← More Letters of Charles Darwin — Volume 2

456. TO F. MULLER. Down, August 28th [1870]…

Part 2 of 6 · Charles Darwin · Public domain text

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Contents (414)
  1. Opening about 1 min
  2. 2. VII.--GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION under 1 min
  3. 378. J.D. HOOKER TO CHARLES DARWIN. Kew, January 20th, 1867 about 2 min
  4. 379. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, March 17th, 1867 about 3 min
  5. 380. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, March 21st [1867] about 1 min
  6. 381. TO C. LYELL. Down, October 31st [1867] about 1 min
  7. 382. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, Wednesday [1867] about 2 min
  8. 383. J.D. HOOKER TO CHARLES DARWIN. Kew, 1870 about 1 min
  9. 384. TO J.D. HOOKER. February 3rd [1868] about 3 min
  10. 385. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. March 8th, 1868 about 1 min
  11. 386. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, February 21st [1870] about 2 min
  12. 387. TO A. BLYTT. Down, March 28th, 1876 under 1 min
  13. 388. TO AUG. FOREL. Down, June 19th, 1876 about 1 min
  14. 389. TO A.R. WALLACE about 2 min
  15. 390. FROM A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. The Dell, Grays, Essex, June 7th, 1876 about 2 min
  16. 391. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, June 17th, 1876 about 4 min
  17. 392. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, June 25th, 1876 about 2 min
  18. 393. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. Rosehill, Dorking, July 23rd, 1876 about 3 min
  19. 394. TO F. BUCHANAN WHITE under 1 min
  20. 395. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, July 22nd [1879] about 4 min
  21. 396. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN about 4 min
  22. 397. TO J.D. HOOKER about 3 min
  23. 398. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, August 12th, 1881 about 1 min
  24. 399. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, August 21st, 1881 about 1 min
  25. 400. TO W.D. CRICK about 1 min
  26. 401. TO W.D. CRICK. Down, February 25th, 1882 about 1 min
  27. 402. TO W.D. CRICK. Down, March 23rd, 1882 about 1 min
  28. 2. VIII.--MAN under 1 min
  29. 403. TO C. LYELL. Down, April 27th [1860] about 1 min
  30. 404. TO L. HORNER about 2 min
  31. 405. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  32. 406. TO A.R. WALLACE about 3 min
  33. 406. * A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. 5, Westbourne Grove Terrace, W., May 29th [1864] about 6 min
  34. 407. TO W. TURNER about 2 min
  35. 408. TO W. TURNER. Down, February 1st [1867] about 4 min
  36. 409. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Down, Thursday, February 21st [1868-70?] about 1 min
  37. 410. TO FRANCIS GALTON. Down, December 23rd [1870?] about 1 min
  38. 411. TO W.R. GREG. March 21st [1871?] about 2 min
  39. 412. TO FRANCIS GALTON. Down, January 4th, 1873 about 3 min
  40. 413. TO MAX MULLER. Down, July 3rd, 1873 about 2 min
  41. 414. G. ROLLESTON TO CHARLES DARWIN. British Association, Bristol, August 30th, 1875 about 1 min
  42. 415. TO G. ROLLESTON. Bassett, Southampton, September 2nd [1875] about 1 min
  43. 416. TO ERNST KRAUSE. Down, June 30th, 1877 about 1 min
  44. 417. TO G.J. ROMANES. [Barlaston], August 20th, 1878 about 3 min
  45. 418. TO G.A. GASKELL. Down, November 15th, 1878 about 2 min
  46. 419. TO K. HOCHBERG. Down, January 13th, 1879 about 1 min
  47. 420. TO G.J. ROMANES. Down, February 5th, 1880 about 2 min
  48. 421. TO S. TOLVER PRESTON. Down, May 22nd, 1880 about 1 min
  49. 422. TO H.M. WALLIS. Down, March 22nd, 1881 about 1 min
  50. 423. TO H.M. WALLIS. Down, March 31st, 1881 about 1 min
  51. 424. TO MRS. TALBOT about 3 min
  52. 425. TO JAMES SHAW. Down, February 11th [1866] about 1 min
  53. 426. TO A.D. BARTLETT. Down, February 16th [1867?] about 1 min
  54. 427. TO W.B. TEGETMEIER about 1 min
  55. 428. TO W.B. TEGETMEIER. Down, March 30th [1867] about 1 min
  56. 429. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, April 29th [1867] about 4 min
  57. 430. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, May 5th [1867] about 2 min
  58. 431. TO A.R. WALLACE. March 19th, 1868 about 1 min
  59. 432. TO F. MULLER. March 28th [1868] about 1 min
  60. 433. TO J. JENNER WEIR about 2 min
  61. 434. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, February 29th [1868] about 2 min
  62. 435. TO J. JENNER WEIR. 6, Queen Anne Street, Cavendish Square, W. [March 6th, 1868] about 2 min
  63. 436. TO J. JENNER WEIR. 4, Chester Place, Regent's Park, N.W., March 13th [1868] about 2 min
  64. 437. TO J. JENNER WEIR. 4, Chester Place, Regent's Park, N.W., March 22nd [1868] about 2 min
  65. 438. TO J. JENNER WEIR. 4, Chester Place, N.W., March 27th [1868] about 1 min
  66. 439. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, April 4th [1868] about 2 min
  67. 440. TO A.R. WALLACE about 3 min
  68. 441. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, April 18th [1868] about 3 min
  69. 442. TO A.R. WALLACE about 3 min
  70. 443. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, May 5th [1868?] about 2 min
  71. 444. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, May 7th [1868] about 3 min
  72. 445. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, May 30th [1868] about 2 min
  73. 446. TO F. MULLER. Down, June 3rd [1868] about 3 min
  74. 447. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, June 18th [1868] about 1 min
  75. 448. TO A.R. WALLACE. August 19th [1868] about 1 min
  76. 449. TO A.R. WALLACE about 3 min
  77. 450. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. 9, St. Mark's Crescent, N.W., September 27th, 1868 about 3 min
  78. 451. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN about 1 min
  79. 452. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, October 6th [1868] about 1 min
  80. 453. TO B.D. WALSH. Down, October 31st, 1868 about 2 min
  81. 454. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, June 15th [1869?] under 1 min
  82. 455. TO G.H.K. THWAITES. Down, February 13th [N.D.] about 1 min
  83. 456. TO F. MULLER. Down, August 28th [1870] about 2 min
  84. 457. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. Holly House, Barking, E., January 27th, 1871 about 2 min
  85. 458. TO G.B. MURDOCH. Down, March 13th, 1871 about 2 min
  86. 459. TO GEORGE FRASER about 1 min
  87. 460. TO E.S. MORSE. Down, December 3rd, 1871 about 1 min
  88. 461. TO AUG. WEISMANN. Down, February 29th, 1872 about 2 min
  89. 462. TO H. MULLER. Down [May, 1872] about 2 min
  90. 463. TO F. MULLER. Down, January 30th [1868] under 1 min
  91. 464. TO W. BOWMAN about 2 min
  92. 465. TO F.C. DONDERS about 2 min
  93. 466. TO A.D. BARTLETT. 6, Queen Anne Street, W., December 19th [1870?] about 2 min
  94. 467. TO A.D. BARTLETT. Down, January 5th, [1871?] about 1 min
  95. 468. TO W. OGLE. Down, March 7th [1871] about 1 min
  96. 469. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, June 14th [1870] about 1 min
  97. 470. TO F.C. DONDERS. Down, March 18th, 1871 about 2 min
  98. 471. TO W. TURNER. Down, March 28th [1871] about 3 min
  99. 472. TO W. TURNER. Down, March 29th [1871] about 1 min
  100. 473. TO HUBERT AIRY about 2 min
  101. 474. TO FRANCIS GALTON about 1 min
  102. 475. TO F.C. DONDERS about 1 min
  103. 476. TO D. HACK TUKE. Down, December 22nd, 1872 under 1 min
  104. 477. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, January 10th [1873] about 2 min
  105. 478. TO CHAUNCEY WRIGHT. Down, September 21st, 1874 about 2 min
  106. 2. IX. GEOLOGY, 1840-1882 under 1 min
  107. 479. TO DAVID MILNE. 12, Upper Gower Street, Thursday [March] 20th [1840] about 3 min
  108. 480. TO L. HORNER. Down, August 29th [1844] about 3 min
  109. 481. TO C. LYELL. Down, [September, 1844] about 3 min
  110. 482. TO C. LYELL. [October 3rd, 1846.] about 4 min
  111. 483. TO C. LYELL. Down [September 4th, 1849] about 5 min
  112. 484. TO LADY LYELL. Down, Wednesday night [1849?] about 1 min
  113. 485. TO C. LYELL. [November 6th, 1849] about 3 min
  114. 486. TO C. LYELL about 3 min
  115. 487. TO C.H.L. WOODD. Down, March 4th [1850] about 3 min
  116. 488. TO C. LYELL. Down, March 24th [1853] about 3 min
  117. 489. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 5th [1856] about 3 min
  118. 490. TO C. LYELL. King's Head Hotel, Sandown, Isle of Wight, July 18th [1858] about 1 min
  119. 491. TO C. LYELL. Down, November 25th [1860] about 4 min
  120. 492. TO C. LYELL. Down, December 4th [1860] about 2 min
  121. 493. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 18th [1867] about 2 min
  122. 494. TO A.R. WALLACE. March 22nd [1869] about 1 min
  123. 495. TO C. LYELL. Down, May 20th, 1869 about 3 min
  124. 496. TO VICTOR CARUS. Down, March 21st, 1876 about 1 min
  125. 497. TO T. MELLARD READE. London, December 9th, 1880 about 1 min
  126. 498. TO A. AGASSIZ. Down, January 1st, 1881 about 1 min
  127. 499. TO C. LYELL. [1841.] about 4 min
  128. 500. TO C. LYELL. 1842 about 1 min
  129. 501. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 12th, 1849 about 3 min
  130. 502. TO C. LYELL. Down, May 8th [1855] about 1 min
  131. 503. TO J.D. HOOKER. Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, [September] 21st [1862] about 1 min
  132. 504. TO J.D. HOOKER. November 3rd [1864] about 2 min
  133. 505. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [July, 1865] about 2 min
  134. 506. TO C. LYELL. Down, March 8th [1866] about 3 min
  135. 507. TO C. LYELL. Down, September 8th [1866] about 3 min
  136. 508. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 14th, 1868 about 1 min
  137. 509. TO JAMES CROLL. Down, November 24th, 1868 about 2 min
  138. 510. TO J. CROLL. Down, January 31st, 1869 about 3 min
  139. 511. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 12th [1872] about 1 min
  140. 512. TO J. GEIKIE about 2 min
  141. 513. TO D. MACKINTOSH. Down, November 13th, 1880 about 2 min
  142. 514. TO J. GEIKIE. Down, December 13th, 1880 about 3 min
  143. 515. TO JOHN LUBBOCK [Lord Avebury]. Down, November 6th, 1881 about 2 min
  144. 516. TO D. MACKINTOSH. Down, February 28th, 1882 about 5 min
  145. 517. TO C. LYELL. [March 9th, 1841.] about 2 min
  146. 518. TO L. HORNER. Down [1846] about 4 min
  147. 519. R. CHAMBERS TO D. MILNE-HOME. St. Andrews, September 7th, 1847 about 1 min
  148. 520. TO R. CHAMBERS. September 11th, 1847 about 4 min
  149. 521. TO D. MILNE-HOME. Down, [September] 20th, [1847] about 3 min
  150. 522. TO C. LYELL. Down, Wednesday, 8th about 9 min
  151. 523. TO LADY LYELL. [October 4th, 1847.] about 2 min
  152. 524. TO C. LYELL. Down, September 6th [1861] under 1 min
  153. 525. TO C. LYELL. Down, September 22nd [1861] about 3 min
  154. 526. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, September 28th [1861] under 1 min
  155. 527. TO C. LYELL. Down, October 1st [1861] about 2 min
  156. 528. TO C. LYELL. Down, October 14th [1861] about 1 min
  157. 529. TO C. LYELL. Down, October 20th [1861] about 1 min
  158. 530. TO C. LYELL. Down, April 1st [1862] about 1 min
  159. 531. TO J. PRESTWICH. Down, January 3rd, 1880 under 1 min
  160. 532. TO C. LYELL. Shrewsbury, Tuesday, 6th [July, 1841] about 2 min
  161. 533. TO C. LYELL. [1842.] about 3 min
  162. 534. TO E. VON MOJSISOVICS. Down, January 29th, 1879 about 1 min
  163. 535. TO A. AGASSIZ about 3 min
  164. 536. TO D. SHARPE about 1 min
  165. 537. TO D. SHARPE. Down [November 1846] about 3 min
  166. 538. TO D. SHARPE. Down, [January 1847] about 1 min
  167. 539. TO D. SHARPE. Down, October 16th [1851] about 2 min
  168. 540. TO C. LYELL. Down, January 10th, 1855 about 2 min
  169. 541. TO C. LYELL. Down, January 14th [1855] about 3 min
  170. 542. TO C. LYELL. 27, York Place, Baker Street [1855] about 3 min
  171. 543. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, September 8th [1856] about 2 min
  172. 544. TO J. CROLL. Down, September 19th, 1868 about 1 min
  173. 545. TO T. MELLARD READE. Down, February 9th, 1877 about 1 min
  174. 546. TO J. CROLL. Down, August 9th, 1877 about 1 min
  175. 547. TO T.H. FARRER (Lord Farrer) about 1 min
  176. 548. TO G.J. ROMANES. Down, March 7th about 2 min
  177. 549. TO FRANCIS GALTON. Down, March 8th [1881] about 2 min
  178. 550. TO E. RAY LANKESTER about 1 min
  179. 551. TO J.H. GILBERT. Down, January, 12th, 1882 about 2 min
  180. 552. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, May [1846] about 1 min
  181. 553. TO J.D. HOOKER. [June 2nd, 1847.] about 1 min
  182. 554. TO J.D. HOOKER. [May 12th, 1847.] about 2 min
  183. 555. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, May 22nd, 1860 about 1 min
  184. 556. TO L. HORNER. Down [1846?] about 3 min
  185. IV. The strangeness of the (Eocene) mammifers, co-existing with recent shells about 1 min
  186. 557. TO C. LYELL. Shrewsbury [August 10th, 1846] about 2 min
  187. 558. TO L. HORNER. Down, Sunday [January 1847] about 1 min
  188. 559. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 3rd [1849] about 1 min
  189. 560. TO C. LYELL. Down, [December, 1849] about 2 min
  190. 561. TO J.D. DANA. Down, December 5th, 1849 about 3 min
  191. 562. TO C. LYELL. [Down, March 9th, 1850.] about 2 min
  192. 563. C. LYELL TO CHARLES DARWIN. April 23rd, 1855 about 1 min
  193. 564. TO J.D. HOOKER. June 5th [1857] about 1 min
  194. 565. TO S.P. WOODWARD. Down, May 27th [1856] about 1 min
  195. 566. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Down, April 14th [1860] about 1 min
  196. 567. TO T.H. HUXLEY. May 10th [1862 or later] about 4 min
  197. 568. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, June 30th [1866] about 1 min
  198. 569. TO A. GAUDRY. Down, November 17th, 1868 about 1 min
  199. 570. A. SEDGWICK TO CHARLES DARWIN about 2 min
  200. 571. TO C. LYELL. Down, September 3rd [1874] about 1 min
  201. 572. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  202. 573. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  203. 574. TO OSWALD HEER. Down, March 8th [1875] about 2 min
  204. 574. *. TO S.B.J. SKERTCHLY. March 2nd, 1878 about 1 min
  205. 2. X.--BOTANY, 1843-1871 under 1 min
  206. 575. TO WILLIAM JACKSON HOOKER. Down, March 12th [1843] about 1 min
  207. 576. TO JOHN LINDLEY. Down, Saturday [April 8th, 1843] about 1 min
  208. 577. TO C. LYELL. [September, 1843.] about 3 min
  209. 578. TO J.S. HENSLOW. Down, Saturday [November 5th, 1843] about 1 min
  210. 579. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, November 14th [1855] about 1 min
  211. 580. TO W.J. HOOKER about 1 min
  212. 581. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, Thursday [June 11th, 1847] about 3 min
  213. 582. TO J.D. HOOKER. June [1855] about 1 min
  214. 583. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, July 19th, 1856 about 2 min
  215. 584. TO J.D. HOOKER. Moor Park [May 2nd, 1857] about 1 min
  216. 585. TO ASA GRAY. Down [1857] about 4 min
  217. 586. TO ASA GRAY. June 18th [1857] about 2 min
  218. 587. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, January 12th [1858] about 2 min
  219. 588. TO JOHN LUBBOCK (Lord Avebury). Sunday [1859] about 1 min
  220. 589. TO MAXWELL MASTERS. Down, April 7th [1860] about 1 min
  221. 590. TO J.D. HOOKER about 6 min
  222. 591. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  223. 592. TO J.D. HOOKER. November 3rd [1862] under 1 min
  224. 593. TO F. MULLER. Down, April 9th and 15th [1866] about 3 min
  225. 594. TO A.G. MORE. Down, June 24th, 1860 about 1 min
  226. 595. TO A.G. MORE. Down, August 3rd, 1860 about 2 min
  227. 596. TO A.G. MORE. Down, August 5th, 1860 about 2 min
  228. 597. TO J.D. HOOKER December 4th [1860] about 2 min
  229. 598. TO E. CRESY. Down, December 12th [1860?] about 1 min
  230. 599. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, May 14th [1861] about 1 min
  231. 600. TO J.D. HOOKER about 3 min
  232. 601. TO J.D. HOOKER about 2 min
  233. 602. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 4th [1861] about 2 min
  234. 603. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 22nd. [1861] about 3 min
  235. 604. TO JOHN LINDLEY about 1 min
  236. 605. TO J.D. HOOKER about 2 min
  237. 606. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, November 17th [1861] about 2 min
  238. 607. TO G. BENTHAM. Down, November 26th [1861] about 1 min
  239. 608. TO JOHN LINDLEY about 1 min
  240. 609. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, December 18th [1861] about 3 min
  241. 610. TO A.G. MORE. Down, June 7th, 1862 about 1 min
  242. 611. TO G. BENTHAM. Down, June 22nd [1862?] about 1 min
  243. 612. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, [September] 14th [1862] about 3 min
  244. 613. TO JOHN LUBBOCK (Lord Avebury). Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, Hants, September 2nd [1862] about 1 min
  245. 614. TO JOHN LUBBOCK (Lord Avebury). Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, Wednesday, September 3rd [1862] about 1 min
  246. 615. TO J.D. HOOKER. Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, September 11th, 1862 about 2 min
  247. 616. TO J.D. HOOKER. Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, Thursday Evening [September 18th, 1862] about 1 min
  248. 617. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, September 27th [1862] about 2 min
  249. 618. J.D. HOOKER TO CHARLES DARWIN about 1 min
  250. 619. TO W.E. DARWIN. Down, 4th [about 1862-3?] about 4 min
  251. 620. TO G. BENTHAM. Down, February 3rd [1862?] about 3 min
  252. 621. TO ASA GRAY. Down, February 16th [1862?] about 2 min
  253. 622. TO ASA GRAY. March 15th [1862] about 1 min
  254. 623. TO J.D. HOOKER. Leith Hill Place, Dorking, Thursday, 15th [May 1862] about 2 min
  255. 624. TO ASA GRAY. January 19th [1863] about 1 min
  256. 625. TO I.A. HENRY. Down, January 20th [1863] about 1 min
  257. 626. TO I.A. HENRY. Hartfield, May 2nd [1863] about 1 min
  258. 627. TO ASA GRAY. March 20th [1863] under 1 min
  259. 628. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, November 28th [1871] about 2 min
  260. 629. TO F. MULLER. Down, March 20th, 1881 about 2 min
  261. 630. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, March 21st [1881] about 1 min
  262. 631. JOHN SCOTT TO CHARLES DARWIN. Edinburgh Botanic Gardens, November 11th, 1862 about 6 min
  263. 632. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, 18th [November 1862] about 1 min
  264. 633. TO J. SCOTT about 2 min
  265. 634. TO J. SCOTT. Down, November 19th [1862] about 2 min
  266. 635. TO J. SCOTT. Down, 20th [1862?] about 1 min
  267. 636. TO J. SCOTT. Down, December 3rd, [1862?] about 4 min
  268. 637. TO J. SCOTT. Down, January 21st, 1863 about 2 min
  269. 638. TO J. SCOTT. Down, February 16th [1863] about 2 min
  270. 639. TO J. SCOTT. Down, March 24th [1863] about 3 min
  271. 640. TO J. SCOTT. April 12th [1863] about 3 min
  272. 642. TO J. SCOTT. May 2nd [1863] about 3 min
  273. 643. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, May 23rd [1863] about 1 min
  274. 644. TO JOHN SCOTT. Down, May 25th, 1863 about 2 min
  275. 645. TO J. SCOTT. Down, May 31st [1863] about 2 min
  276. 646. TO J. SCOTT. Down, June 6th, 1863 about 2 min
  277. 647. TO J. SCOTT. July 2nd [1863?] about 1 min
  278. 648. TO J. SCOTT. Down, 25th [1863?] about 2 min
  279. 649. TO J. SCOTT. Down, November 7th [1863] about 1 min
  280. 650. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, [January 24th, 1864] about 1 min
  281. 651. TO J. SCOTT. Down, February 9th, 1864 about 1 min
  282. 652. TO J.D. HOOKER. September 13th, 1864 about 1 min
  283. 653. TO ASA GRAY. September 13th [1864] about 1 min
  284. 654. TO J.D. HOOKER about 3 min
  285. 655. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, April 5th [1864] about 1 min
  286. 656. TO J.D. HOOKER. [May 22nd, 1864] about 1 min
  287. 657. TO J. SCOTT. Down, November 1st, 1871 about 1 min
  288. 2. XI.--BOTANY, 1863-1881 under 1 min
  289. 658. TO D. OLIVER. Down [April, 1863] about 2 min
  290. 659. TO D. OLIVER. Down [April, 1863] under 1 min
  291. 660. TO MAXWELL MASTERS. Down, April 6th [1863] about 2 min
  292. 661. TO P.H. GOSSE about 3 min
  293. 662. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, Saturday, 5th [December 1863] about 2 min
  294. 663. TO D. OLIVER. Down, February 17th [1864] about 2 min
  295. 664. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [September 13th, 1864] about 2 min
  296. 665. TO T.H. HUXLEY about 1 min
  297. 666. TO J.D. HOOKER. [February, 1864?] about 2 min
  298. 667. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, June 2nd [1864] about 1 min
  299. 668. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, November 3rd [1864] about 1 min
  300. 669. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  301. 670. TO F. HILDEBRAND. May 16th, 1866 about 1 min
  302. 671. TO F. MULLER. Down, October 17th [1865] about 1 min
  303. 672. TO F. MULLER about 2 min
  304. 673. TO F. MULLER. Down, September 25th [1866] about 3 min
  305. 674. TO F. MULLER. Down [Received January 24th, 1867] about 3 min
  306. 675. TO F. MULLER. Down [received February 24th, 1867] about 1 min
  307. 676. TO F. MULLER. Down, April 22nd [1867] about 2 min
  308. 677. TO F. MULLER about 1 min
  309. 678. TO F. MULLER. Down, November 28th [1868] about 3 min
  310. 679. TO F. MULLER. Down, March 14th [1869] about 2 min
  311. 680. TO F. MULLER. Barmouth, July 18th, 1869 about 2 min
  312. 681. TO F. MULLER. Down, December 1st [1869] about 1 min
  313. 682. TO F. MULLER. Down, May 12th [1870] about 3 min
  314. 683. TO F. MULLER. Down, January 1st, 1874 about 2 min
  315. 684. TO F. MULLER. Down, May 9th, 1877 about 1 min
  316. 685. TO F. MULLER. Down, May 14th [1877] about 1 min
  317. 686. TO F. MULLER. Down, July 24th, 1878 about 1 min
  318. 687. F. MULLER TO CHARLES DARWIN about 4 min
  319. 688. TO F. MULLER. Down, February 23rd, 1881 about 2 min
  320. 689. TO F. MULLER. Down, April 12th, 1881 about 3 min
  321. 690. TO F. MULLER. [Patterdale], June 21st, 1881 about 1 min
  322. 691. TO F. MULLER about 1 min
  323. 692. TO F. MULLER. Down, November 13th, 1881 about 1 min
  324. 693. TO F. MULLER. [4, Bryanston Street], December 19th, 1881 about 2 min
  325. 694. TO G. BENTHAM. Down, April 22nd, 1868 about 3 min
  326. 695. TO T.H. FARRER (Lord Farrer). Down, June 5th, 1868 about 1 min
  327. 696. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, December 2nd, 1868 about 3 min
  328. 697. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, December 5th, 1868 about 4 min
  329. 698. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, December 29th, 1868 about 1 min
  330. 699. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, January 16th [1869] about 2 min
  331. 700. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [January 22nd, 1869] about 1 min
  332. 701. TO T.H. FARRER (Lord Farrer). Down, August 10th, 1869 about 2 min
  333. 702. TO WILLIAM C. TAIT about 3 min
  334. 703. TO H. MULLER. Down, March 14th, 1870 under 1 min
  335. 704. TO T.H. FARRER (Lord Farrer) about 2 min
  336. 705. TO ASA GRAY. Down, December 7th, 1870 about 2 min
  337. 706. TO C.V. RILEY about 2 min
  338. 707. TO F. HILDEBRAND. Down, February 9th [1872] about 1 min
  339. 708. TO T.H. FARRER. (Lord Farrer) about 1 min
  340. 709. TO T.H. FARRER. (Lord Farrer). Sevenoaks, October 13th, 1872 about 1 min
  341. 710. TO J.D. HOOKER about 2 min
  342. 711. TO J. TRAHERNE MOGGRIDGE. Down, August 27th, 1873 about 1 min
  343. 712. TO J. TRAHERNE MOGGRIDGE. Down, March 10th, 1874 under 1 min
  344. 713. TO H. MULLER. Down, May 30th, 1873 about 1 min
  345. 714. TO F. DELPINO. Down, June 25th [1873] about 2 min
  346. 715. TO T.H. FARRER (Lord Farrer) about 4 min
  347. 716. TO J. BURDON SANDERSON. Down, Tuesday, September 9th [1873] about 2 min
  348. 717. TO J. BURDON SANDERSON. September 13th [1873] about 1 min
  349. 718. TO J.D. HOOKER. October 31st, 1873 about 2 min
  350. 719. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 23rd [1873] about 1 min
  351. 720. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, November 24th, 1873 about 1 min
  352. 721. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, December 4th, 1873 about 1 min
  353. 722. TO T. BELT about 1 min
  354. 723. TO J.D. HOOKER about 1 min
  355. 724. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, June 4th [1874] about 2 min
  356. 725. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, June 23rd, 1874 about 1 min
  357. 726. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, August 30th [1874] about 1 min
  358. 727. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, September 18th [1874] about 2 min
  359. 728. TO J. JENNER WEIR about 2 min
  360. 729. TO J. JENNER WEIR about 2 min
  361. 730. TO E. HACKEL under 1 min
  362. 731. TO G.J. ROMANES about 1 min
  363. 732. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 25th [1876] about 1 min
  364. 733. TO G.J. ROMANES about 1 min
  365. 734. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. 6, Queen Anne Street [December 1876] under 1 min
  366. 735. TO D. OLIVER. Down, October, 13th [1876?] about 2 min
  367. 736. TO W. THISELTON-DYER about 1 min
  368. 737. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, August 19th, 1873 about 1 min
  369. 738. TO J.D. HOOKER. December 20th [1873] under 1 min
  370. 739. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, July 22nd [1877] about 2 min
  371. 740. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. [August, 1877.] about 1 min
  372. 741. TO L. ERRERA about 2 min
  373. 742. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, October 9th, 1877 about 1 min
  374. 743. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, October 11th [1877] about 1 min
  375. 744. TO H. MULLER. Down, January 1st [1878?] about 1 min
  376. 745. TO W. THISELTON-DYER about 2 min
  377. 746. TO F. LUDWIG. Down, May 29th, 1878 about 1 min
  378. 747. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, August 24th [1878] about 1 min
  379. 748. TO H. MULLER. Down, September 20th, 1878 under 1 min
  380. 749. TO H. MULLER. Down, February 12th [1879] about 1 min
  381. 750. TO A. STEPHEN WILSON about 2 min
  382. 751. TO A. STEPHEN WILSON. Basset, Southampton, April 29th [1878] about 1 min
  383. 752. TO A. STEPHEN WILSON. Down, March 5th, 1879 about 1 min
  384. 753. TO A. STEPHEN WILSON. Down, February 13th, 1880 about 1 min
  385. 754. TO W. THISELTON-DYER. Down, June 18th, 1879 about 2 min
  386. 755. TO G. BENTHAM. Down, February 16th, 1880 about 1 min
  387. 756. TO F.M. BALFOUR. Down, September 4th, 1880 about 2 min
  388. 757. TO JAMES PAGET about 4 min
  389. 758. TO W. THISELTON-DYER about 2 min
  390. 759. TO H. VOCHTING. Down, December 16th, 1880 about 1 min
  391. 760. TO A. DE CANDOLLE. Down, January 24th, 1881 about 1 min
  392. 761. TO J. LUBBOCK (Lord Avebury). Down, April 16th [1881] about 1 min
  393. 762. TO G.J. ROMANES. Down, April 18th, 1881 about 2 min
  394. 763. TO JULIUS WIESNER. Down, October 4th, 1881 about 1 min
  395. 764. TO J.D. HOOKER. Glenrhydding House, Patterdale, Penrith, June 15th, 1881 about 2 min
  396. 765. TO J.D. HOOKER. October 22nd, 1881 about 1 min
  397. 2. XII under 1 min
  398. 766. TO LORD PLAYFAIR about 2 min
  399. 767. TO LORD PLAYFAIR. Down, May 28th about 1 min
  400. 768. TO G.J. ROMANES about 1 min
  401. 769. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON about 2 min
  402. 770. T. LAUDER BRUNTON TO CHARLES DARWIN. 50, Welbeck Street, London, November 21st, 1881 about 1 min
  403. 771. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON. Down, November 22nd, 1881 about 1 min
  404. 772. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON about 1 min
  405. 773. TO LAUDER BRUNTON about 2 min
  406. 774. TO CANON FARRAR about 1 min
  407. 775. TO HERBERT SPENCER. Down, December 9th [1867] about 1 min
  408. 776. TO T.H. HUXLEY about 1 min
  409. 777. TO LADY DERBY. Down, Saturday [1874?] about 1 min
  410. 778. TO J. BURDON SANDERSON. Down, July 16th, 1875 about 1 min
  411. 779. TO A. GAPITCHE about 1 min
  412. 780. TO J. POPPER about 1 min
  413. 781. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Worthing, September 9th, 1881 about 2 min
  414. 782. TO ANTHONY RICH. Down, February 4th, 1882 about 2 h 35 min

Continue:

456. TO F. MULLER. Down, August 28th [1870]

I have to thank you very sincerely for two letters: one of April 25th, containing a very curious account of the structure and morphology of Bonatea. I feel that it is quite a sin that your letters should not all be published! but, in truth, I have no spare strength to undertake any extra work, which, though slight, would follow from seeing your letters in English through the press--not but that you write almost as clearly as any Englishman. This same letter also contained some seeds for Mr. Farrer, which he was very glad to receive.

Your second letter, of July 5th, was chiefly devoted to mimicry in lepidoptera: many of your remarks seem to me so good, that I have forwarded your letter to Mr. Bates; but he is out of London having his summer holiday, and I have not yet heard from him. Your remark about imitators and imitated being of such different sizes, and the lower surface of the wings not being altered in colour, strike me as the most curious points. I should not be at all surprised if your suggestion about sexual selection were to prove true; but it seems rather too speculative to be introduced in my book, more especially as my book is already far too speculative. The very same difficulty about brightly coloured caterpillars had occurred to me, and you will see in my book what, I believe, is the true explanation from Wallace. The same view probably applies in part to gaudy butterflies. My MS. is sent to the printers, and, I suppose, will be published in about three months: of course I will send you a copy. By the way, I settled with Murray recently with respect to your book (456/1. The translation of "Fur Darwin," published in 1869.), and had to pay him only 21 pounds 2 shillings 3 pence, which I consider a very small price for the dissemination of your views; he has 547 copies as yet unsold. This most terrible war will stop all science in France and Germany for a long time. I have heard from nobody in Germany, and know not whether your brother, Hackel, Gegenbaur, Victor Carus, or my other friends are serving in the army. Dohrn has joined a cavalry regiment. I have not yet met a soul in England who does not rejoice in the splendid triumph of Germany over France (456/2. See Letter 239, Volume I.): it is a most just retribution against that vainglorious, war-liking nation. As the posts are all in confusion, I will not send this letter through France. The Editor has sent me duplicate copies of the "Revue des Cours Scientifiques," which contain several articles about my views; so I send you copies for the chance of your liking to see them.

457. A.R. WALLACE TO CHARLES DARWIN. Holly House, Barking, E., January 27th, 1871

Many thanks for your first volume (457/1. "The Descent of Man".), which I have just finished reading through with the greatest pleasure and interest; and I have also to thank you for the great tenderness with which you have treated me and my heresies.

On the subject of "sexual selection" and "protection," you do not yet convince me that I am wrong; but I expect your heaviest artillery will be brought up in your second volume, and I may have to capitulate. You seem, however, to have somewhat misunderstood my exact meaning, and I do not think the difference between us is quite so great as you seem to think it. There are a number of passages in which you argue against the view that the female has in any large number of cases been "specially modified" for protection, or that colour has generally been obtained by either sex for purposes of protection. But my view is, as I thought I had made it clear, that the female has (in most cases) been simply prevented from acquiring the gay tints of the male (even when there was a tendency for her to inherit it), because it was hurtful; and that, when protection is not needed, gay colours are so generally acquired by both sexes as to show that inheritance by both sexes of colour variations is the most usual, when not prevented from acting by Natural Selection. The colour itself may be acquired either by sexual selection or by other unknown causes.

There are, however, difficulties in the very wide application you give to sexual selection which at present stagger me, though no one was or is more ready than myself to admit the perfect truth of the principle or the immense importance and great variety of its applications.

Your chapters on "Man" are of intense interest--but as touching my special heresy, not as yet altogether convincing, though, of course, I fully agree with every word and every argument which goes to prove the "evolution" or "development" of man out of a lower form. My ONLY difficulties are, as to whether you have accounted for EVERY STEP of the development by ascertained laws.

I feel sure that the book will keep up and increase your high reputation, and be immensely successful, as it deserves to be...

458. TO G.B. MURDOCH. Down, March 13th, 1871

(458/1. We are indebted to Mr. Murdoch for a draft of his letter dated March 10th, 1871. It is too long to be quoted at length; the following citations give some idea of its contents: "In your 'Descent of Man,' in treating of the external differences between males and females of the same variety, have you attached sufficient importance to the different amount and kind of energy expended by them in reproduction?" Mr. Murdoch sums up: "Is it wrong, then, to suppose that extra growth, complicated structure, and activity in one sex exist as escape-valves for surplus vigour, rather than to please or fight with, though they may serve these purposes and be modified by them?")

I am much obliged for your valuable letter. I am strongly inclined to think that I have made a great and complete oversight with respect to the subject which you discuss. I am the more surprised at this, as I remember reflecting on some points which ought to have led me to your conclusion. By an odd chance I received the day before yesterday a letter from Mr. Lowne (author of an excellent book on the anatomy of the Blow-fly) (458/2. "The Anatomy and Physiology of the Blow-fly (Musca vomitaria L.)," by B.T. Lowne. London, 1870.) with a discussion very nearly to the same effect as yours. His conclusions were drawn from studying male insects with great horns, mandibles, etc. He informs me that his paper on this subject will soon be published in the "Transact. Entomolog. Society." (458/3. "Observations on Immature Sexuality and Alternate Generation in Insects." By B.T. Lowne. "Trans. Entomolog. Soc." 1871 [Read March 6th, 1871]. "I believe that certain cutaneous appendages, as the gigantic mandibles and thoracic horns of many males, are complemental to the sexual organs; that, in point of fact, they are produced by the excess of nutriment in the male, which in the female would go to form the generative organs and ova" (loc. cit., page 197).) I am inclined to look at your and Mr. Lowne's view as specially valuable from probably throwing light on the greater variability of male than female animals, which manifestly has much bearing on sexual selection. I will keep your remarks in mind whenever a new edition of my book is demanded.

459. TO GEORGE FRASER

(459/1. The following letter refers to two letters to Mr. Darwin, in which Mr. Fraser pointed out that illustrations of the theory of Sexual Selection might be found amongst British butterflies and moths. Mr. Fraser, in explanation of the letters, writes: "As an altogether unknown and far from experienced naturalist, I feared to send my letters for publication without, in the first place, obtaining Mr. Darwin's approval." The information was published in "Nature," Volume III., April 20th, 1871, page 489. The article was referred to in the second edition of the "Descent of Man" (1874), pages 312, 316, 319. Mr. Fraser adds: "This is only another illustration of Mr. Darwin's great conscientiousness in acknowledging suggestions received by him from the most humble sources." (Letter from Mr. Fraser to F. Darwin, March 21, 1888.)

Down, April 14th [1871].

I am very much obliged for your letter and the interesting facts which it contains, and which are new to me. But I am at present so much engaged with other subjects that I cannot fully consider them; and, even if I had time, I do not suppose that I should have anything to say worth printing in a scientific journal. It would obviously be absurd in me to allow a mere note of thanks from me to be printed. Whenever I have to bring out a corrected edition of my book I will well consider your remarks (which I hope that you will send to "Nature"), but the difficulty will be that my friends tell me that I have already introduced too many facts, and that I ought to prune rather than to introduce more.

460. TO E.S. MORSE. Down, December 3rd, 1871

I am much obliged to you for having sent me your two interesting papers, and for the kind writing on the cover. I am very glad to have my error corrected about the protective colouring of shells. (460/1. "On Adaptive Coloration of the Mollusca," "Boston Society of Natural History Proc." Volume XIV., April 5th, 1871. Mr. Morse quotes from the "Descent of Man," I., page 316, a passage to the effect that the colours of the mollusca do not in general appear to be protective. Mr. Morse goes on to give instances of protective coloration.) It is no excuse for my broad statement, but I had in my mind the species which are brightly or beautifully coloured, and I can as yet hardly think that the colouring in such cases is protective.

461. TO AUG. WEISMANN. Down, February 29th, 1872

I am rejoiced to hear that your eyesight is somewhat better; but I fear that work with the microscope is still out of your power. I have often thought with sincere sympathy how much you must have suffered from your grand line of embryological research having been stopped. It was very good of you to use your eyes in writing to me. I have just received your essay (461/1. "Ueber der Einfluss der Isolirung auf die Artbildung": Leipzig, 1872.); but as I am now staying in London for the sake of rest, and as German is at all times very difficult to me, I shall not be able to read your essay for some little time. I am, however, very curious to learn what you have to say on isolation and on periods of variation. I thought much about isolation when I wrote in Chapter IV. on the circumstances favourable to Natural Selection. No doubt there remains an immense deal of work to do on "Artbildung." I have only opened a path for others to enter, and in the course of time to make a broad and clear high-road. I am especially glad that you are turning your attention to sexual selection. I have in this country hardly found any naturalists who agree with me on this subject, even to a moderate extent. They think it absurd that a female bird should be able to appreciate the splendid plumage of the male; but it would take much to persuade me that the peacock does not spread his gorgeous tail in the presence of the female in order to fascinate or excite her. The case, no doubt, is much more difficult with insects. I fear that you will find it difficult to experiment on diurnal lepidoptera in confinement, for I have never heard of any of these breeding in this state. (461/2. We are indebted to Mr. Bateson for the following note: "This belief does not seem to be well founded, for since Darwin's time several species of Rhopalocera (e.g. Pieris, Pararge, Caenonympha) have been successfully bred in confinement without any special difficulty; and by the use of large cages members even of strong-flying genera, such as Vanessa, have been induced to breed.") I was extremely pleased at hearing from Fritz Muller that he liked my chapter on lepidoptera in the "Descent of Man" more than any other part, excepting the chapter on morals.

462. TO H. MULLER. Down [May, 1872]

I have now read with the greatest interest your essay, which contains a vast amount of matter quite new to me. (462/1. "Anwendung der Darwin'schen Lehre auf Bienen," "Verhandl. d. naturhist. Vereins fur preuss. Rheinld. u. Westf." 1872. References to Muller's paper occur in the second edition of the "Descent of Man.") I really have no criticisms or suggestions to offer. The perfection of the gradation in the character of bees, especially in such important parts as the mouth-organs, was altogether unknown to me. You bring out all such facts very clearly by your comparison with the corresponding organs in the allied hymenoptera. How very curious is the case of bees and wasps having acquired, independently of inheritance from a common source, the habit of building hexagonal cells and of producing sterile workers! But I have been most interested by your discussion on secondary sexual differences; I do not suppose so full an account of such differences in any other group of animals has ever been published. It delights me to find that we have independently arrived at almost exactly the same conclusion with respect to the more important points deserving investigation in relation to sexual selection. For instance, the relative number of the two sexes, the earlier emergence of the males, the laws of inheritance, etc. What an admirable illustration you give of the transference of characters acquired by one sex--namely, that of the male of Bombus possessing the pollen-collecting apparatus. Many of your facts about the differences between male and female bees are surprisingly parallel with those which occur with birds. The reading your essay has given me great confidence in the efficacy of sexual selection, and I wanted some encouragement, as extremely few naturalists in England seem inclined to believe in it. I am, however, glad to find that Prof. Weismann has some faith in this principle.

The males of Bombus follow one remarkable habit, which I think it would interest you to investigate this coming summer, and no one could do it better than you. (462/2. Mr. Darwin's observations on this curious subject were sent to Hermann Muller, and after his death were translated and published in Krause's "Gesammelte kleinere Schriften von Charles Darwin," 1887, page 84. The male bees had certain regular lines of flight at Down, as from the end of the kitchen garden to the corner of the "sand-walk," and certain regular "buzzing places" where they stopped on the wing for a moment or two. Mr. Darwin's children remember vividly the pleasure of helping in the investigation of this habit.) I have therefore enclosed a briefly and roughly drawn-up account of this habit. Should you succeed in making any observations on this subject, and if you would like to use in any way my MS. you are perfectly welcome. I could, should you hereafter wish to make any use of the facts, give them in rather fuller detail; but I think that I have given enough.

I hope that you may long have health, leisure, and inclination to do much more work as excellent as your recent essay.

2.VIII.III. EXPRESSION, 1868-1874.

463. TO F. MULLER. Down, January 30th [1868]

I am very much obliged for your answers, though few in number (October 5th), about expression. I was especially glad to hear about shrugging the shoulders. You say that an old negro woman, when expressing astonishment, wonderfully resembled a Cebus when astonished; but are you sure that the Cebus opened its mouth? I ask because the Chimpanzee does not open its mouth when astonished, or when listening. (463/1. Darwin in the "Expression of the Emotions," adheres to this statement as being true of monkeys in general.) Please have the kindness to remember that I am very anxious to know whether any monkey, when screaming violently, partially or wholly closes its eyes.

464. TO W. BOWMAN

(464/1. The late Sir W. Bowman, the well-known surgeon, supplied a good deal of information of value to Darwin in regard to the expression of the emotions. The gorging of the eyes with blood during screaming is an important factor in the physiology of weeping, and indirectly in the obliquity of the eyebrows--a characteristic expression of suffering. See "Expression of the Emotions," pages 160 and 192.)

Down, March 30th [1868].

I called at your house about three weeks since, and heard that you were away for the whole month, which I much regretted, as I wished to have had the pleasure of seeing you, of asking you a question, and of thanking you for your kindness to my son George. You did not quite understand the last note which I wrote to you--viz., about Bell's precise statement that the conjunctiva of an infant or young child becomes gorged with blood when the eyes are forcibly opened during a screaming fit. (464/2. Sir C. Bell's statement in his "Anatomy of Expression" (1844, page 106) is quoted in the "Expression of the Emotions," page 158.) I have carefully kept your previous note, in which you spoke doubtfully about Bell's statement. I intended in my former note only to express a wish that if, during your professional work, you were led to open the eyelids of a screaming child, you would specially observe this point about the eye showing signs of becoming gorged with blood, which interests me extremely. Could you ask any one to observe this for me in an eye-dispensary or hospital? But I now have to beg you kindly to consider one other question at any time when you have half an hour's leisure.

When a man coughs violently from choking or retches violently, even when he yawns, and when he laughs violently, tears come into the eyes. Now, in all these cases I observe that the orbicularis muscle is more or less spasmodically contracted, as also in the crying of a child. So, again, when the muscles of the abdomen contract violently in a propelling manner, and the breath is, I think, always held, as during the evacuation of a very costive man, and as (I hear) with a woman during severe labour-pains, the orbicularis contracts, and tears come into the eyes. Sir J.E. Tennant states that tears roll down the cheeks of elephants when screaming and trumpeting at first being captured; accordingly I went to the Zoological Gardens, and the keeper made two elephants trumpet, and when they did this violently the orbicularis was invariably plainly contracted. Hence I am led to conclude that there must be some relation between the contraction of this muscle and the secretion of tears. Can you tell me what this relation is? Does the orbicularis press against, and so directly stimulate, the lachrymal gland? As a slight blow on the eye causes, by reflex action, a copious effusion of tears, can the slight spasmodic contraction of the orbicularis act like a blow? This seems hardly possible. Does the same nerve which runs to the orbicularis send off fibrils to the lachrymal glands; and if so, when the order goes for the muscle to contract, is nervous force sent sympathetically at the same time to the glands? (464/3. See "Expression of the Emotions," page 169.)

I should be extremely much obliged if you [would] have the kindness to give me your opinion on this point.

465. TO F.C. DONDERS

(465/1. Mr. Darwin was indebted to Sir W. Bowman for an introduction to Professor Donders, whose work on Sir Charles Bell's views is quoted in the "Expression of the Emotions," pages 160-62.)

Down, June 3rd [1870?].

I do not know how to thank you enough for the very great trouble which you have taken in writing at such length, and for your kind expressions towards me. I am particularly obliged for the abstract with respect to Sir C. Bell's views (465/2. See "Expression of the Emotions," pages 158 et seq.: Sir Charles Bell's view is that adopted by Darwin--viz. that the contraction of the muscles round the eyes counteracts the gorging of the parts during screaming, etc. The essay of Donders is, no doubt, "On the Action of the Eyelids in Determination of Blood from Expiratory Effort" in Beale's "Archives of Medicine," Volume V., 1870, page 20, which is a translation of the original in Dutch.), as I shall now proceed with some confidence; but I am intensely curious to read your essay in full when translated and published, as I hope, in the "Dublin Journal," as you speak of the weak point in the case--viz., that injuries are not known to follow from the gorging of the eye with blood. I may mention that my son and his friend at a military academy tell me that when they perform certain feats with their heads downwards their faces become purple and veins distended, and that they then feel an uncomfortable sensation in their eyes; but that as it is necessary for them to see, they cannot protect their eyes by closing the eyelids. The companions of one young man, who naturally has very prominent eyes, used to laugh at him when performing such feats, and declare that some day both eyes would start out of his head.

Your essay on the physiological and anatomical relations between the contraction of the orbicular muscles and the secretion of tears is wonderfully clear, and has interested me greatly. I had not thought about irritating substances getting into the nose during vomiting; but my clear impression is that mere retching causes tears. I will, however, try to get this point ascertained. When I reflect that in vomiting (subject to the above doubt), in violent coughing from choking, in yawning, violent laughter, in the violent downward action of the abdominal muscle...and in your very curious case of the spasms (465/3. In some cases a slight touch to the eye causes spasms of the orbicularis muscle, which may continue for so long as an hour, being accompanied by a flow of tears. See "Expression of the Emotions," page 166.)--that in all these cases the orbicular muscles are strongly and unconsciously contracted, and that at the same time tears often certainly flow, I must think that there is a connection of some kind between these phenomena; but you have clearly shown me that the nature of the relation is at present quite obscure.

466. TO A.D. BARTLETT. 6, Queen Anne Street, W., December 19th [1870?]

I was with Mr. Wood this morning, and he expressed himself strongly about your and your daughter's kindness in aiding him. He much wants assistance on another point, and if you would aid him, you would greatly oblige me. You know well the appearance of a dog when approaching another dog with hostile intentions, before they come close together. The dog walks very stiffly, with tail rigid and upright, hair on back erected, ears pointed and eyes directed forwards. When the dog attacks the other, down go the ears, and the canines are uncovered. Now, could you anyhow arrange so that one of your dogs could see a strange dog from a little distance, so that Mr. Wood could sketch the former attitude, viz., of the stiff gesture with erected hair and erected ears. (466/1. In Chapter II. of the "Expression of the Emotions" there are sketches of dogs in illustration of the "Principle of Antithesis," drawn by Mr. Riviere and by Mr. A. May (figures 5-8). Mr. T.W. Wood supplied similar drawings of a cat (figures 9, 10), also a sketch of the head of a snarling dog (figure 14).) And then he could afterwards sketch the same dog, when fondled by his master and wagging his tail with drooping ears. These two sketches I want much, and it would be a great favour to Mr. Wood, and myself, if you could aid him.

P.S.--When a horse is turned out into a field he trots with high, elastic steps, and carries his tail aloft. Even when a cow frisks about she throws up her tail. I have seen a drawing of an elephant, apparently trotting with high steps, and with the tail erect. When the elephants in the garden are turned out and are excited so as to move quickly, do they carry their tails aloft? How is this with the rhinoceros? Do not trouble yourself to answer this, but I shall be in London in a couple of months, and then perhaps you will be able to answer this trifling question. Or, if you write about wolves and jackals turning round, you can tell me about the tails of elephants, or of any other animals. (466/2. In the "Expression of the Emotions," page 44, reference is made under the head of "Associated habitual movements in the lower animals," to dogs and other animals turning round and round and scratching the ground with their fore-paws when they wish to go to sleep on a carpet, or other similar surface.)

467. TO A.D. BARTLETT. Down, January 5th, [1871?]

Many thanks about Limulus. I am going to ask another favour, but I do not want to trouble you to answer it by letter. When the Callithrix sciureus screams violently, does it wrinkle up the skin round the eyes like a baby always does? (467/1. "Humboldt also asserts that the eyes of the Callithrix sciureus 'instantly fill with tears when it is seized with fear'; but when this pretty little monkey in the Zoological Gardens was teased, so as to cry out loudly, this did not occur. I do not, however, wish to throw the least doubt on the accuracy of Humboldt's statement." ("The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals," 1872, page 137.) When thus screaming do the eyes become suffused with moisture? Will you ask Sutton to observe carefully? (467/2. One of the keepers who made many observations on monkeys for Mr. Darwin.) Could you make it scream without hurting it much? I should be truly obliged some time for this information, when in spring I come to the Gardens.

468. TO W. OGLE. Down, March 7th [1871]

I wrote to Tyndall, but had no clear answer, and have now written to him again about odours. (468/1. Dr. Ogle's work on the Sense of Smell ("Medico-Chirurgical Trans." LIII., page 268) is referred to in the "Expression of the Emotions," page 256.) I write now to ask you to be so kind (if there is no objection) to tell me the circumstances under which you saw a man arrested for murder. (468/2. Given in the "Expression of the Emotions," page 294.) I say in my notes made from your conversation: utmost horror--extreme pallor--mouth relaxed and open--general prostration--perspiration--muscle of face contracted--hair observed on account of having been dyed, and apparently not erected. Secondly, may I quote you that you have often (?) seen persons (young or old? men or women?) who, evincing no great fear, were about to undergo severe operation under chloroform, showing resignation by (alternately?) folding one open hand over the other on the lower part of chest (whilst recumbent?)--I know this expression, and think I ought to notice it. Could you look out for an additional instance?

I fear you will think me very troublesome, especially when I remind you (not that I am in a hurry) about the Eustachian tube.

469. TO J. JENNER WEIR. Down, June 14th [1870]

As usual, I am going to beg for information. Can you tell me whether any Fringillidae or Sylviadae erect their feathers when frightened or enraged? (469/1. See "Expression of the Emotions," page 99.) I want to show that this expression is common to all or most of the families of birds. I know of this only in the fowl, swan, tropic-bird, owl, ruff and reeve, and cuckoo. I fancy that I remember having seen nestling birds erect their feathers greatly when looking into nests, as is said to be the case with young cuckoos. I should much like to know whether nestlings do really thus erect their feathers. I am now at work on expression in animals of all kinds, and birds; and if you have any hints I should be very glad for them, and you have a rich wealth of facts of all kinds. Any cases like the following: the sheldrake pats or dances on the tidal sands to make the sea-worms come out; and when Mr. St. John's tame sheldrakes came to ask for their dinners they used to pat the ground, and this I should call an expression of hunger and impatience. How about the Quagga case? (469/2. See Letter 235, Volume I.)

I am working away as hard as I can on my book; but good heavens, how slow my progress is.

470. TO F.C. DONDERS. Down, March 18th, 1871

Very many thanks for your kind letter. I have been interested by what you tell me about your views published in 1848, and I wish I could read your essay. It is clear to me that you were as near as possible in preceding me on the subject of Natural Selection.

You will find very little that is new to you in my last book; whatever merit it may possess consists in the grouping of the facts and in deductions from them. I am now at work on my essay on Expression. My last book fatigued me much, and I have had much correspondence, otherwise I should have written to you long ago, as I often intended to tell you in how high a degree your essay published in Beale's Archives interested me. (470/1. Beale's "Archives of Medicine," Volume V., 1870.) I have heard others express their admiration at the complete manner in which you have treated the subject. Your confirmation of Sir C. Bell's rather loose statement has been of paramount importance for my work. (470/2. On the contraction of the muscles surrounding the eye. See "Expression of the Emotions," page 158. See Letters 464, 465.) You told me that I might make further enquiries from you.

When a person is lost in meditation his eyes often appear as if fixed on a distant object (470/3. The appearance is due to divergence of the lines of vision produced by muscular relaxation. See "Expression of the Emotions," Edition II., page 239.), and the lower eyelids may be seen to contract and become wrinkled. I suppose the idea is quite fanciful, but as you say that the eyeball advances in adaptation for vision for close objects, would the eyeball have to be pushed backwards in adaptation for distant objects? (470/4. Darwin seems to have misunderstood a remark of Donders.) If so, can the wrinkling of the lower eyelids, which has often perplexed me, act in pushing back the eyeball?

But, as I have said, I daresay this is quite fanciful. Gratiolet says that the pupil contracts in rage, and dilates enormously in terror. (470/5. See "Expression of the Emotions," Edition II., page 321.) I have not found this great anatomist quite trustworthy on such points, and am making enquiries on this subject. But I am inclined to believe him, as the old Scotch anatomist Munro says, that the iris of parrots contracts and dilates under passions, independently of the amount of light. Can you give any explanation of this statement? When the heart beats hard and quick, and the head becomes somewhat congested with blood in any illness, does the pupil contract? Does the pupil dilate in incipient faintness, or in utter prostration, as when after a severe race a man is pallid, bathed in perspiration, with all his muscles quivering? Or in extreme prostration from any illness?

471. TO W. TURNER. Down, March 28th [1871]

I am much obliged for your kind note, and especially for your offer of sending me some time corrections, for which I shall be truly grateful. I know that there are many blunders to which I am very liable. There is a terrible one confusing the supra-condyloid foramen with another one. (471/1. In the first edition of the "Descent of Man," I., page 28, in quoting Mr. Busk "On the Caves of Gibraltar," Mr. Darwin confuses together the inter-condyloid foramen in the humerus with the supra-condyloid foramen. His attention was called to the mistake by Sir William Turner, to whom he had been previously indebted for other information on the anatomy of man. The error is one, as Sir William Turner points out in a letter, "which might easily arise where the writer is not minutely acquainted with human anatomy." In speaking of his correspondence with Darwin, Sir William remarks on a characteristic of Darwin's method of asking for information, namely, his care in avoiding leading questions.) This, however, I have corrected in all the copies struck off after the first lot of 2500. I daresay there will be a new edition in the course of nine months or a year, and this I will correct as well as I can. As yet the publishers have kept up type, and grumble dreadfully if I make heavy corrections. I am very far from surprised that "you have not committed yourself to full acceptation" of the evolution of man. Difficulties and objections there undoubtedly are, enough and to spare, to stagger any cautious man who has much knowledge like yourself.

I am now at work at my hobby-horse essay on Expression, and I have been reading some old notes of yours. In one you say it is easy to see that the spines of the hedgehog are moved by the voluntary panniculus. Now, can you tell me whether each spine has likewise an oblique unstriped or striped muscle, as figured by Lister? (472/2. "Expression of the Emotions," page 101.) Do you know whether the tail-coverts of peacock or tail of turkey are erected by unstriped or striped muscles, and whether these are homologous with the panniculus or with the single oblique unstriped muscles going to each separate hair in man and many animals? I wrote some time ago to Kolliker to ask this question (and in relation to quills of porcupine), and I received a long and interesting letter, but he could not answer these questions. If I do not receive any answer (for I know how busy you must be), I will understand you cannot aid me.

I heard yesterday that Paget was very ill; I hope this is not true. What a loss he would be; he is so charming a man.

P.S.--As I am writing I will trouble you with one other question. Have you seen anything or read of any facts which could induce you to think that the mind being intently and long directed to any portion of the skin (or, indeed, any organ) would influence the action of the capillaries, causing them either to contract or dilate? Any information on this head would be of great value to me, as bearing on blushing.

If I remember right, Paget seems to be a great believer in the influence of the mind in the nutrition of parts, and even in causing disease. It is awfully audacious on my part, but I remember thinking (with respect to the latter assertion on disease) when I read the passage that it seemed rather fanciful, though I should like to believe in it. Sir H. Holland alludes to this subject of the influence of the mind on local circulation frequently, but gives no clear evidence. (472/3. Ibid., pages 339 et seq.)

472. TO W. TURNER. Down, March 29th [1871]

Forgive me for troubling you with one line. Since writing my P.S. I have read the part on the influence of the nervous system on the nutrition of parts in your last edition of Paget's "Lectures." (472/1. "Lectures on Surgical Pathology," Edition III., revised by Professor Turner, 1870.) I had not read before this part in this edition, and I see how foolish I was. But still, I should be extremely grateful for any hint or evidence of the influence of mental attention on the capillary or local circulation of the skin, or of any part to which the mind may be intently and long directed. For instance, if thinking intently about a local eruption on the skin (not on the face, for shame might possibly intervene) caused it temporarily to redden, or thinking of a tumour caused it to throb, independently of increased heart action.

473. TO HUBERT AIRY

(473/1. Dr. Airy had written to Mr. Darwin on April 3rd:--

"With regard to the loss of voluntary movement of the ears in man and monkey, may I ask if you do not think it might have been caused, as it is certainly compensated, by the facility and quickness in turning the head, possessed by them in virtue of their more erect stature, and the freedom of the atlanto-axial articulation? (in birds the same end is gained by the length and flexibility of the neck.) The importance, in case of danger, of bringing the eyes to help the ears would call for a quick turn of the head whenever a new sound was heard, and so would tend to make superfluous any special means of moving the ears, except in the case of quadrupeds and the like, that have great trouble (comparatively speaking) in making a horizontal turn of the head--can only do it by a slow bend of the whole neck." (473/2. We are indebted to Dr. Airy for furnishing us with a copy of his letter to Mr. Darwin, the original of which had been mislaid.)

Down, April 5th [1871].

I am greatly obliged for your letter. Your idea about the easy turning of the head instead of the ears themselves strikes me as very good, and quite new to me, and I will keep it in mind; but I fear that there are some cases opposed to the notion.

If I remember right the hedgehog has very human ears, but birds support your view, though lizards are opposed to it.

Several persons have pointed out my error about the platysma. (473/3. The error in question occurs on page 19 of the "Descent of Man," Edition I., where it is stated that the Platysma myoides cannot be voluntarily brought into action. In the "Expression of the Emotions" Darwin remarks that this muscle is sometimes said not to be under voluntary control, and he shows that this is not universally true.) Nor can I remember how I was misled. I find I can act on this muscle myself, now that I know the corners of the mouth have to be drawn back. I know of the case of a man who can act on this muscle on one side, but not on the other; yet he asserts positively that both contract when he is startled. And this leads me to ask you to be so kind as to observe, if any opportunity should occur, whether the platysma contracts during extreme terror, as before an operation; and secondly, whether it contracts during a shivering fit. Several persons are observing for me, but I receive most discordant results.

I beg you to present my most respectful and kind compliments to your honoured father [Sir G.B. Airy].

474. TO FRANCIS GALTON

(474/1. Mr. Galton had written on November 7th, 1872, offering to send to various parts of Africa Darwin's printed list of questions intended to guide observers on expression. Mr. Galton goes on: "You do not, I think, mention in "Expression" what I thought was universal among blubbering children (when not trying to see if harm or help was coming out of the corner of one eye) of pressing the knuckles against the eyeballs, thereby reinforcing the orbicularis.")

Down, November 8th [1872].

Many thanks for your note and offer to send out the queries; but my career is so nearly closed that I do not think it worth while. What little more I can do shall be chiefly new work. I ought to have thought of crying children rubbing their eyes with their knuckles, but I did not think of it, and cannot explain it. As far as my memory serves, they do not do so whilst roaring, in which case compression would be of use. I think it is at the close of the crying fit, as if they wished to stop their eyes crying, or possibly to relieve the irritation from the salt tears. I wish I knew more about the knuckles and crying.

What a tremendous stir-up your excellent article on prayer has made in England and America! (474/2. The article entitled "Statistical Inquiries into the Efficacy of Prayer" appeared in the "Fortnightly Review," 1872. In Mr. Francis Galton's book on "Enquiries into Human Faculty and its Development," London, 1883, a section (pages 277-94) is devoted to a discussion on the "Objective Efficacy of Prayer.")

475. TO F.C. DONDERS

(475/1. We have no means of knowing whether the observations suggested in the following letter were made--if not, the suggestion is worthy of record.)

Down, December 21st, 1872.

You will have received some little time ago my book on Expression, in writing which I was so deeply indebted to your kindness. I want now to beg a favour of you, if you have the means to grant it. A clergyman, the head of an institution for the blind in England (475/2. The Rev. R.H. Blair, Principal of the Worcester College: "Expression of the Emotions," Edition II., page 237.), has been observing the expression of those born blind, and he informs me that they never or very rarely frown. He kept a record of several cases, but at last observed a frown on two of the children who he thought never frowned; and then in a foolish manner tore up his notes, and did not write to me until my book was published. He may be a bad observer and altogether mistaken, but I think it would be worth while to ascertain whether those born blind, when young, and whilst screaming violently, contract the muscles round the eyes like ordinary infants. And secondly, whether in after years they rarely or never frown. If it should prove true that infants born blind do not contract their orbicular muscles whilst screaming (though I can hardly believe it) it would be interesting to know whether they shed tears as copiously as other children. The nature of the affection which causes blindness may possibly influence the contraction of the muscles, but on all such points you will judge infinitely better than I can. Perhaps you could get some trustworthy superintendent of an asylum for the blind to attend to this subject. I am sure that you will forgive me asking this favour.

476. TO D. HACK TUKE. Down, December 22nd, 1872

I have now finished your book, and have read it with great interest. (476/1. "Influence of the Mind upon the Body. Designed to elucidate the Power of the Imagination." 1872.)

Many of your cases are very striking. As I felt sure would be the case, I have learnt much from it; and I should have modified several passages in my book on Expression, if I had had the advantage of reading your work before my publication. I always felt, and said so a year ago to Professor Donders, that I had not sufficient knowledge of Physiology to treat my subject in a proper way.

With many thanks for the interest which I have felt in reading your work...

477. TO A.R. WALLACE. Down, January 10th [1873]

I have read your Review with much interest, and I thank you sincerely for the very kind spirit in which it is written. I cannot say that I am convinced by your criticisms. (477/1. "Quarterly Journal of Science," January, 1873, page 116: "I can hardly believe that when a cat, lying on a shawl or other soft material, pats or pounds it with its feet, or sometimes sucks a piece of it, it is the persistence of the habit of pressing the mammary glands and sucking during kittenhood." Mr. Wallace goes on to say that infantine habits are generally completely lost in adult life, and that it seems unlikely that they should persist in a few isolated instances.) If you have ever actually observed a kitten sucking and pounding, with extended toes, its mother, and then seen the same kitten when a little older doing the same thing on a soft shawl, and ultimately an old cat (as I have seen), and do not admit that it is identically the same action, I am astonished. With respect to the decapitated frog, I have always heard of Pfluger as a most trustworthy observer. (477/2. Mr. Wallace speaks of "a readiness to accept the most marvellous conclusions or interpretations of physiologists on what seem very insufficient grounds," and he goes on to assert that the frog experiment is either incorrectly recorded or else that it "demonstrates volition, and not reflex action.") If, indeed, any one knows a frog's habits so well as to say that it never rubs off a bit of leaf or other object which may stick to its thigh, in the same manner as it did the acid, your objection would be valid. Some of Flourens' experiments, in which he removed the cerebral hemispheres from a pigeon, indicate that acts apparently performed consciously can be done without consciousness. I presume through the force of habit, in which case it would appear that intellectual power is not brought into play. Several persons have made suggestions and objections as yours about the hands being held up in astonishment; if there was any straining of the muscles, as with protruded arms under fright, I would agree; as it is I must keep to my old opinion, and I dare say you will say that I am an obstinate old blockhead. (477/3. The raising of the hands in surprise is explained ("Expression of Emotions," Edition I., page 287) on the doctrine of antithesis as being the opposite of listlessness. Mr. Wallace's view (given in the 2nd edition of "Expression of the Emotions," page 300) is that the gesture is appropriate to sudden defence or to the giving of aid to another person.)

The book has sold wonderfully; 9,000 copies have now been printed.

478. TO CHAUNCEY WRIGHT. Down, September 21st, 1874

I have read your long letter with the greatest interest, and it was extremely kind of you to take such great trouble. Now that you call my attention to the fact, I well know the appearance of persons moving the head from side to side when critically viewing any object; and I am almost sure that I have seen the same gesture in an affected person when speaking in exaggerated terms of some beautiful object not present. I should think your explanation of this gesture was the true one. But there seems to me a rather wide difference between inclining or moving the head laterally, and moving it in the same plane, as we do in negation, and, as you truly add, in disapprobation. It may, however, be that these two movements of the head have been confounded by travellers when speaking of the Turks. Perhaps Prof. Lowell would remember whether the movement was identically the same. Your remarks on the effects of viewing a sunset, etc., with the head inverted are very curious. (478/1. The letter dated September 3rd, 1874, is published in Mr. Thayer's "Letters" of Chauncey Wright, privately printed, Cambridge, Mass., 1878. Wright quotes Mr. Sophocles, a native of Greece, at the time Professor of Modern and Ancient Greek at Harvard University, to the effect that the Turks do not express affirmation by a shake of the head, but by a bow or grave nod, negation being expressed by a backward nod. From the striking effect produced by looking at a landscape with the head inverted, or by looking at its reflection, Chauncey Wright was led to the lateral movement of the head, which is characteristic of critical inspection--eg. of a picture. He thinks that in this way a gesture of deliberative assent arose which may have been confused with our ordinary sign of negation. He thus attempts to account for the contradictions between Lieber's statement that a Turk or Greek expresses "yes" by a shake of the head, and the opposite opinion of Prof. Sophocles, and lastly, Mr. Lowell's assertion that in Italy our negative shake of the head is used in affirmation (see "Expression of the Emotions," Edition II., page 289).) We have a looking-glass in the drawing-room opposite the flower-garden, and I have often been struck how extremely pretty and strange the flower garden and surrounding bushes appear when thus viewed. Your letter will be very useful to me for a new edition of my Expression book; but this will not be for a long time, if ever, as the publisher was misled by the very large sale at first, and printed far too many copies.

I daresay you intend to publish your views in some essay, and I think you ought to do so, for you might make an interesting and instructive discussion.

I have been half killing myself of late with microscopical work on plants. I begin to think that they are more wonderful than animals.

P.S., January 29th, 1875.--You will see that by a stupid mistake in the address this letter has just been returned to me. It is by no means worth forwarding, but I cannot bear that you should think me so ungracious and ungrateful as not to have thanked you for your long letter.

As I forget whether "Cambridge" is sufficient address, I will send this through Asa Gray.

(PLATE: CHARLES LYELL. Engraved by G.I. (J). Stodart from a photograph.)

2. IX. GEOLOGY, 1840-1882

I. Vulcanicity and Earth-movements.--II. Ice-action.--III. The Parallel Roads of Glen Roy.--IV. Coral Reefs, Fossil and Recent.--V. Cleavage and Foliation.--VI. Age of the World.--VII. Geological Action of Earthworms.--VIII. Miscellaneous.

2.IX.I. VULCANICITY AND EARTH-MOVEMENTS, 1840-1881.

479. TO DAVID MILNE. 12, Upper Gower Street, Thursday [March] 20th [1840]

I much regret that I am unable to give you any information of the kind you desire. You must have misunderstood Mr. Lyell concerning the object of my paper. (479/1. "On the Connexion of certain Volcanic Phenomena, and on the Formation of Mountain-chains and the Effects of Continental Elevations." "Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume V., 1840, pages 601-32 [March 7th, 1838].) It is an account of the shock of February, 1835, in Chile, which is particularly interesting, as it ties most closely together volcanic eruptions and continental elevations. In that paper I notice a very remarkable coincidence in volcanic eruptions in S. America at very distant places. I have also drawn up some short tables showing, as it appears to me, that there are periods of unusually great volcanic activity affecting large portions of S. America. I have no record of any coincidences between shocks there and in Europe. Humboldt, by his table in the "Pers. Narrative" (Volume IV., page 36, English Translation), seems to consider the elevation of Sabrina off the Azores as connected with S. American subterranean activity: this connection appears to be exceedingly vague. I have during the past year seen it stated that a severe shock in the northern parts of S. America coincided with one in Kamstchatka. Believing, then, that such coincidences are purely accidental, I neglected to take a note of the reference; but I believe the statement was somewhere in "L'Institut" for 1839. (479/2. "L'Institut, Journal General des Societes et Travaux Scientifiques de la France et de l'Etranger," Tome VIII. page 412, Paris, 1840. In a note on some earthquakes in the province Maurienne it is stated that they occurred during a change in the weather, and at times when a south wind followed a north wind, etc.) I was myself anxious to see the list of the 1200 shocks alluded to by you, but I have not been able to find out that the list has been published. With respect to any coincidences you may discover between shocks in S. America and Europe, let me venture to suggest to you that it is probably a quite accurate statement that scarcely one hour in the year elapses in S. America without an accompanying shock in some part of that large continent. There are many regions in which earthquakes take place every three and four days; and after the severer shocks the ground trembles almost half-hourly for months. If, therefore, you had a list of the earthquakes of two or three of these districts, it is almost certain that some of them would coincide with those in Scotland, without any other connection than mere chance.

My paper will be published immediately in the "Geological Transactions," and I will do myself the pleasure of sending you a copy in the course of (as I hope) a week or ten days. A large part of it is theoretical, and will be of little interest to you; but the account of the Concepcion shock of 1835 will, I think, be worth your perusal. I have understood from Mr. Lyell that you believe in some connection between the state of the weather and earthquakes. Under the very peculiar climate of Northern Chile, the belief of the inhabitants in such connection can hardly, in my opinion, be founded in error. It must possibly be worth your while to turn to pages 430-433 in my "Journal of Researches during the Voyage of the 'Beagle'," where I have stated this circumstance. (479/3. "Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries visited during the Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle' round the World." London, 1870, page 351.) On the hypothesis of the crust of the earth resting on fluid matter, would the influence of the moon (as indexed by the tides) affect the periods of the shocks, when the force which causes them is just balanced by the resistance of the solid crust? The fact you mention of the coincidence between the earthquakes of Calabria and Scotland appears most curious. Your paper will possess a high degree of interest to all geologists. I fancied that such uniformity of action, as seems here indicated, was probably confined to large continents, such as the Americas. How interesting a record of volcanic phenomena in Iceland would be, now that you are collecting accounts of every slight trembling in Scotland. I am astonished at their frequency in that quiet country, as any one would have called it. I wish it had been in my power to have contributed in any way to your researches on this most interesting subject.

480. TO L. HORNER. Down, August 29th [1844]

I am greatly obliged for your kind note, and much pleased with its contents. If one-third of what you say be really true, and not the verdict of a partial judge (as from pleasant experience I much suspect), then should I be thoroughly well contented with my small volume which, small as it is, cost me much time. (480/1. "Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands visited during the Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle'": London, 1844. A French translation has been made by Professor Renard of Ghent, and published by Reinwald of Paris in 1902.) The pleasure of observation amply repays itself: not so that of composition; and it requires the hope of some small degree of utility in the end to make up for the drudgery of altering bad English into sometimes a little better and sometimes worse. With respect to craters of elevation (480/2. "Geological Observations," pages 93-6.), I had no sooner printed off the few pages on that subject than I wished the whole erased. I utterly disbelieve in Von Buch and de Beaumont's views; but on the other hand, in the case of the Mauritius and St. Jago, I cannot, perhaps unphilosophically, persuade myself that they are merely the basal fragments of ordinary volcanoes; and therefore I thought I would suggest the notion of a slow circumferential elevation, the central part being left unelevated, owing to the force from below being spent and [relieved?] in eruptions. On this view, I do not consider these so-called craters of elevation as formed by the ejection of ashes, lava, etc., etc., but by a peculiar kind of elevation acting round and modified by a volcanic orifice. I wish I had left it all out; I trust that there are in other parts of the volume more facts and less theory. The more I reflect on volcanoes, the more I appreciate the importance of E. de Beaumont's measurements (480/3. Elie de Beaumont's views are discussed by Sir Charles Lyell both in the "Principles of Geology" (Edition X., 1867, Volume I. pages 633 et seq.) and in the "Elements of Geology" (Edition III., 1878, pages 495, 496). See also Darwin's "Geological Observations," Edition II., 1876, page 107.) (even if one does not believe them implicitly) of the natural inclination of lava-streams, and even more the importance of his view of the dikes, or unfilled fissures, in every volcanic mountain, being the proofs and measures of the stretching and consequent elevation which all such mountains must have undergone. I believe he thus unintentionally explains most of his cases of lava-streams being inclined at a greater angle than that at which they could have flowed.

But excuse this lengthy note, and once more let me thank you for the pleasure and encouragement you have given me--which, together with Lyell's never-failing kindness, will help me on with South America, and, as my books will not sell, I sometimes want such aid. I have been lately reading with care A. d'Orbigny's work on South America (480/4. "Voyage dans l'Amerique Meridionale--execute pendant les annees 1826-33": six volumes, Paris, 1835-43.), and I cannot say how forcibly impressed I am with the infinite superiority of the Lyellian school of Geology over the continental. I always feel as if my books came half out of Lyell's brain, and that I never acknowledge this sufficiently; nor do I know how I can without saying so in so many words--for I have always thought that the great merit of the "Principles" was that it altered the whole tone of one's mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never seen by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through his eyes--it would have been in some respects better if I had done this less: but again excuse my long, and perhaps you will think presumptuous, discussion. Enclosed is a note from Emma to Mrs. Horner, to beg you, if you can, to give us the great pleasure of seeing you here. We are necessarily dull here, and can offer no amusements; but the weather is delightful, and if you could see how brightly the sun now shines you would be tempted to come. Pray remember me most kindly to all your family, and beg of them to accept our proposal, and give us the pleasure of seeing them.

481. TO C. LYELL. Down, [September, 1844]

I was glad to get your note, and wanted to hear about your work. I have been looking to see it advertised; it has been a long task. I had, before your return from Scotland, determined to come up and see you; but as I had nothing else to do in town, my courage has gradually eased off, more especially as I have not been very well lately. We get so many invitations here that we are grown quite dissipated, but my stomach has stood it so ill that we are going to have a month's holidays, and go nowhere.

The subject which I was most anxious to talk over with you I have settled, and having written sixty pages of my "S. American Geology," I am in pretty good heart, and am determined to have very little theory and only short descriptions. The two first chapters will, I think, be pretty good, on the great gravel terraces and plains of Patagonia and Chili and Peru.

I am astonished and grieved over D'Orbigny's nonsense of sudden elevations. (481/1. D'Orbigny's views are referred to by Lyell in chapter vii. of the "Principles," Volume I. page 131. "This mud [i.e. the Pampean mud] contains in it recent species of shells, some of them proper to brackish water, and is believed by Mr. Darwin to be an estuary or delta deposit. M.A. D'Orbigny, however, has advanced an hypothesis...that the agitation and displacement of the waters of the ocean, caused by the elevation of the Andes, gave rise to a deluge, of which this Pampean mud, which reaches sometimes the height of 12,000 feet, is the result and monument.") I must give you one of his cases: He finds an old beach 600 feet above sea. He finds STILL ATTACHED to the rocks at 300 feet six species of truly littoral shells. He finds at 20 to 30 feet above sea an immense accumulation of chiefly littoral shells. He argues the whole 600 feet uplifted at one blow, because the attached shells at 300 feet have not been displaced. Therefore when the sea formed a beach at 600 feet the present littoral shells were attached to rocks at 300 feet depth, and these same shells were accumulating by thousands at 600 feet.

Hear this, oh Forbes. Is it not monstrous for a professed conchologist? This is a fair specimen of his reasoning.

One of his arguments against the Pampas being a slow deposit, is that mammifers are very seldom washed by rivers into the sea!

Because at 12,000 feet he finds the same kind of clay with that of the Pampas he never doubts that it is contemporaneous with the Pampas [debacle?] which accompanied the right royal salute of every volcano in the Cordillera. What a pity these Frenchmen do not catch hold of a comet, and return to the good old geological dramas of Burnett and Whiston. I shall keep out of controversy, and just give my own facts. It is enough to disgust one with Geology; though I have been much pleased with the frank, decided, though courteous manner with which D'Orbigny disputes my conclusions, given, unfortunately, without facts, and sometimes rashly, in my journal.

Enough of S. America. I wish you would ask Mr. Horner (for I forgot to do so, and am unwilling to trouble him again) whether he thinks there is too much detail (quite independent of the merits of the book) in my volcanic volume; as to know this would be of some real use to me. You could tell me when we meet after York, when I will come to town. I had intended being at York, but my courage has failed. I should much like to hear your lecture, but still more to read it, as I think reading is always better than hearing.

I am very glad you talk of a visit to us in the autumn if you can spare the time. I shall be truly glad to see Mrs. Lyell and yourself here; but I have scruples in asking any one--you know how dull we are here. Young Hooker (481/2. Sir J.D. Hooker.) talks of coming; I wish he might meet you,--he appears to me a most engaging young man.

I have been delighted with Prescott, of which I have read Volume I. at your recommendation; I have just been a good deal interested with W. Taylor's (of Norwich) "Life and Correspondence."

On your return from York I shall expect a great supply of Geological gossip.

482. TO C. LYELL. [October 3rd, 1846.]

I have been much interested with Ramsay, but have no particular suggestions to offer (482/1. "On the Denudation of South Wales and the Adjacent Counties of England." A.C. Ramsay, "Mem. Geol. Survey Great Britain," Volume I., London, 1846.); I agree with all your remarks made the other day. My final impression is that the only argument against him is to tell him to read and re-read the "Principles," and if not then convinced to send him to Pluto. Not but what he has well read the "Principles!" and largely profited thereby. I know not how carefully you have read this paper, but I think you did not mention to me that he does (page 327) (482/2. Ramsay refers the great outlines of the country to the action of the sea in Tertiary times. In speaking of the denudation of the coast, he says: "Taking UNLIMITED time into account, we can conceive that any extent of land might be so destroyed...If to this be added an EXCEEDINGLY SLOW DEPRESSION of the land and sea bottom, the wasting process would be materially assisted by this depression" (loc. cit., page 327).) believe that the main part of his great denudation was effected during a vast (almost gratuitously assumed) slow Tertiary subsidence and subsequent Tertiary oscillating slow elevation. So our high cliff argument is inapplicable. He seems to think his great subsidence only FAVOURABLE for great denudation. I believe from the general nature of the off-shore sea's bottoms that it is almost necessary; do look at two pages--page 25 of my S. American volume--on this subject. (482/3. "Geological Observations on S. America," 1846, page 25. "When viewing the sea-worn cliffs of Patagonia, in some parts between 800 and 900 feet in height, and formed of horizontal Tertiary strata, which must once have extended far seaward...a difficulty often occurred to me, namely, how the strata could possibly have been removed by the action of the sea at a considerable depth beneath its surface." The cliffs of St. Helena are referred to in illustration of the same problem; speaking of these, Darwin adds: "Now, if we had any reason to suppose that St. Helena had, during a long period, gone on slowly subsiding, every difficulty would be removed...I am much inclined to suspect that we shall hereafter find in all such cases that the land with the adjoining bed of the sea has in truth subsided..." (loc. cit., pages 25-6).)

The foundation of his views, viz., of one great sudden upheaval, strikes me as threefold. First, to account for the great dislocations. This strikes me as the odder, as he admits that a little northwards there were many and some violent dislocations at many periods during the accumulation of the Palaeozoic series. If you argue against him, allude to the cool assumption that petty forces are conflicting: look at volcanoes; look at recurrent similar earthquakes at same spots; look at repeatedly injected intrusive masses. In my paper on Volcanic Phenomena in the "Geol. Transactions." (482/4. "On the Connection of certain Volcanic Phenomena, and on the Formation of Mountain-chains and the Effects of Continental Elevations." "Geol. Soc. Proc." Volume II., pages 654-60, 1838; "Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume V., pages 601-32, 1842. [Read March 7th, 1838.]) I have argued (and Lonsdale thought well of the argument, in favour, as he remarked, of your original doctrine) that if Hopkins' views are correct, viz., that mountain chains are subordinate consequences to changes of level in mass, then, as we have evidence of such horizontal movements in mass having been slow, the foundation of mountain chains (differing from volcanoes only in matter being injected instead of ejected) must have been slow.

Secondly, Ramsay has been influenced, I think, by his Alpine insects; but he is wrong in thinking that there is any necessary connection of tropics and large insects--videlicet--Galapagos Arch., under the equator. Small insects swarm in all parts of tropics, though accompanied generally with large ones.

Thirdly, he appears influenced by the absence of newer deposits on the old area, blinded by the supposed necessity of sediment accumulating somewhere near (as no doubt is true) and being PRESERVED--an example, as I think, of the common error which I wrote to you about. The preservation of sedimentary deposits being, as I do not doubt, the exception when they are accumulated during periods of elevation or of stationary level, and therefore the preservation of newer deposits would not be probable, according to your view that Ramsay's great Palaeozoic masses were denuded, whilst slowly rising. Do pray look at end of Chapter II., at what little I have said on this subject in my S. American volume. (482/5. The second chapter of the "Geological Observations" concludes with a Summary on the Recent Elevations of the West Coast of South America, (page 53).)

I do not think you can safely argue that the whole surface was probably denuded at same time to the level of the lateral patches of Magnesian conglomerate.

The latter part of the paper strikes me as good, but obvious.

I shall send him my S. American volume for it is curious on how many similar points we enter, and I modestly hope it may be a half-oz. weight towards his conversion to better views. If he would but reject his great sudden elevations, how sound and good he would be. I doubt whether this letter will be worth the reading.

483. TO C. LYELL. Down [September 4th, 1849]

It was very good of you to write me so long a letter, which has interested me much. I should have answered it sooner, but I have not been very well for the few last days. Your letter has also flattered me much in many points. I am very glad you have been thinking over the relation of subsidence and the accumulation of deposits; it has to me removed many great difficulties; please to observe that I have carefully abstained from saying that sediment is not deposited during periods of elevation, but only that it is not accumulated to sufficient thickness to withstand subsequent beach action; on both coasts of S. America the amount of sediment deposited, worn away, and redeposited, oftentimes must have been enormous, but still there have been no wide formations produced: just read my discussion (page 135 of my S. American book (483/1. See Letter 556, note. The discussion referred to ("Geological Observations on South America," 1846) deals with the causes of the absence of recent conchiferous deposits on the coasts of South America.)) again with this in your mind. I never thought of your difficulty (i.e. in relation to this discussion) of where was the land whence the three miles of S. Wales strata were derived! (483/2. In his classical paper "On the Denudation of South Wales and the Adjacent Counties of England" ("Mem. Geol. Survey," Volume I., page 297, 1846), Ramsay estimates the thickness of certain Palaeozoic formations in South Wales, and calculates the cubic contents of the strata in the area they now occupy together with the amount removed by denudation; and he goes on to say that it is evident that the quantity of matter employed to form these strata was many times greater than the entire amount of solid land they now represent above the waves. "To form, therefore, so great a thickness, a mass of matter of nearly equal cubic contents must have been worn by the waves and the outpourings of rivers from neighbouring lands, of which perhaps no original trace now remains" (page 334.)) Do you not think that it may be explained by a form of elevation which I have always suspected to have been very common (and, indeed, had once intended getting all facts together), viz. thus?--

(Figure 1. A line drawing of ocean bottom subsiding beside mountains and continent rising.)

The frequency of a DEEP ocean close to a rising continent bordered with mountains, seems to indicate these opposite movements of rising and sinking CLOSE TOGETHER; this would easily explain the S. Wales and Eocene cases. I will only add that I should think there would be a little more sediment produced during subsidence than during elevation, from the resulting outline of coast, after long period of rise. There are many points in my volume which I should like to have discussed with you, but I will not plague you: I should like to hear whether you think there is anything in my conjecture on Craters of Elevation (483/3. In the "Geological Observations on Volcanic Islands," 1844, pages 93-6, Darwin speaks of St. Helena, St. Jago and Mauritius as being bounded by a ring of basaltic mountains which he regards as "Craters of Elevation." While unable to accept the theory of Elie de Beaumont and attribute their formation to a dome-shaped elevation and consequent arching of the strata, he recognises a "very great difficulty in admitting that these basaltic mountains are merely the basal fragments of great volcanoes, of which the summits have been either blown off, or, more probably, swallowed by subsidence." An explanation of the origin and structure of these volcanic islands is suggested which would keep them in the class of "Craters of Elevation," but which assumes a slow elevation, during which the central hollow or platform having been formed "not by the arching of the surface, but simply by that part having been upraised to a less height."); I cannot possibly believe that Saint Jago or Mauritius are the basal fragments of ordinary volcanoes; I would sooner even admit E. de Beaumont's views than that--much as I would sooner in my own mind in all cases follow you. Just look at page 232 in my "S. America" for a trifling point, which, however, I remember to this day relieved my mind of a considerable difficulty. (483/4. This probably refers to a paragraph (page 232) "On the Eruptive Sources of the Porphyritic Claystone and Greenstone Lavas." The opinion is put forward that "the difficulty of tracing the streams of porphyries to their ancient and doubtless numerous eruptive sources, may be partly explained by the very general disturbance which the Cordillera in most parts has suffered"; but, Darwin adds, "a more specific cause may be that 'the original points of eruption tend to become the points of injection'...On this view of there being a tendency in the old points of eruption to become the points of subsequent injection and disturbance, and consequently of denudation, it ceases to be surprising that the streams of lava in the porphyritic claystone conglomerate formation, and in other analogous cases, should most rarely be traceable to their actual sources." The latter part of this letter is published in "Life and Letters," I., pages 377, 378.) I remember being struck with your discussion on the Mississippi beds in relation to Pampas, but I should wish to read them over again; I have, however, re-lent your work to Mrs. Rich, who, like all whom I have met, has been much interested by it. I will stop about my own Geology. But I see I must mention that Scrope did suggest (and I have alluded to him, page 118 (483/5. "Geological Observations," Edition II., 1876. Chapter VI. opens with a discussion "On the Separation of the Constituent Minerals of Lava, according to their Specific Gravities." Mr. Darwin calls attention to the fact that Mr. P. Scrope had speculated on the subject of the separation of the trachytic and basaltic series of lavas (page 113).), but without distinct reference and I fear not sufficiently, though I utterly forgot what he wrote) the separation of basalt and trachyte; but he does not appear to have thought about the crystals, which I believe to be the keystone of the phenomenon. I cannot but think this separation of the molten elements has played a great part in the metamorphic rocks: how else could the basaltic dykes have come in the great granitic districts such as those of Brazil? What a wonderful book for labour is d'Archiac!...(483/6. Possibly this refers to d'Archiac's "Histoire des Progres de la Geologie," 1848.)

484. TO LADY LYELL. Down, Wednesday night [1849?]

I am going to beg a very very great favour of you: it is to translate one page (and the title) of either Danish or Swedish or some such language. I know not to whom else to apply, and I am quite dreadfully interested about the barnacles therein described. Does Lyell know Loven, or his address and title? for I must write to him. If Lyell knows him I would use his name as introduction; Loven I know by name as a first-rate naturalist.

Accidentally I forgot to give you the "Footsteps," which I now return, having ordered a copy for myself.

I sincerely hope the "Craters of Denudation" prosper; I pin my faith to this view. (484/1. "On Craters of Denudation, with Observations on the Structure and Growth of Volcanic Cones." "Proc. Geol. Soc." Volume VI., 1850, pages 207-34. In a letter to Bunbury (January 17th, 1850) Lyell wrote:..."Darwin adopts my views as to Mauritius, St. Jago, and so-called elevation craters, which he has examined, and was puzzled with."--"Life of Sir Charles Lyell," Volume II., page 158.)

Please tell Sir C. Lyell that outside the crater-like mountains at St. Jago, even throughout a distance of two or three miles, there has been much denudation of the older volcanic rocks contemporaneous with those of the ring of mountains. (484/2. The island of St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verde group, is fully described in the "Volcanic Islands," Chapter 1.)

I hope that you will not find the page troublesome, and that you will forgive me asking you.

485. TO C. LYELL. [November 6th, 1849]

I have been deeply interested in your letter, and so far, at least, worthy of the time it must have cost you to write it. I have not much to say. I look at the whole question as settled. Santorin is splendid! it is conclusive! it is perfect! (485/1. "The Gulf of Santorin, in the Grecian Archipelago, has been for two thousand years a scene of active volcanic operations. The largest of the three outer islands of the groups (to which the general name of Santorin is given) is called Thera (or sometimes Santorin), and forms more than two-thirds of the circuit of the Gulf" ("Principles of Geology," Volume II., Edition X., London, 1868, page 65). Lyell attributed "the moderate slope of the beds in Thera...to their having originally descended the inclined flanks of a large volcanic cone..."; he refuted the theory of "Elevation Craters" by Leopold von Buch, which explained the slope of the rocks in a volcanic mountain by assuming that the inclined beds had been originally horizontal and subsequently tilted by an explosion.) You have read Dufrenoy in a hurry, I think, and added to the difficulty--it is the whole hill or "colline" which is composed of tuff with cross-stratification; the central boss or "monticule" is simply trachyte. Now, I have described one tuff crater at Galapagos (page 108) (485/2. The pages refer to Darwin's "Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands, etc." 1844.) which has broken through a great solid sheet of basalt: why should not an irregular mass of trachyte have been left in the middle after the explosion and emission of mud which produced the overlying tuff? Or, again, I see no difficulty in a mass of trachyte being exposed by subsequent dislocations and bared or cleaned by rain. At Ascension (page 40), subsequent to the last great aeriform explosion, which has covered the country with fragments, there have been dislocations and a large circular subsidence...Do not quote Banks' case (485/3. This refers to Banks' Cove: see "Volcanic Islands," page 107.) (for there has been some denudation there), but the "elliptic one" (page 105), which is 1,500 yards (three-quarters of a nautical mile) in internal diameter...and is the very one the inclination of whose mud stream on tuff strata I measured (before I had ever heard the name Dufrenoy) and found varying from 25 to 30 deg. Albemarle Island, instead of being a crater of elevation, as Von Buch foolishly guessed, is formed of four great subaerial basaltic volcanoes (page 103), of one of which you might like to know the external diameter of the summit or crater was above three nautical miles. There are no "craters of denudation" at Galapagos. (485/4. See Lyell "On Craters of Denudation, with Observations on the Structure and Growth of Volcanic Cones," "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume VI., 1850, page 207.)

I hope you will allude to Mauritius. I think this is the instance on the largest scale of any known, though imperfectly known.

If I were you I would give up consistency (or, at most, only allude in note to your old edition) and bring out the Craters of Denudation as a new view, which it essentially is. You cannot, I think, give it prominence as a novelty and yet keep to consistency and passages in old editions. I should grudge this new view being smothered in your address, and should like to see a separate paper. The one great channel to Santorin and Palma, etc., etc., is just like the one main channel being kept open in atolls and encircling barrier reefs, and on the same principle of water being driven in through several shallow breaches.

I of course utterly reprobate my wild notion of circular elevation; it is a satisfaction to me to think that I perceived there was a screw loose in the old view, and, so far, I think I was of some service to you.

Depend on it, you have for ever smashed, crushed, and abolished craters of elevation. There must be craters of engulfment, and of explosion (mere modifications of craters of eruption), but craters of denudation are the ones which have given rise to all the discussions.

Pray give my best thanks to Lady Lyell for her translation, which was as clear as daylight to me, including "leglessness."

486. TO C. LYELL

Down [November 20th, 1849].

I remembered the passage in E. de B. [Elie de Beaumont] and have now re-read it. I have always and do still entirely disbelieve it; in such a wonderful case he ought to have hammered every inch of rock up to actual junction; he describes no details of junction, and if I were in your place I would absolutely dispute the fact of junction (or articulation as he oddly calls it) on such evidence. I go farther than you; I do not believe in the world there is or has been a junction between a dike and stream of lava of exact shape of either (1) or (2) Figure 2].

(Figures 2, 3 and 4.)

If dike gave immediate origin to volcanic vent we should have craters of [an] elliptic shape [Figure 3]. I believe that when the molten rock in a dike comes near to the surface, some one two or three points will always certainly chance to afford an easier passage upward to the actual surface than along the whole line, and therefore that the dike will be connected (if the whole were bared and dissected) with the vent by a column or cone (see my elegant drawing) of lava [Figure 4]. I do not doubt that the dikes are thus indirectly connected with eruptive vents. E. de B. seems to have observed many of his T; now without he supposes the whole line of fissure or dike to have poured out lava (which implies, as above remarked, craters of an elliptic or almost linear shape) on both sides, how extraordinarily improbable it is, that there should have been in a single line of section so many intersections of points eruption; he must, I think, make his orifices of eruption almost linear or, if not so, astonishingly numerous. One must refer to what one has seen oneself: do pray, when you go home, look at the section of a minute cone of eruption at the Galapagos, page 109 (486/1. "Geological Observations on Volcanic Islands." London, 1890, page 238.), which is the most perfect natural dissection of a crater which I have ever heard of, and the drawing of which you may, I assure you, trust; here the arching over of the streams as they were poured out over the lip of the crater was evident, and are now thus seen united to the central irregular column. Again, at St. Jago I saw some horizontal sections of the bases of small craters, and the sources or feeders were circular. I really cannot entertain a doubt that E. de B. is grossly wrong, and that you are right in your view; but without most distinct evidence I will never admit that a dike joins on rectangularly to a stream of lava. Your argument about the perpendicularity of the dike strikes me as good.

The map of Etna, which I have been just looking at, looks like a sudden falling in, does it not? I am not much surprised at the linear vent in Santorin (this linear tendency ought to be difficult to a circular-crater-of-elevation-believer), I think Abich (486/2. "Geologische Beobachtungen uber die vulkanischen Erscheinungen und Bildungen in Unter- und Mittel-Italien." Braunschweig, 1841.) describes having seen the same actual thing forming within the crater of Vesuvius. In such cases what outline do you give to the upper surface of the lava in the dike connecting them? Surely it would be very irregular and would send up irregular cones or columns as in my above splendid drawing.

At the Royal on Friday, after more doubt and misgiving than I almost ever felt, I voted to recommend Forbes for Royal Medal, and that view was carried, Sedgwick taking the lead.

I am glad to hear that all your party are pretty well. I know from experience what you must have gone through. From old age with suffering death must be to all a happy release. (486/3. This seems to refer to the death of Sir Charles Lyell's father, which occurred on November 8th, 1849.)

I saw Dan Sharpe the other day, and he told me he had been working at the mica schist (i.e. not gneiss) in Scotland, and that he was quite convinced my view was right. You are wrong and a heretic on this point, I know well.

487. TO C.H.L. WOODD. Down, March 4th [1850]

(487/1. The paper was sent in MS., and seems not to have been published. Mr. Woodd was connected by marriage with Mr. Darwin's cousin, the late Rev. W. Darwin Fox. It was perhaps in consequence of this that Mr. Darwin proposed Mr. Woodd for the Geological Society.)

I have read over your paper with attention; but first let me thank you for your very kind expressions towards myself. I really feel hardly competent to discuss the questions raised by your paper; I feel the want of mathematical mechanics. All such problems strike me as awfully complicated; we do not even know what effect great pressure has on retarding liquefaction by heat, nor, I apprehend, on expansion. The chief objection which strikes me is a doubt whether a mass of strata, when heated, and therefore in some slight degree at least softened, would bow outwards like a bar of metal. Consider of how many subordinate layers each great mass would be composed, and the mineralogical changes in any length of any one stratum: I should have thought that the strata would in every case have crumpled up, and we know how commonly in metamorphic strata, which have undergone heat, the subordinate layers are wavy and sinuous, which has always been attributed to their expansion whilst heated.

Before rocks are dried and quarried, manifold facts show how extremely flexible they are even when not at all heated. Without the bowing out and subsequent filling in of the roof of the cavity, if I understand you, there would be no subsidence. Of course the crumpling up of the strata would thicken them, and I see with you that this might compress the underlying fluidified rock, which in its turn might escape by a volcano or raise a weaker part of the earth's crust; but I am too ignorant to have any opinion whether force would be easily propagated through a viscid mass like molten rock; or whether such viscid mass would not act in some degree like sand and refuse to transmit pressure, as in the old experiment of trying to burst a piece of paper tied over the end of a tube with a stick, an inch or two of sand being only interposed. I have always myself felt the greatest difficulty in believing in waves of heat coming first to this and then to that quarter of the world: I suspect that heat plays quite a subordinate part in the upward and downward movements of the earth's crust; though of course it must swell the strata where first affected. I can understand Sir J. Herschel's manner of bringing heat to unheated strata--namely, by covering them up by a mile or so of new strata, and then the heat would travel into the lower ones. But who can tell what effect this mile or two of new sedimentary strata would have from mere gravity on the level of the supporting surface? Of course such considerations do not render less true that the expansion of the strata by heat would have some effect on the level of the surface; but they show us how awfully complicated the phenomenon is. All young geologists have a great turn for speculation; I have burned my fingers pretty sharply in that way, and am now perhaps become over-cautious; and feel inclined to cavil at speculation when the direct and immediate effect of a cause in question cannot be shown. How neatly you draw your diagrams; I wish you would turn your attention to real sections of the earth's crust, and then speculate to your heart's content on them; I can have no doubt that speculative men, with a curb on, make far the best observers. I sincerely wish I could have made any remarks of more interest to you, and more directly bearing on your paper; but the subject strikes me as too difficult and complicated. With every good wish that you may go on with your geological studies, speculations, and especially observations...

488. TO C. LYELL. Down, March 24th [1853]

I have often puzzled over Dana's case, in itself and in relation to the trains of S. American volcanoes of different heights in action at the same time (page 605, Volume V. "Geological Transactions." (488/1. "On the Connection of certain Volcanic Phenomena in South America, and on the Formation of Mountain Chains and Volcanoes, as the Effect of the same Power by which Continents are Elevated" ("Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume V., page 601, 1840). On page 605 Darwin records instances of the simultaneous activity after an earthquake of several volcanoes in the Cordillera.)) I can throw no light on the subject. I presume you remember that Hopkins (488/2. See "Report on the Geological Theories of Elevation and Earthquakes," by W. Hopkins, "Brit. Assoc. Rep." 1847, page 34.) in some one (I forget which) of his papers discusses such cases, and urgently wishes the height of the fluid lava was known in adjoining volcanoes when in contemporaneous action; he argues vehemently against (as far as I remember) volcanoes in action of different heights being connected with one common source of liquefied rock. If lava was as fluid as water, the case would indeed be hopeless; and I fancy we should be led to look at the deep-seated rock as solid though intensely hot, and becoming fluid as soon as a crack lessened the tension of the super-incumbent strata. But don't you think that viscid lava might be very slow in communicating its pressure equally in all directions? I remember thinking strongly that Dana's case within the one crater of Kilauea proved too much; it really seems monstrous to suppose that the lava within the same crater is not connected at no very great depth.

When one reflects on (and still better sees) the enormous masses of lava apparently shot miles high up, like cannon-balls, the force seems out of all proportion to the mere gravity of the liquefied lava; I should think that a channel a little straightly or more open would determine the line of explosion, like the mouth of a cannon compared to the touch-hole. If a high-pressure boiler was cracked across, no one would think for a moment that the quantity of water and steam expelled at different points depended on the less or greater height of the water within the boiler above these points, but on the size of the crack at these points; and steam and water might be driven out both at top and bottom. May not a volcano be likened to a protruding and cracked portion on a vast natural high-pressure boiler, formed by the surrounding area of country? In fact, I think my simile would be truer if the difference consisted only in the cracked case of the boiler being much thicker in some parts than in others, and therefore having to expel a greater thickness or depth of water in the thicker cracks or parts--a difference of course absolutely as nothing.

I have seen an old boiler in action, with steam and drops of water spurting out of some of the rivet-holes. No one would think whether the rivet-holes passed through a greater or less thickness of iron, or were connected with the water higher or lower within the boiler, so small would the gravity be compared with the force of the steam. If the boiler had been not heated, then of course there would be a great difference whether the rivet-holes entered the water high or low, so that there was greater or less pressure of gravity. How to close my volcanic rivet-holes I don't know.

I do not know whether you will understand what I am driving at, and it will not signify much whether you do or not. I remember in old days (I may mention the subject as we are on it) often wishing I could get you to look at continental elevations as THE phenomenon, and volcanic outbursts and tilting up of mountain chains as connected, but quite secondary, phenomena. I became deeply impressed with the truth of this view in S. America, and I do not think you hold it, or if so make it clear: the same explanation, whatever it may be, which will account for the whole coast of Chili rising, will and must apply to the volcanic action of the Cordillera, though modified no doubt by the liquefied rock coming to the surface and reaching water, and so [being] rendered explosive. To me it appears that this ought to be borne in mind in your present subject of discussion. I have written at too great length; and have amused myself if I have done you no good--so farewell.

489. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 5th [1856]

I am very much obliged for your long letter, which has interested me much; but before coming to the volcanic cosmogony I must say that I cannot gather your verdict as judge and jury (and not as advocate) on the continental extensions of late authors (489/1. See "Life and Letters," II., page 74; Letter to Lyell, June 25th, 1856: also letters in the sections of the present work devoted to Evolution and Geographical Distribution.), which I must grapple with, and which as yet strikes me as quite unphilosophical, inasmuch as such extensions must be applied to every oceanic island, if to any one, as to Madeira; and this I cannot admit, seeing that the skeletons, at least, of our continents are ancient, and seeing the geological nature of the oceanic islands themselves. Do aid me with your judgment: if I could honestly admit these great [extensions], they would do me good service.

With respect to active volcanic areas being rising areas, which looks so pretty on the coral maps, I have formerly felt "uncomfortable" on exactly the same grounds with you, viz. maritime position of volcanoes; and still more from the immense thicknesses of Silurian, etc., volcanic strata, which thicknesses at first impress the mind with the idea of subsidence. If this could be proved, the theory would be smashed; but in deep oceans, though the bottom were rising, great thicknesses of submarine lava might accumulate. But I found, after writing Coral Book, cases in my notes of submarine vesicular lava-streams in the upper masses of the Cordillera, formed, as I believe, during subsidence, which staggered me greatly. With respect to the maritime position of volcanoes, I have long been coming to the conclusion that there must be some law causing areas of elevation (consequently of land) and of subsidence to be parallel (as if balancing each other) and closely approximate; I think this from the form of continents with a deep ocean on one side, from coral map, and especially from conversations with you on immense subsidences of the Carboniferous and [other] periods, and yet with continued great supply of sediment. If this be so, such areas, with opposite movements, would probably be separated by sets of parallel cracks, and would be the seat of volcanoes and tilts, and consequently volcanoes and mountains would be apt to be maritime; but why volcanoes should cling to the rising edge of the cracks I cannot conjecture. That areas with extinct volcanic archipelagoes may subside to any extent I do not doubt.

Your view of the bottom of Atlantic long sinking with continued volcanic outbursts and local elevations at Madeira, Canaries, etc., grates (but of course I do not know how complex the phenomena are which are thus explained) against my judgment; my general ideas strongly lead me to believe in elevatory movements being widely extended. One ought, I think, never to forget that when a volcano is in action we have distinct proof of an action from within outwards. Nor should we forget, as I believe follows from Hopkins (489/2. "Researches in Physical Geology," W. Hopkins, "Trans. Phil. Soc. Cambridge," Volume VI., 1838. See also "Report on the Geological Theories of Elevation and Earthquakes," W. Hopkins, "Brit. Assoc. Rep." page 33, 1847 (Oxford meeting).), and as I have insisted in my Earthquake paper, that volcanoes and mountain chains are mere accidents resulting from the elevation of an area, and as mountain chains are generally long, so should I view areas of elevation as generally large. (489/3. "On the Connexion of certain Volcanic Phenomena in S. America, and on the Formation of Mountain Chains and Volcanoes, as the Effect of the same Power by which Continents are Elevated," "Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume V., page 601, 1840. "Bearing in mind Mr. Hopkins' demonstration, if there be considerable elevation there must be fissures, and, if fissures, almost certainly unequal upheaval, or subsequent sinking down, the argument may be finally thus put: mountain chains are the effects of continental elevations; continental elevations and the eruptive force of volcanoes are due to one great motive, now in progressive action..." (loc. cit., page 629).)

Your old original view that great oceans must be sinking areas, from there being causes making land and yet there being little land, has always struck me till lately as very good. But in some degree this starts from the assumption that within periods of which we know anything there was either a continent in such areas, or at least a sea-bottom of not extreme depth.

490. TO C. LYELL. King's Head Hotel, Sandown, Isle of Wight, July 18th [1858]

I write merely to thank you for the abstract of the Etna paper. (490/1. "On the Structure of Lavas which have Consolidated on Steep Slopes, with Remarks on the Mode of Origin of Mount Etna and on the Theory of 'Craters of Elevation,'" by C. Lyell, "Phil. Trans. R. Soc." Volume CXLVIII., page 703, 1859.) It seems to me a very grand contribution to our volcanic knowledge. Certainly I never expected to see E. de B.'s [Elie de Beaumont] theory of slopes so completely upset. He must have picked out favourable cases for measurement. And such an array of facts he gives! You have scotched, and will see die, I now think, the Crater of Elevation theory. But what vitality there is in a plausible theory! (490/2. The rest of this letter is published in "Life and Letters," II., page 129.)

491. TO C. LYELL. Down, November 25th [1860]

I have endeavoured to think over your discussion, but not with much success. You will have to lay down, I think, very clearly, what foundation you argue from--four parts (which seems to me exceedingly moderate on your part) of Europe being now at rest, with one part undergoing movement. How it is, that from this you can argue that the one part which is now moving will have rested since the commencement of the Glacial period in the proportion of four to one, I do not pretend to see with any clearness; but does not your argument rest on the assumption that within a given period, say two or three million years, the whole of Europe necessarily has to undergo movement? This may be probable or not so, but it seems to me that you must explain the foundation of your argument from space to time, which at first, to me was very far from obvious. I can, of course, see that if you can make out your argument satisfactorily to yourself and others it would be most valuable. I can imagine some one saying that it is not fair to argue that the great plains of Europe and the mountainous districts of Scotland and Wales have been at all subjected to the same laws of movement. Looking to the whole world, it has been my opinion, from the very size of the continents and oceans, and especially from the enormous ranges of so many mountain-chains (resulting from cracks which follow from vast areas of elevation, as Hopkins argues (491/1. See "Report on the Geological Theories of Elevation and Earthquakes." by William Hopkins. "Brit. Assoc. Rep." 1847, pages 33-92; also the Anniversary Address to the Geological Society by W. Hopkins in 1852 ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume VIII.); in this Address, pages lxviii et seq.) reference is made to the theory of elevation which rests on the supposition "of the simultaneous action of an upheaving force at every point of the area over which the phenomena of elevation preserve a certain character of continuity...The elevated mass...becomes stretched, and is ultimately torn and fissured in those directions in which the tendency thus to tear is greatest...It is thus that the complex phenomena of elevation become referable to a general and simple mechanical cause...")) and from other reasons, it has been my opinion that, as a general rule, very large portions of the world have been simultaneously affected by elevation or subsidence. I can see that this does not apply so strongly to broken Europe, any more than to the Malay Archipelago. Yet, had I been asked, I should have said that probably nearly the whole of Europe was subjected during the Glacial period to periods of elevation and of subsidence. It does not seem to me so certain that the kinds of partial movement which we now see going on show us the kind of movement which Europe has been subjected to since the commencement of the Glacial period. These notions are at least possible, and would they not vitiate your argument? Do you not rest on the belief that, as Scandinavia and some few other parts are now rising, and a few others sinking, and the remainder at rest, so it has been since the commencement of the Glacial period? With my notions I should require this to be made pretty probable before I could put much confidence in your calculations. You have probably thought this all over, but I give you the reflections which come across me, supposing for the moment that you took the proportions of space at rest and in movement as plainly applicable to time. I have no doubt that you have sufficient evidence that, at the commencement of the Glacial period, the land in Scotland, Wales, etc., stood as high or higher than at present, but I forget the proofs.

Having burnt my own fingers so consumedly with the Wealden, I am fearful for you, but I well know how infinitely more cautious, prudent, and far-seeing you are than I am; but for heaven's sake take care of your fingers; to burn them severely, as I have done, is very unpleasant.

Your 2 1/2 feet for a century of elevation seems a very handsome allowance. can D. Forbes really show the great elevation of Chili? I am astounded at it, and I took some pains on the point.

I do not pretend to say that you may not be right to judge of the past movements of Europe by those now and recently going on, yet it somehow grates against my judgment,--perhaps only against my prejudices.

As a change from elevation to subsidence implies some great subterranean or cosmical change, one may surely calculate on long intervals of rest between. Though, if the cause of the change be ever proved to be astronomical, even this might be doubtful.

P.S.--I do not know whether I have made clear what I think probable, or at least possible: viz., that the greater part of Europe has at times been elevated in some degree equably; at other times it has all subsided equably; and at other times might all have been stationary; and at other times it has been subjected to various unequal movements, up and down, as at present.

492. TO C. LYELL. Down, December 4th [1860]

It certainly seems to me safer to rely solely on the slowness of ascertained up-and-down movement. But you could argue length of probable time before the movement became reversed, as in your letter. And might you not add that over the whole world it would probably be admitted that a larger area is NOW at rest than in movement? and this I think would be a tolerably good reason for supposing long intervals of rest. You might even adduce Europe, only guarding yourself by saying that possibly (I will not say probably, though my prejudices would lead me to say so) Europe may at times have gone up and down all together. I forget whether in a former letter you made a strong point of upward movement being always interrupted by long periods of rest. After writing to you, out of curiosity I glanced at the early chapters in my "Geology of South America," and the areas of elevation on the E. and W. coasts are so vast, and proofs of many successive periods of rest so striking, that the evidence becomes to my mind striking. With regard to the astronomical causes of change: in ancient days in the "Beagle" when I reflected on the repeated great oscillations of level on the very same area, and when I looked at the symmetry of mountain chains over such vast spaces, I used to conclude that the day would come when the slow change of form in the semi-fluid matter beneath the crust would be found to be the cause of volcanic action, and of all changes of level. And the late discussion in the "Athenaeum" (492/1. "On the Change of Climate in Different Regions of the Earth." Letters from Sir Henry James, Col. R.E., "Athenaeum," August 25th, 1860, page 256; September 15th, page 355; September 29th, page 415; October 13th, page 483. Also letter from J. Beete Jukes, Local Director of the Geological Survey of Ireland, loc. cit., September 8th, page 322; October 6th, page 451.), by Sir H. James (though his letter seemed to me mighty poor, and what Jukes wrote good), reminded me of this notion. In case astronomical agencies should ever be proved or rendered probable, I imagine, as in nutation or precession, that an upward movement or protrusion of fluidified matter below might be immediately followed by movement of an opposite nature. This is all that I meant.

I have not read Jamieson, or yet got the number. (492/2. Possibly William Jameson, "Journey from Quito to Cayambe," "Geog. Soc. Journ." Volume XXXI., page 184, 1861.) I was very much struck with Forbes' explanation of n[itrate] of soda beds and the saliferous crust, which I saw and examined at Iquique. (492/3. "On the Geology of Bolivia and Southern Peru," by D. Forbes, "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XVII., page 7, 1861. Mr. Forbes attributes the formation of the saline deposits to lagoons of salt water, the communication of which with the sea has been cut off by the rising of the land (loc. cit., page 13).) I often speculated on the greater rise inland of the Cordilleras, and could never satisfy myself...

I have not read Stur, and am awfully behindhand in many things...(492/4. The end of this letter is published as a footnote in "Life and Letters," II., page 352.)

(FIGURE 5. Map of part of South America and the Galapagos Archipelago.)

493. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 18th [1867]

(493/1. The first part of this letter is published in "Life and Letters," III., page 71.)

(493/2. Tahiti (Society Islands) is coloured blue in the map showing the distribution of the different kinds of reefs in "The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs," Edition III., 1889, page 185. The blue colour indicates the existence of barrier reefs and atolls which, on Darwin's theory, point to subsidence.)

Tahiti is, I believe, rightly coloured, for the reefs are so far from the land, and the ocean so deep, that there must have been subsidence, though not very recently. I looked carefully, and there is no evidence of recent elevation. I quite agree with you versus Herschel on Volcanic Islands. (493/3. Sir John Herschel suggested that the accumulation on the sea-floor of sediment, derived from the waste of the island, presses down the bed of the ocean, the continent being on the other hand relieved of pressure; "this brings about a state of strain in the crust which will crack in its weakest spot, the heavy side going down, and the light side rising." In discussing this view Lyell writes ("Principles," Volume II. Edition X., page 229), "This hypothesis appears to me of very partial application, for active volcanoes, even such as are on the borders of continents, are rarely situated where great deltas have been forming, whether in Pliocene or post-Tertiary times. The number, also, of active volcanoes in oceanic islands is very great, not only in the Pacific, but equally in the Atlantic, where no load of coral matter...can cause a partial weighting and pressing down of a supposed flexible crust.") Would not the Atlantic and Antarctic volcanoes be the best examples for you, as there then can be no coral mud to depress the bottom? In my "Volcanic Islands," page 126, I just suggest that volcanoes may occur so frequently in the oceanic areas as the surface would be most likely to crack when first being elevated. I find one remark, page 128 (493/4. "Volcanic Islands," page 128: "The islands, moreover, of some of the small volcanic groups, which thus border continents, are placed in lines related to those along which the adjoining shores of the continents trend" [see Figure 5].), which seems to me worth consideration--viz. the parallelism of the lines of eruption in volcanic archipelagoes with the coast lines of the nearest continent, for this seems to indicate a mechanical rather than a chemical connection in both cases, i.e. the lines of disturbance and cracking. In my "South American Geology," page 185 (493/5. "Geological Observations on South America," London, 1846, page 185.), I allude to the remarkable absence at present of active volcanoes on the east side of the Cordillera in relation to the absence of the sea on this side. Yet I must own I have long felt a little sceptical on the proximity of water being the exciting cause. The one volcano in the interior of Asia is said, I think, to be near great lakes; but if lakes are so important, why are there not many other volcanoes within other continents? I have always felt rather inclined to look at the position of volcanoes on the borders of continents, as resulting from coast lines being the lines of separation between areas of elevation and subsidence. But it is useless in me troubling you with my old speculations.

494. TO A.R. WALLACE. March 22nd [1869]

(494/1. The following extract from a letter to Mr. Wallace refers to his "Malay Archipelago," 1869.)

I have only one criticism of a general nature, and I am not sure that other geologists would agree with me. You repeatedly speak as if the pouring out of lava, etc., from volcanoes actually caused the subsidence of an adjoining area. I quite agree that areas undergoing opposite movements are somehow connected; but volcanic outbursts must, I think, be looked at as mere accidents in the swelling up of a great dome or surface of plutonic rocks, and there seems no more reason to conclude that such swelling or elevation in mass is the cause of the subsidence, than that the subsidence is the cause of the elevation, which latter view is indeed held by some geologists. I have regretted to find so little about the habits of the many animals which you have seen.

495. TO C. LYELL. Down, May 20th, 1869

I have been much pleased to hear that you have been looking at my S. American book (495/1. "Geological Observations on South America," London, 1846.), which I thought was as completely dead and gone as any pre-Cambrian fossil. You are right in supposing that my memory about American geology has grown very hazy. I remember, however, a paper on the Cordillera by D. Forbes (495/2. "Geology of Bolivia and South Peru," by Forbes, "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XVII., pages 7-62, 1861. Forbes admits that there is "the fullest evidence of elevation of the Chile coast since the arrival of the Spaniards. North of Arica, if we accept the evidence of M. d'Orbigny and others, the proof of elevation is much more decided; and consequently it may be possible that here, as is the case about Lima, according to Darwin, the elevation may have taken place irregularly in places..." (loc. cit., page 11).), with splendid sections, which I saw in MS., but whether "referred" to me or lent to me I cannot remember. This would be well worth your looking to, as I think he both supports and criticises my views. In Ormerod's Index to the Journal (495/3. "Classified Index to the Transactions, Proceedings and Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society."), which I do not possess, you would, no doubt, find a reference; but I think the sections would be worth borrowing from Forbes. Domeyko (495/4. Reference is made by Forbes in his paper on Bolivia and Peru to the work of Ignacio Domeyko on the geology of Chili. Several papers by this author were published in the "Annales des Mines" between 1840 and 1869, also in the "Comptes Rendus" of 1861, 1864, etc.) has published in the "Comptes Rendus" papers on Chili, but not, as far as I can remember, on the structure of the mountains. Forbes, however, would know. What you say about the plications being steepest in the central and generally highest part of the range is conclusive to my mind that there has been the chief axis of disturbance. The lateral thrusting has always appeared to me fearfully perplexing. I remember formerly thinking that all lateral flexures probably occurred deep beneath the surface, and have been brought into view by an enormous superincumbent mass having been denuded. If a large and deep box were filled with layers of damp paper or clay, and a blunt wedge was slowly driven up from beneath, would not the layers above it and on both sides become greatly convoluted, whilst those towards the top would be only slightly arched? When I spoke of the Andes being comparatively recent, I suppose that I referred to the absence of the older formations. In looking to my volume, which I have not done for many years, I came upon a passage (page 232) which would be worth your looking at, if you have ever felt perplexed, as I often was, about the sources of volcanic rocks in mountain chains. You have stirred up old memories, and at the risk of being a bore I should like to call your attention to another point which formerly perplexed me much--viz. the presence of basaltic dikes in most great granitic areas. I cannot but think the explanation given at page 123 of my "Volcanic Islands" is the true one. (495/5. On page 123 of the "Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands visited during the Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle,'" 1844, Darwin quotes several instances of greenstone and basaltic dikes intersecting granitic and allied metamorphic rocks. He suggests that these dikes "have been formed by fissures penetrating into partially cooled rocks of the granitic and metamorphic series, and by their more fluid parts, consisting chiefly of hornblende oozing out, and being sucked into such fissures.")

496. TO VICTOR CARUS. Down, March 21st, 1876

The very kind expressions in your letter have gratified me deeply.

I quite forget what I said about my geological works, but the papers referred to in your letter are the right ones. I enclose a list with those which are certainly not worth translating marked with a red line; but whether those which are not thus marked with a red line are worth translation you will have to decide. I think much more highly of my book on "Volcanic Islands" since Mr. Judd, by far the best judge on the subject in England, has, as I hear, learnt much from it.

I think the short paper on the "formation of mould" is worth translating, though, if I have time and strength, I hope to write another and longer paper on the subject.

I can assure you that the idea of any one translating my books better than you never even momentarily crossed my mind. I am glad that you can give a fairly good account of your health, or at least that it is not worse.

497. TO T. MELLARD READE. London, December 9th, 1880

I am sorry to say that I do not return home till the middle of next week, and as I order no pamphlets to be forwarded to me by post, I cannot return the "Geolog. Mag." until my return home, nor could my servants pick it out of the multitude which come by the post. (497/1. Article on "Oceanic Islands," by T. Mellard Reade, "Geol. Mag." Volume VIII., page 75, 1881.)

As I remarked in a letter to a friend, with whom I was discussing Wallace's last book (497/2. Wallace's "Island Life," 1880.), the subject to which you refer seems to me a most perplexing one. The fact which I pointed out many years ago, that all oceanic islands are volcanic (except St. Paul's, and now this is viewed by some as the nucleus of an ancient volcano), seems to me a strong argument that no continent ever occupied the great oceans. (497/3. "During my investigations on coral reefs I had occasion to consult the works of many voyagers, and I was invariably struck with the fact that, with rare exceptions, the innumerable islands scattered through the Pacific, Indian, and Atlantic Oceans were composed either of volcanic or of modern coral rocks" ("Geological Observations on Volcanic Islands, etc." Edition II., 1876, page 140).) Then there comes the statement from the "Challenger" that all sediment is deposited within one or two hundred miles from the shores, though I should have thought this rather doubtful with respect to great rivers like the Amazons.

The chalk formerly seemed to me the best case of an ocean having extended where a continent now stands; but it seems that some good judges deny that the chalk is an oceanic deposit. On the whole, I lean to the side that the continents have since Cambrian times occupied approximately their present positions. But, as I have said, the question seems a difficult one, and the more it is discussed the better.

498. TO A. AGASSIZ. Down, January 1st, 1881

I must write a line or two to thank you much for having written to me so long a letter on coral reefs at a time when you must have been so busy. Is it not difficult to avoid believing that the wonderful elevation in the West Indies must have been accompanied by much subsidence, notwithstanding the state of Florida? (498/1. The Florida reefs cannot be explained by subsidence. Alexander Agassiz, who has described these reefs in detail ("Three Cruises of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey Steamer 'Blake,'" 2 volumes, London, 1888), shows that the southern extremity of the peninsula "is of comparatively recent growth, consisting of concentric barrier-reefs, which have been gradually converted into land by the accumulation of intervening mud-flats" (see also Appendix II., page 287, to Darwin's "Coral Reefs," by T.G. Bonney, Edition III., 1889.)) When reflecting in old days on the configuration of our continents, the position of mountain chains, and especially on the long-continued supply of sediment over the same areas, I used to think (as probably have many other persons) that areas of elevation and subsidence must as a general rule be separated by a single great line of fissure, or rather of several closely adjoining lines of fissure. I mention this because, when looking within more recent times at charts with the depths of the sea marked by different tints, there seems to be some connection between the profound depths of the ocean and the trends of the nearest, though distant, continents; and I have often wished that some one like yourself, to whom the subject was familiar, would speculate on it.

P.S.--I do hope that you will re-urge your views about the reappearance of old characters (498/2. See "Life and Letters," III., pages 245, 246.), for, as far as I can judge, the most important views are often neglected unless they are urged and re-urged.

I am greatly indebted to you for sending me very many most valuable works published at your institution.

2.IX.II. ICE-ACTION, 1841-1882.

499. TO C. LYELL. [1841.]

Your extract has set me puzzling very much, and as I find I am better at present for not going out, you must let me unload my mind on paper. I thought everything so beautifully clear about glaciers, but now your case and Agassiz's statement about the cavities in the rock formed by cascades in the glaciers, shows me I don't understand their structure at all. I wish out of pure curiosity I could make it out. (499/1. "Etudes sur les Glaciers," by Louis Agassiz, 1840, contains a description of cascades (page 343), and "des cavites interieures" (page 348).)

If the glacier travelled on (and it certainly does travel on), and the water kept cutting back over the edge of the ice, there would be a great slit in front of the cascade; if the water did not cut back, the whole hollow and cascade, as you say, must travel on; and do you suppose the next season it falls down some crevice higher up? In any case, how in the name of Heaven can it make a hollow in solid rock, which surely must be a work of many years? I must point out another fact which Agassiz does not, as it appears to me, leave very clear. He says all the blocks on the surface of the glaciers are angular, and those in the moraines rounded, yet he says the medial moraines whence the surface rocks come and are a part [of], are only two lateral moraines united. Can he refer to terminal moraines alone when he says fragments in moraines are rounded? What a capital book Agassiz's is. In [reading] all the early part I gave up entirely the Jura blocks, and was heartily ashamed of my appendix (499/2. "M. Agassiz has lately written on the subject of the glaciers and boulders of the Alps. He clearly proves, as it appears to me, that the presence of the boulders on the Jura cannot be explained by any debacle, or by the power of ancient glaciers driving before them moraines...M. Agassiz also denies that they were transported by floating ice." ("Voyages of the 'Adventure' and 'Beagle,'" Volume III., 1839: "Journal and Remarks: Addenda," page 617.)) (and am so still of the manner in which I presumptuously speak of Agassiz), but it seems by his own confession that ordinary glaciers could not have transported the blocks there, and if an hypothesis is to be introduced the sea is much simpler; floating ice seems to me to account for everything as well as, and sometimes better than the solid glaciers. The hollows, however, formed by the ice-cascades appear to me the strongest hostile fact, though certainly, as you said, one sees hollow round cavities on present rock-beaches.

I am glad to observe that Agassiz does not pretend that direction of scratches is hostile to floating ice. By the way, how do you and Buckland account for the "tails" of diluvium in Scotland? (499/3. Mr. Darwin speaks of the tails of diluvium in Scotland extending from the protected side of a hill, of which the opposite side, facing the direction from which the ice came, is marked by grooves and striae (loc. cit., pages 622, 623).) I thought in my appendix this made out the strongest argument for rocks having been scratched by floating ice.

Some facts about boulders in Chiloe will, I think, in a very small degree elucidate some parts of Jura case. What a grand new feature all this ice work is in Geology! How old Hutton would have stared! (499/4. Sir Charles Lyell speaks of the Huttonian theory as being characterised by "the exclusion of all causes not supposed to belong to the present order of Nature" (Lyell's "Principles," Edition XII., volume I., page 76, 1875). Sir Archibald Geikie has recently edited the third volume of Hutton's "Theory of the Earth," printed by the Geological Society, 1899. See also "The Founders of Geology," by Sir Archibald Geikie; London, 1897.)

I ought to be ashamed of myself for scribbling on so. Talking of shame, I have sent a copy of my "Journal" (499/5. "Journal and Remarks," 1832-36. See note 2, page 148.) with very humble note to Agassiz, as an apology for the tone I used, though I say, I daresay he has never seen my appendix, or would care at all about it.

I did not suppose my note about Glen Roy could have been of any use to you--I merely scribbled what came uppermost. I made one great oversight, as you would perceive. I forgot the Glacier theory: if a glacier most gradually disappeared from mouth of Spean Valley [this] would account for buttresses of shingle below lowest shelf. The difficulty I put about the ice-barrier of the middle Glen Roy shelf keeping so long at exactly same level does certainly appear to me insuperable. (499/5. For a description of the shelves or parallel roads in Glen Roy see Darwin's "Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, etc." "Phil. Trans. R. Soc." 1839, page 39; also Letter 517 et seq.)

What a wonderful fact this breakdown of old Niagara is. How it disturbs the calculations about lengths of time before the river would have reached the lakes.

I hope Mrs. Lyell will read this to you, then I shall trust for forgiveness for having scribbled so much. I should have sent back Agassiz sooner, but my servant has been very unwell. Emma is going on pretty well.

My paper on South American boulders and "till," which latter deposit is perfectly characterised in Tierra del Fuego, is progressing rapidly. (499/6. "On the Distribution of the Erratic Boulders and on the Contemporaneous Unstratified Deposits of South America," "Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume VI., page 415, 1842.)

I much like the term post-Pliocene, and will use it in my present paper several times.

P.S.--I should have thought that the most obvious objection to the marine-beach theory for Glen Roy would be the limited extension of the shelves. Though certainly this is not a valid one, after an intermediate one, only half a mile in length, and nowhere else appearing, even in the valley of Glen Roy itself, has been shown to exist.

500. TO C. LYELL. 1842

I had some talk with Murchison, who has been on a flying visit into Wales, and he can see no traces of glaciers, but only of the trickling of water and of the roots of the heath. It is enough to make an extraneous man think Geology from beginning to end a work of imagination, and not founded on observation. Lonsdale, I observe, pays Buckland and myself the compliment of thinking Murchison not seeing as worth nothing; but I confess I am astonished, so glaringly clear after two or three days did the evidence appear to me. Have you seen last "New Edin. Phil. Journ.", it is ice and glaciers almost from beginning to end. (500/1. "The Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal," Volume XXXIII. (April-October), 1842, contains papers by Sir G.S. Mackenzie, Prof. H.G. Brown, Jean de Charpentier, Roderick Murchison, Louis Agassiz, all dealing with glaciers or ice; also letters to the Editor relating to Prof. Forbes' account of his recent observations on Glaciers, and a paper by Charles Darwin entitled "Notes on the Effects produced by the Ancient Glaciers of Carnarvonshire, and on the Boulders transported by Floating Ice.") Agassiz says he saw (and has laid down) the two lowest terraces of Glen Roy in the valley of the Spean, opposite mouth of Glen Roy itself, where no one else has seen them. (500/2. "The Glacial Theory and its Recent Progress," by Louis Agassiz, loc. cit., page 216. Agassiz describes the parallel terraces on the flanks of Glen Roy and Glen Spean (page 236), and expresses himself convinced "that the Glacial theory alone satisfies all the exigencies of the phenomenon" of the parallel roads.) I carefully examined that spot, owing to the sheep tracks [being] nearly but not quite parallel to the terrace. So much, again, for difference of observation. I do not pretend to say who is right.

501. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, October 12th, 1849

I was heartily glad to get your last letter; but on my life your thanks for my very few and very dull letters quite scalded me. I have been very indolent and selfish in not having oftener written to you and kept my ears open for news which would have interested you; but I have not forgotten you. Two days after receiving your letter, there was a short leading notice about you in the "Gardeners' Chronicle" (501/1. The "Gardeners' Chronicle," 1849, page 628.); in which it is said you have discovered a noble crimson rose and thirty rhododendrons. I must heartily congratulate you on these discoveries, which will interest the public; and I have no doubt that you will have made plenty of most interesting botanical observations. This last letter shall be put with all your others, which are now safe together. I am very glad that you have got minute details about the terraces in the valleys: your description sounds curiously like the terraces in the Cordillera of Chili; these latter, however, are single in each valley; but you will hereafter see a description of these terraces in my "Geology of S. America." (501/2. "Geological Observations," pages 10 et passim.) At the end of your letter you speak about giving up Geology, but you must not think of it; I am sure your observations will be very interesting. Your account of the great dam in the Yangma valley is most curious, and quite full; I find that I did not at all understand its wonderful structure in your former letter. Your notion of glaciers pushing detritus into deep fiords (and ice floating fragments on their channels), is in many respects new to me; but I cannot help believing your dam is a lateral moraine: I can hardly persuade myself that the remains of floating ice action, at a period so immensely remote as when the Himalaya stood at a low level in the sea, would now be distinguishable. (501/3. Hooker's "Himalayan Journals," Volume II., page 121, 1854. In describing certain deposits in the Lachoong valley, Hooker writes: "Glaciers might have forced immense beds of gravel into positions that would dam up lakes between the ice and the flanks of the valley" (page 121). In a footnote he adds: "We are still very ignorant of many details of ice action, and especially of the origin of many enormous deposits which are not true moraines." Such deposits are referred to as occurring in the Yangma valley.) Your not having found scored boulders and solid rocks is an objection both to glaciers and floating ice; for it is certain that both produce such. I believe no rocks escape scoring, polishing and mammillation in the Alps, though some lose it easily when exposed. Are you familiar with appearance of ice-action? If I understand rightly, you object to the great dam having been produced by a glacier, owing to the dryness of the lateral valley and general infrequency of glaciers in Himalaya; but pray observe that we may fairly (from what we see in Europe) assume that the climate was formerly colder in India, and when the land stood at a lower height more snow might have fallen. Oddly enough, I am now inclined to believe that I saw a gigantic moraine crossing a valley, and formerly causing a lake above it in one of the great valleys (Valle del Yeso) of the Cordillera: it is a mountain of detritus, which has puzzled me. If you have any further opportunities, do look for scores on steep faces of rock; and here and there remove turf or matted parts to have a look. Again I beg, do not give up Geology:--I wish you had Agassiz's work and plates on Glaciers. (501/4. "Etudes sur les Glaciers." L. Agassiz, Neuchatel, 1840.) I am extremely sorry that the Rajah, ill luck to him, has prevented your crossing to Thibet; but you seem to have seen most interesting country: one is astonished to hear of Fuegian climate in India. I heard from the Sabines that you were thinking of giving up Borneo; I hope that this report may prove true.

502. TO C. LYELL. Down, May 8th [1855]

The notion you refer to was published in the "Geological Journal" (502/1. "on the Transportal of Erratic Boulders from a lower to a higher Level." By C. Darwin.), Volume IV. (1848), page 315, with reference to all the cases which I could collect of boulders apparently higher than the parent rock.

The argument of probable proportion of rock dropped by sea ice compared to land glaciers is new to me. I have often thought of the idea of the viscosity and enormous momentum of great icebergs, and still think that the notion I pointed out in appendix to Ramsay's paper is probable, and can hardly help being applicable in some cases. (502/2. The paper by Ramsay has no appendix; probably, therefore Mr. Darwin's notes were published separately as a paper in the "Phil. Mag.") I wonder whether the "Phil. Journal [Magazine?.]" would publish it, if I could get it from Ramsay or the Geological Society. (502/3. "On the Power of Icebergs to make rectilinear, uniformly-directed grooves across a Submarine Undulatory Surface." By C. Darwin, "Phil. Mag." Volume X., page 96, 1855.) If you chance to meet Ramsay will you ask him whether he has it? I think it would perhaps be worth while just to call the N. American geologists' attention to the idea; but it is not worth any trouble. I am tremendously busy with all sorts of experiments. By the way, Hopkins at the Geological Society seemed to admit some truth in the idea of scoring by (viscid) icebergs. If the Geological Society takes so much [time] to judge of truth of notions, as you were telling me in regard to Ramsay's Permian glaciers (502/4. "On the Occurrence of angular, sub-angular, polished, and striated Fragments and Boulders in the Permian Breccia of Shropshire, Worcestershire, etc.; and on the Probable Existence of Glaciers and Icebergs in the Permian Epoch." By A.C. Ramsay, "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XI., page 185, 1855.), it will be as injurious to progress as the French Institut.

503. TO J.D. HOOKER. Cliff Cottage, Bournemouth, [September] 21st [1862]

I am especially obliged to you for sending me Haast's communications. (503/1. "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XXI., pages 130, 133, 1865; Volume XXIII., page 342, 1867.) They are very interesting and grand about glacial and drift or marine glacial. I see he alludes to the whole southern hemisphere. I wonder whether he has read the "Origin." Considering your facts on the Alpine plants of New Zealand and remarks, I am particularly glad to hear of the geological evidence of glacial action. I presume he is sure to collect and send over the mountain rat of which he speaks. I long to know what it is. A frog and rat together would, to my mind, prove former connection of New Zealand to some continent; for I can hardly suppose that the Polynesians introduced the rat as game, though so esteemed in the Friendly Islands. Ramsay sent me his paper (503/2. "On the Glacial Origin of certain Lakes in Switzerland, etc." "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XVIII., page 185, 1862.) and asked my opinion on it. I agree with you and think highly of it. I cannot doubt that it is to a large extent true; my only doubt is, that in a much disturbed country, I should have thought that some depressions, and consequently lakes, would almost certainly have been left. I suggested a careful consideration of mountainous tropical countries such as Brazil, peninsula of India, etc.; if lakes are there, [they are] very rare. I should fully subscribe to Ramsay's views.

What presumption, as it seems to me, in the Council of Geological Society that it hesitated to publish the paper.

We return home on the 30th. I have made up [my] mind, if I can keep up my courage, to start on the Saturday for Cambridge, and stay the last few days of the [British] Association there. I do so hope that you may be there then.

504. TO J.D. HOOKER. November 3rd [1864]

When I wrote to you I had not read Ramsay. (504/1. "On the Erosion of Valleys and Lakes: a Reply to Sir Roderick Murchison's Anniversary Address to the Geographical Society." "Phil. Mag." Volume XXVIII., page 293, 1864) How capitally it is written! It seems that there is nothing for style like a man's dander being put up. I think I agree largely with you about denudation--but the rocky-lake-basin theory is the part which interests me at present. It seems impossible to know how much to attribute to ice, running water, and sea. I did not suppose that Ramsay would deny that mountains had been thrown up irregularly, and that the depressions would become valleys. The grandest valleys I ever saw were at Tahiti, and here I do not believe ice has done anything; anyhow there were no erratics. I said in my S. American Geology (504/2. "Finally, the conclusion at which I have arrived with respect to the relative powers of rain, and sea-water on the land is, that the latter is by far the most efficient agent, and that its chief tendency is to widen the valleys, whilst torrents and rivers tend to deepen them and to remove the wreck of the sea's destroying action" ("Geol. Observations," pages 66, 67).) that rivers deepen and the sea widens valleys, and I am inclined largely to stick to this, adding ice to water. I am sorry to hear that Tyndall has grown dogmatic. H. Wedgwood was saying the other day that T.'s writings and speaking gave him the idea of intense conceit. I hope it is not so, for he is a grand man of science.

...I have had a prospectus and letter from Andrew Murray (504/3. See Volume II., Letters 379, 384, etc.) asking me for suggestions. I think this almost shows he is not fit for the subject, as he gives me no idea what his book will be, excepting that the printed paper shows that all animals and all plants of all groups are to be treated of. Do you know anything of his knowledge?

In about a fortnight I shall have finished, except concluding chapter, my book on "Variation under Domestication"; (504/4. Published in 1868.) but then I have got to go over the whole again, and this will take me very many months. I am able to work about two hours daily.

505. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [July, 1865]

I was glad to read your article on Glaciers, etc., in Yorkshire. You seem to have been struck with what most deeply impressed me at Glen Roy (wrong as I was on the whole subject)--viz. the marvellous manner in which every detail of surface of land had been preserved for an enormous period. This makes me a little sceptical whether Ramsay, Jukes, etc., are not a little overdoing sub-aerial denudation.

In the same "Reader" (505/1. Sir J.D. Hooker wrote to Darwin, July 13th, 1865, from High Force Inn, Middleton, Teesdale: "I am studying the moraines all day long with as much enthusiasm as I am capable of after lying in bed till nine, eating heavy breakfasts, and looking forward to dinner as the summum bonum of existence." The result of his work, under the title "Moraines of the Tees Valley," appeared in the "Reader" (July 15th, 1865, page 71), of which Huxley was one of the managers or committee-men, and Norman Lockyer was scientific editor ("Life and Letters of T.H. Huxley," I., page 211). Hooker describes the moraines and other evidence of glacial action in the upper part of the Tees valley, and speaks of the effect of glaciers in determining the present physical features of the country.) there was a striking article on English and Foreign Men of Science (505/2. "British and Foreign Science," "The Reader," loc. cit., page 61. The writer of the article asserts the inferiority of English scientific workers.), and I think unjust to England except in pure Physiology; in biology Owen and R. Brown ought to save us, and in Geology we are most rich.

It is curious how we are reading the same books. We intend to read Lecky and certainly to re-read Buckle--which latter I admired greatly before. I am heartily glad you like Lubbock's book so much. It made me grieve his taking to politics, and though I grieve that he has lost his election, yet I suppose, now that he is once bitten, he will never give up politics, and science is done for. Many men can make fair M.P.'s; and how few can work in science like him!

I have been reading a pamphlet by Verlot on "Variation of Flowers," which seems to me very good; but I doubt whether it would be worth your reading. it was published originally in the "Journal d'Hort.," and so perhaps you have seen it. It is a very good plan this republishing separately for sake of foreigners buying, and I wish I had tried to get permission of Linn. Soc. for my Climbing paper, but it is now too late.

Do not forget that you have my paper on hybridism, by Max Wichura. (505/3. Wichura, M.E., "L'Hybridisation dans le regne vegetal etudiee sur les Saules," "Arch. Sci. Phys. Nat." XXIII., page 129, 1865.)

I hope you are returned to your work, refreshed like a giant by your huge breakfasts. How unlucky you are about contagious complaints with your children!

I keep very weak, and had much sickness yesterday, but am stronger this morning.

Can you remember how we ever first met? (505/4. See "Life and Letters," II., page 19.) It was in Park Street; but what brought us together? I have been re-reading a few old letters of yours, and my heart is very warm towards you.

506. TO C. LYELL. Down, March 8th [1866]

(506/1. In a letter from Sir Joseph Hooker to Mr. Darwin on February 21st, 1866, the following passage occurs: "I wish I could explain to you my crude notions as to the Glacial period and your position towards it. I suppose I hold this doctrine: that there was a Glacial period, but that it was not one of universal cold, because I think that the existing distribution of glaciers is sufficiently demonstrative of the proposition that by comparatively slight redispositions of sea and land, and perhaps axis of globe, you may account for all the leading palaeontological phenomena." This letter was sent by Mr. Darwin to Sir Charles Lyell, and the latter, writing on March 1st, 1866, expresses his belief that "the whole globe must at times have been superficially cooler. Still," he adds, "during extreme excentricity the sun would make great efforts to compensate in perihelion for the chill of a long winter in aphelion in one hemisphere, and a cool summer in the other. I think you will turn out to be right in regard to meridional lines of mountain-chains by which the migrations across the equator took place while there was contemporaneous tropical heat of certain lowlands, where plants requiring heat and moisture were saved from extinction by the heat of the earth's surface, which was stored up in perihelion, being prevented from radiating off freely into space by a blanket of aqueous vapour caused by the melting of ice and snow. But though I am inclined to profit by Croll's maximum excentricity for the glacial period, I consider it quite subordinate to geographical causes or the relative position of land and sea and the abnormal excess of land in polar regions." In another letter (March 5th, 1866) Lyell writes: "In the beginning of Hooker's letter to you he speaks hypothetically of a change in the earth's axis as having possibly co-operated with redistribution of land and sea in causing the cold of the Glacial period. Now, when we consider how extremely modern, zoologically and botanically, the Glacial period is proved to be, I am shocked at any one introducing, with what I may call so much levity, so organic a change as a deviation in the axis of the planet...' (see Lyell's "Principles," 1875, Chapter XIII.; also a letter to Sir Joseph Hooker printed in the "Life of Sir Charles Lyell," Volume II., page 410.))

Many thanks for your interesting letter. From the serene elevation of my old age I look down with amazement at your youth, vigour, and indomitable energy. With respect to Hooker and the axis of the earth, I suspect he is too much overworked to consider now any subject properly. His mind is so acute and critical that I always expect to hear a torrent of objections to anything proposed; but he is so candid that he often comes round in a year or two. I have never thought on the causes of the Glacial period, for I feel that the subject is beyond me; but though I hope you will own that I have generally been a good and docile pupil to you, yet I must confess that I cannot believe in change of land and water, being more than a subsidiary agent. (506/2. In Chapter XI. of the "Origin," Edition V., 1869, page 451, Darwin discusses Croll's theory, and is clearly inclined to trust in Croll's conclusion that "whenever the northern hemisphere passes through a cold period the temperature of the southern hemisphere is actually raised..." In Edition VI., page 336, he expresses his faith even more strongly. Mr. Darwin apparently sent his MS. on the climate question, which was no doubt prepared for a new edition of the "Origin," to Sir Charles. The arrival of the MS. is acknowledged in a letter from Lyell on March 10th, 1866 ("Life of Sir Charles Lyell," II., page 408), in which the writer says that he is "more than ever convinced that geographical changes...are the principal and not the subsidiary causes.") I have come to this conclusion from reflecting on the geographical distribution of the inhabitants of the sea on the opposite sides of our continents and of the inhabitants of the continents themselves.

507. TO C. LYELL. Down, September 8th [1866]

Many thanks for the pamphlet, which was returned this morning. I was very glad to read it, though chiefly as a psychological curiosity. I quite follow you in thinking Agassiz glacier-mad. (507/1. Agassiz's pamphlet, ("Geology of the Amazons") is referred to by Lyell in a letter written to Bunbury in September, 1866 ("Life of Sir Charles Lyell," II., page 409): "Agassiz has written an interesting paper on the 'Geology of the Amazons,' but, I regret to say, he has gone wild about glaciers, and has actually announced his opinion that the whole of the great valley, down to its mouth in latitude 0 deg., was filled by ice..." Agassiz published a paper, "Observations Geologiques faites dans la Vallee de l'Amazone," in the "Comptes Rendus," Volume LXIV., page 1269, 1867. See also a letter addressed to M. Marcou, published in the "Bull. Soc. Geol. France," Volume XXIV., page 109, 1866.) His evidence reduces itself to supposed moraines, which would be difficult to trace in a forest-clad country; and with respect to boulders, these are not said to be angular, and their source cannot be known in a country so imperfectly explored. When I was at Rio, I was continually astonished at the depth (sometimes 100 feet) to which the granitic rocks were decomposed in situ, and this soft matter would easily give rise to great alluvial accumulations; I well remember finding it difficult to draw a line between the alluvial matter and the softened rock in situ. What a splendid imagination Agassiz has, and how energetic he is! What capital work he would have done, if he had sucked in your "Principles" with his mother's milk. It is wonderful that he should have written such wild nonsense about the valley of the Amazon; yet not so wonderful when one remembers that he once maintained before the British Association that the chalk was all deposited at once.

With respect to the insects of Chili, I knew only from Bates that the species of Carabus showed no special affinity to northern species; from the great difference of climate and vegetation I should not have expected that many insects would have shown such affinity. It is more remarkable that the birds on the broad and lofty Cordillera of Tropical S. America show no affinity with European species. The little power of diffusion with birds has often struck me as a most singular fact--even more singular than the great power of diffusion with plants. Remember that we hope to see you in the autumn.

P.S.--There is a capital paper in the September number of "Annals and Magazine," translated from Pictet and Humbert, on Fossil Fish of Lebanon, but you will, I daresay, have received the original. (507/2. "Recent Researches on the Fossil Fishes of Mount Lebanon," "Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist." Volume XVIII., page 237, 1866.) It is capital in relation to modification of species; I would not wish for more confirmatory facts, though there is no direct allusion to the modification of species. Hooker, by the way, gave an admirable lecture at Nottingham; I read it in MS., or rather, heard it. I am glad it will be published, for it was capital. (507/3. Sir Joseph Hooker delivered a lecture at the Nottingham meeting of the British Association (1866) on "Insular Floras," published in the "Gardeners' Chronicle," 1867. See Letters 366-377, etc.)

Sunday morning.

P.S.--I have just received a letter from Asa Gray with the following passage, so that, according to this, I am the chief cause of Agassiz's absurd views:--

"Agassiz is back (I have not seen him), and he went at once down to the National Academy of Sciences, from which I sedulously keep away, and, I hear, proved to them that the Glacial period covered the whole continent of America with unbroken ice, and closed with a significant gesture and the remark: 'So here is the end of the Darwin theory.' How do you like that?

"I said last winter that Agassiz was bent on covering the whole continent with ice, and that the motive of the discovery he was sure to make was to make sure that there should be no coming down of any terrestrial life from Tertiary or post-Tertiary period to ours. You cannot deny that he has done his work effectually in a truly imperial way."

508. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 14th, 1868

Mr. Agassiz's book has been read aloud to me, and I am wonderfully perplexed what to think about his precise statements of the existence of glaciers in the Ceara Mountains, and about the drift formation near Rio. (508/1. "Sur la Geologie de l'Amazone," by MM. Agassiz and Continho, "Bull. Soc. Geol. France," Volume XXV., page 685, 1868. See also "A Journey in Brazil," by Professor and Mrs. Louis Agassiz, Boston, 1868.) There is a sad want of details. Thus he never mentions whether any of the blocks are angular, nor whether the embedded rounded boulders, which cannot all be disintegrated, are scored. Yet how can so experienced an observer as A. be deceived about lateral and terminal moraines? If there really were glaciers in the Ceara Mountains, it seems to me one of the most important facts in the history of the inorganic and organic world ever observed. Whether true or not, it will be widely believed, and until finally decided will greatly interfere with future progress on many points. I have made these remarks in the hope that you will coincide. If so, do you think it would be possible to persuade some known man, such as Ramsay, or, what would be far better, some two men, to go out for a summer trip, which would be in many respects delightful, for the sole object of observing these phenomena in the Ceara Mountains, and if possible also near Rio? I would gladly put my name down for 50 pounds in aid of the expense of travelling. Do turn this over in your mind. I am so very sorry not to have seen you this summer, but for the last three weeks I have been good for nothing, and have had to stop almost all work. I hope we may meet in the autumn.

509. TO JAMES CROLL. Down, November 24th, 1868

I have read with the greatest interest the last paper which you have kindly sent me. (509/1. Croll discussed the power of icebergs as grinding and striating agents in the latter part of a paper ("On Geological Time, and the probable Dates of the Glacial and the Upper Miocene Period") published in the "Philosophical Magazine," Volume XXXV., page 363, 1868, Volume XXXVI., pages 141, 362, 1868. His conclusion was that the advocates of the Iceberg theory had formed "too extravagant notions regarding the potency of floating ice as a striating agent.") If we are to admit that all the scored rocks throughout the more level parts of the United States result from true glacier action, it is a most wonderful conclusion, and you certainly make out a very strong case; so I suppose I must give up one more cherished belief. But my object in writing is to trespass on your kindness and ask a question, which I daresay I could answer for myself by reading more carefully, as I hope hereafter to do, all your papers; but I shall feel much more confidence in a brief reply from you. Am I right in supposing that you believe that the glacial periods have always occurred alternately in the northern and southern hemispheres, so that the erratic deposits which I have described in the southern parts of America, and the glacial work in New Zealand, could not have been simultaneous with our Glacial period? From the glacial deposits occurring all round the northern hemisphere, and from such deposits appearing in S. America to be as recent as in the north, and lastly, from there being some evidence of the former lower descent of glaciers all along the Cordilleras, I inferred that the whole world was at this period cooler. It did not appear to me justifiable without distinct evidence to suppose that the N. and S. glacial deposits belonged to distinct epochs, though it would have been an immense relief to my mind if I could have assumed that this had been the case. Secondly, do you believe that during the Glacial period in one hemisphere the opposite hemisphere actually becomes warmer, or does it merely retain the same temperature as before? I do not ask these questions out of mere curiosity; but I have to prepare a new edition of my "Origin of Species," and am anxious to say a few words on this subject on your authority. I hope that you will excuse my troubling you.

510. TO J. CROLL. Down, January 31st, 1869

To-morrow I will return registered your book, which I have kept so long. I am most sincerely obliged for its loan, and especially for the MS., without which I should have been afraid of making mistakes. If you require it, the MS. shall be returned. Your results have been of more use to me than, I think, any other set of papers which I can remember. Sir C. Lyell, who is staying here, is very unwilling to admit the greater warmth of the S. hemisphere during the Glacial period in the N.; but, as I have told him, this conclusion which you have arrived at from physical considerations, explains so well whole classes of facts in distribution, that I must joyfully accept it; indeed, I go so far as to think that your conclusion is strengthened by the facts in distribution. Your discussion on the flowing of the great ice-cap southward is most interesting. I suppose that you have read Mr. Moseley's recent discussion on the force of gravity being quite insufficient to account for the downward movement of glaciers (510/1. Canon Henry Moseley, "On the Mechanical Impossibility of the Descent of Glaciers by their Weight only." "Proc. R. Soc." Volume XVII., page 202, 1869; "Phil. Mag." Volume XXXVII., page 229, 1869.): if he is right, do you not think that the unknown force may make more intelligible the extension of the great northern ice-cap? Notwithstanding your excellent remarks on the work which can be effected within the million years (510/2. In his paper "On Geological Time, and the probable Date of the Glacial and the Upper Miocene Period" ("Phil. Mag." Volume XXXV., page 363, 1868), Croll endeavours to convey to the mind some idea of what a million years really is: "Take a narrow strip of paper, an inch broad or more, and 83 feet 4 inches in length, and stretch it along the wall of a large hall, or round the walls of an apartment somewhat over 20 feet square. Recall to memory the days of your boyhood, so as to get some adequate conception of what a period of a hundred years is. Then mark off from one of the ends of the strip one-tenth of an inch. The one-tenth of an inch will then represent a hundred years, and the entire length of the strip a million of years" (loc. cit., page 375).), I am greatly troubled at the short duration of the world according to Sir W. Thomson (510/3. In a paper communicated to the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Lord Kelvin (then Sir William Thomson) stated his belief that the age of our planet must be more than twenty millions of years, but not more than four hundred millions of years ("Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume XXIII., page 157, 1861, "On the Secular Cooling of the Earth."). This subject has been recently dealt with by Sir Archibald Geikie in his address as President of the Geological Section of the British Association, 1899 ("Brit. Assoc. Report," Dover Meeting, 1899, page 718).), for I require for my theoretical views a very long period BEFORE the Cambrian formation. If it would not trouble you, I should like to hear what you think of Lyell's remark on the magnetic force which comes from the sun to the earth: might not this penetrate the crust of the earth and then be converted into heat? This would give a somewhat longer time during which the crust might have been solid; and this is the argument on which Sir W. Thomson seems chiefly to rest. You seem to argue chiefly on the expenditure of energy of all kinds by the sun, and in this respect Lyell's remark would have no bearing.

My new edition of the "Origin" (510/4. Fifth edition, May, 1869.) will be published, I suppose, in about two months, and for the chance of your liking to have a copy I will send one.

P.S.--I wish that you would turn your astronomical knowledge to the consideration whether the form of the globe does not become periodically slightly changed, so as to account for the many repeated ups and downs of the surface in all parts of the world. I have always thought that some cosmical cause would some day be discovered.

511. TO C. LYELL. Down, July 12th [1872]

I have been glad to see the enclosed and return it. It seems to me very cool in Agassiz to doubt the recent upheaval of Patagonia, without having visited any part; and he entirely misrepresents me in saying that I infer upheaval from the form of the land, as I trusted entirely to shells embedded and on the surface. It is simply monstrous to suppose that the terraces stretching on a dead level for leagues along the coast, and miles in breadth, and covered with beds of stratified gravel, 10 to 30 feet in thickness, are due to subaerial denudation.

As for the pond of salt-water twice or thrice the density of sea-water, and nearly dry, containing sea-shells in the same relative proportions as on the adjoining coast, it almost passes my belief. Could there have been a lively midshipman on board, who in the morning stocked the pool from the adjoining coast?

As for glaciation, I will not venture to express any opinion, for when in S. America I knew nothing about glaciers, and perhaps attributed much to icebergs which ought to be attributed to glaciers. On the other hand, Agassiz seems to me mad about glaciers, and apparently never thinks of drift ice.

I did see one clear case of former great extension of a glacier in T. del Fuego.

512. TO J. GEIKIE

(512/1. The following letter was in reply to a request from Prof. James Geikie for permission to publish Mr. Darwin's views, communicated in a previous letter (November 1876), on the vertical position of stones in gravelly drift near Southampton. Prof. Geikie wrote (July 15th, 1880): "You may remember that you attributed the peculiar position of those stones to differential movements in the drift itself arising from the slow melting of beds of frozen snow interstratified into the gravels...I have found this explanation of great service even in Scotland, and from what I have seen of the drift-gravels in various parts of southern England and northern France, I am inclined to think that it has a wide application.")

Down, July 19th, 1880.

Your letter has pleased me very much, and I truly feel it an honour that anything which I wrote on the drift, etc., should have been of the least use or interest to you. Pray make any use of my letter (512/2. Professor James Geikie quotes the letter in "Prehistoric Europe," London, 1881 (page 141). Practically the whole of it is given in the "Life and Letters," III., page 213.): I forget whether it was written carefully or clearly, so pray touch up any passages that you may think fit to quote.

All that I have seen since near Southampton and elsewhere has strengthened my notion. Here I live on a chalk platform gently sloping down from the edge of the escarptment to the south (512/3. Id est, sloping down from the escarpment which is to the south.) (which is about 800 feet in height) to beneath the Tertiary beds to the north. The (512/4. From here to the end of the paragraph is quoted by Prof. Geikie, loc. cit., page 142.) beds of the large and broad valleys (and only of these) are covered with an immense mass of closely packed broken and angular flints; in which mass the skull of the musk-ox [musk-sheep] and woolly elephant have been found. This great accumulation of unworn flints must therefore have been made when the climate was cold, and I believe it can be accounted for by the larger valleys having been filled up to a great depth during a large part of the year with drifted frozen snow, over which rubbish from the upper parts of the platforms was washed by the summer rains, sometimes along one line and sometimes along another, or in channels cut through the snow all along the main course of the broad valleys.

I suppose that I formerly mentioned to you the frequent upright position of elongated flints in the red clayey residue over the chalk, which residue gradually subsides into the troughs and pipes corroded in the solid chalk. This letter is very untidy, but I am tired.

P.S. Several palaeolithic celts have recently been found in the great angular gravel-bed near Southampton in several places.

513. TO D. MACKINTOSH. Down, November 13th, 1880

Your discovery is a very interesting one, and I congratulate you on it. (513/1. "On the Precise Mode of Accumulation and Derivation of the Moel-Tryfan Shelly Deposits; on the Discovery of Similar High-level Deposits along the Eastern Slopes of the Welsh Mountains; and on the Existence of Drift-Zones, showing probable Variations in the Rate of Submergence." By D. Mackintosh, "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XXXVII., pages 351-69, 1881. [Read April 27th, 1881.]) I failed to find shells on Moel Tryfan, but was interested by finding ("Philosoph. Mag." 3rd series, Volume XXI., page 184) shattered rocks (513/2. In reviewing the work by previous writers on the Moel-Tryfan deposits, Mackintosh refers to Darwin's "very suggestive description of the Moel-Tryfan deposits...Under the drift he saw that the surface of the slate, TO A DEPTH OF SEVERAL FEET, HAD BEEN SHATTERED AND CONTORTED IN A VERY PECULIAR MANNER." The contortion of the slate, which Mackintosh regarded as "the most interesting of the Moel-Tryfan phenomena," had not previously been regarded as "sufficiently striking to arrest attention" by any geologist except Darwin. The Pleistocene gravel and sand containing marine shells on Moel-Tryfan, about five miles south-east of Caernarvon, have been the subject of considerable controversy. By some geologists the drift deposits have been regarded as evidence of a great submergence in post-Pliocene times, while others have explained their occurrence at a height of 1300 feet by assuming that the gravel and sand had been thrust uphill by an advancing ice-sheet. (See H.B. Woodward, "Geology of England and Wales," Edition II., 1887, pages 491, 492.) Darwin attributed the shattering and contorting of the slates below the drift to "icebergs grating over the surface.") and far-distant rounded boulders, which I attributed to the violent impact of icebergs or coast-ice. I can offer no opinion on whether the more recent changes of level in England were or were not accompanied by earthquakes. It does not seem to me a correct expression (which you use probably from haste in your note) to speak of elevations or depressions as caused by earthquakes: I suppose that every one admits that an earthquake is merely the vibration from the fractured crust when it yields to an upward or downward force. I must confess that of late years I have often begun to suspect (especially when I think of the step-like plains of Patagonia, the heights of which were measured by me) that many of the changes of level in the land are due to changes of level in the sea. (513/3. This view is an agreement with the theory recently put forward by Suess in his "Antlitz der Erde" (Prag and Leipzig, 1885). Suess believes that "the local invasions and transgressions of the continental areas by the sea" are due to "secular movements of the hydrosphere itself." (See J. Geikie, F.R.S., Presidential Address before Section E at the Edinburgh Meeting of the British Association, "Annual Report," page 794.) I suppose that there can be no doubt that when there was much ice piled up in the Arctic regions the sea would be attracted to them, and the land on the temperate regions would thus appear to have risen. There would also be some lowering of the sea by evaporation and the fixing of the water as ice near the Pole.

I shall read your paper with much interest when published.

514. TO J. GEIKIE. Down, December 13th, 1880

You must allow me the pleasure of thanking you for the great interest with which I have read your "Prehistoric Europe." (514/1. "Prehistoric Europe: a Geological Sketch," London, 1881.) Nothing has struck me more than the accumulated evidence of interglacial periods, and assuredly the establishment of such periods is of paramount importance for understanding all the later changes of the earth's surface. Reading your book has brought vividly before my mind the state of knowledge, or rather ignorance, half a century ago, when all superficial matter was classed as diluvium, and not considered worthy of the attention of a geologist. If you can spare the time (though I ask out of mere idle curiosity) I should like to hear what you think of Mr. Mackintosh's paper, illustrated by a little map with lines showing the courses or sources of the erratic boulders over the midland counties of England. (514/2. "Results of a Systematic Survey, in 1878, of the Directions and Limits of Dispersion, Mode of Occurrence, and Relation to Drift-Deposits of the Erratic Blocks or Boulders of the West of England and East of Wales, including a Revision of Many Years' Previous Observations," D. Mackintosh, "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XXXV., page 425, 1879.) It is a little suspicious their ending rather abruptly near Wolverhampton, yet I must think that they were transported by floating ice. Fifty years ago I knew Shropshire well, and cannot remember anything like till, but abundance of gravel and sand beds, with recent marine shells. A great boulder (514/3. Mackintosh alludes (loc. cit., page 442) to felstone boulders around Ashley Heath, the highest ground between the Pennine and Welsh Hills north of the Wrekin; also to a boulder on the summit of the eminence (774 feet above sea-level), "probably the same as that noticed many years ago by Mr. Darwin." In a later paper, "On the Correlation of the Drift-Deposits of the North-West of England with those of the Midland and Eastern Counties" ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XXXVI., page 178, 1880) Mackintosh mentions a letter received from Darwin, "who was the first to elucidate the boulder-transporting agency of floating ice," containing an account of the great Ashley Heath boulder, which he was the first to discover and expose,...so as to find that the block rested on fragments of New Red Sandstone, one of which was split into two and deeply scored...The facts mentioned in the letter from Mr. Darwin would seem to show that the boulder must have fallen through water from floating ice with a force sufficient to split the underlying lump of sandstone, but not sufficient to crush it.") which I had undermined on the summit of Ashley Heath, 720 (?) feet above the sea, rested on clean blocks of the underlying red sandstone. I was also greatly interested by your long discussion on the Loss (514/4. For an account of the Loss of German geologists--"a fine-grained, more or less homogeneous, consistent, non-plastic loam, consisting of an intimate admixture of clay and carbonate of lime," see J. Geikie, loc. cit., page 144 et seq.); but I do not feel satisfied that all has been made out about it. I saw much brick-earth near Southampton in some manner connected with the angular gravel, but had not strength enough to make out relations. It might be worth your while to bear in mind the possibility of fine sediment washed over and interstratified with thick beds of frozen snow, and therefore ultimately dropped irrespective of the present contour of the country.

I remember as a boy that it was said that the floods of the Severn were more muddy when the floods were caused by melting snow than from the heaviest rains; but why this should be I cannot see.

Another subject has interested me much--viz. the sliding and travelling of angular debris. Ever since seeing the "streams of stones" at the Falkland Islands (514/5. "Geological Observations on South America" (1846), page 19 et seq.), I have felt uneasy in my mind on this subject. I wish Mr. Kerr's notion could be fully elucidated about frozen snow. Some one ought to observe the movements of the fields of snow which supply the glaciers in Switzerland.

Yours is a grand book, and I thank you heartily for the instruction and pleasure which it has given me.

For heaven's sake forgive the untidiness of this whole note.

515. TO JOHN LUBBOCK [Lord Avebury]. Down, November 6th, 1881

If I had written your Address (515/1. Address delivered by Lord Avebury as President of the British Association at York in 1881. Dr. Hicks is mentioned as having classed the pre-Cambrian strata in "four great groups of immense thickness and implying a great lapse of time" and giving no evidence of life. Hicks' third formation was named by him the Arvonian ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XXXVII., 1881, Proc., page 55.) (but this requires a fearful stretch of imagination on my part) I should not alter what I had said about Hicks. You have the support of the President [of the] Geological Society (515/2. Robert Etheridge.), and I think that Hicks is more likely to be right than X. The latter seems to me to belong to the class of objectors general. If Hicks should be hereafter proved to be wrong about this third formation, it would signify very little to you.

I forget whether you go as far as to support Ramsay about lakes as large as the Italian ones: if so, I would myself modify the passage a little, for these great lakes have always made me tremble for Ramsay, yet some of the American geologists support him about the still larger N. American lakes. I have always believed in the main in Ramsay's views from the date of publication, and argued the point with Lyell, and am convinced that it is a very interesting step in Geology, and that you were quite right to allude to it. (515/3. "Glacial Origin of Lakes in Switzerland, Black Forest, etc." ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XVIII., pages 185-204, 1862). Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) gives a brief statement of Ramsay's views concerning the origin of lakes (Presidential Address, Brit. Assoc. 1881, page 22): "Prof. Ramsay divides lakes into three classes: (1) Those which are due to irregular accumulations of drift, and which are generally quite shallow; (2) those which are formed by moraines; and (3) those which occupy true basins scooped by glaciers out of the solid rocks. To the latter class belong, in his opinion, most of the great Swiss and Italian lakes...Professor Ramsay's theory seems, therefore, to account for a large number of interesting facts." Sir Archibald Geikie has given a good summary of Ramsay's theory in his "Memoir of Sir Andrew Crombie Ramsay," page 361, London, 1895.)

516. TO D. MACKINTOSH. Down, February 28th, 1882

I have read professor Geikie's essay, and it certainly appears to me that he underrated the importance of floating ice. (516/1. "The Intercrossing of Erratics in Glacial Deposits," by James Geikie, "Scottish Naturalist," 1881.) Memory extending back for half a century is worth a little, but I can remember nothing in Shropshire like till or ground moraine, yet I can distinctly remember the appearance of many sand and gravel beds--in some of which I found marine shells. I think it would be well worth your while to insist (but perhaps you have done so) on the absence of till, if absent in the Western Counties, where you find many erratic boulders.

I was pleased to read the last sentence in Geikie's essay about the value of your work. (516/2. The concluding paragraph reads as follows: "I cannot conclude this paper without expressing my admiration for the long-continued and successful labours of the well-known geologist whose views I have been controverting. Although I entered my protest against his iceberg hypothesis, and have freely criticised his theoretical opinions, I most willingly admit that the results of his unwearied devotion to the study of those interesting phenomena with which he is so familiar have laid all his fellow-workers under a debt of gratitude." Mr. Darwin used to speak with admiration of Mackintosh's work, carried on as it was under considerable difficulties.)

With respect to the main purport of your note, I hardly know what to say. Though no evidence worth anything has as yet, in my opinion, been advanced in favour of a living being, being developed from inorganic matter, yet I cannot avoid believing the possibility of this will be proved some day in accordance with the law of continuity. I remember the time, above fifty years ago, when it was said that no substance found in a living plant or animal could be produced without the aid of vital forces. As far as external form is concerned, Eozoon shows how difficult it is to distinguish between organised and inorganised bodies. If it is ever found that life can originate on this world, the vital phenomena will come under some general law of nature. Whether the existence of a conscious God can be proved from the existence of the so-called laws of nature (i.e., fixed sequence of events) is a perplexing subject, on which I have often thought, but cannot see my way clearly. If you have not read W. Graham's "Creed of Science," (516/3. "The Creed of Science: Religious, Moral, and Social," London, 1881.), it would, I think, interest you, and he supports the view which you are inclined to uphold.

2.IX.III. THE PARALLEL ROADS OF GLEN ROY, 1841-1880.

(517/1. In the bare hilly country of Lochaber, in the Scotch Highlands, the slopes of the mountains overlooking the vale of Glen Roy are marked by narrow terraces or parallel roads, which sweep round the shoulders of the hills with "undeviating horizontality." These roads are described by Sir Archibald Geikie as having long been "a subject of wonderment and legendary story among the Highlanders, and for so many years a source of sore perplexity among men of science." (517/2. "The Scenery of Scotland," 1887, page 266.) In Glen Roy itself there are three distinct shelves or terraces, and the mountain sides of the valley of the Spean and other glens bear traces of these horizontal "roads."

The first important papers dealing with the origin of this striking physical feature were those of MacCulloch (517/3. "Trans. Geol. Soc." Volume IV., page 314, 1817.) and Sir Thomas Lauder Dick (517/4. "Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume IX., page 1, 1823.), in which the writers concluded that the roads were the shore-lines of lakes which once filled the Lochaber valleys. Towards the end of June 1838 Mr. Darwin devoted "eight good days" (517/5. "Life and Letters," I., page 290.) to the examination of the Lochaber district, and in the following year he communicated a paper to the Royal Society of London, in which he attributed their origin to the action of the sea, and regarded them as old sea beaches which had been raised to their present level by a gradual elevation of the Lochaber district.

In 1840 Louis Agassiz and Buckland (517/6. "Edinb. New Phil. Journal," Volume XXXIII., page 236, 1842.) proposed the glacier-ice theory; they described the valleys as having been filled with lakes dammed back by glaciers which formed bars across the valleys of Glen Roy, Glen Spean, and the other glens in which the hill-sides bear traces of old lake-margins. Agassiz wrote in 1842: "When I visited the parallel roads of Glen Roy with Dr. Buckland we were convinced that the glacial theory alone satisfied all the exigencies of the phenomenon." (517/7. Ibid., page 236.)

Mr. David Milne (afterwards Milne-Home) (517/8. "Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume XVI., page 395, 1847.) in 1847 upheld the view that the ledges represent the shore-lines of lakes which were imprisoned in the valleys by dams of detrital material left in the glens during a submergence of 3,000 feet, at the close of the Glacial period. Chambers, in his "Ancient Sea Margins" (1848), expressed himself in agreement with Mr. Darwin's marine theory. The Agassiz-Buckland theory was supported by Mr. Jamieson (517/9. "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume XIX., page 235, 1863.), who brought forward additional evidence in favour of the glacial barriers. Sir Charles Lyell at first (517/10. "Elements of Geology," Edition II., 1841.) accepted the explanation given by Mr. Darwin, but afterwards (517/11. "Antiquity of Man," 1863, pages 252 et seq.) came to the conclusion that the terrace-lines represent the beaches of glacial lakes. In a paper published in 1878 (517/12. "Phil. Trans. R. Soc." 1879, page 663.), Prof. Prestwich stated his acceptance of the lake theory of MacCulloch and Sir T. Lauder Dick and of the glacial theory of Agassiz, but differed from these authors in respect of the age of the lakes and the manner of formation of the roads.

The view that has now gained general acceptance is that the parallel roads of Glen Roy represent the shores of a lake "that came into being with the growth of the glaciers and vanished as these melted away." (517/13. Sir Archibald Geikie, loc. cit., page 269.)

Mr. Darwin became a convert to the glacier theory after the publication of Mr. Jamieson's paper. He speaks of his own paper as "a great failure"; he argued in favour of sea action as the cause of the terraces "because no other explanation was possible under our then state of knowledge." Convinced of his mistake, Darwin looked upon his error as "a good lesson never to trust in science to the principle of exclusion." (517/14. "Life and Letters," I., page 69.)

517. TO C. LYELL. [March 9th, 1841.]

I have just received your note. It is the greatest pleasure to me to write or talk Geology with you...

I think I have thought over the whole case without prejudice, and remain firmly convinced they [the parallel roads] are marine beaches. My principal reason for doing so is what I have urged in my paper (517/15. "Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and of other parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an attempt to prove that they are of Marine Origin." "Phil. Trans. R. Soc." 1839, page 39.), the buttress-like accumulations of stratified shingle on sides of valley, especially those just below the lowest shelf in Spean Valley.

2nd. I can hardly conceive the extension of the glaciers in front of the valley of Kilfinnin, where I found a new road--where the sides of Great Glen are not very lofty.

3rd. The flat watersheds which I describe in places where there are no roads, as well as those connected with "roads." These remain unexplained.

I might continue to add many other such reasons, all of which, however, I daresay would appear trifling to any one who had not visited the district. With respect to equable elevation, it cannot be a valid objection to any one who thinks of Scandinavia or the Pampas. With respect to the glacier theory, the greatest objection appears to me the following, though possibly not a sound one. The water has beyond doubt remained very long at the levels of each shelf--this is unequivocally shown by the depth of the notch or beach formed in many places in the hard mica-slate, and the large accumulations or buttresses of well-rounded pebbles at certain spots on the level of old beaches. (The time must have been immense, if formed by lakes without tides.) During the existence of the lakes their drainage must have been at the head of the valleys, and has given the flat appearance of the watersheds. All this is very clear for four of the shelves (viz., upper and lower in Glen Roy, the 800-foot one in Glen Spean, and the one in Kilfinnin), and explains the coincidence of "roads" with the watersheds more simply than my view, and as simply as the common lake theory. But how was the Glen Roy lake drained when the water stood at level of the middle "road"? It must (for there is no other exit whatever) have been drained over the glacier. Now this shelf is full as narrow in a vertical line and as deeply worn horizontally into the mountain side and with a large accumulation of shingle (I can give cases) as the other shelves. We must, therefore, on the glacier theory, suppose that the surface of the ice remained at exactly the same level, not being worn down by the running water, or the glacier moved by its own movement during the very long period absolutely necessary for a quiet lake to form such a beach as this shelf presents in its whole course. I do not know whether I have explained myself clearly. I should like to know what you think of this difficulty. I shall much like to talk over the Jura case with you. I am tired, so goodbye.

518. TO L. HORNER. Down [1846]

(518/1. It was agreed at the British Association meeting held at Southampton in 1846 "That application be made to Her Majesty's Government to direct that during the progress of the Ordnance Trigonometrical Surveys in the North of Scotland, the so-called Parallel Roads of Glen Roy and the adjoining country be accurately surveyed, with the view of determining whether they are truly parallel and horizontal, the intervening distances, and their elevations above the present sea-level" ("British Association Report," 1846, page xix). The survey was undertaken by the Government Ordnance Survey Office under Col. Sir Henry James, who published the results in 1874 ("Notes on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy"); the map on which the details are given is sheet 63 (one-inch scale).)

In following your suggestion in drawing out something about Glen Roy for the Geological Committee, I have been completely puzzled how to do it. I have written down what I should say if I had to meet the head of the Survey and wished to persuade him to undertake the task; but as I have written it, it is too long, ill expressed, seems as if it came from nobody and was going to nobody, and therefore I send it to you in despair, and beg you to turn the subject in your mind. I feel a conviction if it goes through the Geological part of Ordnance Survey it will be swamped, and as it is a case for mere accurate measurements it might, I think without offence, go to the head of the real Surveyors.

If Agassiz or Buckland are on the Committee they will sneer at the whole thing and declare the beaches are those of a glacier-lake, than which I am sure I could convince you that there never was a more futile theory.

I look forward to Southampton (518/2. The British Association meeting (1846).) with much interest, and hope to hear to-morrow that the lodgings are secured to us. You cannot think how thoroughly I enjoyed our geological talks, and the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Horner and yourself here. (518/3. This letter is published in the privately printed "Memoir of Leonard Horner," II., page 103.)

[Here follows Darwin's Memorandum.]

The Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, in Scotland, have been the object of repeated examination, but they have never hitherto been levelled with sufficient accuracy. Sir T. Lauder Dick (518/4. "On the Parallel Roads of Lochaber" (with map and plates), by Sir Thomas Lauder Dick, "Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume IX., page 1, 1823.) procured the assistance of an engineer for this purpose, but owing to the want of a true ground-plan it was impossible to ascertain their exact curvature, which, as far as could be estimated, appeared equal to that of the surface of the sea. Considering how very rarely the sea has left narrow and well-defined marks of its action at any considerable height on the land, and more especially considering the remarkable observations by M. Bravais (518/5. "On the Lines of Ancient Level of the Sea in Finmark," by M. A. Bravais, translated from "Voyages de la Commission Scientifique du Nord, etc."; "Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume I., page 534, 1845.) on the ancient sea-beaches of Scandinavia, showing the they are not strictly parallel to each other, and that the movement has been greater nearer the mountains than on the coast, it appears highly desirable that the roads of Glen Roy should be examined with the utmost care during the execution of the Ordnance Survey of Scotland. The best instruments and the most accurate measurements being necessary for this end almost precludes the hope of its being ever undertaken by private individuals; but by the means at the disposal of the Ordnance, measurements would be easily made even more accurate than those of M. Bravais. It would be desirable to take two lines of the greatest possible length in the district, and at nearly right angles to each other, and to level from the beach at one extremity to that at the other, so that it might be ascertained whether the curvature does exactly correspond with that of the globe, or, if not, what is the direction of the line of greatest elevation. Much attention would be requisite in fixing on either the upper or lower edge of the ancient beaches as the standard of measurement, and in rendering this line conspicuous. The heights of the three roads, one above the other and above the level of the sea, ought to be accurately ascertained. Mr. Darwin observed one short beach-line north of Glen Roy, and he has indicated, on the authority of Sir David Brewster, others in the valley of the Spey. If these could be accurately connected, by careful measurements of their absolute heights or by levelling, with those of Glen Roy, it would make a most valuable addition to our knowledge on this subject. Although the observations here specified would probably be laborious, yet, considering how rarely such evidence is afforded in any quarter of the world, it cannot be doubted that one of the most important problems in Geology--namely, the exact manner in which the crust of the earth rises in mass--would be much elucidated, and a great service done to geological science.

519. R. CHAMBERS TO D. MILNE-HOME. St. Andrews, September 7th, 1847

I have had a letter to-day from Mr. Charles Darwin, beseeching me to obtain for him a copy of your paper on Glen Roy. (519/1. No doubt Mr. Milne's paper "On the Parallel Roads of Lochaber," "Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume XVI., page 395, 1849. [Read March 1st and April 5th, 1847.]) I am sure you will have pleasure in sending him one; his address is "Down, Farnborough, Kent." I have again read over your paper carefully, and feel assured that the careful collection and statement of facts which are found in it must redound to your credit with all candid persons. The suspicions, however, which I obtained some time ago as to land-straits and heights of country being connected with sea-margins and their ordinary memorials still possesses me, and I am looking forward to some means of further testing the Glen Roy mystery. If my suspicion turn out true, I shall at once be regretful on your account, and shall feel it as a great check and admonition to myself not to be too confident about anything in science till it has been proved over and over again. The ground hereabouts is now getting clear of the crops; perhaps when I am in town a few days hence we may be able to make some appointment for an examination of the beaches of the district, my list of which has been greatly enlarged during the last two months.

520. TO R. CHAMBERS. September 11th, 1847

I hope you will read the first part of my paper before you go [to Glen Roy], and attend to the manner in which the lines end in Glen Collarig. I wish Mr. Milne had read it more carefully. He misunderstands me in several respects, but [I] suppose it is my own fault, for my paper is most tediously written. Mr. Milne fights me very pleasantly, and I plead guilty to his rebuke about "demonstration." (520/1. See Letter 521, note.) I do not know what you think; but Mr. Milne will think me as obstinate as a pig when I say that I think any barriers of detritus at the mouth of Glen Roy, Collarig and Glaster more utterly impossible than words can express. I abide by all that I have written on that head. Conceive such a mass of detritus having been removed, without great projections being left on each side, in the very close proximity to every little delta preserved on the lines of the shelves, even on the shelf 4, which now crosses with uniform breadth the spot where the barrier stood, with the shelves dying gradually out, etc. To my mind it is monstrous. Oddly enough, Mr. Milne's description of the mouth of Loch Treig (I do not believe that valley has been well examined in its upper end) leaves hardly a doubt that a glacier descended from it, and, if the roads were formed by a lake of any kind, I believe it must have been an ice-lake. I have given in detail to Lyell my several reasons for not thinking ice-lakes probable (520/2. Mr. Darwin gives some arguments against the glacier theory in the letter (517) to Sir Charles Lyell; but the letter alluded to is no doubt the one written to Lyell on "Wednesday, 8th" (Letter 522), in which the reasons are fully stated.); but to my mind they are incomparably more probable than detritus of rock-barriers. Have you ever attended to glacier action? After having seen N. Wales, I can no more doubt the former existence of gigantic glaciers than I can the sun in the heaven. I could distinguish in N. Wales to a certain extent icebergs from glacier action (Lyell has shown that icebergs at the present day score rocks), and I suspect that in Lochaber the two actions are united, and that the scored rock on the watersheds, when tideways, were rubbed and bumped by half-stranded icebergs. You will, no doubt, attend to Glen Glaster. Mr. Milne, I think, does not mention whether shelf 4 enters it, which I should like to know, and especially he does not state whether rocks worn on their upper faces are found on the whole 212 [feet] vertical course of this Glen down to near L. Loggan, or whether only in the upper part; nor does he state whether these rocks are scored, or polished, or moutonnees, or whether there are any "perched" boulders there or elsewhere. I suspect it would be difficult to distinguish between a river-bed and tidal channel. Mr. Milne's description of the Pass of Mukkul, expanding to a width of several hundred yards 21 feet deep in the shoalest part, and with a worn islet in the middle, sounds to me much more like a tidal channel than a river-bed. There must have been, on the latter view, plenty of fresh water in those days. With respect to the coincidence of the shelves with the now watersheds, Mr. Milne only gives half of my explanation. Please read page 65 of my paper. (520/3. "Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and of other Parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an Attempt to Prove that they are of Marine Origin." "Phil. Trans. R. Soc." 1839, page 39. [Read February 7th, 1839.]) I allude only to the head of Glen Roy and Kilfinnin as silted up. I did not know Mukkul Pass; and Glen Roy was so much covered up that I did not search it well, as I was not able to walk very well. It has been an old conjectural belief of mine that a rising surface becomes stationary, not suddenly, but by the movement becoming very slow. Now, this would greatly aid the tidal currents cutting down the passes between the mountains just before, and to the level of, the stationary periods. The currents in the fiords in T. del Fuego in a narrow crooked part are often most violent; in other parts they seem to silt up.

Shall you do any levelling? I believe all the levelling has been [done] in Glen Roy, nearly parallel to the Great Glen of Scotland. For inequalities of elevation, the valley of the Spean, at right angles to the apparent axes of elevation, would be the one to examine. If you go to the head of Glen Roy, attend to the apparent shelf above the highest one in Glen Roy, lying on the south side of Loch Spey, and therefore beyond the watershed of Glen Roy. It would be a crucial case. I was too unwell on that day to examine it carefully, and I had no levelling instruments. Do these fragments coincide in level with Glen Gluoy shelf?

MacCulloch talks of one in Glen Turret above the shelf. I could not see it. These would be important discoveries. But I will write no more, and pray your forgiveness for this long, ill-written outpouring. I am very glad you keep to your subject of the terraces. I have lately observed that you have one great authority (C. Prevost), [not] that authority signifies a [farthing?] on your side respecting your heretical and damnable doctrine of the ocean falling. You see I am orthodox to the burning pitch.

521. TO D. MILNE-HOME. Down, [September] 20th, [1847]

I am much obliged by your note. I returned from London on Saturday, and I found then your memoir (521/1. "On the Parallel Roads of Lochaber, with Remarks on the Change of Relative Levels of Sea and Land in Scotland, and on the Detrital Deposits in that Country," "Trans. R. Soc. Edinb." Volume XVI., page 395, 1849. [Read March 1st and April 5th, 1847.]), which I had not then received, owing to the porter having been out when I last sent to the Geological Society. I have read your paper with the greatest interest, and have been much struck with the novelty and importance of many of your facts. I beg to thank you for the courteous manner in which you combat me, and I plead quite guilty to your rebuke about demonstration. (521/2. Mr. Milne quotes a passage from Mr. Darwin's paper ("Phil. Trans. R. Soc." 1839, page 56), in which the latter speaks of the marine origin of the parallel roads of Lochaber as appearing to him as having been demonstrated. Mr. Milne adds: "I regret that Mr. Darwin should have expressed himself in these very decided and confident terms, especially as his survey was incomplete; for I venture to think that it can be satisfactorily established that the parallel roads of Lochaber were formed by fresh-water lakes" (Milne, loc. cit., page 400).) You have misunderstood my paper on a few points, but I do not doubt that is owing to its being badly and tediously written. You will, I fear, think me very obstinate when I say that I am not in the least convinced about the barriers (521/3. Mr. Milne believed that the lower parts of the valleys were filled with detritus, which constituted barriers and thus dammed up the waters into lakes.): they remain to me as improbable as ever. But the oddest result of your paper on me (and I assure you, as far as I know myself, it is not perversity) is that I am very much staggered in favour of the ice-lake theory of Agassiz and Buckland (521/4. Agassiz and Buckland believed that the lakes which formed the "roads" were confined by glaciers or moraines. See "The Glacial Theory and its Recent Progress," by Louis Agassiz, "Edinb. New Phil. Journ." Volume XXXIII., page 217, 1842 (with map).): until I read your important discovery of the outlet in Glen Glaster I never thought this theory at all tenable. (521/5. Mr. Milne discovered that the middle shelf of Glen Roy, which Mr. Darwin stated was "not on a level with any watershed" (Darwin, loc. cit., page 43), exactly coincided with a watershed at the head of Glen Glaster (Milne, loc. cit., page 398).) Now it appears to me that a very good case can be made in its favour. I am not, however, as yet a believer in the ice-lake theory, but I tremble for the result. I have had a good deal of talk with Mr. Lyell on the subject, and from his advice I am going to send a letter to the "Scotsman," in which I give briefly my present impression (though there is not space to argue with you on such points as I think I could argue), and indicate what points strike me as requiring further investigation with respect, chiefly, to the ice-lake theory, so that you will not care about it...

P.S.--Some facts mentioned in my "Geology of S. America," page 24 (521/6. The creeks which penetrate the western shores of Tierra del Fuego are described as "almost invariably much shallower close to the open sea at their mouths than inland...This shoalness of the sea-channels near their entrances probably results from the quantity of sediment formed by the wear and tear of the outer rocks exposed to the full force of the open sea. I have no doubt that many lakes--for instance, in Scotland--which are very deep within, and are separated from the sea apparently only by a tract of detritus, were originally sea-channels, with banks of this nature near their mouths, which have since been upheaved" ("Geol. Obs. S. America," page 24, footnote.), with regard to the shoaling of the deep fiords of T. del Fuego near their mouths, and which I have remarked would tend, with a little elevation, to convert such fiords into lakes with a great mound-like barrier of detritus at their mouths, might, possibly, have been of use to you with regard to the lakes of Glen Roy.