

"DIE NATIONALSOZIALISTISCHE REVOLUTION 1933", compiled by Dr. Axel Friedrichs (Berlin 1935, pages 151-3), [which is Volume I of the documentary collection entitled "DOKUMENTE DER DEUTSCHEN POLITIK", published by the Director of the Hochschule fuer Politik.]

Proclamation of the Action Committee for the Protection of the German Labor 2 May 1933

German workers and employees! Working people in the town and country! The bells have tolled to honor work. The entire German people have sung the high psalm about the working man with a strength and enthusiasm which never before existed and thus has honored itself and the creative spirit. The wheels stopped, the anvil did not more resound, the miner came out of his mine: everywhere a holiday.

What trade unions of all shades, red and black, Christian and "free", have not even come close to accomplishing, what has been only a shadow even in the best years of Marxism, a puny miserable copy compared to the gigantic thing of yesterday, NATIONAL SOCIALISM achieves in its first effort.

It puts the worker and the peasant, the artisan and the employee, briefly all working people, into the center of the State and renders the grabbing and despotic ones harmless. Who was that servant of capitalism, who was the reactionary who intended to oppress you and bereave you of all rights? Those red criminals who have abused you, well meaning, honest and decent German workers for decades, in order to deprive you and thus the entire people of its rights and heritage, or we, who amidst unutterable sacrifices and suffering, fought against these insane and distorted ideas of devilish Jews and the associates of the Jews? Already three months of National Socialistic government prove to you: Adolf Hitler is your friend! Adolf Hitler struggles for your liberty! Adolf Hitter gives you bread!

Today we are entering into the second chapter of the National Socialistic Revolution. You may say, what else do you want, you have the absolute power. True, we have the power, but we do not have the whole people, we do not have you workers a hundred percent, and it is you whom we want; we will not let you be until you stand with us in complete, genuine acknowledgment. You shall also be freed of the last Marxian manacles, so that you may find your way to your people.

For we know that without the German worker there is no German nation! And before everything else we must protect you, so that your enemy Marxism and its satellites cannot attack you from the back again.

Even though the Marxist Party such as the K.P.D. has been completely destroyed, or find themselves in complete dissolution as the S.P.D., even if the party leaders have fled in miserable cowardice or have deserted everything and everyone; and have forsaken you, workers, cowardly and miserably as never before, we know that it is all pretense. Marxism pretends to be dead in order to resurrect itself anew with favorable opportunity and again to plunge the Judas dagger into your back. Just as in 1914! Even at that time it sponsored the war debts and spread itself internationally in order to betray you to the imperialism of our enemies in 1918, and to sell you thereby to world capital.

The sly fox doesn't deceive us. Rather we will give him one last fatal shot so that we shall never again suffer with his resurrection. The Leiperts and Grossmaenner may pretend ever so much fidelity to Hitler, but it is better that they should be in protective custody. Therefore we shall strike the main weapon out of the hands of the Marxist group and thereby take from it its last possibility of renewed strengthening. The devilish teaching of the Jew Mardochai shall be destroyed wretchedly on the battlefield of the National Socialistic Revolution.

It is not as if we wanted to disrupt and destroy the unions. On the contrary, we have never disturbed anything which has, in any way, value for our people and we shall never do so in the future; that is a National Socialistic rule. This certainly goes for the unions which serve with hard work and were built up by the pennies taken from the mouths of the worker. No workers--your institutions are sacred and unimpeachable to us National Socialists. I myself am a poor peasant's son and understand poverty. I myself was 7 years in one of the biggest industries of Germany and I know the exploitation of anonymous capital, and I know, above everything else, of its stingy commercial methods, for, on account of my opinion I was fired from my occupation in 1928.

Workers, I swear to you we will not only keep everything which exists, we will build up the protection and rights of the worker even further, so that he can enter into the new National Socialistic State as a completely worthwhile and respected member of the nation.

Workers and peasants on a broad front together with the free occupations and skilled labor,--thus we shall build a new Reich of well being, honor and freedom. Forward with Hitler for Germany.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 615-PS

The Bishop of Limburg Limburg/Lahn, Aug 13, 1941 To the Reich Minister of Justice Berlin

[Various stamps and pencilled remarks appear on original]

Regarding the report submitted on July 16 (Sub IV, pp 6-7) by the Chairman of the Fulda Bishops' Conference, Cardinal Dr. Bertram, I consider it my duty to present the following as a concrete illustration of destruction of so-called "useless life."

About 8 kilometers from Limburg, in the little town of Hadamar, on a hill overlooking the town, there is an institution which had formerly served various purposes and of late had been used as a nursing home; this institution was renovated and furnished as a place in which, by consensus of opinion, the above mentioned euthanasia has been systematically practiced for months--approximately since February 1941. The fact has become known beyond the administrative district of Wiesbaden, because death certificates from a Registry Hadamar-Moenchberg are sent to the home communities. (Moenchberg is the name of this institution because it was a Franciscan monastery prior to its secularization in 1803.)

Several times a week buses arrive in Hadamar with a considerable number of such victims. School children of the vicinity know this vehicle and say: "There comes the murder-box again." After the arrival of the vehicle, the citizens of Hadamar watch the smoke rise out of the chimney and are tortured with the ever-present thought of the miserable victims, especially when repulsive odors annoy them, depending on the direction of the wind.

The effect of the principles at work here are: Children call each other names and say, "You're crazy; you'll be sent to the baking oven in Hadamar." Those who do not want to marry, or find no opportunity, say, "Marry, never! Bring children into the world so they can be put into the bottling machine!" You hear old folks say, "Don't send me to a state hospital! After the feeble-minded have been finished off, the next useless eaters whose turn will come are the old people."

All God-fearing men consider this destruction of helpless beings as crass injustice. And if anybody says that Germany cannot win the war, if there is yet a just God, these expressions are not the result of a lack of love of fatherland but of a deep concern for our people. The population cannot grasp that systematic actions are carried out which in accordance with Par. 211 of the German criminal code are punishable with death! High authority as a moral concept has suffered a severe shock as a result of these happenings. The official notice that N.N. had died of a contagious disease and that for that reason his body has to be burned, no longer finds credence, and such official notices which are no longer believed have further undermined the ethical value of the concept of authority.

Officials of the Secret State Police, it is said, are trying to suppress discussion of the Hadamar occurrences by means of severe threats. In the interest of public peace, this may be well intended. But the knowledge and the conviction and the indignation of the population cannot be changed by it; the conviction will be increased with the bitter realization that discussion is prohibited with threats but that the actions themselves are not prosecuted under penal law.

Facta loquuntur.

I beg you most humbly, Herr Reich Minister, in the sense of the report of the Episcopate of July 16 of this year, to prevent further transgressions of the Fifth Commandment of God.

[Signed] Dr. Hilfrich

I am submitting copies of this letter to the Reich Minister of the Interior and the Reich Minister for Church Affairs.

[initialled by the above]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 621-PS

The Reichsminister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Berlin, W.8, 2 October 1940 Voss Street 6

SECRET REICH MATTER

Rk. 665 B gRs To the Reichsminister of Justice, Dr. Guertner

Dear Dr. Guertner:

I herewith acknowledge your letters of 26 August and 25 September forwarding to me further material about the death of inmates of nursing homes. I forwarded the enclosed reports of the Chief Prosecutors to Stuttgart and Naumburg to the Reichsminister of the Interior--Reichs Health Leader--for further action.

Heil Hitler! Sincerely yours [signed] Dr. Lammers

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 630-PS

[On letterhead A. Hitler] Berlin 1 Sept 1939 Reichsleiter Bouhler and Dr. Brandt, M.D.

are charged with the responsibility of enlarging the authority of certain physicians to be designated by name in such a manner that persons who, according to human judgment, are incurable can, upon a most careful diagnosis of their condition of sickness, be accorded a mercy death.

signed: A. HITLER [Handwritten note] Given to me by Bouhler on 27 August 1940 signed: Dr. Guertner III a 3/41 g Rs /

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 638-PS

Copy

M 5/42 SECRET

From the Reich Marshall's Plans of 24.9.42.

I. The Reich Marshall is looking for daring fellows, who will be employed in the East as Sonderkommandos [Special Purpose] and who will be able to carry out the task of creating confusion behind the lines. They are to be formed into bands under leadership and with interpreters allotted to them. For this purpose, the Reich Marshall is considering convicts who are first offenders, who have committed not particularly heinous offenses, for which there is human understanding.

The Reich Marshall first of all mentioned persons convicted of poaching. He knew, of course, that the Reichsfuehrer SS had picked out the so-called poachers and they were already in his hands. He requests, however, that the question be reexamined. The only suitable men are those with a passion for hunting, who have poached for love of the trophy, not men who have laid snares and traps. The Reich Marshall also mentioned fanatical members of smuggling gangs, who take part in gun-battles on the frontiers and whose passion it is to outwit the customs at the risk of their own lives, but not men who attempt to bring articles over the frontier in an express train or by similar means.

The Reich Marshall leaves it to us to consider whether still other categories of convicts can be assigned to these bands or pursuit commandos.

In the regions assigned for their operations, these bands, whose first task should be to destroy the communications of the partisan groups, could murder, burn and ravish; in Germany they would once again come under strict supervision. * * *

(signed) Dr. Joel, 24.9.42

* * * * *

Berlin, 6 October 1942

Staff of MD IV, V

The attached extract from the minutes of Cabinet Councillor Dr. Joel are submitted for the preparation of the report on Friday 9.10.

Copy to State Secretary Dr. Rothenberger for his attention.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 641-PS

File No. 927/33 Munich, 1 June 1933 District Attorney at the District Court Munich II (Tel: Local 5791, Long Distance 57801)

to the

Public Prosecutor "Generalstaatsanwalt"

at the

State Supreme Court MUNICH

Subject: Death of the prisoner in protective custody Dr. Alfred Strauss in the concentration camp Dachau

N-12432 in one copy submitted to the State Ministry of Justice Munich, 2 June 1933

The Public Prosecutor at the State Supreme Court

On May 24, 1933 the 30 year old, single attorney at law Dr. Alfred Strauss from Munich who was in the concentration camp Dachau as a prisoner under protective custody was killed by 2 pistol shots by SS man Johann Kantschuster who escorted him on a walk prescribed to him by the camp doctor, outside of the fenced part of the camp.

Kantschuster gives the following report: He himself had to urinate; Strauss proceeded on his way. Suddenly Strauss broke away towards the shrub located at a distance of about 6 m from the line. When he noticed it, he fired 2 shots at the fugitive from a distance of about 8 m, whereupon Strauss collapsed dead.

On the same day, May 24, 1933, a judicial inspection of the locality took place. The corpse of Strauss was lying at the edge of the wood. Leather slippers were on his feet. He wore a sock on one foot, while the other foot was bare, obviously because of an injury to this foot. Subsequently an autopsy was performed. Two bullets had entered the back of the head. Besides the body showed several black and blue spots and also open wounds. Coroner's inquest was ordered; it took place on 26 May 1933. According to the expert's opinion death was caused by cerebral paralysis due to one bullet penetrating and one bullet lodging in the right portion of the cerebrum. Older scars were found at the right hip and seat, as well as hemorrhages of the left abdominal wall. The direction of the firing channels further revealed that the bullets had been fired from low behind and upwards to the right. The distance from which they were fired could not be established by the autopsy; for this purpose chemical and microscopical examinations are necessary.

I have charged Kantschuster today with murder and have made application for opening and execution of the judicial preliminary investigation as well as for a warrant of arrest against him.

The District Court Public Prosecutor Attorney WINTERSBERGER

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 642-PS

File No: G 866/33 Munich, 1 June 1933 State Prosecution at the State Court [Landgericht] Munich Local Telephone: 5791 Long Distance: 57801.

To the Prosecutor General at The Supreme State Court [Oberlandesgericht] Munich.

Subject: Decease of the arrestee in protective custody, Leonhard Hausmann in the Dachau concentration camp.

No. 12431 with one copy submitted to the State Minister for Justice, Munich, 2 June 1933

The Prosecutor General at the Supreme State Court.

[signature illegible]

On 17 May 1933, Leonhard Hausmann from Augsburg, 31 years old, married, relief worker, who was kept in protective custody in the Dachau concentration camp, was shot by SS staff sergeant Karl Ehmann. According to the account of the latter, Hausmann was to dig out young fir trees in the woods in the vicinity of the camp and pile them up on a certain spot. He was supervised by Ehmann. Suddenly the latter did not see him anymore. Therefore Ehmann looked after the prisoners and saw him running away in a stooped position, Ehmann ran after him, called "Halt" several times, once also "Stop", but in vain. Whereupon Ehmann raised his pistol at the prisoner and fired without aiming; Hausmann dropped dead. Ehmann asserts that he fired from a distance of 10 to 12 meters.

The corpse was inspected already on 17 May 33 with the assistance of the state court physician. It was found that death was due to a shot through the left side of the chest. According to the autopsy protocol, the shot was fired from a distance less than 1 meter. Meanwhile the legal-medical institute ascertained that the distance was less than 30 cm.

Today I have preferred public charges against Ehmann and have requested to begin and to carry out a preliminary court investigation and to issue an arrest warrant against him for danger of escape and of prejudicing the course of justice.

I shall report about the course of the process.

The Supreme State Prosecutor [signed] Wintersberger

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 644-PS

File No. G 851/33 Munich, 22 May 1933 (Postoffice 35) Prosecution at the State Court Munich II (Telephone: Local 5791 long distance 57801)

To the Prosecutor General of the State Court [Oberlandesgericht]

Munich,

Subject: Decease of the arrestee in protective custody Louis Schloss in the Dachau concentration camp.

Annexes:

1 copy of an autopsy protocol, 3 photos. W.V. 28923/33

In the afternoon of 16 May 1933 the police station Dachau informed the state prosecution that an inmate of the concentration camp Dachau, the merchant Louis Schloss, from Nurnberg, widowed, born on 21 June 1880, has hanged himself in solitary confinement. At the request of the state prosecution, on the same day the legal inspection was performed with the assistance of the state court physician with the state court Munich II. As it was proven that the corpse exhibited numerous whip marks and as the cause of death appeared doubtful, an autopsy was carried out on 17 May 33. According to a preliminary certificate of the participating physicians, the autopsy did not prove death by hanging. The extensive destruction of the adipose tissue found in the corpse was considered to be adequate to cause death through autointoxication and fat embolism. We refer to the attached copy of the autopsy protocol. 3 photographic pictures of the corpse were taken before autopsy, of which prints are enclosed.

The investigation has not yet been concluded.

No. 11374

Supreme State prosecution: 22 May 33 [Signed]: Wintersberger

Submitted with 1 annex and 3 photos to the State Ministry for Justice Munich, 22 May 1933

The Prosecutor General of the Supreme State Court

* * * * *

File No. G 851, 924 ff/33 Munich, 1 June 1933 (Post office 35) Prosecution at the State Court Munich II (Telephone: Local 5791 Long distance: 57801)

* * * * *

To the prosecutor general with the Supreme State Court Munich.

No. 12430 with 1 extra copy.

[Stamp] Submitted to the State Ministry for Justice Munich, 2 June 1933 The prosecutor general with the Supreme State Court

Subject: Decease of the arrestee in protective custody Louis Schloss in the Dachau concentration camp.

To my report of 22 May 1933.

In the above case I have today publicly indicted unknown culprits for injuries leading to death and the commandant of the camp, Waeckerle, the camp physician, Dr. Neurnbergk, as well as the first secretary of the chancellery, Mutzbauer, as accessories after the facts, and I requested that a preliminary court investigation should be started and carried out, furthermore that a warrant of arrest should be issued against above accused for danger of prejudicing the course of justice.

I shall report about the progress of the proceedings.

The State prosecutor [Signed]: Wintersberger

* * * * *

Copy

Dachau, 17 May 1933

Protocol

Subject: Investigation and autopsy of Schloss, Louis, merchant from Nurnberg, deceased here by hanging.

Present: Court Counsellor [Amtsgerichtsrat] Dr. Guntz, State court physician [Landgerichtsarzt] Dr. Flamm, Instructor [Privatdozent] Dr. Mueller, Secretary of Justice Bruecklmeier.

Above court committee went today at 3 P.M. to the autopsy room in the cemetery of the village of Dachau. There was the corpse of the widowed merchant Louis Schloss, who was found hanged in the concentration camp Dachau, Prittlbach community, on 16 May 1933 and whose corpse is known to the state court physician [Landgerichtsarzt] Dr. Flamm from the cadaver inspection which has taken place on 16 May 1933 in the concentration camp.

The participating police sergeant Frey of the police station Pasing took three photographs of the deceased and these will be explained as part of this copy. The photographs will be sent directly from the photographic office Pasing to the state prosecutor Munich II.

* * * * *

Preliminary opinion

I. The death through hanging could not be proven by autopsy.

II. Extensive blood suffusions and whipmarks were found, particularly on the back, on the buttocks and on both arms, as well as on both legs, abdomen and thorax to a minor extent. In the region of the buttocks and the shoulders extensive destruction of adipose tissue was found together with the blood suffusions. This is adequate to explain death through autointoxication and fat embolism.

III. The proof has to be brought forth by microscopic examination of the parts of organs.

IV. Following were preserved: the organs of the neck and thorax, parts of the brain, the spleen, liver and kidneys, as well as the strangulation mark on the neck and blood for bacteriological examination.

Finished at 18.10 hours. Signed Dr. Flamm Signed: Dr. P. Mueller. The Court Commission of the Court Dachau Signed: Dr. Guntz, Court Counsellor Signed: Bruecklmeier, Secretary of Justice.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 645-PS

Reference Nr. G 928 ff/33 Munich, June 1, 1933 Office of the State Attorney of the Superior Court Munich II (tel. local 5791 long distance 57801). To: Attorney General of the Main Superior Court Munich.

SUBJECT: Death of prisoner Sebastian Nefzger in the Concentration Camp Dachau.

[written in ink]

No. 12434 with 1 part and 6 photos Presented to the State Ministry of Justice Munich, } June 2, 1933 } [Stamps] The Attorney General of the Main Superior Court } Sotier [? signature]

On May 27, 1933, the following report was received by the lower court Dachau:

"Concentration Camp Dachau, Political Division, May 27, 1933 to the Lower Court Dachau. An inquest on the dead body of the prisoner Nefzger, Sebastian, merchant in Munich, Schommerstrasse 17/0, born: 1/10/1900 in Munich, religion Catholic, marital status: married--showed that death through the action of third persons must be excluded. Death was indubitably caused by excessive bleeding resulting from an opened artery of the left hand. Signed Dr. Nuernbergk, Camp Physician."

Neither the lower court Dachau nor the state attorney Munich II had up to that time been informed of Nefzger's death reported in the letter in spite of the fact that Nefzger had already died in the night of the 25 to the 26th of May 1933. The lower court Dachau informed the state attorney, Munich II of this letter. A coroner's inquest was ordered, which took place as late as May 27, 1933. Since the physician appointed by the superior court doubted that death had occurred due to excessive bleeding and identified marks of strings on the victim's neck, a judicial autopsy was arranged by the State Attorney on May 29, 1933. The resulting opinion of the expert is so far: I. the autopsy discloses that excessive bleeding due to a cut on the left arm must be excluded as a cause of death; II. the cut on the left wrist reveals three incisions of the bone. Trial cuts are lacking. These findings are contrary to the assumption that the wound has been self-inflicted; III. It must be assumed that the cause of death was suffocation. As a cause for suffocation, strangulation and throttling must be considered. The characteristics of the marks left by the strings do not agree with those otherwise observed in cases of death caused by hanging.

6 photos were made of the corpse before the autopsy; one print is enclosed of each.

I have issued a public indictment, on the basis of murder, of the unknown perpetrators, and of camp commander Waeckerly, camp physician Dr. Nuernbergk, and chief secretary of the office Mutzbauer for having aided in the crime; and I have ordered the opening and execution of preliminary court proceedings, as well as the issuance of an arrest warrant for the said accused.

I shall make reports about the developments of the process.

The Chief State Attorney Wintersberger

Deaths of the prisoners in protective custody:

Schloss, Louis, merchant from Nurnberg (found hung on 5/16/1933).

Hausmann, Leonhard, unskilled worker from Augsburg, (shot by Scharfuehrer Karl Ehmann on 5/17/33).

Dr. Strauss, Alfred, lawyer from Munich, (shot on 5/24/33).

Kantschuster, Johann, SS man for murder.

Nefzger, Sebastian, merchant from Munich, (died 5/25 to 5/26/33).

Indictment of unknown perpetrators for murder and of Waeckerle, camp commander; Dr. Nuernbergk, camp physician; Mutzbauer, chief secretary of the office, for aiding in the crime.

Lehrburger, Karl, merchant from Nurnberg, (shot on 5/25/33) by SS man Hans Steinbrenner.

Z.d.A.: "Important Occurrences in the Concentration Camp Dachau."

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 647-PS

(100 [crossed out, on top of it] "ten" [in pencil] photo copies copy [in ink])

Control number Enclosure to number 1164/38 top secret WFA/L II

Draft of June 3rd with changes Reichsfuehrer SS of June 10, 1938 and additions concerning signal corps unit.

[in ink] 1st Copy 3 copies 1st copy

TOP SECRET

The Fuehrer and Reich's Chancellor. Berlin, 17 August 1938

[in ink]

10

[Signature illegible]

By means of the nomination of the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police in the ministry of the interior on June 17th 1936 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 487), I have created the basis for the unification and reorganization of the German police.

With this step, the Schutzstaffeln of the NSDAP which were under the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police even up to now, have entered into close connection with the duties of the German police.

In order to regulate these tasks and in order to delineate the common tasks of the SS and of the Wehrmacht, I hereby order the following inclusively and basically:

[the above written in pencil]

I. General

1. Being a political organization of the NSDAP, the SS as such does not need any military set-up and training for its political obligations. It carries no weapons.

2. For special inner-political tasks for the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police, tasks which I might have to assign to him from time to time, or for the mobile use within the wartime army (SS-Verfuegungstruppe). The following SS units which either already exist, or will be set up in case of mobilization, are exempted from the regulations of number 1:

The SS-Verfuegungstruppe. The SS-Junkerschulen. The SS-Totenkopfverbaende. The SS-reinforcement Totenkopfverbaende (police reinforcement).

In peacetime they are under the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police, who, with the exception mentioned in paragraph II, alone has the responsibility for the organization, training, arming, and full use in regard to inner-political tasks given him from me.

In peacetime, no organizational connection with the Wehrmacht exists in this regard. (See orders in II and III for the case of mobilization.)

Arms, ammunition, tools, equipment, and military handbooks for the armed SS units will be procured through the Wehrmacht, upon payment.

II. The armed units of the SS

A. The SS-Verfuegungstruppe

1. The SS Verfuegungstruppe is neither a part of the Wehrmacht nor a part of the police. It is a standing armed unit, exclusively at my disposal. As such, and as a unit of the NSDAP its members are to be selected by the Reichsfuehrer SS according to the ideological and political standards which I have ordered for the NSDAP and for the Schutzstaffeln. Its members are to be trained and its ranks filled with volunteers from those who are subject to serve in the army who have finished their duties in the obligatory labor service. The service period for volunteers is 4 years. It may be prolonged for SS-Unterfuehrer. Special regulations are in force for SS leaders. The regular compulsory military service (par. 8 of the law relating to military service) is fulfilled by service of the same amount of time in the SS Verfuegungstruppe.

The SS Verfuegungstruppe receives its financial resources through the Ministry of the Interior. Its budget requires a check-up by the high command of the Wehrmacht.

2. The SS Verfuegungstruppe falls into the following parts:

1 headquarters staff. (Leibstandarte-SS Adolf Hitler) motorized [in ink].

3 regiments 2 motorcycle battalions under a Standarte Staff. 1 engineer battalion motorized [in ink]. 1 signal battalion motorized [in ink]. 1 medical unit.

The complete strength, the organization, the arming, and the equipment of the SS Verfuegungstruppe depend on the task allocated in peace time and in case of mobilization.

In case of mobilization, the Standarten and independent Sturmbanne are organized like the corresponding units of an infantry division respectively of a motorized infantry division of the army [illegible remark in ink].

The engineer unit is fully motorized.

The signal unit (motorized) is organized like an infantry division signal unit (motorized).

The peacetime strength and equipment of the army are the pattern for the strength and equipment of the staffs and units of the SS Verfuegungstruppe. Personnel and material necessary above the peacetime strength and the table of equipment will be determined in cooperation with the high command of the Wehrmacht and the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

For use in the interior, the Standarten are reinforced by the following special formation:

(Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler)

reinforced by:

1 armored reconnaissance platoon. [Panzerspaehzug; the word "zug" is added in ink]. 1 motorcycle platoon. 1 motorized engineer platoon.

the other Standarten

by: each 1 armored reconnaissance platoon. 1 light infantry motorcycle platoon.

and by additional telephone and radio units for the signal platoons.

the non-motorized units

by: 1 trucking platoon each.

The signal unit (motorized) with additional means of communication in order to safeguard the communication system of the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police. The necessary personnel and material will be determined in cooperation with the high command of the Wehrmacht and the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

The final aim is the complete mobilization of all Standarten and independent units; in the case of mobilization, the skeleton corps of the reinforcement units of the SS Totenkopfverbaende, to whom in peacetime the short training of replacements for the SS Totenkopfverbaende was entrusted, are to be devoted to the task of insuring replacements for the SS Verfuegungstruppe (see C 2).

The supreme commander of the army prepares the SS Verfuegungstruppe for their use within the wartime army. He issues the necessary orders, regulates their working with reserve army authorities, supports the training and makes inspections. He is authorized to transfer these powers to lower echelon offices and to report to me about the state of combat training, after prior consultation with the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

A timely exchange of officers, respectively leaders between the army and the SS Verfuegungstruppe is to be carried out in mutual agreement as soon as the officer situation permits it.

Any changes in the organization, the strength and the arming of the SS Verfuegungstruppe have to be approved by me.

3. Orders for the case of mobilization.

A. The employment of the SS Verfuegungstruppe in case of mobilization is a double one:

1. By the supreme commander of the army within the wartime army. In that case, it comes completely under military laws and regulation, but remains a unit of the NSDAP politically.

2. In case of necessity in the interior according to my orders. In that case, it is under the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

In case of mobilization, I myself will make the decision about the time, strength and manner of the incorporation of the SS Verfuegungstruppe into the wartime army; these things will depend on the inner political situation at that time.

During the war, the skeleton corps of the reinforcement units of the SS Totenkopfverbaende, to whom in peacetime the short training of replacements for the SS Totenkopfverbaende was entrusted, are to be devoted to the task of insuring a reserve which should meet the ideologic and political spirit of the Verfuegungstruppe.

In case of mobilization, all members of the SS who did their compulsory military duty in the SS Verfuegungstruppe are generally to be used to reinforce the SS Verfuegungstruppe. Older classes of the SS Verfuengungstruppe also may be used to fill up the ranks of the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende police reinforcement which will be set-up in case of mobilization in so far as they are not needed as replacements for the SS Verfuengungstruppe.

In case of mobilization, the replacements for the SS Verfuegungstruppe also may be used to fill up the ranks of young, untrained draftees.

B. The SS Junker Schools.

1. The SS Junker schools including the SS medical Junker school educate the officer replacements for the armed parts of the SS and for the German police.

2. The Junkers who have served at least one year of front line duty in the SS Verfuegungstruppe and have completed the SS Junker schools and subsequently the non-commissioned officer school successfully, and who have accordingly served more than two years under arms (see par. 8 of the military law), have fulfilled their compulsory military duty.

Leaders and leader aspirants who have successfully finished the non-commissioned officer school in service that is incorporated into the Wehrmacht, will be given a rank which corresponds to their rank, in the armed parts of the SS, or in the police.

3. The budgets of the SS Verfuegungstruppe, the SS Totenkopfverbaende, and the German police will bear the partial costs of the schools for that number of Junkers which corresponds to their calculated need for leaders.

4. These orders about the SS Junker schools are in force retroactive to March 15, 1935.

C. The SS Totenkopfverbaende.

1. The SS Totenkopfverbaende are neither a part of the army nor of the police. They are a standing armed unit of the SS to clear up special tasks of police nature. I reserve the right to assign duties from time to time.

As such, as a unit of the NSDAP, they are to be selected and trained according to the ideological and political directives which I have issued for the NSDAP and for the Schutzstaffeln; they are to be replaced by the use of volunteers capable of serving the SS, who as a rule have served their compulsory military duty in the army. The army must give its agreement for special cases of exception. These units are under the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police who is responsible to me for their organization, training, arming, and full readiness for action.

The Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police is entitled to recruit suitable volunteers of the army before their discharge in cooperation with the supreme command of the army.

The service period for non-commissioned officers and men is 12 years. Service time in the army is to be counted. The necessary question of the pension will be taken up at a later date.

The SS Totenkopfverbaende receive their financial means through the ministry of the Interior.

Starting April 1st, 1938, the SS Totenkopfverbaende are organized as follows:

Directorate staff with signal unit,

4 Standarten with 3 Sturmbanne each with 3 infantry companies (each 148 men strong).

1 machine gun company (150 men strong).

1 medical unit.

1 medical group necessary for the medical care of those camp prisoners who work outside.

Besides, each Standarte:

1 motorcycle group (crossed out).

1 group with weapons suited for street fights to be set up in 1939 (crossed out).

1 trucking unit.

1 Signal platoon.

Besides 1 signal platoon for each Sturmbann to be set up in 1939 (crossed out).

2. Replacement units for the short time training for the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende (police reinforcement). Strength corresponding to the reinforcement battalion of the army. All units of the SS Totenkopferbaende are to be motorized temporarily with 3-ton Opel-Blitz cars.

3. The strength and organization of the units will be determined by the extent of their special tasks of police nature (see fig. 1) and will be determined by me according to requirements upon suggestions of the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

4. The armament and equipment of the SS Totenkopfverbaende depends on their special tasks (see fig. 1); both are to be suggested to me by the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police, after he has discussed them with the supreme command of the army.

5. Regulations for the case of the mobilization.

The SS Totenkopfverbaende form the skeleton corps for the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende (police reinforcement) and will be replaced in the guarding of the concentration camps by members of the General SS who are over 45 years of age and had military training.

The skeleton corps which, up to now, were units of the two replacement units for the short time training of the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende will be transferred to the SS Verfuegungstruppe as skeleton crews of the replacement units for that unit.

D. Reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende (police reinforcement).

1. The reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende is a police unit which will be set up and armed automatically in the case of mobilization, in an emergency, at my command.

2. The Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police will decide its strength within the total strength of all police units which I shall determine for the territory of the Reich.

3. The organization, distribution of units, armament, and training of the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende depend entirely on the police tasks they will have to handle.

The responsibility for the full readiness for action in that respect rests with the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police who will have to make suitable suggestions to me concerning armament and equipment, after prior consultation with the supreme command of the army.

4. The training of the reinforcements of the SS Totenkopfverbaende who are provided for the use of war and are between 25 and 35 years of age will be undertaken in peacetime by the replacement units of the SS Totenkopfverbaende (compare with C 2).

5. The ministry of the interior will request the financial resources for the training of the reinforcement of the SS Totenkopfverbaende from the supreme command of the army, as R.V. special resources.

III. The General SS (Allgemeine SS)

All other members, not mentioned in I or II of the general SS (Allgemeine SS) which is unarmed, are at the disposal of the army in case of war (according to the regulations of the military law).

However, considering the special inner-political tasks which the SS has to solve in close connection with the German police in case of mobilization, I hereby order the following:

1. The staff of the Reichsfuehrer SS, the staffs of the three main offices (SS, Sd, and RuS main officer, the SS Oberabschnittsstaebe and SS Abschnittstaebe) remain in case of war for tasks of police nature. The Reichsfuehrer SS regulates their strength which will be cut down to a minimum size for that purpose, SS members provided for those staffs are to be deferred from service in the army in case of war.

2. All clothing and equipment, motor cars, arms, ammunition and other equipment owned by the SS are regulated by the legal orders in case of mobilization; this, provided they are not necessary for the setting up of the armed SS units and staffs mentioned under I and II.

IV. Decrees of execution

The supreme command of the army issues the decrees of execution necessary to paragraph II in all questions concerning the army and the case of mobilization in cooperation with the Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police.

The Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German police issues the decrees of execution concerning the police and inner political measures in cooperation with the supreme command of the army.

/s/ Hitler

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 651-PS

Reich Minister of Justice

Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstrasse 65 31 January 1938

Telephone: 110044

4611--I a [7=] 194/38 To the Presidents of the High Courts.

Subject: Representation by Counsel of Inmates of Concentration Camps.

VERY CONFIDENTIAL

In preparing a decision of Reich Fuehrer SS and Chief of German Police whether individual attorneys can be allowed in general to take over the representation of inmates in Concentration Camps, I ask you to scrutinize at once if and what attorneys in your district could be considered for this purpose. Representation of inmates of Concentration Camps requires a special measure of suitability and dependability. Severe scrutiny is to be exercised in making the selection. Membership in the NSDAP, in so far as it was not acquired until after January 30, 1933, will not of itself warrant the necessary dependability as a rule; on the other hand this prerequisite is not to be denied because the attorney is not a member of the Party. Consideration can only be given attorneys whose attitude leaves no doubt that their views coincide wholly with the political aspirations of the State and the ideology aims of the movement. Moreover, it can be assumed that attorneys whose field of activity does not extend to taking over the defense in criminal affairs, will as a rule not accept representation of inmates of Concentration Camps.

Attorneys suitable for representation of inmates of Concentration Camps who should, if possible, reside in different localities of your district, should be listed in sufficient number according to Offices of the State Police. With reference to the necessity of very confidential treatment, I beg therefore to consult as an expert the president of the Chamber of Counsel about their qualifications. A consultation of offices not within the Administration of Justice is to be avoided. I ask that two copies of the list be presented after receiving the advice of the President of the Chamber of Counsel. With regard to the attorneys names, proof of personal and professional qualification is to be submitted. Besides stating the attorney's characteristic and political attitude and especially his manner of practicing his profession as defense counsel in penal matters, it is also to be investigated, if possible, if reason exists to assume that the attorney has the confidence of the Office of State Police.

An eventual notice of non-compliance is required.

Deputy, sig. Schlegelberger [stamped:] Reich Ministry of Justice Office of the Ministry Certified sig. Schlichting Secretary of the Office of the Ministry

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 654-PS

U I b

Discussion with Reich Fuehrer of SS Himmler on 18.9.42 in his Field Headquarters in the presence of State Secretary Dr. Rothenberger, SS Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach and SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Bender.

1. Correction [2 illegible pencilled words] by special treatment at the hands of the police in cases where judicial sentences are not severe enough. On the suggestion of Reichsleiter Bormann, the following agreement was reached between the Reich Fuehrer of SS and myself:

a. In principle the Fuehrer's time is no longer to be burdened with these matters.

b. The Reich Minister for Justice will decide whether and when special treatment at the hands of the police is to be applied.

c. The Reich Fuehrer of SS will send the reports, which he sent hitherto to Reichsleiter Bormann, to the Reich Minister for Justice.

d. If the views of the Reich Fuehrer of SS and those of the Reich Minister for Justice agree, the final decision on the case will rest with them.

e. If their views are not in agreement, the opinion of Reichsleiter Bormann will be brought to bear on the case, and he will possibly inform the Fuehrer.

f. In cases where the Fuehrer's decision on a mild sentence is sought through other channels (such as by a letter from a Gauleiter) Reichsleiter Bormann will forward the report to the Reich Minister for Justice. The case will then be decided as already described by the Reich Fuehrer of SS and the Reich Minister for Justice.

2. The delivery of anti-social elements from the execution of their sentence to the Reich Fuehrer of SS to be worked to death. Persons under protective arrest, Jews, Gypsies, Russians and Ukrainians, Poles with more than 3-year sentences, Czechs and Germans with more than 8-year sentences, according to the decision of the Reich Minister for Justice. First of all the worst anti-social elements amongst those just mentioned are to be handed over. I shall inform the Fuehrer of this through Reichsleiter Bormann.

3. Administration of justice by the people. This is to be carried out step by step as soon as possible, first of all in the villages and the small towns of up to about 20,000 inhabitants. It is difficult to carry it out in large towns. I shall rouse the Party particularly to cooperate in this scheme by an article in the Hoheitstrager (NSDAP publication). It is evident that jurisdiction may not lie in the hands of the Party. [Marginal note in pencil: according to the permanency of the courts (?)]

4. Orders regarding the police and justice are, in future, to be tempered, for example, not prosecuting unmarried mothers if they attempt to procure abortion.

5. The Reich Fuehrer of SS is agreed that the cancellation of sentence, even for members of the police, will rest, as in Article 8 of the law relating to the cancellation of sentence, with the Reich Minister for Justice.

6. The Reich Fuehrer of SS has given full consent to the ruling I have planned on the corporal punishment ordered by the Fuehrer.

7. I shall refer to the Common Law relating to Aliens and will give notification of the claims of Justice, e.g. in the identification of young people as anti-social elements and their arrest. Also, it seems to me that the actual circumstances which serve to stamp a person as anti-social are not laid down in the law with sufficient clarity. The Reich Fuehrer of SS is waiting for our opinion, and until then will not carry out the text of the law.

8. The Reich Fuehrer of SS has agreed to a clause for the Juvenile Court Law, whereby the age of discretion can be reduced to 12 years and the reduced age of discretion can be extended to over 18 years. [Marginal note in pencil: "by which he has made clear that a reduction in the age limit of full age of discretion is meant."]

9. SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Bender, of the Staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS, is appointed by the Reich Fuehrer of SS as liaison officer for matters which appear to necessitate direct liaison with the Reich Fuehrer of SS. He can be contacted any time by tele-printer in the Field Headquarters of the Reich Fuehrer of SS, and will come once every month to Berlin to report to me here. Hauptsturmfuehrer Wanniger is appointed as liaison officer for other matters, and he will be at Security Headquarters (Sicherheitsharuptamt).

10. The Reich Fuehrer of SS declared that, in the infliction of punishment, special establishments should be set up, on the principle that confirmed criminals should be confined separately and that those capable of improvement should be separated according to the nature of their crimes (e.g. impostors, thieves and those who have committed acts of violence). This was recognized as correct.

11. The Reich Fuehrer of SS demands that the penal register should be kept by the police. Arguments against this are to be examined (cancellation and tightening up of the Penal Register Bill and additions made to it). The question is to be further discussed with Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach.

12. The Reich Fuehrer of SS pointed out as reliable SS--Obersturmfuehrer Reichsgerichtsrat Altstetter, at present on active service as a Major, and also Landgerichtspraesident Stepp; he designated as unreliable Generalstaatstanwalt Jung in Dresden.

13. Finally, the Reich Fuehrer of SS broached the subject of the Office of the Public Prosecutor and its transfer to the police. I rejected it flatly. There was no further discussion of this subject.

14. It is agreed that, in consideration of the intended aims of the Government for the clearing up of the Eastern problems, in future Jews, Poles, Gypsies, Russians and Ukrainians are no longer to be judged by the ordinary courts, so far as punishable offenses are concerned, but are to be dealt with by the Reich Fuehrer of SS. This does not apply to civil lawsuits, nor to Poles whose names are announced or entered in the German Racial Lists.

Signed Th.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 656-PS

National Socialist German Workers' Party Party Chancellory

The Chief of the Party Chancellory

Fuehrer's Headquarters SECRET

[Stamp]

Circular No. 12/43g.

SECRET

Subject: Law of Self-Defense against P.O.W.'s

I acknowledge the copy of the annexed order of the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht.

(s) M. BORMANN

F.d.R. Hilegardt 1 copy Distrb. Reichsleiter, Gauleiter, Verbaendefuehrer.

index cards: Prisoners of War/Guard Personnel/Self-Defense/ Physical Punishment.

* * * * *

Copy

Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht Berlin 29.1.1943 Az 2f 24.74 AWA/Prisoners of War. General (IA) No. 3868 142g

SECRET

Subject: Self Defense against Prisoners of War. Reference: None.

The question of the treatment of Prisoners of War is continually being brought up and discussed by Wehrmacht and Party bureaus, namely that the possibilities of punishment provided in the agreement of 1929 (M. Dr.-38/2) are not sufficient. Primarily neither the military punishment law nor the discipline law, which has been eliminated for German military personnel, offers a punishment which can be used with satisfactory success in case of an insubordinate and provoking attitude of Prisoners of War. The following is hereby fundamentally affirmed:

1. The M.Dr. 38/2 (Agreement 1929) article 46, states that Prisoners of War cannot receive any other punishments than those meted out to German military personnel. That applies to all Prisoners of War with the exception of Soviet Prisoners of War. For Soviet Prisoners of War the order of the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht 2 f 24.73 AWA/Prisoners of War, General (IA) No. 389/42g of the 24.3.1942 Article A, fourth paragraph is applicable.

2. Improper and provoking attitude of Prisoners of War toward German guard personnel as well as toward German contractors and workers forces and justifies this being enacted for the preservation of their own dignity and of national esteem. German law has an application for this; in the case of self-defense ST GB Art 53 is applicable. According to the existing law, self-defense occurs not only in the case of present actual attacks but also present attacks on one's honor, on one's property, etc. The law of self-defense concerns not only the party attacked, it applies also to the protection of a third party from attack. Third, in the sense of the N Art 53 a.a. G, are not only persons, but also the persons of the public and private law, as for instance the State, the municipality, society etc. The party attacked can use for protection any means that the situation requires and the use of which does not contradict healthy national interest [Gesunden Volksempfinden]. A subsequent punishment of a prisoner of war for an improper and provoking attitude of physical chastisement is not permissible since self-defense is no longer present.

3. In case of the diminishing of the effort to work only the guard and the assistant guard (for example among the farmers there is very often a personal union between assistant-guard and contractor) can interfere as the military superior of the Prisoners of War. In this he is not only authorized but also obliged by duty (see Order of the OKW A2 2f 2417a Chief of Prisoners of War/General (I)/Org (IIIb) No. 2916/42 of the 26.6.1942). Should the prisoners of war not fulfill his order, then he has in the case of the most pressing need and danger,--the right to force obedience with the weapon if he has no other means. He can use the weapon as much as is necessary to attain his goal. If the assistant guard is not armed, then, he is authorized in forcing obedience by other applicable means.

4. The military personnel, officials, and assisting guard personnel who are charged with the duty of guarding prisoners of war are to be instructed accordingly. It is to be made clear to them what means the law puts at their disposal, in order that they may be able to combat insubordinations, provocative attitudes and abatement of the will to work on the part of the prisoners of war, and what also the limits are to which they can go.

Distribution: * * * D.d.R.d.A.: Weber Chief of the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht /s/ Reinecke F.d.R. /s/ v. Graevenitz Majorgeneral.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 661-PS

[Secret Thesis from the Academy of German Law on Resettlement, January 1940]

Resettlement, mixed settlement, emigration, national biological power [biologische Volkstumskraft]

Short consideration of the prerequisites for a political legal system of the peoples. [Volkspolitische Rechtsgestaltung]

1 a. Resettlement (pages 6-8).

For the carrying out of costly and long-term measures for the increase of agricultural production, the Governmental-General can at the most absorb 1 to 1.5 million resettlers, as it is already over-populated. * * * By further absorption of 1.6 million resettlers, the 1925 Reich census figure of 133 inhabitants per square kilometer would be reached, which practically because of already existing rural over-population and lack of industry would result in a double over-population.

This figure of 1.6 million will barely suffice to transfer from the Reich:

The Jews from the liberated East (over 600,000), parts of the remaining Jews, preferably the younger age groups from Germany proper, Austria, Sudetengau and the Protectorate (altogether over 1 million).

The Polish intelligentsia who have been politically active in the past, and potential political leaders.

The leading economic personalities, comprising owners of large estates, industrialists and businessmen, etc.

The peasant population, so far as it has to be removed in order to carry out by strips of German settlements the encirclement of Polish territories in the East.

6 to 7 million Poles (not including the majority of the Wasserpolen, Schlonsaken, Kaschuben) would therefore remain for an extended period of time in the liberated East, and it will be possible to accept only a small fraction of them into German folksdom. * * * A resettlement of many millions can only be undertaken after victory and only in connection with an overwhelming reorganization of the East, which would create space for the surplus Poles, be it in Siberia, or be it in the bordering territories, for example after the resettlement eastwards of the White Russians. A resettlement of several million Jews, perhaps in Madagascar, could also create space.

* * * * *

c. In regard to internal colonization of the East of the Reich, it might be expedient to envisage the carrying out of a planned encirclement of the districts with a Polish majority by wide strips of German settlements. Also, a concentration of the remaining Poles in order to create space can be considered.

d. In order to relieve the living space of the Poles in the Government-General as well as in the liberated East, one should remove cheap labor temporarily by the hundreds of thousands, employ them for a few years in the old Reich, and thereby hamper their native biological propagation. (Their assimilation into the old Reich must be prevented.)

If 1.5 million people are to be transferred in short order (in about 4 years, i.e., 1000 daily) from the East of the Reich and are to be absorbed by the Government-General, if among them there are barely 1 million Poles and the rest Jews, then 7 million Poles would remain in the Reich, including Poles in Germany proper and Austria, but not including prisoners of war, seasonal workers from the Government-General and for the time being also Kaschuben, and of course Masurians and other Slavic Germanic tribes. There would be 1 Pole for every 12 Germans in the Reich excluding the Government-General.

The figure of 7 million comprises for example the following peoples: Finns, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians; it is double the number of Sudeten-Germans in former Czechoslovakia.

It is terrifyingly high and cannot be decreased considerably by emigration assimilation, or additional future transfer to the Government-General.

This mass of Poles is a great inconvenience, an obstacle to the Germanization of the country, and under certain circumstances a danger. It can be reduced by enlarging the Government-General.

In renouncing an area with a population of 1 million, it would be possible not only to get rid of this number of Poles but about 1.2 million, since the areas in question are sufficiently fertile to absorb 15 to 20% additional resettlers. For example, the territory of the former district of Lodz (19,000 square kilometers) had a population of 2.86 million (1938). One could take 150,000 Germans from their area and put over 3 million Poles into it. Or by giving up the Cracow Ural district (Olkusz) and the Zickenau district one could get rid of about 1.5 million Poles, including additional settlers from the Reich. The further deliberations presuppose that no areas of the Eastern districts (Ostgaue) will be renounced in favor of the Government-General. Therefore a major part of this Polish mass, which is much too large, could emigrate only to areas East of the Government-General. A prerequisite would be a thorough reorganization of the entire East and many of its numerous peoples, under the determining influence of the Reich (a memorandum is necessary). The total emigration of over 3 million Jews (possibly to Madagascar) would also create space for Polish resettlement.

About 1 million Poles could be taken out of their settlements, but not from the Reich, and used as agricultural and industrial itinerant labor. This would doubtless result in considerable relief, particularly from the biological viewpoint.

* * * * *

Strictest care is to be taken that secret circulars, memoranda and official correspondence which contains instructions detrimental to the Poles are kept steadily under lock and key so that they will not some day fill the White Books printed in Paris or the USA.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 666-PS

SECRET

The Fuehrer and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.

DIRECTIVES

for the prosecution of offences against the Reich or against the occupation authorities in the occupied territories.

7 December 1941

With the beginning of the Russian campaign, communist elements and other anti-German circles increased their attacks on the Reich and the occupation authorities in the occupied territories. The extent and the danger of these activities compel to most severe measures against the guilty for the purpose of intimidation.

For the time being the following directions shall be observed:

I

In regard to offences committed by non-German civilians in the occupied territories against the Reich or the occupation authorities which endanger their security or efficiency, the death sentence is adequate as a matter of principle.

II

The offences referred to in section I are to be tried in the occupied territories only if it is likely that the guilty persons, at least the main offenders, will be sentenced to death and if the proceedings and the execution of the death sentences can be carried out quickly. Otherwise the offenders, at least the main offenders, are to be brought to Germany.

III

Guilty persons who are brought to Germany are to be subject to court-martial proceedings there only if specific military interests make it necessary. German or foreign authorities making inquiries are to be told that the guilty persons had been arrested and that the state of the proceedings did not permit to give further information.

IV

The commanders in the occupied territories and the legal representatives are personally responsible for the execution of this decree within the framework of their competence.

VI

The chief of the high command of the armed forces determines in which occupied territories this decree is to be applied. He is authorized to explain, to make provisions for the execution of the decree and to supplement it. The Reich minister of justice issues the provisions for the execution of the law for his district.

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces By order (I.A.) (signed) KEITEL

DISTRIBUTION:

Foreign Office

Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Reich leader SS and Chief of the German police in the Reich Ministry of Interior.

High Command of the Army (Chef H. Ruest u. BDE--HR) with 7 N.A.

High Command of the Navy (MR) with 1 N.A.

Reich Minister of Aviation and Commander-in-Chief of the Air force (ZAR) with 1 N.A.

President of the Reich Court-Martial

Commander Southeast with 4 N.A.

Commander Norway

Commander Netherlands

Commander Eastland

Commander Ukraine

Plenipotentiary of the armed forces with the Reich Protector Bohemia and Moravia

Armistice Commission Wiesbaden

High Command of the Armed Forces:

Chief West Abt. L with 8 N.A. W Pr Amt Aus 1/Abw. (ZR) Abt. Ausl. Abw. III

AWA

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 668-PS

Copy

Chief of the Security Police and the SD--IV D 4--103/42 g--Berlin SW 11, Prinz-Albrecht Street 8, 24 June 1942

SECRET

To the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces for the attention of the Oberregierungsrat DOWALDT or his acting deputy.

Berlin W 35, at Tirpitzufer 72--76

Subject: Prosecution of punishable offences against the Reich or the occupation forces in occupied territories.

Reference: Circular dated 16 April 1942--14 n 16.18 WR (I 3/4) Nr 242/42 g.

By virtue of the above-named edict a considerable number of persons who were arrested in the occupied district of France have been transferred to camp Hinzert at Trier, pending commencement of the main proceedings before the competent special court in Cologne.

The 67-year old Frenchman, Louis Adolf Rousseau, died here recently of a stroke.

Thus the question has arisen--which has not been settled until now--as to what steps are to be taken in such cases of death.

It is the intent of the general directions of the Fuehrer and supreme commander of the Wehrmacht concerning prosecution of punishable offences against the Reich or the occupation forces in occupied territories, dated 7 December 1941, to create, for deterrent purposes, uncertainty about the fate of prisoners among their relatives and acquaintances, through the deportation into Reich territory of persons arrested in occupied areas on account of anti-German activity. This goal would be forfeited if the relatives were to be notified in cases of death. Surrender of the body for burial at home is inadvisable for the same reason, and also because the place of burial could be misused for demonstration purposes.

I therefore propose that the following general rule be decided upon for cases of death:

a. Notification of relatives is not to take place.

b. The body is buried at the place of death, in the Reich.

c. The place of burial is not made known for the time being.

In the case of the deceased Frenchman Rousseau, I have given orders which accord with the above proposal and I will do likewise in the future pending a decision by you.

pp. [signature illegible]

* * * * *

SECRET

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72--76, July 13, 1942 14 m 16.18 WR (I 3/4), No. 562/42 g To the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service Berlin SW11, Prinz Albrecht Str. 8 [Pencil alteration]

[Pencil note--] E46 E8/46 38/42 Reich Ministry of Justice 16th July 1942 Section

By way of information to:

Supreme Command of the Army

Supreme Command of the Navy

Reich Minister of Air Transportation and Commander-in-Chief of the Air Forces

President of the Reich Court Martial

Reich Minister of Justice

Armed Forces Operations Staff/Headquarters

Subject: Prosecution of punishable offences against the Reich or the occupation forces in the occupied territories.

Reference:--IV D 4--103/42 g--of June 24, 1942. 1 enclosure.

The supreme command of the armed forces agrees to the suggested treatment of cases of death. The decree of April 16, 1942, will in due course be supplemented accordingly.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Per: Dr. Lehmann

[Handwritten note--largely undecipherable]

(Stamp of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces) Checked: Bachmann, Justizoberinspektor d.Lw. IV a 863/42 g [Handwritten note]

1. Note: Procedure in cases of death has already been laid down by IX para. 5 of the draft of a second order for the carrying out of the general directions * * * of decree of the OKW dated 16.4.42.--

In my opinion the case of death quoted in the letter of the Reichfuehrer-SS dated 24.6.42 precludes the necessity of a supplement to the draft, mentioned.

2. Submit to me 3.8.

RM 29.7.

Submitted to OBGK (?) Dr. V. Ammon 3.8.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 674-PS

1st copy

President of the High District Court and Chief Public Prosecutor

Kattowitz, 3 December 1941

Nikolai Str. 1, Entrance Wilhemsplatz Tel.: 34608 and 34610

VS 4 E-1. 51 secret file nr. 229

[illegible notations]

"SECRET" only

To the Reich Minister of Justice, Attention: Chief Councillor to the Government Stadermann or Representative in Office.

Berlin

Re: Executions by the Police and Expediting of Penal Procedure Without Order.

Inclosure: 1 copy of report

About 3 weeks ago 6 chief agents (partially German) were hanged by the police in connection with the destruction of a treasonable organization of 350 members in Tarnowitz without notification of the ministry of justice. Such execution of criminal agents in the Bielitz district have already been made before also without the knowledge of the proper authority for criminal persecution. On 2 December 1941 the head of the state police at Kattowitz, chief councillor to the government Mildner, reported orally to the undersigned that he had ordered as necessary immediate action, with authority from the Reich-leader of the SS these executions by public hanging at the place of the crime; and that deterring measures would also have to be continued in the future until the criminal and actively anti-German powers in the occupied Eastern territories have been destroyed, or until other immediate actions, perhaps also by the courts, would guarantee equal frightening effect. Accordingly, 6 leaders of another Polish organization guilty of high treason in the district in and around Sosnowitz were to be hanged publicly today as an example.

About this procedure the undersigned expressed considerable doubts.

Besides the fact that such measures have been withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts and are contradictory to the laws not put out of effect, a justified emergency for the exceptional proceedings by the police alone cannot, in our opinion, be lawfully recognized.

The penal justice in our district within the limits of our jurisdiction is quite capable of fulfilling its duty of immediate penal retribution by means of a special form of special judicial activity (establishment of a so-called rapid special court). Indictment and proceeding could be speeded up in such a way that between turning the case over to the public prosecutor and execution no more than 3 days would elapse if the practice of pardoning is simplified and if the decision, if necessary, can be obtained by long distance call. This was expressed yesterday to the head of the state police at Kattowitz by the undersigned.

We cannot believe that execution by the police of criminals, especially German criminals, can be considered more effective through shattering the sense of justice of many German countrymen. In the long run they might, in spite of public terrorizing, lead even more to further brutality of minds, which is contrary to the intended purpose of pacifying. These deliberations, however, do not apply to future lawful competence of a drumhead court-martial for Poles and Jews.

According to a recent report of the head of the Kattowitz state police to the district leader [Gauleiter] Bracht, the cases of 540 persons accused of high treason from the Kattowitz district have already been forwarded in December 1940 by the police to the board of arraignment of the people's court in Berlin without any sentences having been passed there as yet. This situation, which became known in the various branches of interested party circles and administration departments, injures the reputation of justice in general as well as the concept of the effectiveness of justice in the occupied Eastern territories especially because, with the exception of the court, the exclusive competence of the people's court for the sentencing of matters of high treason is not sufficiently known.

We are not informed as to how far the described situation of non-settlement is true.

As far as the proceedings of treasonable cases by the chief Reich prosecutor at the people's court in Berlin are concerned which were forwarded for prosecution to the co-undersigned public prosecutor (proceedings per par. 5 section 2 of the law about the competence of criminal courts dated 21 Feb. 40--RGBl I, p. 405--in connection with the AV of Reich justice ministry dated 7 June 45--German law, page 683) we should like to point out the following:

From July 1941 until today, the cases of 235 accused were forwarded by the chief Reich prosecutor; 122 of the accused have already been sentenced, indicted, or proceedings were suspended or transferred.

The co-undersigned president of the supreme country court has taken steps to expedite prosecution further by personally supplementing the criminal court for high treason. If it should become necessary in the future, a second court could be appointed for the prosecution of matters of high treason by putting aside less important work. All organizations charged with prosecuting and sentencing of high treason and also with other severe crimes have been impressed by the undersigned that a speedy treatment is essential for war and nation.

With these organizational measures intended and already partially introduced by us of creating a "Rapid Special Court" which should also be technically equipped with everything necessary, and with the likely establishment at any time of a second court for matters of high treason in Kattowitz, the executions by the police still remain necessary as immediate actions against traitors, according to the chief councillor to the government Mildner, for the anti-German treasonal activity is supposed to have increased to such an extent that comparisons with the situation in 1917 and 1918 are already permissible, and that the criminals draw courage and power from the drawn-out legal trials of the traitors. The situation in the Kattowitz district is supposed to be especially difficult because there are 1-1/2 million Poles, 150,000 Czechs, and 7,000 Jews among the 3 million population whose anti-German attitude is being joined in a remarkable way by more and more Germans in the last months. A further worsening of the situation is to be counted on if the war should last longer; for the Poles are said to be fanatically convinced of the victory of the Western countries and of a resurrection of their country, and, without inhibition, risk everything which does not seem to be punishable by death. The terrorist activity of the last few months does not appear to leave the Reich Germans in the Eastern occupied districts unimperilled. The slightest military set-back could result in immediate danger due to the growing and immediate terrorist readiness of the anti-German organizations. These are the reasons why the head of the state police considers as necessary immediate measures also in the field of high treason. If such steps could be taken by judicial means, this would seem also to him the best solution since the state police is already overburdened and suffering from considerable personnel shortage.

After this discourse we cannot help but have the impression that the situation, especially with respect to high treason (terrorist) activity has grown serious since the spring of 1941 and that special measures have to be taken to subdue same effectively. We pointed out to the head of the state police our insufficient competence in this field, but have informed him that we would report this matter to the Reich minister of justice.

In view of the great judicial importance of the mentioned problems for the district of the Kattowitz high county court, we deem an early personal discussion at Kattowitz necessary, and that the chief councillor to the government Mildner and perhaps a representative of the people's court and of the chief Reich prosecutor at the people's court should be taken into consultation.

(signed) Dr. Heimer

[illegible notes showing that the conference had taken place]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 675-PS

SECRET

Nationalsocialist German Workers Party Berlin--Wilhelm Str. 64 Munich, Brown House The Deputy of the Fuehrer

To the Reichminister for Justice, Attn: Ministerial office director Stadermann or his deputy

[Rubber stamp] Reichministry for Justice 25 August 1938,

Dept V Gst a, 16 Aug 1938, III D--Es, 3315/0/31--3604 Secret Berlin W 8 Wilhelmstrasse 65

Subject: Austrian Concordat Your letter of 23 May 1938--Va 146/38 Secret

I have purposely not taken a hand in the letters, which I have received from various Reichministers as well as from the Reichfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police, since the Fuehrer's decision on that was known to me already in connection with a lecture by the Reichcommissioner for the incorporation of Austria into the Reich. I therefore have refrained to take a standpoint again to the questions, mentioned in your letter, and have requested the Reichminister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory in a letter of 29 June 1938, to inform you about the Fuehrer's decision. Therefore, the questions, as far as they concern the validity of the Austrian Concordat, are taken care of by the letter of the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory of 12 July 1938--Rk 276 B Secret.

However, in order to be able to take into account the general political considerations in the measures, probably planned for Austria for the execution of this decision of the Fuehrer, and to keep to the church-political line of the Fuehrer, I request from you, to get into contact at the proper time before taking action in these measures besides with the Reich Commissioner for the incorporation of Austria into the Reich, also with the Reich Minister for church affairs and with the Fuehrer's deputy.

Heil Hitler! By order /s/ BORMANN (M. BORMANN)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 680-PS

SECRET

The Reich- and Prussian Minister of the Interior

Berlin, 5 May 1938 NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6

Phone: Dept Z, I, II, V, VIII 11 00 27, IV, VI, VII (Unter den Linden 70--72) 12 00 34

Cable address: Reichsinnenminister Nr I 176/38, 1014 g

Urgent

To:

a. The Reich- and Prussian Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, attention: Government Councillor [Regierungsrat] URLAUCH or his deputy in office.

b. The Foreign Office, attention: Councillor [AMTS- and HOFRAT] SCHIMPKE or his deputy in office.

c. The Reich Minister of Justice, attention: Ministerial Office Director STADERMANN or his deputy in office.

d. The Reich Minister for Education, attention: Government Councillor [Regierungsrat] JAEHNERT or his deputy in office.

e. The Deputy of the Fuehrer, attention: SS-Inspector KNOBLAUCH or his deputy in office.

f. The Reichsfuehrer SS and chief of the German Police attention: SS 2nd Lt, Government Councillor Dr. TANZMANN or his deputy in office.

SUBJECT: Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Austria.

The question of further validity of the Austrian Concordat (Konkordat) which has already been brought up by the Reich- and Prussian Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs in his letters to the Foreign Office of 22 March 1938--II 1563/38--and of 26 March 1938--G II 1596/38--, is one of fundamental importance for a number of matters to be worked out by the central office for the execution of the reunion of Austria with the German Reich as well as other offices of the Reich and Austria concerned with it. This question has to be brought to a conclusive clarification immediately.

I deem the following conceptions possible:

The Concordat will not be considered as binding already for the reason that it has not at all been reached within the framework of the constitution.

The more detailed reasons for that are evident from the following:

1. The negotiations for conclusion of the Concordat had come to an end already on 5 June 1933, on which day the Concordat had been initialed in Vatican City.

Regardless of that, the Concordat was not submitted for further constitutional processing by the federal government of Austria for almost a whole year, because the National Council of Austria was considered suspended in accordance with the so-called "self-elimination" thesis represented by the federal government due to the resignation of all its three presidents, and beyond that, the acceptance of the Concordat could not be expected because of the majority relationships as they existed at that time within the National Council.

The constitutional processing, in accordance with article 50 of the federal constitutional law as provided for in the version of 1929 (RGBl Nr 1/1930), would have had to consist of the fact that the Concordat, being a political and law-changing treaty of the State, would have to be presented to the National Council for approval in order to attain its validity, in which connection the respective decision regarding the character of this State treaty, which simultaneously changes the constitution, can only be made in the presence of at least half of the members of the National Council with a majority of two thirds of the votes cast; besides, the decision of the National Council would have had to be submitted to further prescribed procedure (presentation to the Federal Council).

The Concordat was processed further only in conjunction with the development which led to the constitution of 1934, and that in the following manner:

While, up to that date, the repeatedly uttered request for another session of the National Council had always been opposed on the ground that it was impossible to convoke it because of the so-called "self-elimination program" and whilst, on the basis of this claim, one had governed by means of the enabling act for war economy which had originally been passed for certain exclusively economic purposes (RGBl. No. 307/1917), now all of a sudden, also based on this act, by a decree dated 24 April 1934 (RGBl. I No. 238/1934), the federal act concerning the rules of procedure of the National Council was amended to the effect that, although a president did not exist, the National Council was in a position to reassemble.

This procedure was absolutely unconstitutional. The Federal Government prevented through police power the attempt of the last-retired president of the National Council to revive this body by summoning the National Council anew in his capacity as the last president. On the other hand, the Federal Government had also constantly refused to use the possibility given by article 18, paragraph 3-5 of the Federal constitutional Law of 1929, to set the National Council going again through an emergency decree of the Federal president. Instead of this, in the meantime, all possible legal measures were based upon the enabling act for war economy, which was entirely contrary to the realm of authorization of this law and entirely against the constitution. An especially notorious abuse of the enabling act for war economy was the employment of the enabling act for war economy for the issuance of the aforementioned decree with which the rules of procedure of the National Council were changed.

As it turned out, the National Council summoned on this basis no longer had the composition with which it had emerged from the last elections; on the contrary it was only a rump-parliament, because all mandates of the Social Democratic Labor Party in the meantime were also declared void by a decree of February 16, 1934 (RGBl. I Nr 100/1934) also based upon the before-mentioned enabling act for war economy.

This rump-parliament assembled on 30 April 1934 for a conference in which solemn declarations were made by the Gross Deutsche Volkspartei and the Landbund--the two parties with outspoken National character--in which the constitutional legality of the whole procedure was expressly disputed, after which all delegates of the two named parties left the conference, with the exception of one delegate of the Landbund who at the same time was holding a public office, so that for the further discussions and resolutions only the before-mentioned one delegate of the Landbund and the delegates of the Christian-Social-Party and the Heimatschutz remained who together comprised only 76 delegates.

These 76 delegates now passed the so called Federal Constitutional Law concerning extraordinary measures within the jurisdiction of the constitution (RGBl. I Nr. 255/1934). Through Art. I of which the above mentioned decrees of Art. 50 of the Federal Constitutional Law of 1929 concerning the co-operation of the National Council in National treaties were cancelled. This constituted, in addition to the unconstitutional manner of the summons, a further very substantial violation of the constitution, in that--as has been mentioned already in the beginning--according to Art. 44, section 1, of the Federal Constitutional Law in the version of 1929, constitutional laws could only be passed in the presence of at least one half of the members of the National Council with a two-thirds majority of the votes cast, but the National Council consisted, in accordance with paragraph 1 of the election rules of 165 delegates and therefore the presence of at least 83 delegates would have been required in order to pass upon a resolution changing the constitution.

After the federal constitutional law of 30 April 1934 had also been presented to the Federal Council which for the same reasons as the National Council, held sessions as a rump body, and it had issued no protest, it was announced yet on 30 April 1934, causing the day of its taking effect to be 1 May 1934.

Already during the night of 30 April to 1 May 1934, the exchange of ratifications prepared with the Papal Nuntio took place and already on the 1 May 1934 the concordat was made public in the federal gazette.

From the preceding explanation it is evident, that the Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Austria has been concluded under circumstances which offer the possibility to represent, with reasons which cannot be contradicted, the point of view that the conclusion of the Concordat was completely in violation of the constitution and therefore no legal validity can be attributed to the Concordat. In this respect it has to be noted that the fact that the Concordat was concluded in violation of the constitution was regarded as a fact already at that time in all serious judicial circles in Austria. (Compare in this respect particularly also the remarks referring to the Concordat made in the work of Guerke on "The Austrian Constitution of 1934" in the archive of public law, new edition, volume 25, page 178 pp.).

This point of view would open up the following additional path:

The Reich government declares to the Holy See on the basis of these facts that, after examining the legal angle, it had come to the conclusion that for the reason stated it could not recognize the Concordat any longer and is combining with that also with the effect "ex nunc" and with simultaneous legal settlement of the questions remaining unclarified through the abrogation of the Concordat, the abolition of the Austrian legal regulations referring to the Concordat (Federal law RGBl II, Nr. 8/1934 in the version of RGBl Nr. 134/1935 and decree RGBl II Nr. 13/1934).

2. The Concordat has expired automatically, through the reunion of Austria with the German Reich, because Austria has vanished as independent state, has obtained the constitutional position of a German state and therefore lost the position as a subject of international law. This point of view which by reason of logic can surely only be taken retroactive to 13 March 1938, would be based more exactly on the following:

Within the international legal sphere there is no general legal succession of the territorial successor into the rights and duties of the territorial predecessor. It rather has to be scrutinized in each case separately, whether a legal succession in accordance with international law occurs. With the fall of the territorial predecessor, the bilateral state treaties concluded by him are as a rule void. However some exceptions to this principle are recognized: National practice has shown that state treaties will be renewed tacitly by the territorial successor simply by administering them further. But a new state may also be forced, in order to obtain desired recognition, to take over certain state treaties. A general duty in accordance with international law for the fulfillment of obligations resulting from treaties made by the territorial predecessor, exists, however, only in the following cases: As a rule, state treaties which concern the territory of the state taken over as such, that is, so-called "ratifizierte" treaties (border treaties, treaties on rivers and roads of communication), will also fall to the territorial successor. Furthermore, those Concordats which have in accordance with customary law found recognition beyond the sphere of the partners of the treaty, will also be valid for the territorial successor. Lastly, rules can be established through a collective treaty which determines a certain order for a group of states. Those norms also remain in effect in case of territorial changes within that group and therefore also fall to the territorial successor. (Compare Verdross, international law 1937, Page 71.)

The following additional consequences would be combined with the conceptions mentioned above:

To 1: The establishment of the unconstitutional conclusion of the Concordat would first of all represent a strong moral verdict against the whole past system connected with the names Dollfuss and Schuschnigg in Austria, which could be politically very desirable for various reasons.

The attitude of the Reich government toward the other bilateral State treaties signed by Austria would not be prejudiced as no other state treaty of more importance was signed under the same circumstances as the Concordat. One would prefer this procedure in the expected discussions with other countries, some of which (Jugoslavia, Poland, England) have already referred to their stipulated rights in Austria.

The declaration that the Concordat will not be acknowledged on the grounds of unconstitutionality and the repeal of the connected Austrian legal provisions with "ex nunc" effect would not influence the validity of the legal acts based on the Concordat (especially on the field of matrimonial law as to states rights). An express legalization of the past is therefore not required.

Furthermore one could arrive at the point where the conception could be maintained that former Austrian territory, in contrast to remaining Reich territory, had become entirely free of the Concordat, an interpretation which would be especially unwelcome to the Holy See for various reasons, and would force open the entire question of the future relationship between the Reich and the Holy See with all the resulting consequences in favor of the Reich in eventual further conferences with the Holy See.

To 2: On a former occasion the church adopted this point of view, as the Reich- and Prussian Minister for church affairs has already pointed out in his letter to the Foreign Office of 22 March 1938.

Thus in a statement to the secret consistory of 21 November 1921 Pope Benedict XV discussed the question of the validity and tenure of the Concordats, since retroactive effects had arisen from the changes in state territories and organizations produced by the world war. Therein the Pope distinguished between countries which were newly created, countries with considerable territorial expansion, and countries which have changed so completely that they could not be considered the same "moral person". According to Pope Benedict XV opinion all these three classes of countries have "lost their privileges granted in former Concordats". It is quite evident, that Austria, after it became a part of the German Reich since March 13, 1938, cannot be considered the "same moral person" as before.

It has not yet been decided how the bilateral Austrian state Treaties of noneconomical nature which have been listed in the letter of the Foreign Office of April 6, 1938--R VII. 38 will be handled. One cannot yet perceive whether the Reich will take over one or the other of these treaties. This would no doubt be made use of by the Holy See to insist on the succession of the Reich as to the Austrian Concordat. On the other hand application of the theory of international law relating to succession of states as discussed above may lead to unnecessary suspicions in other cases, in which the Reich intends to bring about a peaceful solution with the other partner to the agreement.

If one is of the opinion that the Austrian Concordat is abolished by the actual reunion of Austria with the Reich then the question comes up whether, on account of the same fact of territorial expansion, the Concordat of the Reich logically would have to be regarded as applying to Austria too.

The Reich Concordat was, as far as I know, not expressly extended to the Saar-District, after the reembodiment of the latter into Germany; there can be no doubt, however, that the Reich Concordat has formal validity in the Saar-District today. Even though the Saar-District unlike the Federal State of Austria--had not concluded a Concordat of its own with the Holy See prior to its reembodiment, there can be no doubt as to the former independent legal competence in accordance with international law of the Saar-District. In view of a comparison with the Saar-District and the possible conclusion to be drawn with regard to Austria it seems advisable not to claim the expiration of the Concordat on the grounds that the Austrian independent state has ceased to exist.

The Austrian Concordat however, has established very incisive regulations in the sphere of matrimonial law as pointed out by the Reich Minister for Church Affairs, according to which the Canon Law alone is competent for marriages of Catholics; this law has the validity of a civil law; the publishing of bans and the laying down of obstacles to matrimony are stipulated according to Canon Law; Catholic Church authorities and law courts are competent for matrimonial affairs; the parson is a registrar at the same time. Should the Concordat therefore be considered as having expired as of March 13, 1938 a number of most complicated legal questions would arise; in particular the question as to what legal validity should be given to catholic matrimonies concluded in Austria after March 13, 1938 and which other legal consequences are to be considered as connected with such matrimonies. It would be regrettable should one have to draw the conclusion that legal acts based on the expired Concordat had subsequently to be sanctioned by the state.

On weighing the advantages and disadvantages of the two conceptions both of which can be supported by good legal arguments I should like to speak in favour of the conception explained under 1.

I shall be glad if you will inform me of your opinion about the question raised by May 15, 1938. I am quite aware of the fact that in view of its great political importance the decision can only be made by the Fuehrer and Reich chancellor.

After receipt of your communication I reserve the right to summon a conference.

Signed: Frick

* * * * *

SECRET

D. RM.d.J. Berlin, May 13, 1938 Special Delivery

To The REICH AND PRUSSIAN MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR c/o Ministerialrat Dr. Hoche

Subject: Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Austria.

Re: Communication of the 5th of this month TO THE OFFICE May 14, 1938 signed: Templev(?)5/14/

Nr. 1-176/38 1014 g; Despatched May 14, 1938 signed: Templev [?] Not later than today

Your communication, as per description on the margin was received here on the 9th of May. Considering the importance a proper handling of this matter carries for the official business under my jurisdiction I shall be unable to announce a final statement before the 15th of this month.

I therefore request that the time allotted me for a reply to the communication be tacitly extended to May 25.

for the office 5/14/38, 10 o'clock I.V.

EK.

(S) [Illegible] Final regulation of 5/23/38 with V a 146/38 g page 13 V a 138/38 g

* * * * *

V a 138/38 g

1. Note: Of the 4 spare copies which were procured I have given one to Ministerialrat Ficker and at the same time one to KGR Kaulbach because of the question of canonical law and at the same time for the minister.

Ministerialrat Ruppert, who has already offered a preliminary opinion, wants to express his conclusive opinion at a later date, since, he will presumably not be present by the end of the week, because of his vacation.

The report on the matter will probably be made to Secretary of State, Dr. Schlegelberger's, on Saturday the 21st, the report to the minister's on the 23rd of May. The matter should be fully prepared by that time.

2. The office is requested to refer on Monday May 16 the occurrences, including any opinions of the Ministries concerned to Min-Rat Dr. Kriege who is handling the matter.

Berlin, May 14, 1938

Presented upon arrival from the Reich and Prussian Ministry for Ecclesiastical Affairs on May 11, 1938.

The 4 duplicates have been placed in the file of papers to be destroyed.

* * * * *

To: Mr. Kriege, Counsellor of the Ministry of Interior, respectfully submitted:

Mr. Thees has asked me to give my opinion on the letter of the Ministry of Interior, dated 5.5, regarding the Austrian Concordat, insofar as the letter pertains to my sphere.

With regard to the reform work in the field of matrimonial law and, in close connection with it, the creation of a uniform matrimonial law for Greater Germany, two points are of decisive importance:

a. The Concordat must not offer any impediment as soon as this matrimonial law comes into force.

b. The legislation for the execution of the Concordat, namely the law of 4.5.1934, has to remain in force until this time.

This result, decisive for any further action, cannot be achieved, in my opinion, on the basis of the first proposal of the Ministry of Interior. If the Concordat were null and void on account of unconstitutionality, then the same would apply to the legislation for its execution; the marriages based on the law of 4.5.1934 would be void and would have to be sanctioned with retroactive force. It is not clear to me how, on the basis of this reasoning, the Ministry of Interior can achieve a non-retroactive result in the nullification (p. 5).

There remains, therefore, the second solution proposed by the Ministry of Interior. If the Concordat excludes state succession, it seems to me, nevertheless, that the expiration of the law of 4.5.1934 does not result with effective date of 13.3.38. Even if an international pact expires, it seems to me that the legislation for the execution would bind the subjects until it was abrogated by an act of the state. The statements on page 9 of the letter are inaccurate insofar as the marriages which were contracted after 13.3 were not contracted by virtue of the expired Concordat, but by virtue of the law of 4.5.1934. Accordingly, it seems to me that continuing effect of the law of 4.5.1934 can be achieved in this way.

/S/ Ficker 18/5

* * * * *

SECRET

Reich and Prussian Ministry for Church Affairs Berlin W.8., 3, Leipzigerstrasse, 11th May 1938 [stamp] Reich Ministry of Justice, 13th May 1938. Sect. V. Re: Austrian Concordat. Communication of the Reich Minister of the Interior, May 5, 1938 I 176/38 1014 g Va 138/38g (Contents noted for the Minister)

The question whether the Austrian Concordat should be considered by the Reich Government as having been illegal and invalid from the very start, or as having been abolished by the revolution or whether it should be expressly cancelled can not be decided from a legal point of view but has to be decided from a political point of view.

This political decision can only be taken by the Fuehrer. Suggestions to this effect will be made to him by the Ministers competent in questions of foreign policy and of church affairs, i.e., by the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs and by the Minister for Church Affairs, who have already contacted each other for this purpose.

Also the question of the Reich Concordats to Austria (which, by the way, is utterly unbearable) is not a legal but a political matter. The question of the continuation of the Reich Concordat and of the "state"--Concordats is connected with this problem. Here, too, the decision rests with the Fuehrer.

With regard to the execution of the necessary laws in Austria, resp. to the introduction of Reich laws in Austria the only decisive factor is the political interest of the Reich, whereby the Austrian Concordat will be considered as non-existent.

Signed: KERRL.

To:

a. The Reich Minister of the Interior

b. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs

c. The Reich Minister of Justice

d. The Reich Minister of Education

e. The Deputy of the Fuehrer

f. The Reich Leader of SS troops and Chief of the German Police

g. The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancery

(In connection with a 146/38g) Va- 139/38g

* * * * *

SECRET

The Reich and Prussian Minister of Education, etc. Berlin W8, May 17, 1938 Z II a Nr. 10074 Geh/38 Reich Ministry of Justice May 18, 1938 Dept. V Off. a

In reference to the communication of May 5, 1938--I 176/38, 1014 g, V a 138/38 g, re: Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Austria.

I agree with your conception in the final analyses.

The Austrian concordat did not--according to your arguments--enter into a due constitutional existence and is therefore without legal effect. However, in contradistinction to your arguments, I believe it correct to assume that the treaty was void from the beginning (ab initio) and not from now on. Therefore all legal acts which have taken place up to the day of establishment of invalidity of the Austrian concordat would have to be sanctioned retroactively.

Looking at both possibilities, as presented by you, the Austrian concordat is void ab initio, in the first case as represented by you and also by me from the very beginning, in the second case from March 13, 1938 on. For legal considerations, in both cases, the subsequent sanctioning of any legal acts, carried out meanwhile, is absolutely required.

By registered mail.

1. Reich Minister and Prussian Minister of the Interior, Attention: Min. Buerodirektor Stoppel or acting deputy.

2a. Reich Minister and Prussian Minister for Church Affairs, Attention Regierungsrat Urlacher or acting deputy.

b. The Foreign Deputy Office, Attention Amts- and Hofrat Schimpke or acting deputy.

c. Reich Minister of Justice, Attention Min. Buerodirektor Stadermann or acting deputy.

d. Deputy of the Fuehrer, Attention SS-Oberfuehrer Knoblauch or acting deputy.

e. Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police, Attention SS-Untersturmfuehrer Reg.Rat Dr. Tanzmann or acting deputy.

to 2 Duplicate for taking note of. [In long hand:] Dr. Kriege V a 146/38/1 Encl. (2 dupl) Duplicate to file E 26

* * * * *

The first possibility, the establishment of the legal invalidity of the Austrian Concordat, has in its favor, as ably shown by you, that a moral condemnation of the past system in Austria is brought about. This system seized the power without a mandate of the Austrian people and concluded the concordat without authorization on the part of the Austrian people. Further, I don't think, that we have to fear the effects upon the Saarland, which you indicated. However, it seems to me of the utmost importance, that the treaties, concluded by Austria with other states, have not been concluded under similar circumstances; therefore these states do not have to fear similar consequences, a fact, which should be pointed out at the time of the declaration of the invalidity of the Austrian concordat.

However, I think it advisable, to refer while dealing with the Curia, especially since this point of view was also advocated by Pope Benedict XV in his statement of November 21, 1921, before the Secret Consistory (Geheimkonsistorium).

I also take the position that Austria is without any concordat after the establishment of the invalidity of the Austrian concordat. I do not consider an extension of the Reich-concordat to Austria appropriate from the point of view of my office.

By authority of the State Secretary.

Signed KUNISCH Certified: [signature illegible] Verwaltungssekretaer

* * * * *

19 May 1938

1. Minister of Education, signed Kunisch, May 17, secret, sends copy of his letter of May 17th to the Minister of the Interior, concerning the Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Austria.

I agree with your concept as far as results are concerned.

The Austrian Concordat is devoid of legal validity, since it was not concluded in an orderly fashion and in accordance with the constitution, as apparent from your explanations. However, I shall have to differ with you on the point that the contract is not merely invalid "ex nunc" (from now on) but "ex tunc", i.e., from the very beginning. The necessity arises therewith to sanction retroactively all legal acts executed by reason of the Concordat till the date when invalidity of the Austrian Concordat was proven.

Entering upon the two possibilities explained by you, the Austrian Concordat would therefore be invalid "ex tunc", as far as your first case and also mine is concerned from the very beginning, and in the second case as of 13 March 1938. In both cases the need arises on the basis of judicial-political considerations for retroactive sanction of legal acts executed in the meantime.

The first possibility, the proof of the constitutional invalidity of the Austrian Concordat, carries a moral condemnation of the former system in Austria, as you have explained so fittingly: a system that without the mandate of the Austrian people had usurped the power of state and concluded a Concordat without the official approval (legitimation) of the Austrian people. I should add, that I have no fear of possible conclusions a posteriori concerning the Saar-District, which you have mentioned. I consider it of highest importance that other treaties concluded with other States by Austria were not made under similar circumstances, thus those States had no reason to fear similar repercussions for themselves, a fact which should be emphasized immediately upon presentation of proof of the invalidity of the Austrian Concordat.

However, I consider it correct procedure, that we should assist the Curia (Kurie) by showing them the second possibility, specially that this conception was advocated by Pope Benedictus XV in his declaration of 21 November 1921 before the Secret Consistorium.

I also support the viewpoint that after proof has been presented of the invalidity of the Austrian Concordat, Austria will be free of concordats. An extension of the Reich Concordat to include Austria I would not consider advisable or within the interest of my sphere of competence.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 682-PS

DISCUSSION OF THIERACK WITH DR. GOEBBELS ON SEPT. 14, 1942 IN BERLIN

1--2.15 p.m.

2. With regard to the destruction of asocial life, Dr. Goebbels is of the opinion that the following groups should be exterminated: Jews and gypsies unconditionally, Poles who have to serve 3-4 years of penal servitude, and Czechs and Germans who are sentenced to death or penal servitude for life or to security custody [Sicherungsvorwahrung] for life. The idea of exterminating them by labor is the best. For the rest however, except in the aforementioned cases, every case has to be dealt with individually. In this case, of course, Czechs and Germans have to be differently judged. There may be cases where a German sentenced to 15 years of penal servitude is not to be considered asocial, but in contrast to this a person sentenced to penal servitude up to 8 years may be.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 686-PS

Copy to RK 26272 B

Decree of the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor to strengthen German folkdom

Oct 7th 1939.

The consequences of the Versailles Treaty have been removed in Europe. Now the Greater German Reich has the possibility of admitting into its territory, Germans who had to live abroad, and to resettle them, and to arrange the settlement of the groups of people, within her sphere of interest, in a way that there will be better distinction between them. I entrust the Reichsfuehrer SS with the execution of this task according to the following regulations:

I

The Reichsfuehrer SS has the obligation in accordance with my directives:

1. to bring back for final return into the Reich all German nationals and racial Germans in the foreign countries;

2. to eliminate the harmful influence of such alien parts of the population, which represent a danger to the Reich and German folk community;

3. the forming of new German settlements by resettling and in particular by settling of the returning German citizens and racial Germans from abroad.

The Reichsfuehrer SS is authorized to take all necessary general and administrative measures for the execution of this obligation.

The Reichsfuehrer SS can assign certain living areas to the parts of the population in question in order to execute the tasks given to him in Article I, No. 2.

II

In the occupied former Polish territories the Administration Chief of the East [Verwaltungschef Ober-Ost] carries out the tasks assigned to the Reichsfuehrer SS according to the latter's general orders. The Verwaltungschef Ober-Ost and the subordinated chiefs of administration of the military districts are responsible for the execution. Then measures have to be adjusted to the requirements of the military leadership.

Persons who are furnished special orders in execution of this task, are not subject to military jurisdiction in that respect.

III

The tasks assigned to the Reichsfuehrer SS, so far as the reorganization of German farmers is concerned will be executed by the Reich Minister for Nutrition and Agriculture following the general directives of the Reichsfuehrer SS.

Otherwise the Reichsfuehrer SS will make use, within the territory of the German Reich, for the execution of his task of the existing authorities and institutions of the Reich, the states and the communities as well as all other public institutions and the existing settlement societies.

In case an agreement required by law and administrative organization cannot be reached about a measure to be taken, between the Reichsfuehrer SS and the competent higher Reichs-authority in the operational territory of the Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres, my decision has to be sought through the Reich Minister and the Chief of the Reich Chancellory.

IV

Negotiations with foreign governments and other authorities as well as with racial Germans, as long as they are still abroad, will be conducted in cooperation with the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs [Reichsminister des Auswaertigen].

V

If land is required for the settlement within Germany of returning German citizens and racial Germans the law on providing land for purposes of the army of March 29th, 1935 (Reichsgesetzblatt I page 467) and its executive regulations will be applied to provide the necessary land. The tasks of the Reich agency for providing land [Reichsstelle fuer Landbeschaffung] will be taken over by the agency designated by the Reichsfuehrer SS.

VI

The Reichsminister for Finance will provide the Reichsfuehrer SS with the necessary means for the execution of the measures.

Berlin 7 October 1939 The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor signed: Adolf Hitler. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers for all Defenses of the Reich signed: Goering General Field Marshal The Reich Minister and the Chief of the Reich Chancellery signed: Dr. Lammers The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces signed: Keitel.

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 695-PS

SECRET

Copy

Berlin--Schoeneberg Badensche Strasse 51, March 24, 1942 Armed forces high command z 2f 24. 73 AWA/prisoners of war [general?] (Ia), p. 389/428 Reference:

a. armed forces high command/prisoners of war No. 3058/41 g of September 1941.

b. armed forces high command/prisoners of war No. 3624/41 g of November 2, 1941.

1. Treatment of Soviet prisoners of war.

The necessity of increased use of the labor of Soviet prisoners of war necessitates a new regulation of their treatment. The statutes in reference to this matter are repealed, and the following regulation is in effect in the future for the treatment of Soviet prisoners of war:

A. Treatment of Soviet Prisoners of War in General

Bolshevism is the mortal enemy of National Socialist Germany. The Soviet soldier must on principle be considered a carrier of Bolshevism. Therefore it answers political necessity and the authority and dignity of the German armed forces, for every German soldier to keep his distance from the Soviet prisoners of war.

With cool and correct treatment, avoidance of violence and insults, and protection from public curiosity, the work done by the Soviet prisoners of war can be increased. It is forbidden to carry out retaliatory measures against them.

On the other hand, any attempted fraternization is to be rejected. Even the public must at all times be aware of the feeling of pride and superiority of the German soldier detailed to guard Soviet prisoners of war.

Ruthless and energetic action in cases of uncooperativeness, refusal to work, and negligence in work, especially toward Bolshevist agitators, is to be ordered; insubordination or active resistance must be completely removed immediately with a weapon (bayonet, gun-butt, or firearm, no sticks). The decree concerning use of arms by the armed forces is to be interpreted strictly. Whoever does not use his weapon or does not use it energetically enough in seeing that an order is carried out is liable to punishment (see [volume?] VI, 12). Notation: also page 8).

2. All traffic between the Soviet prisoners of war and the civilian population is to be prevented. Special attention is to be given to the separation of the captured officers, which has in general already been carried out by the field army, in the territory of the armed forces commanders and in the Reich territory; especially since Soviet officers for understandable reasons frequently pass themselves off as enlisted men. Any communication between the Soviet officers and men, even by signs, must be made impossible. (see [volume?] V).

3. A camp police corps is to be formed within the camps and the larger labor details of suitable Soviet prisoners of war. This police corps will be appointed and supervised by commandants to keep order and maintain discipline.

B. Individual Instructions

I. Food and clothing:

4. According to principle all prisoners of war receive equal treatment. In regard to the feeding of Soviet prisoners of war, however, the rates established in the armed forces high command statute Az. 62 f Va/AG V III/V 3 (V d) of February 27, 1942, is in effect in the home war area.

If the food is prepared without loss of food value and if the distribution times are sensibly spaced throughout the day, these food rations are adequate to feed the prisoners of war. Points to be especially considered in preparing food are contained in the "Collection of orders No. 11".

Especially in winter, the food is to be served warm if possible and is to be distributed as often as possible during the day. The contractors should distribute warm food not only after work but also in pauses in the work. The suitable feeding of the Soviet prisoners of war is especially important, since their physical efficiency is low, partly as a result of years of undernourishment, partly as a result of food difficulties in the Soviet army and as a result of war events.

Since the prisoners of war recover more easily on individual fare outside the camps than on mass feeding in the camps, it is recommended that Soviet prisoners be put to work even if they are not yet completely fit for work. Full achievement cannot, of course, be expected in that case (compare army high command of 19 February 1942, Az. 2f 24. 17 b prisoners of war Org. (III b) No. 678/42).

As far as possible, foreign tobacco goods will be made available for Soviet prisoners of war in the camps. German tobacco is not to be given to Soviet prisoners of war.

The matter of clothing was settled by decree army high command Az. 2f 24. 23a prisoners of war (II, 2) No. 5632/41 of 22 August 1941. According to this, the clothing debit of the Soviets corresponds to that of the other prisoners of war.

II. Work:

5. As a result of the general labor situation, the employment of the Soviet prisoners of war, including officers, derives decisive significance. In principle it is permitted everywhere, unless there are objections for reasons of defense in individual cases. (Compare enclosed statute Az. 2f 24. 17 b, chief of prisoners of war [organization?] III b No. 1474/42 of 1 April 1942, and No. 1396/42 of 9 April 1942)

In general labor columns of at least 20 men are to be provided for. In industrial economy, however, it is permissible in cases of urgent business necessity to use smaller labor details down to 5 men in various departments of the * * * concern, even in "protected" concerns. However, in such cases the employment of smaller groups requires the special approval of the competent defense post and of the armament command. A prerequisite is the presence of an adequate number of reliable foremen who have been investigated in regard to defense as "auxiliary guards".

The employment of officers requires the special approval of the army high command in each case.

The responsibility for the orderly employment of the Soviet prisoners of war in the Reich rests exclusively on the bureaus ordering their employment:

a. Armed forces high command, chief of prisoners of war affairs;

b. Reich minister for armament and munitions;

c. General plenipotentiary for the labor supply in the four-year plan.

The borrowing of Soviet prisoners of war is regulated for the Reich by statute Az. 2f 24. 27a prisoners of war (II, 2) No. 6999/41 of 29 September 1941, and supplementary statutes:

Az. 2f 24. 27a prisoners of war (II,2) No. 7645/41 of 23 October 1941

Az. 2f 24. 27a prisoners of war (II,2) No. 8218/41 of 14 November 1941

Az. 2f 24. 27a prisoners of war (II,2) No. 9170/41 of 22 December 1941

Az. 2f 24. 17s prisoners of war (I,5) No. 8102/41 of 22 December 1941

Az. 2f 24. 17s prisoners of war [org.?] (III b) No. 512/42 of 18 February 1942

and for the territories of Ostland (Baltic countries and White Russia) and the Ukraine by statute armed forces high command Az. 2f 24. 17s prisoners of war [organization?]

(III b) No. 463/42 of 29 January 1942. For the rest of the eastern territories and the Gouvernement General the following decrees are in effect:

Army high command/general staff of the army/ general quarters/ IVa (III,2) Az. 961/42 No. I/ 5784/42 of 12 January 1942

Army high command/ general staff of the army general quarters/ IVa (III,2) Az. 961/42 No. I/ 5784/42 of 4 February 1942.

The employment and work of the Soviet prisoners of war are to be under the strictest control. Strong measures are to be taken in any case of refusal to work.

Poor or mediocre work not due to weak constitution, exhaustion, physical condition, or a similar cause must immediately incur appropriate punishment.

III. Free time:

6. Musical instruments can be obtained and distributed. Arts and crafts in the sense of statute AZ. 2f 24. 72g prisoners of war Ch 2 No. 5671/41 of 9 August 1941 are to be encouraged.

They are not forbidden to organize religious services among themselves, whether by captured priests of the camp or by laymen. Spiritual consolation for the dying as well as the presence of a captured priest or lay-priest at burials are permitted. (see VIII).

It is forbidden to bring in members of the clergy who are not prisoners of war. No religious writings may be distributed.

IV. Treatment of minorities:

7. Special orders are issued according to need regarding the majority of the peoples among the Soviet prisoners of war; as far as such orders have been issued, they remain fully in effect.

For all members of the most important Soviet minorities

a. The delivery of musical instruments (balalaika, etc.)

b. The supplying of well-heated rooms during the winter months;

c. The supplying of appropriate literature chosen in agreement with armed forces high command/WFST/A Pr and armed forces high command/A Qusl Abw/Abw are permitted. The camp funds which have been accumulated by Soviet prisoners of war are available for necessary procurement.

The extent to which special food and a better tobacco supply are to be granted is determined in special orders.

d. An available barracks room is if possible to be placed at the disposal of the Mohammedan prisoners of war, where half-hour prayer sessions may be held several times a day.

e. In addition they are to be permitted to select a Mullah or Iman (priest).

V. Separation of prisoners of war and civilians of the Eastern campaign:

8. Deserters: The peculiar circumstances of the Eastern campaign in many cases made it impossible to guarantee the special consideration in captivity promised to deserters. The result of this fact on the Soviet front has made itself felt in a most undesirable way, through Soviet prisoners of war who have escaped and managed to reach their homes. The German troops on the Eastern front have now been instructed, therefore, to give every deserter a certificate that he has surrendered voluntarily and that special treatment in captivity was promised him.

For the most part, the deserters will be employed with the troops. When they are sent to the armed forces commanders and to the Reich, however, they are to retain their deserter certificates.

They are to be given preferential treatment in billeting in the camp, in feeding, and in the assignment of work places. It is urgently desired that they be kept together, segregated from the other Soviet prisoners of war, in labor commands.

9. For the segregation of Soviet prisoners of war and the civilians present in the camps, the following is in effect, besides the division by nationalities in the prisoners of war camps, according to figure IV:

To be segregated:

a. Politically undesirable persons,

b. Officers,

c. Politically harmless persons,

d. Politically especially reliable persons (who can be used in the reconstruction of the occupied territories).

10. While the first separation according to figure 9 is undertaken, as far as possible, by the camp organs themselves, the Reichsfuehrer SS makes special details of the security police and the security service available to segregate the Soviet prisoners of war by their political attitude. They are directly under the chief of the security police and of the security service and have been especially trained for their special task. They take their measures and make their inquiries before the Soviet prisoners of war are put to work within the framework of the camp order, according to directives which they have received from the chief of the security police and the security service.

The special details are instructed to work in the closest cooperation with the commandants, and especially with their defense officers. If the Soviet prisoners of war are put to work without previous examination in exceptional cases because of the necessity for hastened commitment of labor the special details of the security police and the security service will undertake the segregation at the place of the labor detail. The head of the labor detail and, if the occasion arises, the contractor will be consulted before the segregation in doubtful cases. The special details will then request of the prisoner of war camps the surrender of those Soviet prisoners of war who are then claimed. The approval of the chiefs of the security police and the security service in Berlin is to be submitted to the camp commandants. The request for surrender of the prisoners is then to be met.

Prisoners of war who are put to work after investigation are to be constantly watched by the guards in regard to their sentiments. If in time a Soviet prisoner of war proves himself to be unreliable, he is first to be turned over to the prisoner of war camp which will take care of turning him in to the security service if the occasion arises.

If on the basis of the decree armed forces high command Az. 2f 24. 17b prisoners of war [organisation?] (II b) No. 678/42 of 19 February 1942, Soviet prisoners of war who are not fully capable of working are given special fare in order that they may gradually be made fully capable of working, the contractor is to receive full compensation if for political reasons it becomes necessary to turn them over to the security service.

11. Further treatment of the groups segregated under figure 9:

a. Military personnel: Military personnel includes those soldiers who were captured in civilian clothes. Concerning those segregated as "politically undesirable elements" (see figure 9).

Officers will not always but sometimes be subject to segregation as "politically undesirable persons".

Should individuals first considered undesirable later prove to be trustworthy, they will, as far as they had already been turned over, be transferred to the labor details assigned to the Reichsfuehrer SS or to the nearest prisoner of war camp or officers camp.

b. Civilians: Concerning undesirable persons see figure 10. As far as they are not politically dangerous, their prompt return to the occupied territory is to be desired, except insofar as they do not volunteer for further work in Germany as civilian workers. The competent armed forces commander (or the commander of the army rear area) with the approval of the competent bureau of the chiefs of the security police and the security service, determines the time for possible return. A prerequisite for return is a guarantee of work at home in labor formations which are to be specially set up. The armed forces commander (or the commander of the army rear area) is responsible for guarding during the return journey. If possible the command posts are to supply escort details.

c. Politically especially reliable persons (see 9d) are to be used for the segregation of politically undesirables and for work in the camp administration. (Racial Germans are especially pointed out; however, one must figure, that even among them there are elements, who must be considered "politically undesirable".)

Since the Reichsfuehrer SS for his own purposes must rely in the occupied territories on the conscription of natives, the conscription command will request from the ranks of the Soviet prisoners of war especially trustworthy persons for use and reconstruction in the occupied territory. Such requests for release by the conscription command of the security police and the SD are to be reported to the supreme command armed forces.

VI. Procedure in case of escapes or punishable acts:

12. Escaping Soviet prisoners of war are to be shot immediately without previous warning. Proclamation on the bulletin board and during roll call is necessary. Contrary directives of H Dv 38/11, Page 13, etc., are rescinded thus far.

No warning shots are to be fired. On the other hand, arbitrary use of firearms is forbidden. If a Soviet prisoner of war is shot by a guard, for the purpose of keeping up discipline and to prevent unjustified shooting, in every case a short description of the happening is to be presented to the camp commandant with the following details:

a. Whether anything is to be done.

b. Whether action appears necessary for disciplinary reasons.

c. Whether a report of the facts will be submitted.

13. The following order, published in the armed forces regulation, remains in force:

It is the duty of all soldiers to watch for every unguarded Soviet prisoner of war, to arrest him, and to deliver him to the nearest police station. If a prisoner of war camp is in the immediate vicinity, the prisoner of war is to be delivered there.

OKW Az 2f 24. 19m AWA/prisoner of war (I, 6) of 29 Oct 1941.

Civilians, as well as prisoners of war of other nations, who return escaping Soviet prisoners of war may be rewarded.

Compare:

OKW AZ 2f 24.20 PWs (II) No 4493/40 of 11 Dec. 40 OKW Az 2f 24.20a PWs (112) No 3572/41 of 26 May 41 OKW Az 2f 24.20a PWs (112) No. 8162/41 of 12 Nov 41

14. The recaptured Soviet prisoners of war, even if they were delivered to police stations, must be turned over by them to the nearest prisoner of war camp. Considering the danger of spotted fever, isolation is necessary.

The camp commandant must find out in every individual case the cause for escape. If the reason for the escape is only the longing for his family or hunger, and if the PW has not committed any crimes during his flight, then he is to be disciplined by the camp commandant and to be returned to work.

15. If a Soviet prisoner of war commits in camp on another prisoner of war murder, manslaughter or another crime, for which there is no punitive regulation in the German criminal code, which however demands the most severe punishment (for instance cannibalism, to bring about incapability to work by self-mutilation), then the criminal is to be turned over to the secret state police [Gestapo]. Also in the case of other crimes by a Soviet prisoner of war (for instance during flight), the camp commandant must turn over the criminal to the secret state police unless he is convinced a disciplinary measure or the judicial punishment which is to be expected after interview with the judge of the competent army court is sufficient to retain the discipline of the camp. Punishment for disobedience is only possible if the prisoner of war disobeys a distinct order, given to him and understood by him.

16. In the case of every transfer to the secret state police the prisoner of war is to be discharged from captivity, and the transfer is to be reported to the armed forces information bureau if a registration has already taken place.

VII. Funerals:

The following shall apply to funerals of deceased prisoners of war:

1. Funerals are to take place unobtrusively and in a simple manner. Treatment in the press radio or motion pictures is prohibited.

2. A German military delegation will not be provided. Participation by comrades of the deceased, who belong to the same prisoner of war enclosure is permitted. Civilians may not participate.

3. Gun salute will not be given.

4. Wreaths of Soviet prisoners, may, if allowed, only carry black or white ribbons; no wreath may be deposited by Germans.

5. Clergymen or their helpers may participate if they belong to the camp itself; in the case of Mohammedans, religious servants may be brought in if it is possible without special effort.

6. Coffins are prescribed; however each corpse (without clothes, if those are still in any way usable) is to be wrapped in strong paper or otherwise appropriate material.

In the mass graves, the corpses are to be placed next to each other at a depth of the grave, usual at the locality, and they are to be equipped with an identification tag as always, so that it can be determined later on, with the aid of a card file, which corpses are concerned.

7. In cemeteries, the graves are to be kept separate or at a proper distance from other graves; in camp cemeteries, the sequence of graves of other prisoners of war may not be disturbed.

8. If it is possible with special effort, cremation is permitted. In this case also, the camp must keep lists. However, corpses of Mohammedans must be interred in any case, and with the head facing East, the face South.

9. On the "Interment of corpses of Soviet prisoners of war by the communities", the decree IV e 10363/41, 3991 of 27 Oct 41 has been forwarded to them by the Reichsminister of the Interior.

10. The regulation, OKW Az. 29k AWA/W Allg. (II) No. 4470/41 of 29 July 41 on "Funerals for enemy military personnel, deceased or killed in action," will be synchronized in section D with the above regulation.

Distribution:

Armed Forces Command: I (21), II (21), III (22), IV (40), V (23), VI (26), VII (16), VIII (31), IX (25), X (17), XI (13), XIII (15), XII (18), XVII (13), XX (12), XXI (19),

with additional copies for: officer prisoner of war camps Base prisoner of war camps Interment camps Prisoner of war construction and work battalions Reserve hospitals (Prisoner of War) A S T E N (Branches?) Service command doctors Service command chaplains 345 Service Command administration with additional copies for the finance officers 34 Reichsminister for air and Airforce Supreme Commander/ LWEHR E with additional copies 40 Naval Supreme Command/N WEHR I with additional copies. For camp navy stations and finance officers 4 Armed forces commander OSTLAND, RIGA 1 Commander of prisoner of war with the armed forces commander Ukraine, ROWNO 1 Military commander of the Government General with 1 additional copy for each the chief quartermaster and the administration 4 Commander of prisoners of war in the Government General, Lublin 1 Armed forces commander, Norway Headquarters OSLO 1 Armed Forces Commander Norway Headquarters Finland 1

By communications:

Foreign office 1 Reichsminister for occupied Eastern territories 1 Inspector General for German roads 1 Inspector General for the Reich Capital 1 Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German police 1 SS Regulations administration in the SS High Command Berlin-Wilmersdorf, Kaiserallee 188 1 Plenipotentiary general for labor allocation in the Four Year Plan 1 Reichsminister for labor 1 Reichsminister for nutrition and agriculture 1 Reichsministry for Economy 1 Reichsministry for Interior 1 Reichsminister for church affairs, Berlin W 8, Leipziger Str. 3 1 The German General with the High Command of the Rumanian armed forces 3 Army high Command/ General Staff of the army/ Quartermaster General 1 Army administrator 1 Chief of the Army armament and Commander of the replacement army/VA (V I, V 9) 3 (V II, V 6) 1 (V, II, V 2) 1

For Army: officers (VII, V 10) 5 forestry (VII, V 3) 1 (V IV, V 4) 1 (V IV, V 7) 1 AHA/Staff 1 /AgEH/ Gr S 1 /Clothing 1 /S In 1 OKW/WFST/ Deputy Chief WFST 1 /Foreign 1 /C I II 1 /C I III 1 OKW/WR 1 /AWA/20 V Chief OKW 1 /Inspect of Prisoners of war 1 /T 1 /W Allg. 1 V A. OKW/Prisoners of War Major von Rosenberg, Paris 1 AWA/Prisoner of War Organisation 1 Ing. course Base camps II D Stargar 1 Reserve 68 ------ = 550 New Reserve (copies) 300 ------ 850

By order of the Chief, Supreme Command Armed Forces (OKW) /s/ REINECKE [Rubber stamp]: Certified v. Graevenitz Generalmajor

[in ink]

Certifying above copy Koerner (?) Captain

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 699-PS

Berlin W 8, August 25 39 Unter den Linden 13

Reich Minister Walter Funk

MY FUEHRER!

Let me thank you sincerely from the bottom of my heart for the good wishes you sent me for my birthday in such a friendly and kind manner. How happy and thankful we have to be to you that we are allowed to see these overwhelmingly great and world-shaking times and be able to cooperate in the mighty events of these days.

The information transmitted to me by Field Marshal Goering that you, my Fuehrer, have in principal approved last night the measures prepared by me for the financing of the war and for the shaping of wage and price conditions, and of the carrying out of an emergency sacrifice has made me extremely happy. Herewith I report most obediently that by the careful forethought of the last few months I succeeded in making the German Reichsbank so strong internally, so unassailable from the outside, that even the heaviest shocks of the international finance and credit system cannot touch us in any way. Meanwhile, I have quite inconspicuously transferred into gold all assets in any way available of the Reich Bank and the whole Germany economy abroad. Through the suggestions I have worked out to keep down ruthlessly any non-vital consumption and any public expenses and tasks of no importance to the war. We will be in a position to satisfy all demands to be made on the finances and economy without any serious shocks.

As the plenipotentiary general for economical affairs, called upon by you, my Fuehrer, I thought it my duty in this hour to submit this report and this vow.

Heil my Fuehrer WALTHER FUNK

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 701-PS

The Reich Minister of Justice 4410 b-Vs 1 379/43 g Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstrasse 65 1 April 1943 Telephone 11 00 44 Long Distance 11 65 16

To The Public Prosecutors of the Courts of Appeal,

To the Commissioner of the Reich Minister of Justice for the penal camps in Emsland.

PAPENBURG (Ems)

Regarding: Poles and Jews who are released from the penal institutions of the Department of Justice.

Instructions for the independent penal institutions.

1. With reference to the new guiding principles for the application of Article 1, Section 2 of the decree of 11 June 1940 (Reich Legal Gazette I S. 877)--attachment I of the decree (RV) of 27 January 1943--9133/2 enclosure I-III a_2_ 2629--the Reich Chief Security Office has directed by the decree of 11 March 1943--II A 2 number 100/43--176:

a. Jews, who in accordance with number VI of the guiding principles, are released from a penal institution, are to be taken by the State Police (Chief) Office competent for the district in which the penal institution is located, for the rest of their lives to the concentration camps Auschwitz or Lublin in accordance with the regulations for protective custody that have been issued.

The same applies to Jews who in the future are released from a penal institution after serving a sentence of confinement.

b. Poles, who in accordance with number VI of the guiding principles are released from a penal institution, are to be taken by the State Police (Chief) Office competent for the district in which the penal institution is located, for the duration of the war to a concentration camp in accordance with the regulations on protective custody that have been issued.

The same applies in the future to Poles who, after serving a term of imprisonment of more than 6 months, are to be discharged by a penal institution.

Conforming to the request of the Chief Office for Reich Security, I ask that in the future,

a. All Jews to be discharged,

b. All Poles to be discharged,

Who have served a sentence of more than 6 months be designated for further confinement to the State Police (Chief) Office competent for the district and are to be placed promptly at its disposal, before the end of sentence for conveyance.

2. This ruling replaces the hitherto ordered return of all Polish prisoners undergoing imprisonment in the Old Reich condemned in annexed Eastern territories. The decree (RV) of 28 July 1942--4410 b Vs 1 1731--has lost its meaning. Imprisonment up to 6 months imposed within the incorporated Eastern territories, excluding exceptions, is to be carried out in these territories, and not in the Old Reich.

By order of

Dr. Eichler [Stamp: Reichministry of Justice, Office of the Ministry] Certified: [signed] Freyer Clerk of Justice

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 705-PS

The Reichsfuehrer SS Berlin-Grunewald 1. Feb 1943 SS Hauptamt, Office VI Hagenstrasse 45 VI/1--Ni-- VS--Tagbuch No 704/43 geh. VI-Tagbuch No 214/43 geh.

SECRET

[Stamped:] 000579 * 5 Feb 1943 Akt Z . . . G/S/23

To SS-Standartenfuehrer Sievers Ahnenerbe Office Berlin--Dahlem Puecklerstr 16

By order of SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr Riedweg, Office VI--German Leitstelle--sends in the enclosed the minutes of the conference on the 12 Jan 1943 of the SS-Committee for General Labor in the German zone, with a request for acknowledgement.

By direction

BERGER [?] (SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer)

* * * * *

The Reichsfuehrer-SS Bln-Wilmersdorf 1, 20 Jan 1943 SS-Hauptamt, Office VI Hohenzollerndamm 31 VI/1--Dr. Schm/Ni.-- VS--Tgb Nr 704/43 geh. VI--Tgb Nr 214/43 geh.

SECRET

Minutes of the conference on the 12 Jan 1943 at 1200 of the SS-Committee for General Labor in the German zone, took place at the SS-Hauptamt

The following participated in the conference:

1. SS-Brigadefuehrer SS-Fuehrungshauptamt, Kommando Bauer Allgemeine-SS. 2. SS-Oberfuehrer Kommandeur der SS-Mannschaftshaeuser Ellersieck 3. SS-Standartenfuehrer SS-Wirtschafts-Verwaltungs-hauptamt Loerner 4. SS-Standartenfuehrer Fuersorge- u. Versorgungsamt Schmidt Ausland 5. SS-Standartenfuehrer Sievers Amt Ahnenerbe 6. SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr Riedweg SS-Hauptamt, Amt VI 7. SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr Stier Stabshauptamt of the Reich Commissioner for the consolidation of the German nationality 8. SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Paulus SS-Personal-Hauptamt 9. SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr Tesch Amt Lebensborn 10. SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr Sichelschmidt Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle 11. SS-Obersturmfuehrer Harderer Race and Settlement Hauptamt 12. SS-Obersturmfuehrer Dr Schneider Amt Ahnenerbe 13. SS-Obersturmfuehrer Dr Schmidt SS-Hauptamt, Amt VI 14. SS-Obersturmfuehrer Ulrich SS-Hauptamt, Amt VI

As introduction SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr Riedweg delivered a report on conditions in the German territories.

During the period covered by the report, hostile circles in the German territories have made themselves more actively noticeable. Various measures have had an aggravating effect on the political developments, primarily the compulsory labor and service conscription in Flanders and the Netherlands.

The development of the conscription situation makes it necessary to have larger procurement programs organized even in Germanic regions. All Germans--with the exception of the Flemish--are collected in one German association. The Flemish remain in the "Langemarck" regiment.

Meanwhile, the "Prinz Eugen" division has been transferred to Croatia. Furthermore a Croatian legion is to be activated here, which is to be under the command of SS-Gruppenfuehrer Phleps.

Of great importance is the fact that the Fuehrer has assented to the activation of an SS-Standart of French volunteers, which is to be called the "Karl der Grosse" standart.

Norway: Meanwhile in Norway Minister Fuglesang has succeeded the late Minister Lunde after the latter's unfortunate demise. In spite of promises made by the Quisling Party, one cannot count on Norway supplying a contingent of appreciable size.

Denmark: In Denmark the situation is especially favorable since SS-Gruppenfuehrer Dr Best has taken over the control. One can be sure that here SS-Gruppenfuehrer Dr Best will offer a good example of national Reich politics.

The situation in regard to Parteifuehrer Clausen has had unfavorable developments recently. Clausen agreed to the plan of activating a combat corps as introduction to the German Schutzstaffel in Denmark only on the supposition that membership in this corps would exclude membership in the Party. Negotiations for this very necessary collecting organization of the combat corps go on apace. The monopolistic position of the Party is not tenable; all recruits must be brought in, even if Clausen himself--however without his clique--is to stand in the foreground.

Netherlands: Meanwhile Reich Commissioner Dr. Seyss-Inquart has proclaimed Mussert leader of the Netherland people. This measure has had an extremely disturbing effect on the other Germanic countries, especially in Flanders. The decisive role devolves again on the General Commissariat, whose principle of using Mussert too much, in order to disregard him, must be rejected on the part of German Reich policy in the sense of the Schutzstaffel.

Flanders: In Flanders the recent developments of the VNV have become even more unfavorable. Even the very clever policy of the new VNV-leader, Dr Elias, has been a disappointment; Dr Elias, moreover, once stated the opinion that Germany was ready for concessions in the natural political sphere, only when matters were going very badly for her.

Recently the Walloon question has been particularly accentuated. Leon Degrelle, who was a lieutenant in the Walloon Legion and earned there the Iron Cross First Class, is at present in Belgium and uses this time in testing the political barometer in all quarters. Degrelle's intention of founding a Wallonian Allgemeine SS has been rejected. Judging by the connection between religion and politics, it appears in Degrelle's case that he is a Frenchman in his thinking.

A favorable development has occurred in the case of the Flemish Arbeitsdienst. The negotiations carried out by the Reichsarbeitsfuehrer and especially by Oberstarbeitsfuehrer Mueller-Brandenburg with the assent of the Reichsfuehrer SS have had as a result that on the 1 April 1943 labor duty becomes obligatory in Belgium, both in the Flemish and Wallonian sectors. To bridge the gap students and apprentice officials were inducted into the Labor Service on the 15 Jan 43.

Finland: In Finland Field Marshal Mannerheim has been proposed as successor to the national presidency.

In correspondence with General Talvela particular discretion is suggested.

Just now wounded Finns (Officers, NCO's, men and Lottas) are in Germany as guests of the Reichsfuehrer-SS. This caring for the wounded has proved itself quite essential.

Southeast: Meanwhile in the southwest all volunteers from the Germans residing outside the Reich have been assigned to the SS.

In Hungary, as has been previously stated, there are difficulties in regard to the procuring of the necessary bills of exchange for the maintenance of the families of inducted volunteers. The suggestions of the Hungarian government are always only patch-work.

In general a strong violence manifests itself in the southeast as a consequence of the general military situation, and doubtless one must count on the existence of a certain sympathy with hostile powers through the Vatican.

After the order of the 12 August 42 by Reichsleiter Bormann regarding the competence of the Reichsfuehrer-SS in all German matters and the strict supervision of all Party units had been issued, a similar decree was prepared by Reich Minister Dr Lammers for the sphere of the State, which is soon to be issued. The new formulation demands even in sectors of the state the right of the Reichsfuehrer SS to a joint stipulation in fundamental national questions, that is to say, the Reich commissioners are to consult with the Reichsfuehrer SS in all actually fundamental questions regarding the nation.

SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr Riedweg reports again on questions of terminology which had been mentioned in the internal labor conference of the German Leitstelle in Copenhagen. Principally this terminology concerns the conceptions "Reich", "Nation", "Volk" and "Stamm", as well as "nordisch" and "germanisch".

In agreement with the Ahnenerbe office it was determined that the concept "Reich" is to remain reserved for the whole Reich of all German races and people. For Germany the official expression "Deutsches Reich" is to be used.

"Nation", being a concept stamped predominantly by liberalism, is no longer to be applied to the German peoples.

Difficulties arise also in differentiating between the concept "Stamm" and "Volk". The expression "Volk" is whenever possible to include the whole German area.

The word "Stamm", where it applies, is to be used for countries.

In regard to the definition of the term "nordisch" and "germanisch", the first expression must be used less and less. With the expression "nordisch", too high a position has been granted Norway, Sweden and Denmark at the expense of the west Germans.

SS-Standartenfuehrer Sievers of the Ahnenerbe office states again the importance of the December conference of Office VI and reports on the conference of the scientific committee, which has been concluded there. A conference on the German historical work took place in the RSHA.

SS-Standartenfuehrer Loerner reports on an inventory of finances and affirms that a new agreement has been reached between the Reichs Treasurer and the Economic Administrative Office.

SS-Standartenfuehrer Schmidt still wishes a condensation of the bureaus on Flanders for the simplification of the work, in particular shifting the Antwerp bureau to Brussels. In addition he reports on the continuous difficulties in the work of family maintenance especially in Hungary.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 707-PS

SECRET!

The Fuehrer of the Reich Head of the main office VS-diary, number 507/44 secret CdSSHA/Be/We. Adjtr-diary, number 253/44 secret Please by way of reply give reference and date indicated above Berlin--Wilmersdorf 1, Hohenzollerndamm 31 Post office box 58

now: Berlin-Grunewald, 8 February 1944

Douglasstrasse, 7/11 001518 Feb. 14, 1944 Document Z G. IR 131 To the "Ancestral Heritage" leader of the SS Sievers Waischenfeld, Oberfranken

Dear comrade Sievers!

Enclosed herewith I transmit to you the attitude of the main leader of the SS group Jankuhn in regard to the evacuation of the museum of Charkow.

I have looked over the report hurriedly, I have not read it. It is superfluous to discuss it.

Heil Hitler W.G. Buegel SS leader

[Pencil note:]

It is a cheap method to do away with my report, which is supported by facts, by referring to matters that are not dealt with in the report because these matters do not pertain to the functions of the Sonderkommando Jahnkuhn, and were not within Jahnkuhn's jurisdiction. Transport space and transport facilities were not supplied by the Waffen SS but by the German Reich-Railroad. This opportunity was available to the opposing side, but was not utilized by them.

* * * * *

SECRET

The Ancestor's Heritage The Secretary for the Reich Organization [Der Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer]

Berlin-Dahlem, 30 Oct 42 Diary # G/h/7 Wo/Bg

To Dozent Dr. Franz Hancar! Wien III/40, Hiessgasse 4

Subject: Commitment in Russia [Russland-Einsatz]

Dear Dr Hancar!

In order to secure the possessions of important museums and discoveries in the combat zone in the East, the Reichsfuehrer SS has ordered the creation of a special unit under Captain of the SS, Professor Dr. Herbert Jankuhn which has been operating together with an SS division very successfully for quite some time.

In the course of the execution of the order, the collections from Maikop, Pjatigorsk and Woroschilowsk have already been secured, besides other important scientific collections from the four important museums in Northern Caucasia. Work may already be done in these museums, and Professor Dr. Jankuhn proposes to set up a complete registration, by way of drawings and photography, of all prehistoric findings.

I am following a suggestion of Professor Dr. Herbert Jankuhn in asking you whether you would be willing to take over this job, mainly regarding Eastern European prehistoric problems, which ought to be of particular interest to you. In case you would accept, I would like you to let me know when you could start working, and what should have to be done in order to secure your leave.

SS-Captain Professor Dr. Herbert Jankuhn shall return to Germany by the beginning of December. Therefore it will be possible without difficulties to discuss then all pertinent questions during a personal meeting.

Heil Hitler! signed: Sievers Lt Col of the SS

* * * * *

Leader of the Staff

Entered Jan. 20, 1944/185 Berlin, Jan. 14, 1944 H.A. II-Dr. Z/Do.

File note for the Leader of the Staff.

Subject: Reply with regard to the letters of the captain in the SS Jankuhn to the Personal Staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS Office for the Ancestral Heritage, dates August 12, 13, and 22, 1943, respecting the evacuation and destruction of the Charkow Museum.

The criticism, which the captain in the SS delivers against the Special Purpose Staff for very evident reasons, can readily be answered, because he states things without any closer investigation, that should disparage the work of the Special Purpose Staff and the Office devoted to pre- and early historic research, because this latter work is apparently inconvenient to him.

In his letter of 13 August 1943, J. had forgotten to mention that the captain who had rebuilt the museum for prehistoric art was in fact a deputy of the Special Purpose Staff, namely, First Lieutenant Mueller, who by means of truly untiring and objective work during his free time had set up the museum to such an extent that it could again be opened to the public. The museum was visited by numerous officers and men, also by units of the Armed SS and the police. A thorough inventory had been taken, also many photographic copies were on hand. Thus First Lieutenant Mueller had performed a gratifying task in time of war which was generally recognized by the leaders of the units stationed in Charkow. The report of Jankuhn does not make any reference at all to this work of the Special Purpose Staff.

On 6 February 1943, the command was given for the first evacuation of the city. The Special Purpose Staff had then through untiring effort brought out the most valuable prizes of the museum; on 9 February it was necessary for the last members of the office to leave the city, which already had been almost abandoned by German troops. It was impossible at that time to bring out all the material, because the transportation situation did not permit this. It was not really necessary for SS leader Jahnkuhn to point out that these objects were important and worthy of being brought to safety. On the other hand, however, one must also consider the transportation problems that arise at the time of the evacuation of a city. It is evident that at such a time military transports receive unqualified priority, that even the most valuable possessions of culture cannot take precedence over them. Yet the Special Purpose Staff was able to salvage the most important articles of the museum. The remainder was entrusted to the care of the former curator of the museum, Professor Rudenski. Of this balance, again the most valuable was walled up within the enclosures of a bomb-proof cellar. For several days Professor Rudenski succeeded in saving the building from being blown up as intended. Finally, however, on the evening of February 14, 1943, as related by Professor Rudenski, by an oversight of a command of the Waffen SS, a fire broke out in the building and it burned down to the ground. Yet, later on, a large portion of the valuables from the cellar was salvaged again. However, a Gothic sword was missing. Now, as alleged by Jankuhn, it turns out that this sword was preserved by a unit of the Waffen SS.

Captain of the SS J. could have easily learned of these facts, if he had taken the trouble to contact the competent labor group Ukraine of the Special Purpose Staff and not Prof. Hornung, who had been installed in an entirely different district and who knew nothing about the developments in Charkow. At least he would not have exposed himself to the charge that he frivolously and without closer examination of the circumstances had claimed "that the Special Purpose Staff had not done the least for the preservation of the things that were found." The contrary is true.

After the recapture of the city, the valuables were reclaimed from the wreckage and the museum was opened again to the public on July 19, 1943. Thus it was proved anew that the Special Purpose Staff had done everything in the way of securing possessions of great cultural value and preserving them in the interests of the German administration.

Unfortunately, the second loss of Charkow in August 1943 rendered the work of restoration null and void. On August 6 the working staff received an evacuation summons with the order to leave Charkow immediately and without delay. Conditions affecting transportation were the same as in spring. If, indeed, valuable military installations had to remain behind, it is clear that, above all, objects from a museum had to remain behind. If the SS command had trucks at its disposal and could use the transportation facilities without consideration of military needs for the objects of the museum, then this is certainly a matter of very great appreciation. On the other hand, however, it cannot be charged to the Special Purpose Staff that it did not possess adequate transportation facilities. Nevertheless, the co-workers of the working staff have done what they could in order to preserve the most important part of the picture collection. In two days, already under hostile action, a large portion of museum collections was examined for the purpose of qualifying for transportation and then the selected assortment of 300 pictures of Western-European masters and Ukrainian painters and twenty-five costly Ukrainian carpets was packed and shipped. As already at an earlier date the most important collections of the museum, dealing with prehistoric art, had been carried off, the special command Jankuhn could only preserve third and fourth grade pieces of which several could be found in Kiev and other places.

The Special Purpose Staff under these circumstances sees no occasion for making any reproaches against the Special Command Jankuhn. If one was able to have at one's disposal transportation facilities and manpower in a more liberal manner, then it was easy to carry off larger collections. That the Special Command J. had done this is gratefully acknowledged by the Special Purpose Command; since it is being taken for granted that the collection was saved for the owner, namely, the Reichminister of the occupied Eastern districts and that correspondingly it is handed over to the Special Purpose Staff as the deputy of civil affairs. The Special Purpose Staff asks for the necessary action.

The staff command cannot rid itself of the impression that the Captain in the SS Jankuhn submitted his report frivolously on the basis of one-sided information. If he had made inquiries at the proper places without doubt he would have arrived at a different conclusion. At this juncture it is necessary to take a firm stand for the protection of the co-workers of the Special Purpose Staff and to ward off strongly every attack of a bureau that does not clearly understand the conditions.

Moreover, it could have been expected that Captain in the SS J. would have used the opportunity to get acquainted with the bureaus of the Special Purpose Staff and effected some cooperation. With the cooperation of both certainly more material could have been salvaged than had been done regardless (of the handicaps).

signed: Utikal

* * * * *

SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization Waischenfeld/Oberfranken, October 6, 1943 To the Chief of the SS Central Bureau SS Leader Berger, Berlin

Dear SS Leader!

Already on July * * * of this year the need arose to inform you about frictions that developed between co-workers of the SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization and the Special Purpose Staff R.R. in Dnjepropetrowsk. In this connection I did not neglect to mention that Reichminister Rosenberg complained that we had removed prehistoric discoveries from the Caukasus.

In order to complete the picture, I am turning over to you as supplement two reports from Captain in the SS (F) Jankuhn. They refer to the Museum in Charkow and they reveal with full clarity that the men of the Special Purpose Staff R.R.--insofar as we have met them heretofore--lack the simple prerequisites for the work in the East, namely, an unobjectionable, manly behavior.

I am summarizing the two reports and, briefly, I am able to conclude: 1. When the evacuation of Charkow became necessary in the winter of 1942, the Special Purpose Staff R.R. left the city without having done anything for the salvage of the museum.

2. On August 8, 1943 it became known that the possibility of a surrender of Charkow existed. On August 11 at nine in the morning the last man of the Special Purpose Staff R.R. left Charkow. Before August 15 no one considered any evacuation possible. In reality, Charkow was not evacuated until August 24. Not the least had been done for the salvaging of the collections of the museum, even though the care for the museum is in the hands of the Special Purpose Staff R.R. There were even documents on the desks, which leads one to believe that the men concerned abandoned their work as quickly as possible. Captain in the SS Jankuhn thereupon packed up the treasures and ordered them to be shipped.

This behavior of the men of the Special Service Staff R.R. could obviously be described by the most appropriate terms, and we are not at all surprised, if just these people "take a shot at" the men of the SS Reichsfuehrer, who really do nothing but fulfill the duties neglected by the former.

Heil Hitler! SS Leader

* * * * *

Copy

To the personal staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS

Office of the SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization, Berlin

Command Post Division Std., September 25, 1943

Concerning the evacuation of the museum of Poltawa

When it became known that the evacuation of the city of Poltawa by September 21, 1943, was anticipated, I intended to examine personally the condition of the museum there and to order the necessary measures for preserving them, should the need arise.

Since the 03 of the division, SS Leader Daltweiler, had learned during a stay in P. that the salvaging of the museum through a specialist officer of the armed forces on the basis of a command from the O.B., already had begun, a trip to Poltawa was abandoned.

Heil Hitler! Signed: H. Jankuhn Captain in the SS (F)

For the correctness of this copy: SS Leader

* * * * *

Copy III Special Command, Fp. 16284 Command Post Division, Std., August 22, 1943 To the personal Staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS

Office of the SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization, Berlin

Regarding the destruction of the museum in Charkow.

On August 21, upon my suggestion, Sergeant in the SS, Dr. Zarp, from KB unit 5, visited the museum in Charkow. He found that the museum building had been burned down completely.

Since the more valuable pieces had been salvaged--as was pointed out in the report of December 8, 1943--no loss of more important objects of culture was sustained through the destruction of the museum.

Signed: H. Jankuhn Captain in the SS For the correctness of this copy SS Leader

* * * * *

Copy I Special Command Jankuhn, 16284 Command Post Division, Std., August 13, 1943 To the personal Staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS

Office of the SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization, Berlin

Regarding the destruction of the museum in Charkow in the spring of 1943.

Through the interrogation of Prof. Hornung, the curator of the museum in Dnjipropetrowsk, chosen by the Special Purpose Staff and on the basis of information that was supplied by the commander of the F.K.V. of the secret police and of the security service, the following could be brought to light concerning the fate of the museum of prehistoric art in Charkow in the spring of 1943.

In 1941/42 the museum of prehistoric art in Charkow was re-established anew in the main street of the city, the Sumskaja, by a captain, who for this purpose had been given a furlough. The exhibition is said to have been good and well arranged. Besides collections of prehistoric character there were to be found in the museum articles referring to folklore. When, during the winter campaigns of the months of February and March, the Special Service Staff R.R. left the city without having done the least for the saving of the collections. Merely a Gothic sword and a gold-plated handle are said to have been taken along by one SS unit. Since the salvaging of the piece was not effected through the Security Service Command in Charkow, it must be assumed that a unit of the II SS armored corps took this gorgeous weapon along.

After the retreat of the German troops, the museum was destroyed, apparently by explosion of fire. The Ukrainian collections stored there were destroyed almost completely.

Recent excavations undertaken in the ruins of the building have yielded only insignificant pieces of the material formerly stored there.

Thus one of the most important museums of Russia with collections of great cultural value was given over to destruction through the agencies of the German civil administration.

Signed: Jankuhn Captain in the SS For the correctness of this copy SS Leader

* * * * *

IIa

Exhibit i

To the report of 12 August 1943

This Institute of Culture is confiscated by the Charkow garrison!

It is secured for the Special Command R.R. and is placed under its professional supervision.

Outside of the rules for visit and use, it is forbidden to enter the institute, the taking of material is considered looting and will be punished as such.

Special permits through the Special Command R.R. Charkow, Sumskaja 48.

In the field, June 20, 1943 For the Commander of the garrison O.K.V.Rat

[Handwritten draft]

Copy 5 times

Special Command Jankuhn 16284 II

Command Post Division, August 12, 1943

* * * * *

SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization, Berlin 034482 x-Oct. 9, 1943, Copy Z B/4r/r22 To the personal Staff of the Reich Fuehrer of SS

Office of the SS "Ancestral Heritage" Research Organization, Berlin

Subject: Evacuation of the museum in Charkow.

On August 8, '43 in the evening it became known that the possibility of an evacuation of Charkow until August 14 existed. On August 10, 1943, I went in the company of an interpreter, SS Sergeant Jacobsen to Charkow. In the afternoon I reported to the commander of the D.K.V. of the SIPO and the SD, Major Krauebitter, and informed him that I was entrusted by the Reichfuehrer SS with the salvage of the museum in the field of operations of the Waffen SS on the Southern front. In this connection I learned of the fate of the museum in Charkow during the evacuation of Charkow in the beginning of 1943; a separate report on that subject is being prepared. At the same time Major Krauebitter informed me that the KVR with the garrison of Charkow, who was responsible for the museums had already left the city days ago. A further inquiry in the buildings of the bureau of the Special Purpose Staff R.R. revealed that this bureau already had left Charkow on the morning of August 10. A survey of the museum in the company of Major Krauebitter revealed the following picture:

The Museum contains a small prehistoric department after the really prehistoric museum had been destroyed in the winter after failure of evacuation. Moreover, it contained a good collection of Ukrainian art of folklore character, small objects of ecclesiastical art, particularly, however, mostly paintings of Ukrainian painters, as the pictures of central- and west-European masters had been transported to Germany by the SD in 1942. The storehouse of the museum contains still numerous pictures. The key to the museum was given to the Ukrainian lady superintendent by the Special Purpose Staff R.R., who also related that at eight o'clock in the morning on October 8 a gentleman of the Special Purpose Staff R.R. had been in the museum and with several pictures had quickly departed at 8:30 o'clock. As a matter of fact, some pictures of the collection were missing, approximately 1%.

After no one had taken steps toward any real preservation of the museum, neither among the garrison nor among the Special Purpose Staff R.R., which according to the poster, referred to as Exhibit I, was responsible for the care of the collection, the packing was begun.

The prehistoric findings--almost exclusively ceramics of the bronze age--were packed in two wooden boxes and shipped by a truck of the EKV; they were to be sent from Kiev to Berlin.

The exhibit of Ukrainian popular art contained textiles, ceramics, glass, costumes, and objects of wood. The greater part is packed in two large wooden boxes and was shipped with the evacuation material of the EKV by rail to Dnjepropetrowsk. Among it was a large tapestry, which on account of its size could not be packed.

From the collection of paintings the most valuable pictures were selected and shipped by rail in the direction of Dnjepropetrowsk.

The documents that remained lying on the desk of the Special Purpose Staff R.R.--a work plan of the Special Purpose Staff R.R. signed by a section chief Schmidt and a report on Ukrainian art--were saved and turned over to the EKV of the SIPO and the SD.

Signed: Jankuhn Captain in the SS For the correctness of this copy SS Leader

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 710-PS

The Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich Commissioner for the Four Year Plan Chairman of the Ministerial Council for National Defense Berlin, 31 July 1941

To: The Chief of the Security Police and the Security Service; SS-Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich

Complementing the task that was assigned to you on 24 January 1939, which dealt with the carrying out of emigration and evacuation, a solution of the Jewish problem, as advantageous as possible, I hereby charge you with making all necessary preparations in regard to organizational and financial matters for bringing about a complete solution of the Jewish question in the German sphere of influence in Europe.

Wherever other governmental agencies are involved, these are to cooperate with you.

I charge you furthermore to send me, before long, an overall plan concerning the organizational, factual and material measures necessary for the accomplishment of the desired solution of the Jewish question.

signed: GOERING

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 728-PS

Copy

SECRET

DRAFT Ambassador RITTER No. 444, SALZBURG, 20 June 1944

1. To Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces With reference to your correspondence of 15 June 1944, Nr.

WFSt/Qu. (Verw.) Nr. 771793/44 gKChefs. II. Ang., concerning the treatment of enemy terror-aviators.

In spite of the obvious objections, founded on international law and foreign politics, the Foreign Office is basically in agreement with the proposed measures.

In the examination of the individual cases a distinction must be made between the cases of lynching and the cases of special treatment by the S.D. [Security Service].

I. In the cases of lynching, the precise establishment of the circumstances deserving punishment, according to points 1-4 of the communication of 15 June, is not very essential. First, the German authorities are not directly responsible, since death had occurred, before a German official became concerned with the case. Furthermore, the accompanying circumstances will be such, that it will not be difficult to depict the case in an appropriate manner upon publication. Hence, in cases of lynching, it will be of primary importance correctly to handle the individual case upon publication.

II. The suggested procedure for special treatment by the S.D. including subsequent publication, would be tenable, only if Germany, on this occasion simultaneously would openly repudiate the commitment of International Law, presently in force and still recognized by Germany. When an enemy aviator is seized by the Army or by the Police, and is delivered to the Air Forces (P.W.) Reception Camp Oberursel, he has received, by this very fact, the legal status of a prisoner of war. The Prisoner of War Treaty of 27 July 1929 establishes definite rules on the prosecution and sentencing of the Prisoner of War, and the execution of the death penalty, as for example in Article 66: Death sentences may be carried out only three months after the protective power has been notified of the sentence; in Article 63: a prisoner of war will be tried only by the same courts and under the same procedure as members of the German Armed Forces. These rules are so specific, that it would be futile to try to cover up any violation of them by clever wording of the publication of an individual incident. On the other hand, the Foreign Office cannot recommend on this occasion a formal repudiation of the Prisoner of War Treaty.

An emergency solution would be to prevent suspected fliers from ever attaining a legal Prisoner of War status, that is, that immediately upon seizure they be told that they are not considered Prisoners of War but criminals, that they would not be turned over to the agencies having jurisdiction over Prisoners of War; hence not to go to a Prisoner of War Camp; but that they would be delivered to the authorities in charge of the prosecution of criminal acts and that they would be tried in a summary proceeding. If the evidence at the trial should reveal that the special procedure is not applicable to a particular case, the fliers concerned may subsequently be given the status of Prisoner of War by transfer to the Air Forces (P.W.) Reception Camp Oberursel. Naturally, not even this expedient will prevent the possibility that Germany will be accused of the violation of existing treaties and maybe not even the adoption of reprisals upon German prisoners of war. At any rate this solution would enable us clearly to define our attitude, thus relieving us of the necessity of openly having to renounce the present agreements or of the need of having to use excuses, which no one would believe, upon the publication of each individual case.

Of the acts deemed crimes listed under 1-4 by the letter of 15 June, we note that those listed under 1 and 4 are legally unobjectionable. Those under 2 and 3 are not. The Foreign Office, however, would be willing to disregard this. Perhaps it would be preferable to combine Nos. 1, 3, and 4 to the effect that all strafing attacks on the civilian population by an aviator will be dealt with as crimes. The various facts under 1, 3 and 4 would then be significant only as especially outstanding examples. The Foreign Office sees no reason why such attacks should not be expiated, when they are directed against the civilian population in ordinary dwelling houses, in automobiles, on riverboats, etc.

The Foreign Office bases its opinion on the fact that it is altogether forbidden to German fliers to strafe the civilian population during their attacks in England. According to information received by the Foreign Office, such an order was issued some time ago by the Supreme Commander of the Air Forces. In case of general publication, the existence of such an order could be pointed out.

III. It follows from the above, that the main weight of the action will have to be placed on lynchings. Should the campaign be carried out to such an extent that the purpose, to wit: "the deterrence of enemy aviators" is actually achieved, which goal is favored by the Foreign Office, then the strafing attacks by enemy fliers upon the civilian populations must be stressed in a completely different propagandist manner than heretofore; if not in the publicity for home consumption, then certainly in the propaganda directed to foreign countries. The pertinent German local departments, most likely the police, would have to be informed immediately to submit a short, truthful report to a central depository in Berlin giving particulars as to place, time, number of dead and wounded.

This central depository would at once forward these reports to the Foreign Office for exploitation. Since similar strafing attacks upon civilian populations have occurred in other countries, for example, in France, Belgium, Croatia and Rumania, the pertinent German departments or the governments in these countries are to be directed to collect the instances of such strafing attacks against the civilian population in the same manner and to exploit them propagandistically in foreign countries, in collaboration with German offices.

IV. In the letter of 15 June the intention was communicated that until further notice, an understanding with the Foreign Office would have to be reached prior to any publication. The Foreign Office attaches particular value to this point and also to the fact that this understanding be reached, not only until further notice, but for the entire duration of the campaign.

By order

(signed) RITTER [crossed out]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 729-PS

[Handwritten note:] 20 June Chief of Supreme Command of Armed Forces (Chef/OKW) K [Keitel] Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Nr.771793/44 gKChefs.II.Ang., WFSt/Qu. (Verw.1)

Fuehrer's Headquarters, 14 June 1944

Secret 2 Copies, Copy No. 2 Top Secret By Officer Courier only

Subject: Treatment of enemy terror aviators [hand written note: mailed 17 June]

To the Supreme Commander of the Air Force, Attention: Col. of the General Staff von Brauchitsch

1. On the basis of preliminary discussions and after consultation with the Foreign Minister and with the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service, the following activities are to be considered the acts of terror, which are to be taken into consideration upon the publication of an instance of lynching and which will justify the transfer of enemy aviators from the Air Forces (P.W.) Reception Camp Oberursel to the S.D. [Security Service] for special treatment:

1. Low-level aerial attacks upon the civilian population--upon individuals as well as upon groups.

2. The shooting of our own downed (German) air crews, while parachuting to earth.

3. Low-level aerial attacks upon passenger trains engaged in public (civilian) transportation.

4. Low-level aerial attacks upon Army and Civilian Hospitals and upon hospital trains, which are clearly marked with the Red Cross:

It is requested to secure the approval of the Reichsmarshall for this draft of prohibited acts, and if he does approve, orally to instruct the commandant of the Air Force (P.W.) Reception Camp Oberursel to proceed accordingly.

It is further requested that the approval of the Reichsmarshall be obtained, for the method intended to be used in the procedure of publication as expressed in the enclosed communication to the Foreign Secretary.

A written confirmation is requested, if feasible, by the 18th of this month.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces [initialed] K [Keitel] 16 June 1 Enclosure

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 730-PS

MOST SECRET

Draft

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Fuehrer Hq, 15/6/1944 WFSt/Qu. (Verw.1) No. 77193/44 Most Secret S.O. only II.Ang. 3 Copies, 2nd Copy Subject: Treatment of enemy terror aviators S.O. only access only through officer Pencil note: dispatched 17/6 =1030.

To Foreign Office, for the attention of Ambassador Ritter, Salzburg.

For the announcement of such cases as have led to lynch justice being taken by the population or--in the case of capture by the armed forces or the police--to special treatment by the SD, it is necessary to determine clearly what facts should be regarded as evidence of a criminal action in this sense.

In agreement with the Commander in Chief of the air force, I intend to establish the following formula. It may also serve as instruction to the commandants of the reception Camp for Aviators at Oberursel in these cases, where investigation in that camp shows that it would be appropriate to segregate the offender owing to confirmation of the suspicion or to hand turnover to the SD.

1. Attacks with aircraft armament on the civilian population, whether on individuals or crowds;

2. Firing on our own (German) air crews while suspended by parachute after having been shot down;

3. Attacks with aircraft armament on passenger trains, if the public service.

4. Attacks with aircraft armament on military hospitals, hospitals and hospital trains which are clearly marked with the Red Cross.

Prior to any announcement of a case in the press, over the wireless, etc., it must be assured that name, unit, place of occurrence and other relevant particulars form a convincing picture, by whose publication the intended deterrent effect to further acts of murder could be achieved. In drafting the publications, it will have to be borne in mind that protests on the part of the enemy are to be expected from all quarters. It is therefore intended, in agreement with the Chief of the Security Police and the SD, and with the Commander in Chief of the Air Force, that, prior to each publication, until further notice, agreement should be reached between the Supreme Command of the air force, the armed forces Ops Staff, the Foreign Office and the SD., to determine the facts, time and form of the announcement.

I would ask you to confirm, if possible by the 18th of this month, that you are in agreement with the above formula and with the intended procedure for the announcements.

3/96 K [initialled by Keitel] 16/6

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 731-PS

Chief of the Command Staff of the Armed Forces Chef WFSt Please direct drafting of order W [Warlimont-?] K [Keitel] 21 May Deputy Chief of Command Staff of the Armed Forces. [note apparently written by Keitel] Must * * * go to the Reichsfuehrer SS

After a report of the Reichsmarshall [Goering] General Korten makes the following statement:

[Note: All the above remarks are handwritten.]

Memorandum

The Fuehrer has rendered the following decision in regard to measures to be taken against Anglo-American air crews, in special instances; downed enemy airmen are to be shot without court martial proceedings in the following instances:

1. In the event of the shooting of our own (German) downed air crews while they are parachuting to earth;

2. In the event of aerial attacks upon German planes, which have made emergency landings, and whose crews are in the immediate vicinity;

3. In the event of attacks upon railway trains engaged in public (civilian) transportation;

4. In the event of low-level aerial attacks upon individual civilians (farmers, workers, single vehicles, etc.). [Note--this paragraph was amended to read: In the event of low-level aerial attacks upon civilian population, single civilian vehicles, etc. The words "civilian population" are in Jodl's handwriting.]

[Note on bottom of page referring to item 2: "I consider this point dangerous. For, to attack an airplane which has made an emergency landing, can not be classified as Gangster Method but is in complete agreement with the strictest standards of civilized warfare."]

J. [Jodl]

[Note on left margin: The order should be preceded by a preamble in which the disregard of the most primitive laws--civilization--(balance unintelligible).]

J. [Jodl] 22 May

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 732-PS

The Reichsmarshall of Germany Adjutant's Office

Berlin W8 the Leipziger Str. 3

Teleph 120044 Headquarters June 19, 1944

Adj. Nr. 1605/44 secret

Concerns: Treatment of the Enemy Terror Aviators.

Reference: Letter Nr. 771793/44 top secret II Ang. WFST/Qu. Command Staff of the Armed Forces/Supply. (Verw. 1) June 15, 1944.

2 copies, Copy No. 1

To The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, Generalfieldmarshall Keitel.

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