II. TIMES OF COWBOYS, MINERS, AND VIGILANTES
The two essentials of a city seem to be: first, a location in a region of such resources as to attract and provide industries for the maintenance of an incoming and ever increasing population; and, second, such a location as will be a natural point of exchange of commodities with more or less distant centers of production, and as a corollary of this, feasible facilities of transportation. Four towns were started in the "Upper Country" in the early sixties, which were to stand these tests of a city location. They were: Walla Walla, Umatilla, Wallula, and Lewiston. The obvious disadvantage of the first was that it was not on navigable water, and water carriage was then the cheap and convenient way of conveying any large amounts of freight or passengers. Its countervailing advantage, and the reason why by common consent settlers sought it in preference to the river towns was that it was right in the center of resources. While the first settlers had no conception of the future of agriculture and horticulture, it was clear that a region near enough the mountains to be easily accessible to timber, and abounding in streams of the purest water, with infinite grazing resources, was a paradise to the stockman. And while with the first influx of settlers in 1858, 1859, and 1860, there was not yet any knowledge of the event which within a few months was to transform the entire history of the Inland Empire, i. e., the discovery of gold in Idaho, yet the minds of the people of the time were quivering with the feverish anticipations of fortune engendered by the California mining history. Hence the settlers in Walla Walla in 1860 were right on the qui vive for "big things." Such reasons, together with the very important fact that the United States Fort Walla Walla was located there (for the same reasons of grass, water, and timber) were potent in determining the growth of the largest town. Umatilla and Wallula had the very marked advantage of water transportation to a limitless degree, but on the other hand, the arid climate and the barren soil (barren without irrigation, of which nothing was conceived at that time), and distance from the timber counter-balanced the advantage. If it had then been fully realized, what we now know, that Lewiston combined nearly all advantages, with no disadvantages, the site at the junction of the Snake and Clearwater would have seemed to possess unequalled attractions. But Lewiston was at that time so far up Snake River and so remote from general apprehension as a center of production that Walla Walla had an easy lead in attracting incoming settlers.
In 1859 and 1860 the chief lines of business, as already indicated, were cattle-raising and supplying the Fort. The suitability of this country to stock-raising was obvious to the fur-traders of the Hudson's Bay Company regime, and they had quite a number of cattle at Fort Walla Walla (Wallula), at "Hudson's Bay," near the present Umapine, and at the near vicinity of what is now Touchet. Doctor Whitman brought with him several head of cattle and even two calves across the plains in 1836 and afterwards secured more from Doctor McLoughlin at Vancouver. In the early '50s, Messrs. Brooke, Bumford, and Noble located at Waiilatpu for the same business, while H. M. Chase and W. C. McKay on the Umatilla in 1851 started in the same kind of enterprise. From these various sources the idea had become disseminated that Walla Walla was the place for the cowboy. That was inaugurated the first movement which, interrupted for a period by gold excitement, was resumed with even greater energy as the demands of the mines for provisions became known, and for a number of years was the dominating interest of Old Walla Walla County.
The stock business was, however, interwoven in a curious and interesting way with all the other lines of enterprise. Especially was this true of the mining and transportation interests. The three were dovetailed together by reason of the fact that food and pack trains were vital necessities of the mines.
The mining history of the "Upper Country" began in the spectacular way usual with discoveries of the precious metals. Colonel Gilbert tells a fantastic tale of the train of circumstances which led to the first prospecting tour into what became the great gold field of Central Idaho. This tale involves E. D. Pearce, who, as we have seen, was one of the early office-holders of Walla Walla County. He is described as a man of somewhat imaginative and enthusiastic character, quick to respond to the calls of opportunity. He had been in the gold mines of California before coming to Walla Walla, and while there had become acquainted with a Nez Percé Indian who in some way had drifted into that region. This Indian impressed Mr. Pearce with his dignity and intelligence and excited his interest in a romantic story of his home in the mountain fastnesses of Idaho. He declared that he, with two companions, while encamped in the mountains had seen in the night a light of surpassing brilliance, like a refulgent star. The Indians regarded the distant glow with awe, deeming it the eye of the Great Spirit. In the morning, however, plucking up sufficient courage to investigate, they discovered a glittering ball like glass embedded in the rock. They could not dislodge it from its setting and left it, thinking it a "great tomanowas." Pearce became impressed with the thought that the Indians had found an enormous diamond of incalculable value, and he determined that, if ever the opportunity was afforded, he would seek its hiding place. Accordingly, having reached Walla Walla after many wanderings, he bethought himself of the diamond and organized a company of seven men, whose names with the exception of that of W. F. Bassett, do not seem to be recorded in the account. They made their way in 1860 into the wild tangle of mountains on the sources of the Clearwater. The party were looking for gold, but Pearce had the diamond in mind. Indians coming in contact with the party became suspicious and ordered them out. Pearce, however, pretending to obey orders, induced a Nez Percé squaw to guide the party into the heart of the mountains of the north fork of the Clearwater. There, Bassett, while prodding around in the soil of a small creek, discovered shining particles. Gold! It was only a few cents worth, but it was enough. That was the first discovery of gold in Idaho. The place was the site of the Oro Fino mines. Extracts from a former account written by the author, in which are incorporated items from the Washington Statesman will indicate the progress of the discovery and the effects on the newly-started town of Walla Walla.
"After washing out about eighty dollars in gold, the party returned to Walla Walla, making their headquarters at the home of J. C. Smith on Dry Creek, and finally so thoroughly enlisting his interest and co-operation that he fitted out a party of about fifteen men, largely at his own expense, to return to the new gold fields for the winter. Sergeant Smith's party reached the mines in November, 1860, arousing the antipathy and distrust of the Indians, who appealed to the Government officers for the protection of their reserve from such encroachments. A body of soldiers from Fort Walla Walla started out for the mines, with the intention of removing the interlopers, but the heavy snowfall in the mountains rendered the little party of miners inaccessible, so they were not molested. During the winter the isolated miners devoted their time to building five log cabins, the first habitations erected in Oro Fino, sawing the lumber by hand. They also continued to work for gold under the snow, and about the first of January, 1861, two of the men made a successful trip to the settlements, by the utilizing of snow-shoes, while in March Sergeant Smith made a similar trip, taking with him $800 in gold dust. From this reserve he was able to pay Kyger & Reese of Walla Walla the balance due them on the prospecting outfit which had been supplied to the adventurous little party in the snowy mountains. The gold dust was sent to Portland, Ore., and soon the new mines were the subject of maximum interest, the ultimate result being a "gold excitement" quite equal to that of California in 1849, and within a few months the rush to the new diggings was on in earnest, thousands starting forth for the favored region."
The budding City of Walla Walla profited materially by the influx of gold-seekers, who made their way up the Columbia River and thence moved forward to Walla Walla, which became the great outfitting headquarters for those en route to the gold country. At this point were purchased provisions, tools, camp accoutrements and the horses or mules required to pack the outfits to the mines. Through this unforeseen circumstance there was now a distinctive local market afforded for the products of the Walla Walla country, and the farmer who had produce of any sort to sell might esteem himself fortunate, for good prices were freely offered. Nearly all the grain that had been produced in the country was held, in the spring of 1861, in the mill owned and operated by Simms, Reynolds & Dent, the total amount being less than twenty thousand bushels. This surplus commanded a high price, the farmers receiving $2.50 per bushel for their wheat, while at the mines the operators were compelled to pay $1 a pound for flour manufactured therefrom. The inadequacy of the local supply of food products was such that, had not additional provender been transported from Oregon, starvation would have stared the miners in the face. This fact gave rise to the almost unprecedented prices demanded for the products essential to the maintenance of life. New mining districts were discovered by the eager prospectors and all was hustle and activity in the mining region until the fall of 1861. In November of that year many of the miners came to Walla Walla for the winter, bringing their hard-earned treasure with them and often spending it with the prodigality so typical of the mining fraternity in the early days.
Although many of the diggings yielded from six to ten dollars per day, many of the operators feared the ravages of a severe winter and fully realized the animus of the merchants at Oro Fino, who refused to sell their goods, believing that starvation would ultimately face the miners and that they could then secure any price they might see fit to demand. In November of the year noted, the prices at Oro Fino were quoted as follows on certain of the necessaries of life: flour, $25 per 100 pounds; beef, 30 cents per pound; coffee, not to be had; candles, not for sale; and bacon and beans, exceedingly scarce. That the prospectors and miners should seek to hibernate nearer civilization and take refuge in Walla Walla was but natural under the circumstances.
During the rush to the mining districts, both in 1861 and 1862, Walla Walla was the scene of the greatest activity; streets were crowded; the merchants were doing a thriving business, and pack trains moved in a seemingly endless procession toward the gold fields. The excitement was fed by the glowing reports that came from the mining districts, and the natural result was to augment the flood of gold-seekers pouring into the mining districts in the spring of 1862, as will be noted later on. As an example of the alluring reports circulated in the latter part of 1861, we may appropriately quote from the Washington Statesman of that period. From an editorial in said publication we make the following extract:
"S. F. Ledyard arrived last evening from the Salmon River mines, and from him it is learned that some six hundred miners would winter there; that some two hundred had gone to the south side of the river, where two streams head that empty into the Salmon, some thirty miles southeast of present mining camp. Coarse gold is found, and as high as one hundred dollars per day to the man has been taken out. The big mining claim of the old locality belongs to Mr. Weiser, of Oregon, from where $2,680 were taken on the 20th, with two rockers. On the 21st, $3,360 were taken out with the same machines. Other claims were paying from two to five pounds per day. Flour has fallen to 50 cents per pound, and beef, at from 15 to 25 cents, is to be had in abundance. Most of the mines supplied until first of June. Mr. L. met between Slate Creek and Walla Walla, en route for the mines, 394 packs and 250 head of beef cattle."
In the issue of the Statesman for December 13, 1861, appears the following interesting information concerning the mines and the inducements there offered:
"The tide of emigration to Salmon River flows steadily onward. During the week past, not less than two hundred and twenty-five pack animals, heavily laden with provisions, have left this city for the mines. If the mines are one-half so rich as they are said to be, we may safely calculate that many of these trains will return as heavily laden with gold dust as they now are with provisions.
"The late news from Salmon River seems to have given the gold fever to everybody in this immediate neighborhood. A number of persons from Florence City have arrived in this place during the week, and all bring the most extravagant reports as to the richness of the mines. A report, in relation to a rich strike made by Mr. Bridges of Oregon City, seems to come well authenticated. The first day he worked on his claim (near Baboon gulch) he took out fifty-seven ounces; the second day he took out 157 ounces; third day, 214 ounces, and the fourth day, 200 ounces in two hours. One gentleman informs us that diggings have been found on the bars of Salmon River which yield from twenty-five cents to two dollars and fifty cents to the pan, and that on claims in the Salmon River, diggings have been found where "ounces" won't describe them, and where they say the gulches are full of gold. The discoverer of Baboon gulch arrived in this city yesterday, bringing with him sixty pounds of gold dust, and Mr. Jacob Weiser is on his way with a mule loaded with gold dust."
Within the year more than one and one-half millions of dollars in gold dust had been shipped from the mining districts--a circumstance which of itself was enough to create a widespread and infectious gold-fever. Anticipating the rush for the mines in the year 1862, a great deal of livestock had been brought to the Walla Walla country in the latter part of 1861, while the demands for food products led many ranchers to make provisions for raising greatly increased crops of grain and other produce to meet the demands of the coming season.
The winter of 1861-2 was one of utmost severity, and its rigors entailed a gigantic loss to residents throughout the eastern portion of Washington Territory--a section practically isolated from all other portions of the world for many weeks. It has been said that this "was the severest winter known to the whites on the Pacific Coast." The stock in the Walla Walla country perished by the thousands, the animals being unable to secure feed and thus absolutely starving to death. From December to March the entire country here was effectually hedged in by the vast quantities of snow and the severely cold weather. Not until March 22d do we find the statement in the local newspaper that warm rains had set in and that the snow had commenced to disappear. One result is shown in the further remark that "Occasionally the sun shines out, when the sunny side of the street is lined with men." The loss of stock in this section during that memorable winter was estimated at fully one million dollars, hay having reached the phenomenal price of $125 per ton, while flour commanded $25 per barrel in Walla Walla. It may not be malapropos to quote a list of prices which obtained in the Oro Fino mining region in December, 1861: bacon, fifty to sixty cents per pound; flour, twenty-five to thirty dollars per 100 weight; beans, twenty-five to thirty cents per pound; rice, forty to fifty cents per pound; butter, seventy-five cents to one dollar; sugar, forty to fifty cents; candles, eighty cents to one dollar per pound; tea, one dollar and a quarter to one and a half per pound; tobacco, one dollar to one and a half; coffee, 50 cents.
In view of subsequent gold excitements in Alaska, how familiarly will read the following statements from the Washington Statesman of March 22, 1862: "From persons who have arrived here from The Dalles during the week, we learn that there were some four thousand miners in Portland fifteen days ago, awaiting the opening of navigation to the upper country. Hundreds were arriving by every steamer, and the town was literally filled to overflowing." Under date of April 5th, the same paper gives the following pertinent information: "From one hundred and thirty to one hundred and forty passengers, on their way to the mines, come up to Wallula on every steamer, and the majority of them foot it through to this place (Walla Walla)." By the last of May it was estimated by some that between twenty-five and thirty thousand persons had reached or were en route to the mining regions east of the Cascades, but conservative men now in Walla Walla regard that a great overestimate. The merchants of Walla Walla profited largely through the patronage of the ever advancing column of prospectors and miners, but the farmers did not fare so well, owing to the extreme devastations of the severe winter just passed. Enough has been said to indicate the causes which led to the rapid settlement and development of Eastern Washington and Oregon--an advancement that might have taken many years to accomplish had it not been for the discovery of gold in so romantic a manner. The yield of gold reported through regular channels for the year 1862 aggregated fully seven million dollars, and it is certain that several millions were also sent out through mediums which gave no record.
In February, 1862, food products and merchandise commanded the following prices at Florence: flour, $1 per pound; bacon, $1.25; butter, $3; cheese, $1.50; lard, $1.25; sugar, $1.25; coffee, $2.00; tea, $2.50; gum boots per pair, $30; shovels, from twelve to sixteen dollars.
That year of 1861 was a great year in the annals of Walla Walla County. Cattle drives, gold discovery, hard winter, Civil war! The last named stupendous event was shared by the pioneer communities on the Walla Walla and its tributary streams, but it affected them in a unique manner. This was nothing less than the period of the Vigilantes. While this organization was due to a variety of conditions, the state of affairs which led to its existence grew out of the conflict of opinions about the war. Yet it must be said that the character of population that flowed into Walla Walla after the gold discoveries and the establishment of the town as the leading outfitting place for the mines was a suitable seed-bed for the growth of conditions which at sundry times and places in the West have produced vigilance committees. This peaceful and law-abiding "Garden City" of 1917, a center of homes and educational institutions, conspicuous for morality, intelligence, and comfort, was in the '60s about as "tough" a collection of human beings as could be found. It was indeed a motley throng that poured in as the mining excitement grew and spread. The best and the worst jostled each other on the dusty and unsightly streets with their shacks and tents and saloons and dance halls. Philanthropists and missionaries and educators were represented by Revs. Eells, Spalding, Chamberlain, Berry and Flinn, Father Wilbur, Bishop Scott, Father Yunger, and Bishop Brouillet. Some of the noblest and most liberal-minded and honest of business men, some of whom continue to this day, gave character and standing to the commnunity and laid foundations upon which the goodly superstructure of the present has been reared. We have but to call up the names of Baker, Rees, Moore, Paine, O'Donnell, Whitman, Guichard, Reynolds, Stone, Jacobs, Johnson, Isaacs, Sharpstein, Abbott, Reese, Boyer, McMorris, Stine, Thomas, Drumheller, Painter, Ritz, Kyger, Cole, and others too numerous to mention, among the business men of that time, to know that the best was then in existence. Old timers delight to tell how John F. Boyer was intrusted by miners with sacks of gold-dust while they were gathering supplies and packing for new ventures, with never a receipt or stroke of pen to bind him, yet never a dream that he would fail to restore every ounce just as he received it. But the men of this type, some with wives of the same high type (though most of them were young men without families), were daily and nightly jostled by the miscellaneous throng of gamblers, pickpockets, highway robbers, hold-ups, and prostitutes who ordinarily fatten on the gold-dust bags and belts of the miners assembled at their yearly supply stations. Strange stories are told about the number and variety and unique names and characters of the various "joints" in the Walla Walla of the decade of the '60s. In some newspaper a few years ago appeared an alleged reminiscence of a visitor to Walla Walla, in which he tells of going to a saloon, in which the floor was covered with sawdust. That was usual enough, but the odd thing was that each patron received with his drink a whiskbroom. Puzzled as to the purpose of the latter, the visitor waited for developments. He soon discovered that the whiskey was so strenuous as to be pretty sure to induce a fit, and the use of the broom was to sweep off a place on the dirty floor to have a fit on, after which the refreshed and enlightened (?) patron of the place would return the broom and proceed on his way.
Such were the mongrel conditions of life during the first years of the Civil war. It is not surprising therefore, that such a juxtaposition of forces should have caused a perfect carnival of crime, and that out of it as a defence by the decent elements of the community should have arisen the organization of the Vigilance Committee.
Two incidents prior to the formation of the Vigilantes indicate the uneasy condition induced by the presence of the soldiers at the fort and the considerable number of southern sympathizers in the community. In the Washington Statesman of April 19, 1862, we find an account of a riot at the theater out of which a correspondence arose between Mayor E. D. Whitman of Walla Walla and Col. Henry Lee, commander of the post. This is also made the subject of editorial comment and from this comment we glean the following paragraphs as showing the state of mind at that time.
"We publish today an interesting correspondence between Mayor Whitman and Lieut. Colonel Lee, growing out of the recent unfortunate affray at the theater and the conduct of some of the soldiery since that event. * * * On the part of the citizens who were engaged in the affray, notwithstanding the fact that officers of the law had been suffered to be stricken down and their authority contemned and boldly set at defiance, we are satisfied they cherished no disposition to aggravate the difficulty either by word or deed. Remaining within the limits of the city, they have peaceably and quietly pursued their accustomed business. Not so the soldiers. Cherishing unjustifiably an excited and hostile disposition, they imitated the unwarrantable conduct of their fellows on the night in question, by parading our streets with an armed force, thus exhibiting a total and wanton disregard for law and civil authorities. The mildest terms that can be applied to this procedure must characterize it as a high-handed outrage upon the rights of the people of this city, and a gross insult to the dignity and authority of their laws."
The editorial proceeds to score Colonel Lee severely for his answer to the protestations of Mayor Whitman. It appears in brief that a group of soldiers had gone to the theater and made so much disturbance as to nearly break up the program and in an attempt to put them out one of the soldiers was killed. The next morning a band of from seventy-five to one hundred soldiers came armed into the town and seized the sheriff and took possession of the street. Colonel Lee, in his statement of the case, disclaimed all responsibility and declared that the man who killed the soldier was a notorious criminal named "Cherokee Bob." The colonel sarcastically expresses surprise that the citizens of Walla Walla did not take interest enough in the matter to have Cherokee Bob arrested, and he states that he himself would heartily co-operate in any attempt to enforce law and order. He says that he will answer for the good conduct of the men under his command if the mayor will do the same for the citizens of the town. He declares that his men will not disturb the citizens if they are let alone. Mayor Whitman, in responding to this, declares that the soldiers initiated all the trouble by their incivility at the theater and that when an attempt was made by the proper peace officers to enforce order the fracas ensued in which three citizens, including two peace officers, were wounded, one mortally, and one soldier was killed and one wounded. This seems to have been the most serious affray in that part of the history of the old town. It, like other events of the kind, seems to have been mixed up somewhat with the war conditions of the country, a good many of the people of the town being southern sympathizers and regarding the soldiers as representatives of the National Government.
About a month later, another affray took place which is described as follows in the columns of the Statesman:
"On last Saturday afternoon, while the convention for the nomination for county officers was in session in this city, an affray occurred between a soldier belonging to the garrison and a citizen named Anderson residing some miles from this place in Oregon. Offensive words were passed between them, when Anderson seized a stone and threw it violently at the soldier, striking him on the head and felling him prostrate to the ground. Citizens who witnessed the act denounce it as unjustifiable and cowardly. The city marshal was present but for reasons best known to himself did not arrest the offender. Anderson was intoxicated and quarrelsome and should have been arrested. Another officer of the law immediately issued a warrant, but in the meantime Anderson had escaped. There was quite a gathering of soldiers present who were aware of the above facts, some of whom even saw and read the warrant. On the same evening an armed company of soldiers marched through our streets, took possession of our city, and surrounded the jail building in which the marshal was at the time attending to his duties. They demanded his arrest and threatened to effect it before they left the city. Shouts of "hang him," "He's a damn secessionist" and other mob-like expressions were used. It was to all intents and purposes a mob and the crowd were becoming excited and boisterous, when Captain Curry approached the spot and succeeded, after a short controversy, in getting them into line and marched them back to their quarters. We understand Anderson has left for Salmon River. On Monday morning the marshal tendered his resignation to the council, a meeting of which body was immediately held and another officer appointed."
The editor proceeds to comment upon the fact that while the marshal seems to have been grossly derelict in his duty, there was no reason to charge the officers or the citizens of the town with being secessionists and that the idea of conspiring against the garrison was "all bosh." He charges that the soldiers were frequently drunk and objects of danger to the people of the town.
It is interesting to notice that in the same issue of the Statesman, June 28th, the regular Union ticket for the election to take place on July 14th appears and has for its motto, "The Union Must and Shall be Preserved."
It is evident from the Statesman as well as from the recollections of old-timers that there was a very strong secessionist influence in Walla Walla at that time. The general attitude of the Statesman is interesting to the historian because it represents so large a class of the citizens of the United States at that time. While the paper is uncompromisingly for the Union, it is mortally afraid of the question of emancipation and of anything like "nigger equality." Its tone toward President Lincoln is rather critical and in several cases it charges him with being swayed by abolitionists. As time went on the Union sentiment became more and more pronounced. Mr. F. W. Paine gives us an anecdote which shows the tension in the year 1863, as follows:
In 1863 Delazon Smith and Dave Logan were candidates respectively on the democratic and republican tickets in Oregon for representative to Congress. They met to speak in the vicinity of Milton, a commnunity which at that time was intensely democratic. A number of Walla Walla republicans, among whom were Mr. Paine and Charles Painter (and all who knew Mr. Painter will recall that although one of the kindest of men and best of neighbors, he was an intense republican and not at all averse to fighting for his opinions) went to Milton to lend their encouragement to the republican side. Reaching a sort of public house in the vicinity, they waved a flag which they had taken along and finally put it up on a corner of the building. The proprietor coming out and discovering it, inquired of Mr. Paine if it were his, to which Mr. Paine made answer that although the flag was not his, it had come with the company of which he was a member, and he presumed it was the intention to let it remain where they had put it until they were ready to take it down themselves. The proprietor then demanded that it should be taken down. The republicans replied that that flag would not go down as long as there was a man left who had put it there. A fracas seemed imminent and in fact began when the proprietor of the house, whose valor seems to have been considerably of a spirituous nature, backed out and the flag remained.
Besides the influence of divided politics, and the friction between the soldiers and the citizens, besides all the general lawlessness of that period of miners, cowboys, and Indians, there was a special feature of the times which aided in leading to the formation of the Vigilance Committee. This was the existence of organized bands of thieves and cattle-rustlers all over the Northwest. The ramifications of these groups of law-breakers extended from California to Montana and Idaho. The recently published book by Ex-Governor W. J. McConnell of Idaho, in regard to early times in the mines of Northern Idaho and the Boise Basin, the Magruder murder, and the operations of the Vigilantes in those sections, with many other similar incidents, gives a vivid picture of the times of horse-thieves, cattle-thieves, and gold-dust thieves. In fact, as it was an era of thieves and highwaymen of all sorts, so it was also an era of vigilance committees over the same era as a necessary defense against desperadoes. Judge Thomas H. Brents, as his friends well knew, had a fund of hair-raising stories of his own experiences as an express rider during that period. Another man well known around Walla Walla and throughout Eastern Oregon as an express rider during the same time was no less a person than Joaquin Miller, "The Poet of the Sierras."
A number of incidents scattered through the columns of the Statesman in 1863, 1864, 1865, indicate the kind of events which led directly to the formation of the Vigilantes. For instance, in the issue of May 2, 1863, is an account of the discovery of about a hundred horses which were cached away in a mountain valley at the head of the Grande Ronde River. It was believed by those who discovered them that they had been driven there by a bunch of "road agents" who had been hung at Lewiston a few months before. In the issue of the Statesman of June 20th of the same year, there is an item about the recovery of seventeen stolen horses on Coppei Creek near Waitsburg by a vigilance committee. In the next number is an item to the effect that the same men that had stolen the seventeen horses came back and ran away six more, and sent word back that they had the horses on the north side of Snake River and they dared the owners to come over for them. They said that there were seven of them and they had three revolvers each and they would be glad to see company. The farmers of Coppei organized a well armed force and crossed the river. They discovered the horses and took possession of them, but the vainglorious road agents were nowhere in sight.
In the Statesman of April 14, 1865, we find the first definite account of the operations of the Vigilantes. It appears that a certain individual called "Dutch Louie" had been taken, according to his account, from his bed by Vigilantes at the hour of midnight, and hanged until he was nearly dead, in order to make him testify against someone whom he did not want to name. It appears at the same time that there was an anti-Vigilantes organization which took possession of another man who was in the habit of coming to town and getting "d. d.," and tried to compel him to give evidence against the Vigilantes. In the next issue of the Statesman there is an account of the pursuit of cattle thieves who had run away sixty cattle from the Wild Horse Creek, and had come to a halt on Mill Creek three miles above Walla Walla. Mr. Jeffries followed them with a posse of citizens and found some of the cattle, and according to the story one of the thieves was hung by the Vigilantes, although the paper intimates that the story of the hanging was without foundation. In the same issue there is an account of Mr. Samuel Johnson (and he was well known for many years as one of the prominent citizens of the Walla Walla country) having lost sixty head of cattle out of his band and following them by a trail from the Touchet to a point on the Columbia River sixty miles above Priest Rapids. The same paper also has an item about the "skeedaddling" of thieves, and it gives a suggestion that there is a point beyond which endurance ceases to be a virtue, and that the farther these worthies "skeedaddle" the less chance there will be of their being found some morning dangling at a rope's end.
The Statesman of April 21, 1865, contains an account of some regular "hangings" by the vigilance committee. It seems that on the Sunday morning previous, a man named McKenzie was found hanging to a limb near the racetrack, which at that time was a short distance below town. It appeared from reliable testimony that he was implicated in the theft of the cattle stolen from Mr. Jeffries. During the same week, two men named Isaac Reed and William Wills, were caught at Wallula, charged with stealing horses, and they traveled the same road as McKenzie. Before taking their final jump-off, they acknowledged that they were members of a regular band who had a large number of stolen horses on the Columbia somewhere above Wallula, and that there had just been a fight among the members of the band, in which one had been killed. During the same week the famous hanging of "Slim Jim" was consummated from a tree which still stands in the southern part of town. He was charged with having assisted "Six-toed Pete" and Waddingham to escape from the county jail. The author of this work derived much of his information in regard to the period of the Vigilantes from Richard Bogle and Marshall Seeke, both well known for many years in Walla Walla, now deceased, but all who were residents of the town during 1864 and 1865 are sufficiently familiar with the events of the time. They do not, however, seem to be inclined to talk very much about it. The general supposition is that the most prominent citizens of Walla Walla were either actively or by their support concerned in the organization. They had secret meetings and passed upon cases brought before them with great promptness, but with every attempt to get at the essential facts. In case they decided that the community would be better without some given individual, that individual would receive an intimation to that effect. In case he failed to act upon the suggestion within a few hours, he was likely to be found adorning some tree in the vicinity of the town the next morning. Although to modern ideas the Vigilantes seem rather frightful members of the judiciary, yet it is doubtless true that that swift and summary method of disposing of criminals was necessary at that time and that as a result of it there was a new reign of law and order.
The most famous of all the cases during that period, was that of Ferd Patterson. This famous "bad man" had begun his career in Portland by killing a captain in the Union army, as a result of an encounter which took place in one of the principal saloons of that city. This man, Captain Staple, lifted his glass and cried out, "I drink to the success of the Union and the flag!" Patterson was a southerner and when all the men about him lifted their glasses he threw his down exclaiming, "The Union and the flag be damned!" The other men cried out to Captain Staple, "Bring him back and make him drink!" The captain turned to follow Patterson, who was upon the stairs, and at the instant a revolver shot rang out and the captain fell with a bullet in his heart. Patterson, however, was acquitted on the ground of self-defense. In fact, like other professional "bad men," he was skilled in getting his opponent to draw first and then with his great quickness he would send a deadly shot before the opponent could pull his trigger. After several similar instances, Patterson came to Walla Walla and was located for a time at what is now called Bingham Springs. It was a station at that time on the main stage line between The Dalles and Boise, and had a good hotel, bath-house, and other conveniences for travelers. On a certain day there appeared at Bingham Springs the sheriff of Boise, whose name was Pinkham. Pinkham was a strong Union man and Patterson, as we have seen, just the reverse; and the two parties at that time were so well balanced that it was just a turn of the hand which would hold supremacy. Meeting Patterson one day, as he was just emerging from the bathing pool, Pinkham slapped him in the face. Patterson said, "I am alone today without my gun, but one of these days I will be fixed for you and settle this matter." Pinkham replied, "The sooner the better." A few days after this, Patterson walked up and slapped Pinkham. Both men drew their revolvers, but Patterson's shot took effect first, and another man was added to his long score. The brief item in respect to this Pinkham affray appears in the Walla Walla Statesman of July 28, 1865.
Some weeks passed by and Patterson came to Walla Walla where he was supported mainly by various light-fingered arts and gambling games in which he was an adept. It was considered by many that he was too dangerous a man to have in the community, but it was a very difficult matter to get any evidence against him. Very few dared to incur his enmity. Finally, a man named Donnehue, who was a night watchman in the town, took upon himself to try, convict, and execute the famous gambler all in one set of operations. It appears from the account given by Richard Bogle that between eight and nine o'clock on February 15, 1866, Patterson had entered his barber shop, which was then situated on Main Street, between Third and Fourth, as it would be at the present time. While the barber was engaged upon the countenance of the gambler, Donnehue entered and stood for some little time watching the operation, and just at the moment of completion of the combing of his hair, about which the gambler was very particular, Donnehue suddenly stepped up and shouted, "You kill me or I'll kill you." And at the same moment he let fly a bullet from his revolver. Patterson, who was a man of magnificent physique, although mortally wounded, did not fall but endeavored to reach his own gun; and while doing so, and in fact having gotten out upon the street, Donnehue emptied the revolver into the staggering form of his antagonist. Patterson died within a few minutes and Donnehue was arrested at once without resistance upon his part, and taken to jail. He was never tried, but soon after left town, with his pockets lined with gold dust, according to reports. It was generally supposed for many years that the Vigilantes had passed upon Patterson's case and had appointed Donnehue to execute their sentence in the only way that could be done without loss of somebody else's life. We are informed, however, by one of the most reliable old-timers in Walla Walla, a man still living, that the Vigilantes did not pass upon Patterson's case and that his death was pure murder on the part of Donnehue. However that may be, there is no question but that the community drew a long sigh of relief when it was known that Ferd Patterson had been retired from active participation in its affairs. With the death of Patterson, and the close of the Civil war, and still more as a result of the beginnings of farming, it may be said that the era of the Vigilantes came to an end. They gradually disbanded without anyone knowing exactly how or why, and by degrees there came to be established an ever-growing reign of law and order in Old Walla Walla.
As constituting a vivid narrative in the history of the Vigilantes, we include here a historic sketch by Prof. Henry L. Tolkington of the State Normal School of Idaho. It appeared in the Lewiston Tribune of August 19, 1917. It will constitute a part of a book now in preparation by Professor Tolkington entitled "Heroes and Heroic Deeds of the Pacific Northwest."
While the conclusion does not occur within the limits of Old Walla Walla County, it is a part of the same story and is intensely characteristic of those times.
III. POLITICAL HISTORY TO TIME OF COUNTY DIVISION
In previous chapters we have presented the facts in relation to the first attempt at organization of Walla Walla County in 1854, prior to the period of great Indian wars. We took up again the reorganization and development in 1859 with the incoming of permanent population. We also mentioned the first charter and the inauguration of permanent city government. In the chapter dealing with the beginnings of industries we showed the first locations at the different points which have become the centers of population in the four counties.
It remains in this chapter to take up the thread with the growing communities and the government over them which composed the old county down to 1875, when Columbia County was created, embracing what are now the three counties of Columbia, Garfield and Asotin, and thus reducing Walla Walla County to its present limits. After that we shall trace the story of the successive subtractions of Garfield from Columbia and then Asotin from Garfield.
The authorities to which we have had recourse are first the county records, so far as available; second, the files of the newspapers covering the periods; third, Col. F. F. Gilbert's Historic Sketches, published in 1882, to which frequent reference has been made and which seems in general to be very reliable; and fourth, the memory of pioneers still living or from whom data were secured prior to their death. In respect to the public records it may be said that a destructive fire on August 3, 1865, of which an account is given in the Statesman of the 4th, destroyed the records, though the more important ordinances and other acts of city and county government had appeared in the Statesman and from that source were replaced.
The most important events in the political history were connected with, first, the county, its legislative and local officers, and the chain of circumstances going on to county divisions; second, the city government and the movement of laws and policies through various reorganizations to the present; and third, the place occupied by the old county in relation to state and national affairs.
In the way of a general view of political conditions in the period from the creation of county offices by the Legislature of the Territory on January 19, 1859, through the period of war, it may be said that the prevailing sentiment was at first strongly democratic. The majority of the settlers in Old Oregon, from which had come a large proportion of the earlier comers to Walla Walla, were from Missouri, Illinois, Iowa, with quite a sprinkling from Tennessee and Kentucky and democratic views preponderated in the sections from which the majority came. With that strange inconsistency which has made American political history a chaos for the philosopher and historian, that early democratic element here and elsewhere was in general bitterly opposed to "abolitionists and black republicans." While a great majority of them did not favor slavery and to a considerable extent had left slave states to get rid of it, yet they were mortally afraid of "nigger equality." When the war broke out there was a considerable element that were carried so far by their hatred of abolitionists that they even became rank "Secesh." That, however, was a temporary sentiment. The feeling of union and the preservation of an undivided nation gradually asserted itself, and by the time the war was half through democrats as well as republicans stood firmly on the platform of the maintenance of the Union. One of the best expressions of that sentiment is found in the resolutions of the democratic convention on May 23, 1863, reported in the Statesman of the 30th. We had these expressions: "That the democracy are unalterably attached to the union of these states." "That the right of secession is not reserved to the States." "That the Federal Government has a right to maintain the constitution and enforce the laws, if need be, by force of arms, and so far as the acts of the present administration tend to these desirable ends, it has our cordial support and no further." Then as an offset, the fourth resolution declares: "That the democracy of Washington Territory view the declared intention of such men as Horace Greeley and Charles Sumner--who desire the prosecution of the present civil war for the abolition of slavery, and who utterly scout the idea of any peace which is not founded on the condition that the social fabric of the insurgent states is to be totally uprooted--with abhorrence."
A good evidence of this is the inability of men brought up with certain views and prejudices to grasp the logic of events. Then as since, "there are none so blind as those that won't see." That sentiment was also well shown in the continuance of the campaign of 1863, in which Geo. E. Cole of Walla Walla was democratic candidate for Territorial Delegate. An editorial in the Statesman of June 5, 1863, commends Mr. Cole as a Union man and a democrat. In the same issue appears the resolutions of the Clarke County Democratic Convention which had been adopted in substance by the territorial convention which nominated Mr. Cole, and to which the democrats of Walla Walla pledged themselves at a ratification meeting on July 11th. As showing the stamp of thought prevailing at that time in the party, it is of interest to read these resolutions:
"Resolved, That the democracy (of Clarke County) are for the Union, and the whole Union, and in favor of the vigorous prosecution of the efforts of the Government in crushing the present unholy and wicked rebellion, when such efforts are not actuated by any other motives than a single desire to maintain the honor and dignity of the nation and enforcement of the laws. That we are opposed to the conclusion of any peace involving in its terms the acknowledgment of the so-called Southern Confederacy, and that we hereby pledge ourselves, come weal or woe, in life and death, now and forever, to stand by and defend the flag of our country in its hour of peril."
It is indeed one of the most significant evolutions in American history; that of the gradual passing over from a support of slavery by the larger part of the democratic party to a stage where they no longer supported that "sum of all villainies" and yet had a profound hatred of "abolitionists," to the point where they perceived that the maintenance of the Union was the great essential, whether slavery was lost or saved, and yet further to the point, which many reached, of an unflinching support of Abraham Lincoln in his abolition as well as Union policies. It is all an exhibition of the evolution of nationalism, to which free labor is essential. And in that evolution, the West has borne the larger part. The sentiment of state pride, the local prejudices and narrow vision common in the older states and which in the South became intertwined with slavery and produced economic and political deformity and arrested development, was shuffled off when people of East and North and South and Europe all joined to lay the foundations of genuine American states in new regions unhampered and undistorted by caste and prejudice. This state of affairs in the West prepared the way for a new democracy, a national democracy, a genuine democracy for all men. The transformation of Walla Walla politics was simply a sample of a movement taking place all over the country. As a result, during the decades of the sixties and seventies, many former democrats, notably some who had been brought up in Missouri and other slave states, finding the democratic party, as they thought, still a laggard on progressive issues developed by the war and reconstruction, left the party and joined the republicans. Doubtless the Statesman may be taken as a good exponent of the prevailing democratic views in Walla Walla. It was strong for the Union, but was horribly afraid of "abolitionists." When W. H. Newell acquired the paper in November, 1865, he adopted the policy of supporting President Johnson against Congress. The republican party steadily gained, and in subsequent decades Walla Walla County, as all other parts of the states of Washington and Oregon, became overwhelmingly republican. By the progress of the same evolution, progressive politics have had a powerful hold upon the people of these states, as well as of the entire Pacific Coast, and the support given to democratic candidates, state and national, in 1916, is a thoroughly logical development. The people have been consistent, though party names have not.
One of the interesting facts not generally realized is that Walla Walla County in the sixties contained so large a part of the population of the territory. In the Statesman of December 30, 1864, we find a report from Edwin Eells, enrolling officer of the county, in which it appears that the draft enrollment in Walla Walla County was 1,133, while in the entire territory it was 4,143.
A few figures at various times in the sixties will be found of interest.
The vote for Territorial Delegate in 1863 by counties was as follows, as given in the Statesman of August 22:
GEORGE E. COLE, J. O. RAYNOR, DEMOCRAT REPUBLICAN
Chehalis 22 21 Clallam 45 27 Clarke 173 100 Clickitat 25 37 Cowlitz 39 57 Island 72 31 Jefferson 148 120 King 68 93 Kitsap 130 99 Lewis 63 77 Pacific 11 90 Pierce 95 106 Sawamish 36 19 Skamania 48 35 Snohomish 35 30 Spokane 56 12 Thurston 132 171 Wakiakum ... 12 Walla Walla 398 140 Whatcom 32 56 ---- ---- Total 1,628 1,333
A few figures at various times in the sixties will be found of interest. In the county election of June, 1864, we find the following vote by precincts:
PRECINCT DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN
Walla Walla 287 149 Lower Touchet 11 33 Upper Touchet 41 49 Snake River 2 7 Wallula 1 12 Pataha 2 10 ---- ---- Total 344 260
The Statesman of September 9, 1864, says that nine-tenths of the immigrants coming in at that time were Democrats.
That claim was not quite realized, however, in the election of June 5, 1865, for the republican candidate for Territorial Delegate, Arthur A. Denny, received 336, while the democrat, James Tilton, had 406.
Though the population was small and scattered there were many intricacies involving county and city politics. Into those details we cannot go. Doubtless some of them would best rest in oblivion.
We incorporate here, as valuable for reference, the list of legislative choices and of the chief county officers beginning with 1863 and extending through all elections prior to county division in 1875.
1863
Daniel Stewart, joint councilman; S. W. Babcock, F. P. Dugan, L. S. Rogers, representatives; W. S. Gilliam, sheriff; L. J. Rector, auditor; C. Leyde, assessor.
1864
J. H. Lasater, attorney; Alvin Flanders, joint representative; A. L. Brown, F. P. Dugan, E. L. Bridges, representatives; W. G. Langford, councilman; J. H. Blewett, probate judge; James McAuliff, treasurer; W. H. Patton, assessor; Charles White, surveyor; H. D. O'Bryant, commissioner; A. J. Theboda, coroner.
1866
B. L. Sharpstein, councilman; D. M. Jessee, R. Jacobs, R. R. Rees, H. D. O'Bryant, T. P. Page, representatives; James McAuliff, treasurer; H. M. Hodgis, assessor; W. G. Langford, superintendent of schools; T. G. Lee and H. A. Livingston, commissioners.
1868
W. H. Newell, councilman; J. M. Vansycle, joint councilman; W. P. Horton, E. Ping, J. M. Lamb, P. B. Johnson, B. F. Regan, representatives; H. M. Chase, probate judge; A. Seitel, sheriff; J. H. Blewett, auditor; J. D. Cook, treasurer; C. Ireland, assessor; C. Eells, superintendent of schools; S. M. Wait, W. T. Barnes, and A. H. Reynolds, commissioners.
1870
Daniel Stewart, councilman; N. T. Bryant, joint councilman; D. Ashpaugh, J. H. Lasater, John Scott, A. G. Lloyd, E. Ping, T. W. Whetstone, representatives; N. T. Caton, attorney; R. Guichard, probate judge; James McAuliff, sheriff; H. M. Chase, auditor; A. Kyger, treasurer; A. C. Wellman, assessor; J. L. Reser, superintendent of schools; C. C. Cram, Francis Lowden, I. T. Reese, commissioners.
1872
Fred Stine, councilman; C. H. Montgomery, joint councilman; N. T. Caton, O. P. Lacy, E. Ping, C. L. Bush, John Bryant, and H. M. Hodgis, representatives; I. Hargrove, probate judge; B. W. Griffin, sheriff; R. Jacobs, auditor; R. R. Rees, treasurer; W. F. Gwynn, assessor; A. W. Sweeney, superintendent of schools; D. M. Jessee, W. P. Bruce, and S. L. King, commissioners.
1874
E. Ping, councilman; W. W. Boon, joint councilman; R. G. Newland, J. B. Shrum, P. M. Lynch, John Scott, A. G. Lloyd, and H. M. Hodgis, representatives; T. J. Anders, attorney; R. Guichard, probate judge; G. F. Thomas, sheriff; R. Jacobs, auditor; R. R. Rees, treasurer; S. Jacobs, assessor; A. W. Sweeney, superintendent of schools; Charles White, C. S. Bush, C. C. Cram, commissioners.
This was the last election prior to county division. The elections after that event will appear in chapter one of part three.
In the early times they seem to have had a frank and outspoken and energetic manner of writing about each other, and the inference is plain that they talked in a similar way. Each man had ready access to his hip pocket, and was commonly qualified to support his views by force of arms when necessary. We find as a sample a discussion between Sheriff E. B. Whitman and certain critics in the Statesman of May 30 and June 13, 1863. It pertains to the arrest of one Bunton. An address signed by sixty-nine residents of the Coppei appears in the earlier issue. In it is charged that a flagrant and wilful murder had been committed by William Bunton on the person of Daniel S. Cogsdill and that Sheriff Whitman made no effort to arrest Bunton, and when, at the instance of citizens, Deputy Hodgis arrested Bunton, and delivered him to Whitman that the latter was too merciful to the prisoner to put him in jail; "but at the request of Bunton put him in charge of a lame or a crippled man, with, as we believe, the intention of his escape." They therefore declare that they have no protection when the high and responsible office of sheriff is filled by the friends of murderers and thieves. They therefore recommend that the commissioners should remove said Whitman and appoint "Deputy Hodgis or some other good man."
Sheriff Whitman makes in reply a lengthy and moderate explanation, the main point of which was that the county jail was so insecure that by the advice of Judge Wyche he put Bunton in the hands of J. O. Putman, one of the signers of the above statement, and that after some trouble Bunton got away. In the issue of June 13, the citizens returned to the attack with renewed energy, and this brought from Mr. Whitman a vitriolic response. He begins: "Editor Statesman: As your columns seem to be at the disposal of parties who may wish to belch forth personal slander, persecution, malignity, and falsehood, it is but just that the party vilified should have the opportunity of replying through the same medium. Upon reading the article, dated at Coppei, I thought I would let the matter rest upon its own merits, as the style and manner in which it is written shows that it originated from a vindictive, mischievous, and depraved appetite for notoriety, which at times controls men of depraved tastes." Among the sixty-nine signers of the document were some who were, as also Sheriff Whitman himself was, among the most worthy of the foundation builders, and who now all rest in honored graves. We are giving the incidents here as a historical curiosity, and as showing how men's minds were keyed up in those days of war and vigilantes to a high pitch.
EFFORT TO ANNEX WALLA WALLA COUNTY TO OREGON
One of the most exciting political questions of the sixties was that of annexation of Walla Walla County to Oregon. We find in the Statesman of October 20, 1865, a report of a mass meeting of October 18, at which resolutions were passed advocating the annexation and inviting the people of Oregon, through their Legislature, to unite in the movement, and also calling on the representatives and senators from Oregon and the Territorial Delegate, A. A. Denny, to use all honorable means to induce Congress to take that action. They mention, which is historically interesting, that the people of Oregon in accepting their Constitution had done so with the understanding that the line should follow the natural boundary of the Columbia and Snake rivers. The convention also censured Judge J. E. Wyche, judge of the First Judicial District of Washington Territory, located at Walla Walla. The committee composing the resolutions consisted of J. H. Lasater, A. Kyger, and Drury Davis. J. H. Blewett introduced a resolution calling on President Johnson to remove Judge Wyche. The resolution was lost. A committee consisting of A. J. Cain, A. L. Brown, and H. P. Isaacs was appointed to draft petitions, one to Congress and the other to the Oregon Legislature, looking to the execution of the plan.
In the same issue of the Statesman a call appears for a meeting to "take such steps as they may deem proper to frustrate the designs of those who would saddle upon the people of this county a proportion of the debt of the bankrupt State of Oregon, with her peculiar institutions."
It is asserted that Anderson Cox was the prime mover in the annexation project, though his name does not appear in the report in the Statesman. The Oregon Legislature was nothing loth to add this desirable section to the limits of the mother state and duly memorialized Congress to that effect. Years passed by, and in 1875, just after county division had been effected, Senator J. K. Kelly of Oregon introduced a bill providing for the submission of the question to the people of Walla Walla and Columbia counties. This bill failed, as did also one to the same effect in the House by Representative LaFayette Lane of Oregon. The failure of the annexation plan produced additional activity in projects looking to statehood. There was during that period (and it has not entirely ceased to this day) a good deal of friction between the Walla Walla section and the Puget Sound section. The former had early commercial and political relations with Portland of a far more intimate nature than with the Sound. The majority of the leading business men were from Oregon. The common feeling was that the Sound was very selfish and narrow in its dealings with the eastern section, desiring its connection mainly for taxation purposes. It was largely from that feeling that annexation projects arose. The Sound, on the other hand, had accused the Walla Walla section of being disloyal to the state and seeking local advantage. Opposition in the territory therefore delayed action. According to statements made by Hollon Parker to the author a number of years ago, he himself made a special trip to Washington to head off the movement. At any rate, it was never carried. Walla Walla County had at the time of the presidential election of 1876 a sufficient majority of Democrats to have toppled the slight scale by which Hayes held the presidency over Tilden, and if the county had been in Oregon Tilden would have had a majority and the Electoral Commission would never have been created, and quite a section of national history would have had another version.
In 1865 the Territorial Delegate was Arthur Denny of Seattle. The Statesman refers to him as the "Abolition Candidate." Passing on to 1867 we find national, state, and local affairs of a very strenuous nature. Perhaps the insertion here of extracts from a book written by the author sometime ago will convey a clear view of the course of events in the elections of 1867 and 1869.
POLITICAL REVIEW
A review of the political situation in 1867 shows that there was an extraordinary interest and activity in the ranks of both the democrats and the republicans. The principal point of contest and interest was in the selection of a delegate to Congress, each party having a number of aspirants for the important office. The people east of the Cascades felt that they were entitled to have a candidate selected from their section of the territory, inasmuch as the honor had hitherto gone to a resident of the Sound country. From the eastern section of the territory were five democrats and two republicans whose names were prominently mentioned in this connection, and while the republican convention for Walla Walla County sent an uninstructed delegate to the territorial convention, a vigorous effort had been made in favor of the candidacy of Judge J. E. Wyche. At the county democratic convention the delegates chosen were instructed to give their support to W. G. Langford, of Walla Walla, so long as seemed expedient. They were also instructed to deny their support to any candidate who endorsed in any degree the project of annexing Walla Walla County to Oregon. In the territorial convention Frank Clark of Pierce County received the nomination of the democracy for the office of congressional delegate, the balloting in the convention having been close and spirited. The republican territorial convention succeeded in running in the proverbial "dark horse," in the person of Alvin Flanders, a Walla Walla merchant, who was made the nominee, defeating three very strong candidates.
Owing to the agitation of the Vigilance question, referring to diverging opinions of the citizens as to the proper method of administering justice, the politics of the county were in a peculiarly disrupted and disorganized condition, and the Vigilance issue had an unmistakable influence on the election, as was shown by the many peculiarities which were brought to light when the returns were fully in. The democrats of the county were particularly desirous of electing certain of their county candidates, and it is stated that the republicans were able to divert many democratic votes to their candidate for delegate to Congress by trading votes with democrats and pledging their support to local democratic candidates. The fact that such bartering took place is assured, for while the returns gave a democratic majority of about two hundred and fifty in Walla Walla County for all other officers, the delegate received a majority of only 124. This action on the part of the Walla Walla democrats secured the election of the republican candidate, whose majority in the territory was only ninety-six.
The result of the election in the county, held on the 3d of June, was as follows: Frank Clark, the democratic candidate for delegate, received 606 votes, and Alvin Flanders, republican, 482 votes. The other officers elected were as follows: Prosecuting attorney, F. P. Dugan; councilman, W. H. Newell; joint councilman (Walla Walla and Stevens counties), J. M. Vansycle; representatives, W. P. Horton, E. Ping, J. M. Lamb, P. B. Johnson and B. F. Regan; probate judge, H. M. Chase; sheriff, A. Seitel; auditor, J. H. Blewett; treasurer, J. D. Cook; assessor, C. Ireland; surveyor, W. L. Gaston; superintendent of schools, C. Eells; coroner, L. H. Goodwin; county commissioners, S. M. Wait, D. M. Jessee (evidently an error in returns, as W. T. Barnes, a democrat, was elected), and A. H. Reynolds.
The sheriff resigned on November 7, 1868, and on the same day James McAuliff was appointed to fill the vacancy. A. H. Reynolds resigned as commissioner, in May, 1869, Dr. D. S. Baker being appointed as his successor. Of the successful candidates noted in the above list, all were democrats except P. B. Johnson, J. D. Cook, C. Eells, S. M. Wait and A. H. Reynolds.
Again in this year was there to be chosen a delegate to Congress, and the democracy of Walla Walla County instructed their delegates to the territorial convention to insist upon the nomination of a candidate resident east of the Cascade Range--the same desideratum that had been sought at the last preceding election. In the convention F. P. Dugan, J. D. Mix, B. L. Sharsptein and W. H. Newell, of Walla Walla, were balloted for, but the nomination went to Marshall F. Moore, ex-governor of the territory.
The republican nomination was secured by Selucius Garfielde, surveyor-general of the territory. The names of two of Walla Walla County's citizens were presented before the convention, Dr. D. S. Baker and Anderson Cox. The nomination of Garfielde proved unsatisfactory to many of the party adherents and dissention was rampant. The disaffection became so intense in nature that a number of the most prominent men in the party ranks did not hesitate to append their signatures to a circular addressed to the "downfallen republican party," said document bearing fifty signatures in all. On the list appeared the name of the delegate in Congress and the chief justice of the territory. The circular called for a radical reorganization of the party, charged fraudulent action in the convention and made many sweeping assertions. This action provoked a strong protest, and the disaffected contingent did not nominate a ticket of their own, and Mr. Garfielde was elected by a majority of 132. He received in Walla Walla County 384 votes, while his opponent, Mr. Moore, received 740.
According to all data available, the political pot boiled furiously throughout the territory as the hour of election approached. Lack of harmony was manifest in both parties, and, as before, the chief interest centered in the election of a delegate to represent the territory in the Federal Congress. Those office-holders who were most vigorously protestant and visibly disaffected were summarily removed from office in January of this year by the President of the United States, this action having been recommended by the congressional delegate, Mr. Garfielde, who thus drew upon himself still greater dislike and opposition. A change in the existing laws made it necessary to elect a delegate again this year, and a strong attempt was made to defeat Mr. Garfielde, who was confident of being returned to office. There could be no reconciliation of the warring elements in the republican party. The republican territorial convention of 1869 had appointed an executive committee, whose personnel was as follows: Edward Eldridge, M. S. Drew, L. Farnsworth, P. D. Moore, B. F. Stone, Henry Cook and J. D. Cook. In February a circular was issued by Messrs. S. D. Howe, A. A. Manning, Ezra Meeker, G. A. Meigs, A. A. Denny and John E. Burns, who claimed to have constituted the executive committee. The convention as called by the regular committee met in April and renominated Mr. Garfielde. The recalcitrant faction presented the name of Marshall Blinn in the convention, the bolters not being strong enough to hold a separate convention, but hoping to gain sufficient votes to prevent the nomination of Garfielde.
The democratic convention was far more harmonious, the nomination going to Judge J. D. Mix, one of the most honored citizens of Walla Walla, and one enjoying a wide acquaintance throughout the territory. The campaign developed considerable acrimony between the factions of the republican party, but the results of the election showed that the disaffected wing gained but slight popular endorsement. Six thousand three hundred and fifty-seven votes were cast in this election, representing a gain of 1,300 over the preceding year. Garfielde was elected, securing a majority of 736 over Mix, the total vote for Blinn being only 155. Upon the question of holding a constitutional convention there were 1,109 votes cast in opposition, and 974 in favor.
By reason of the change in the law the county election also was held a year earlier than usual, occurring June 6, 1870. The democracy was victorious in the county, electing their entire ticket with the exception of superintendent of schools. For delegate James D. Mix received in his home county 670 votes, while Selucius Garfielde had 527. The officers elected in the county were as follows: Prosecuting attorney, N. T. Caton; councilman, Daniel Stewart; joint councilman (Walla Walla, Stevens and Yakima counties), N. T. Bryant; representatives, David Aspaugh, James H. Lasater, John Scott, A. G. Lloyd, Elisha Ping and T. W. Whetstone; probate judge, R. Guichard; sheriff, James McAuliff; auditor, H. M. Chase; treasurer, A. Kyger; assessor, A. C. Wellman; surveyor, A. H. Simmons (he was succeeded by Charles A. White, who was appointed to the office May 1, 1871); school superintendent, J. L. Reser; coroner, L. H. Goodwin; county commissioners, C. C. Cram, F. Louden and I. T. Rees.
The officials elected in the county this year did not assume their respective positions until the succeeding year. The officers elected in the preceding year had been chosen for a term of two years, and they contended that the change in the law of the territory which made it necessary to hold the election in 1870, instead of 1871, did not invalidate their right to hold office until the expiration of their regular term. The matter was brought into the courts for adjudication, in a test case, the prosecuting attorney-elect against the incumbent of the office at the time of the last election. In July James W. Kennedy, judge of the first district, rendered a decision in favor of the defendant, holding that officers elected in 1869 retained their positions until 1871, thus reducing the term of the officials last elected to one year.
COUNTY COURTHOUSE
One of the burning questions at all times in political life has been the County Courthouse. As the county dedicated its first courthouse in the year 1867, it is incumbent that we make a brief reference to the same at this juncture. As early as 1864, the grand jury had made a report on this matter, and from said document we make the following pertinent extracts: "We, the grand jury, find that it is the duty of the county commissioners to furnish offices for the different county officers. This we find they have not done. Today the offices of the officers are in one place, tomorrow in another, and we hope at the next meeting of the board of county commissioners that they will, for the sake of the integrity of Walla Walla County, furnish the different county officers with good offices." Notwithstanding this merited reproof, no action of a definite character was taken by the board of commissioners until a meeting of March 11, 1867, when it was voted to purchase of S. Linkton a building on the corner of Alder and Third streets, the same to be paid for in thirty monthly installments of $100 each. A further expenditure of $500 was made in fitting up the building for the use of the county, and thus Walla Walla County was able to hold up a dignified head and note with approval her first courthouse. That the structure was altogether unpretentious and devoid of all architectural beauty it is perhaps needless to say. The executives of the county were at least provided with a local habitation.
Though the housing of the county was a lame affair a number of years passed before there was any permanent action. During nearly all elections from 1869 on we find a vote on two general questions: a constitutional convention and a courthouse. In 1869 there was a vote of 24 for, and 286 against a constitutional convention.
The interval of elections was changed following the election of 1869, so that the next occurred on June 6, 1870. That of 1872 took place on November 5th.
In August, 1870, the City Council deeded to the county the block of land on Main Street on which the permanent courthouse was built. In the election of 1872 the vote in favor of building a courthouse was 815 to 603. A vote, as usual, was taken on constitutional convention, with the result of 57 affirmative and 809 negative.
Since the majority had expressed their desire for a courthouse the commissioners in February, 1873, set on foot the arrangements for plans, and those presented by T. P. Allen were accepted. These called for a brick structure with stone foundation, two stories, dome, main part with an ell. Meanwhile various schemes for inducing the commissioners to locate farther from the center of town by offering land, with a view to enhancing the values of land adjoining, were under consideration. After having turned down several such plans and pronounced in favor of the block donated by the city, the commissioners rather suddenly changed their decision and accepted four blocks between Second and Fourth streets, a quarter mile north of Main Street. A first-class ruction arose over this decision. Changes were made in the plans also, by which the building was reduced in size and dignity. Finally, as Gilbert says, with some degree of keenness, "the last act, and under the circumstances, the most judicious one, was not to erect the building at all."
After this the courthouse plans rested awhile, and no action was taken until after county division. The question of constitutional convention, however, kept pegging away, and in the election of 1874, the result was similar to that of previous elections, 24 for, and 236 against.
It will be found of value to incorporate here the list of Territorial Delegates and Governors. Walla Walla was well represented in the list, both before and after county division, as also both before and after statehood.
TERRITORIAL DELEGATES
1857--I. I. Stevens, democrat. 1859--I. I. Stevens, democrat. 1861--W. H. Wallace, republican. 1863--George E. Cole, democrat--from Walla Walla. 1865--A. A. Denny, union. 1867--Alvin Flanders, union--from Walla Walla. 1869--Selucius Garfielde, republican; J. D. Mix, of Walla Walla, democratic candidate. 1870--Selucius Garfielde, republican. 1872--O. B. McFadden, democrat. 1874--Orange Jacobs, republican; B. L. Sharpstein, democratic candidate, Walla Walla.
The next election came in 1876 and there was a considerable falling off in the vote on account of county division in the previous year. It may be worth noting that the total vote of Walla Walla County in each election was as follows: 1857, 39; 1859, 164; 1861, 361; 1863, 590; 1865, 742; 1867, 1,088; 1869, 1,124; 1870, 1,201; 1872, 1,555; 1874, 1,549.
In the election of 1876, the total vote was 938. It is also interesting to note that in every single election up to the time of county division and in fact to 1878, when T. H. Brents of Walla Walla was the candidate, the county went democratic, and that, as we shall see later, the republicans carried most elections after that date to the present time.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS
1853-6--I. I. Stevens. 1857-8--Fayette McMullan. 1859-60--W. H. Wallace. 1862-5--William Pickering. 1866-7--George E. Cole. 1867-8--Marshall F. Moore. 1869-70--Alvin Flanders. 1870-2--E. S. Salamon. 1873-9--E. P. Ferry.
Three of the above incumbents of the gubernatorial chair were Walla Walla men: Cole, Flanders, and Salamon.
In 1869 Philip Ritz of Walla Walla was United States Marshal. S. C. Wingard, for many years one of the most honored of the citizens of Walla Walla, was United States attorney in 1873, and associate justice in 1875-82. After his long service under the Federal Government he made his home in Walla Walla until his death at an advanced age.
WALLA WALLA CITY
Turning now from the county and its relations to the territorial and national Government, to Walla Walla City, we may for the sake of topical clearness repeat a little of what was given in earlier chapters.
By act of the Legislature of January 11, 1862, Walla Walla became an incorporated city, with the limits of the south half of the southwest quarter of section 20, township 7 north, range 36 east. The charter provided for the election, on the first Tuesday of each April, of a mayor, recorder, five councilmen, marshal, assessor, treasurer and surveyor. All vacancies were to be filled by appointment of councilmen, except mayor and recorder. The council also had the power to appoint a clerk and attorney.
The first election under the charter occurred on the first day of April, 1862, at which election the total vote was 422. In the Statesman of April 5 there is a criticism in rather mild and apologetic terms for the loose and careless manner in which the judges allowed voting. The assertion is made that men who were well known to reside miles out of the city were allowed to vote. Not over three hundred voters, according to the paper, were bona fide residents. A well considered warning is made that such a beginning of city elections will result in a general illegal voting and ballot-box stuffing. In the _Statesma_n of April 12 is a report of the first council meeting on April 4. At this first meeting the votes of the election of the first were canvassed, showing that out of the 422 votes, E. B. Whitman had received 416. The recorder chosen was W. P. Horton, whose vote was 239 against 173 for W. W. Lacy. The councilmen chosen, whose votes ran from 400 to 415, were I. T. Rees, J. F. Abbott, R. Jacobs, B. F. Stone and B. Sheideman.
George H. Porter was chosen marshal by a vote of 269, with 136 for A. Seitel and 17 for A. J. Miner. E. E. Kelly was the choice for treasurer by the small margin of 219 to 200 for D. S. Baker. The assessor was L. W. Greenwell by 413 votes. A. L. Chapman was chosen surveyor by 305 against 119 for W. W. Johnson. S. F. Ledyard was appointed clerk by the council, B. F. Stone was chosen president of the council at the meeting of April 10.
One of the first questions which the council had to wrestle with, as it has been most of the time since, was revenue and the sources thereof. The saloon business being apparently the most active of any at that time became very naturally the foundation of the revenue system. People supposed then, as many have since, that they could lift themselves by their boot straps and that a traffic which cost a dollar for every dime that it brought into the treasury was essential to the life of the town. However, a "dry town" at that day and age and in a place whose chief business was outfitting for the mines and serving as a home for miners off duty, would have been so amazing that the very thought would have been sufficient to warrant an immediate commitment for lunacy. If the spirits of the city authorities and citizens of that date could return and see the Walla Walla of 1917, with not a legal drop of intoxicating fluid, it is safe to say that "amazement" would but feebly express their mental state. According to the revenue ordinance of that first council, a tax was to produce about a third, and licenses and fines the remainder of the city income. During the first six months the total revenue was $4,283.25, and the licensing of liquor sales and gambling tables amounted to $1,875. Tax amounted to about $1,430. The rest of the revenue was from fines. We may note here by way of comparison that in 1866 the city revenue was $15,358.97, of which $9,135.13 was from licenses.
The year of 1862 was one of great activity. A. J. Cain laid out his addition, though the plat was not recorded till the next year. The Statesman of October 18th gives a glowing account of the improvements, stating that fifty buildings had been completed during the summer and that thirty more were in progress of construction. Most of these were no doubt flimsy wooden structures, but it is mentioned that the buildings of Schwabacher Brothers and Brown Brothers & Co. had been nearly completed. At the head of Second Street A. J. Miner was erecting a planing mill, and a sash and door factory. Beyond the city limits Mr. Meyer had put up a brewery (this afterwards developed into the Stahl brewery on Second Street). In Cain's addition, where there had been only eight houses, the number was more than doubled. As a matter of fact, though there was much improvement at that time, our fair City of Walla Walla of the present, with its elegant homes and trees and flowers and broad verdant lawns, with paved streets and bountiful water supply, would not recognize the ragged, dusty, dirty, little shack of a town of which the Statesman was so proud in 1862. The ease with which the people of that time have adjusted themselves to all the conveniences and elegancies of the present day, shows something of the infinite adaptability of human nature, and still more it shows that the foundation builders of the pioneer days had it in them to create all the improvements of later days. Raw as Walla Walla must have looked in the '60s, the essential conditions were there which have made our later age; rich soil, water, good surrounding country, industry, taste, brains, home spirit, good citizenship--and a certain reasonable amount of time. There we have all the elements that wrought between the Walla Walla of 1862 and that of 1917.
Early Walla Walla had the usual experience with fires, such occurring on June 11, 1862; May 8, 1864; August 3, 1865; and July 4, 1866. As a result of the first, Joseph Hellmuth undertook to organize a fire department. His public spirit was not very cordially supported, but subscriptions to the amount of $1,600 were received, and by advancing $500 himself, he secured an old Hunneman "tub" engine.
The most destructive of these early fires was that of August 3, 1865. The Statesman of August 4th gives a full account of it, estimating the loss so far as obtained at that time at $164,500. The paper adds $20,000 for loss not then reported. The heaviest losses were sustained by the Dry Goods Company of S. Elias & Brother, by the store and warehouse of C. Jacobs & Co., and by the Bank Exchange Saloon and dwelling house of W. J. Ferry. The building used for courthouse, with the county and city records, was destroyed. In 1863, a fire company was organized, Fred Stine being the leader in the enterprise.
Perhaps the most vital feature of a growing city is pure and abundant water supply. Walla Walla was fortunate in early days in the presence of a number of springs of pure cold water. But though that supply was abundant for a small place, increasing demands made some system of distribution imperative. There was also need for sufficient pressure for fire defense.
While the water system was at first a private enterprise, it became public property in due course of time, and hence it is suitable to begin the story in this chapter.
In 1866 and 1867 four of the most energetic citizens of the town took the initial steps in providing a system of water distribution. H. P. Isaacs, J. C. Isaacs, A. Kyger and J. D. Cook obtained a charter in 1866 and the next year established at a point near the present Armory Hall a plant consisting of a pump, a large tank, and a supply of wooden pipe. It almost makes one's bones ache in these effete days to think of the amount of labor which the pipes for that pioneer water system demanded. The pipe consisted of logs bored lengthwise with augurs by hand. It would not comport with the dignity of a historical work to suggest that the whole proceeding was a "great bore," but it was duly accomplished and the pipes laid. Water was derived from Mill Creek, but the system seems to have been somewhat unsatisfactory to the projectors, and Mr. Isaacs entered upon a much larger undertaking, that of establishing reservoirs in the upper part of town. It was not until after the date of county division that the reservoir system was fully installed. In 1877 the reservoirs were built on both sides of Mill Creek, one on what is now the property of the Odd Fellows Home and the other in the City Park. These reservoirs were filled from the large springs and for some years supplied the needs of the town. Mr. Isaacs is deserving of great praise for his unflagging energy in endeavoring to meet that primary need of the town. The corporate name of Mr. Isaacs' enterprise was the Walla Walla Water Company. The controlling ownership was ultimately acquired by the interests represented by the Baker-Boyer Bank, and Mr. H. H. Turner became secretary and manager. That, however, was long subsequent to county division and the further history of the water system belongs to another chapter.
We perhaps should interject at this point the explanation that although chapters preceding this have been carried to the present date, we are bringing the political history of the city to the stage of county division only in order to harmonize with that of the county, and that point in case of the county constitutes a natural stage by reason of the marked change in all political connections occasioned by the division.
Among miscellaneous events having political connections may be mentioned that omnipresent and usually disturbing question of the fort. We have earlier spoken of its first location at the point now occupied by the American Theater, right in the heart of the city, and its removal in 1857 to the present location. It was maintained at full strength until the close of the Indian wars and then during the period of the Civil war there was a full supply of men and equipment. At times, as already narrated in an earlier chapter, there was much friction between civilians and the military. The merchants and saloon-keepers, however, considered the presence of the Fort very desirable from a pecuniary standpoint. There were in those early days, as there have been more recently, an element in the city that attached an exaggerated importance to the presence of the soldiers as a business matter, while there was also another sentiment which became the most persistent and inherited one in the history of the town; that is, the sentiment that while the officers and their families composed the social elite, the common soldiers were taboo. This was perhaps the nearest to a caste system ever known in the free and unconventional society of Old Walla Walla. Between those two viewpoints, the business and the social, there was the larger body of citizens who shrugged their shoulders over the whole question, deeming it unimportant either way. But when by order of Colonel Curry the Fort was abandoned, save for a small detachment, in the winter of 1865-6, there went up a great protest, and all the machinery, congressional and otherwise, was set in motion, as has been so familiar since down to the present date, to secure orders for the maintenance of the post.
No results were attained, however, and the Fort remained abandoned, until 1873.
Congress had, in fact, passed a law in 1872, for the sale of the military reservation, authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to cut it up into blocks and lots and dispose of it as his judgment warranted. The tract was surveyed and laid out by instructions from Washington. But as a result of the famous Modoc war in Southern Oregon, the view prevailed at headquarters that the rehabilitation and reoccupation of Fort Walla Walla would be wise. Accordingly, in August, 1873, six companies were established at the Fort, and from that date for nearly forty years the military was a constant factor in the life of this section.
The expenditures were very considerable. It is estimated in Gilbert's Historic Sketches of 1882 that the Fort was then purchasing annually about 10,000 bushels of oats, 5,000 bushels of barley, 500 tons of hay, 200 tons of straw, 500 barrels of flour, besides large quantities of meat, wood, and other supplies. Perhaps the most excited and acrimonious discussions, public and private, in newspapers and otherwise, have dealt with the retention of the Fort, or with some phase of its life. Most of the features of the story came at a date long after county division.
Another event of that period, not strictly political, yet belonging to the public life of the community, was the completion on June 1, 1870, of the telegraph line between Portland and Walla Walla, via Wallula. This line was built by the O. S. N. Company. The office was at the southwest corner of Third and Main streets, and James Henderson was first operator. Mayor Stone sent this message to Mayor Goldsmith: "To the Mayor of Portland: Greeting. Allow me to congratulate you upon the completion of the telegraph that places the first city of Washington Territory in direct communication with the first city of Oregon, and to express the hope that it is but the precursor of the iron rail that is to unite us still more indissolubly in the bonds of interest and affection."
A prompt response in like spirit came from Mayor Goldsmith of Portland.
Another event of importance, which also prepared the way for infinite political maneuvers and back-room deals was the establishment in 1871 of the Walla Walla Land District. As first constituted, the district embraced all of the territory east of the Cascade Mountains. Some appointees came from the East to fill the various positions, though the majority of them were local men, usually of the highest character. In this, as in other departments of government depending to some degree on the favor or otherwise of members of Congress, there has been a certain proportion of pie-counter politicians who have kept up a regular procession toward the land office.
William Stephens, registrar, and Anderson Cox, receiver, were the first in the office, opening the doors on July 17, 1871. P. B. Johnson followed Mr. Stephens in 1875 and J. F. Boyer became receiver in 1872. Better men could not have been found in the Inland Empire.
Such may be regarded as the essential events to the limits of our space in the history of Walla Walla County and City to the time of county division. We have already given the tabulation of county officials, as well as that of those of the Territorial Delegates and Governors, together with such others as especially belonged to this region. We incorporate here a list of city officials to the same date.
CITY OFFICERS AND COUNCIL OF WALLA WALLA
1865
Mayor--George Thomas. Council--W. A. Ball, I. T. Rees, Fred Stine, B. Sheideman, Wm. Kohlhauff, O. P. Lacy. City Clerk--A. L. Brown.
1866
Mayor--C. B. Whiteman. Recorder--W. P. Horton. Marshal--W. J. Tompkins. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--O. P. Lacy. Council--Fred Stine, I. W. McKee, Cal P. Winesett, Geo. Baggs, John J. Ryan.
1867
Mayor--James McAuliff. Recorder--O. P. Lacy. Marshal--E. Delaney. Assessor--M. Leider. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Surveyor--W. L. Gaston. Council--C. P. Winesett, I. T. Rees, Wm. Kohlhauff, J. F. Abbott, W. Brown.
1868
Mayor--James McAuliff. Recorder--Lewis Day. Treasurer--H. M. Chase. Council--J. F. Abbott, Fred Stine, H. Howard, Wm. Kohlhauff, A. Kyger.
1869
Mayor--Frank Stone. Recorder--O. P. Lacy. Marshal--E. Delaney. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--J. E. Brown. Surveyor--A. H. Simmons. Council--James Jones, W. S. Miner, Thos. Tierney, P. M. Lynch, Thos. Quinn.
1870
Mayor--Dr. E. Shiel. Recorder--W. P. Horton. Marshal--E. Delaney. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--J. M. Rittenhouse. Surveyor--A. H. Simmons. Council--J. F. Abbott, H. M. Chase, G. P. Foor, Wm. Kohlhauff, N. T. Caton.
1871
Mayor--E. B. Whitman. Recorder--W. P. Horton. Marshal--E. Delaney. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--M. W. Davis. Surveyor--A. L. Knowlton. Council--R. Jacobs, P. M. Lynch, N. T. Caton, G. P. Foor, Frank Orselli.
1872
Mayor--E. B. Whitman. Recorder--O. P. Lacy. Marshal--John P. Justice. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--M. W. Davis. Surveyor--A. L. Knowlton. Council--Sig. Schwabacher, N. T. Caton, M. C. Moore, I. H. Foster, John Stahl.
1873
Mayor--E. B. Whitman. Recorder--I. D. Sarman. Marshal--John P. Justice. Treasurer--H. E. Johnson. Assessor--M. W. Davis. Surveyor--A. L. Knowlton. Council--M. C. Moore, N. T. Caton, I. H. Foster, Wm. Neal, John Fall.
1874
Mayor--James McAuliff. Marshal--John P. Justice. Recorder--O. P. Lacy. Treasurer--C. T. Thompson. Assessor--J. B. Thompson. Council--F. G. Allen, Z. K. Straight, Wm. Kohlhauff, Ed C. Ross.
1875
Mayor--James McAuliff. Marshal--John P. Justice. Recorder--J. D. Laman. Treasurer--F. Kennedy. Assessor--S. Jacobs. Council--O. P. Lacy, Ed C. Ross, M. Belcher, J. D. Laman, Wm. Kohlhauff.
1876
Mayor--Jas. McAuliff. Marshal--John P. Justice. Treasurer--H. E. Holmes. Assessor--S. Jacobs. Council--G. P. Foor, Wm. Kohlhauff, A. H. Reynolds, O. P. Lacy, M. Belcher.
It remains in this chapter to speak of the events leading to the division of Old Walla Walla County. The first movement in that direction originated at Waitsburg. That active place, in the center of one of the fairest and most fertile tracts in all this fertile region, had come into existence in 1865. We find an item in the Statesman of June 30, 1865, to this effect: "Waitsburg is the name of a town just beginning to grow up at Wait's Mill on the Touchet. The people of that vicinity have resolved to celebrate the coming 4th, and are making arrangements accordingly. W. S. Langford of this city has accepted an invitations to deliver the oration. "In 1869 a sentiment developed that the large area south of Snake River, 3,420 square miles, was too large for a single county, and that it was only a question of time when there must be another county. Not seeming to realize that if such event occurred the natural center must be farther east than Waitsburg, the citizens of the "Mill Town" pushed vigorously for their project of division, with their own town as the seat of a new county. A petition signed by 150 citizens was conveyed to Olympia by a delegation who presented it to the Legislature. Though their effort failed it served to keep the plan of division alive, and with a rapid flow of immigration into the high region of the Upper Touchet, the movement for a new county constantly grew. We have already spoken of the early locations on the Touchet and Patit. In 1871 and 1872, there became a concentration of interests which made it clear that a town would develop. It became known as Dayton from Jesse N. Day. Here was a location more suitable geographically than Waitsburg, and sentiment rapidly gathered around Dayton as the natural vantage point for a new county. Elisha Ping was chosen to the Territorial Council in 1874 to represent Walla Walla County, and as a citizen and prominent land owner of Dayton he became the center of the movement.
The first boundary proposed called for a line running directly south from the Palouse ferry on Snake River to the state line, thus putting Waitsburg just within the new county. This was not acceptable to that place. If it could not be the county seat, it preferred to play second fiddle to Walla Walla rather than to Dayton. Mr. Preston went to Walla Walla to represent the Waitsburg sentiment. As a result a remonstrance against county division was prepared and forwarded to the Legislature. Representatives Hodgis, Lloyd, Lynch and Scott took positions in opposition to division. A. J. Cain and Elisha Ping conducted the campaign from the standpoint of Dayton. It became a three cornered combat in the Legislature. The Walla Walla people, as almost always is the case in a growing county, though it is very poor and selfish policy, opposed any division. The Waitsburg influence was for division provided it could have the county seat but otherwise opposed, and the Dayton influence was entirely for division with the expectation that Dayton would become the county seat. Like most county division and county seat fights, this was based mainly on motives of transient local gain and personal advantage, rather than on broad public policy for the future. But so long as human nature is at such a rudimentary stage of evolution it would be too idealistic to expect otherwise. But whether with large motives or small, the final outcome, as well as the subsequent divisions by which Garfield and Asotin were laid out, was for progress and efficiency. Walla Walla interests were overpowered in the Legislature and a bill creating Ping County was duly passed. This, however, encountered a snag, for Governor Ferry vetoed it. Another bill, avoiding his objections, naming the new county Columbia, was finally passed and on Nov. 11, 1875, Columbia County duly came into existence, embracing about two-thirds of Old Walla Walla County, being bounded by Snake River and the state line on the north, east and south, and by Walla Walla County on the west.
The history of the erection of Garfield and Asotin counties will belong properly to a later chapter, and with this final view of old Walla Walla County as it had existed from 1859 to 1878, we pass on.
IV. THE EARLY TRANSPORTATION AGE
It is but trite and commonplace to say (yet these commonplace sayings embody the accumulated experience of the human race) that transportation is the very A. B. C. of economic science. There can be no wealth without exchange. There is no assignable value either to commodities or labor without markets.
New communities have always had to struggle with these fundamental problems of transportation. Until there can be at least some exchange of products there can be no real commercial life and men's labor is spent simply on producing the articles needful for daily bread, clothing and shelter. Most of the successive "Wests" of America have gone through that stage of simple existence. Some have gotten out of it very rapidly, usually by the discovery of the precious metals or the production of some great staple like furs so much in demand and so scarce in distant countries as to justify expensive and even dangerous expeditions and costly transportation systems. During nearly all the first half of the nineteenth century the fur trade was that agency which created exchange and compelled transportation.
After the acquisition of Oregon and California by the United States there was a lull, during which there was scarcely any commercial life because there was nothing exchangeable or transportable.
Then suddenly came the dramatic discovery of gold in California which inaugurated there a new era of commercial life and hence demanded extensive transportation, and that was for many years necessarily by the ocean. The similar discovery in Oregon came ten years later. As we saw in Chapter Two of this part there came on suddenly in the early '60s a rushing together in old Walla Walla of a confused mass of eager seekers for gold, cattle ranges, and every species of the opportunities which were thought to exist in the "upper country." As men began to get the measure of the country and each other and to see something of what this land was going to become, the demand for some regular system of transportation became imperative.
The first resource was naturally by the water. It was obvious that teaming from the Willamette Valley (the only productive region in the '50s and the first year or two of the '60s) was too limited a means to amount to anything. Bateaux after the fashion of the Hudson's Bay Company would not do for the new era. Men could indeed drive stock over the mountains and across the plains and did so to considerable degree. But as the full measure of the problem was taken it became clear to the active ambitious men who flocked into the Walla Walla country in 1858, 1859, and 1860, and particularly when the discovery of gold became known in 1861, that nothing but the establishment of steamboats on the Columbia and Snake rivers would answer the demand for a real system of transportation commensurate with the situation.
To fully appreciate the era of steamboating and to revive the memories of the pioneers of this region in those halcyon days of river traffic, it is fitting that we trace briefly the essential stages from the first appearance of steamers on the Columbia River and its tributaries. To accomplish this section of the story we are incorporating here several paragraphs from "The Columbia River," by the author: The first river steamer of any size to ply upon the Willamette and Columbia was the Lot Whitcomb. This steamer was built by Whitcomb and Jennings. J. C. Ainsworth was the first captain, and Jacob Kamm was the first engineer. Both of these men became leaders in every species of steamboating enterprise. In 1851 Dan Bradford and B. B. Bishop inaugurated a movement to connect the up-river region with the lower river by getting a small iron propeller called the Jason P. Flint from the East and putting her together at the Cascades, whence she made the run to Portland. The Flint has been named as first to run above the Cascades, but the author has the authority of Mr. Bishop for stating that the first steamer to run above the Cascades was the Eagle. That steamer was brought in sections by Allen McKinley to the Upper Cascades in 1853, there put together, and set to plying on the part of the river between the Cascades and The Dalles. In 1854 the Mary was built and launched above the Cascades, the next year the Wasco followed, and in 1856 the Hassalo began to toot her jubilant horn at the precipices of the mid-Columbia. In 1859 R. R. Thompson and Lawrence Coe built the Colonel Wright, the first steamer on the upper section of the river. In the same year the same men built at the Upper Cascades a steamer called the Venture. This craft met with a curious catastrophe. For on her very first trip she swung too far into the channel and was carried over the Upper Cascades, at the point where the Cascade Locks are now located. She was subsequently raised and rebuilt, and rechristened the Umatilla.
This part of the period of steamboat building was contemporary with the Indian wars of 1855 and 1856. The steamers Wasco, Mary, and Eagle were of much service in rescuing victims of the murderous assault on the Cascades by the Klickitats.
While the enterprising steamboat builders were thus making their way up-river in the very teeth of Indian warfare steamboats were in course of construction on the Willamette. The Jennie Clark in 1854 and the Carrie Ladd in 1858 were built for the firm of Abernethy, Clark and Company. These both, the latter especially, were really elegant steamers for the time.
The close of the Indian wars in 1859 saw a quite well-organized steamer service between Portland and The Dalles, and the great rush into the upper country was just beginning. The Senorita, the Belle, and the Multnomah, under the management of Benjamin Stark, were on the run from Portland to the Cascades. A rival steamer, the Mountain Buck, owned by Ruckle and Olmstead, was on the same route. These steamers connected with boats on the Cascades-Dalles section by means of portages five miles long around the rapids. There was a portage on each side of the river. That on the north side was operated by Bradford & Company, and their steamers were the Hassalo and the Mary. Ruckle and Olmstead owned the portage on the south side of the river, and their steamer was the Wasco. Sharp competition arose between the Bradford and Stark interests on one side and Ruckle and Olmstead on the other. The Stark Company was known as the Columbia River Navigation Company, and the rival was the Oregon Transportation Company. J. C. Ainsworth now joined the Stark party with the Carrie Ladd. So efficient did this reinforcement prove to be that the transportation company proposed to them a combination. This was effected in April, 1859, and the new organization became known as the Union Transportation Company. This was soon found to be too loose a consolidation to accomplish the desired ends, and the parties interested set about a new combination to embrace all the steam boat men from Celilo to Astoria. The result was the formation of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, which came into legal existence on December 20, 1860. Its stock in steamboats, sailboats, wharfboats, and miscellaneous property was stated at $172,500.
Such was the genesis of the "O. S. N. Co." In a valuable article by Irene Lincoln Poppleton in the Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1908, to which we here make acknowledgments, it is said that no assessment was ever levied on the stock of this company, but that from the proceeds of the business the management expended in gold nearly three million dollars in developing their property, besides paying to the stockholders in dividends over two million and a half dollars. Never perhaps was there such a record of money-making on such capitalization.
The source of the enormous business of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company was the rush into Idaho, Montana, and Eastern Oregon and Washington by the miners, cowboys, speculators, and adventurers of the early '60s. The up-river country, as described more at length in another chapter, wakened suddenly from the lethargy of centuries, and the wildness teemed with life. That was the great steamboat age. Money flowed in streams. Fortunes were made and lost in a day.
When first organized in 1860, the Oregon Steam Navigation Company had a nondescript lot of steamers, mainly small and weak. The two portages, one of five miles around the Cascades and the other of fourteen miles from The Dalles to Celilo Falls, were unequal to their task. The portages at the Cascades on both sides of the river were made by very inadequate wooden tramways. That at The Dalles was made by teams. Such quantities of freight were discharged from the steamers that sometimes the whole portage was lined with freight from end to end. The portages were not acquired by the company with the steamboat property, and as a result the portage owners reaped the larger share of the profits. During high water the portage on the Oregon side at the Cascades had a monopoly of the business and it took one-half the freight income from Portland to The Dalles. This was holding the whip-hand with a vengeance, and the vigorous directors of the steamboat company could not endure it. Accordingly, they absorbed the rights of the portage owners, built a railroad from Celilo to The Dalles on the Oregon side, and one around the Cascades on the Washington side. The company was reorganized under the laws of Oregon in October, 1863, with a declared capitalization of $2,000,000.
Business on the river in 1863 was something enormous. Hardly ever did a steamer make a trip with less than two hundred passengers. Freight was offered in such quantities at Portland that trucks had to stand in line for blocks, waiting to deliver and receive their loads. New boats were built of a much better class. Two rival companies, the Independent Line and the People's Transportation Line, made a vigorous struggle to secure a share of the business, but they were eventually overpowered. Some conception of the amount of business may be gained from the fact that the steamers transported passengers to an amount of fares running from $1,000 to $6,000 a trip. On April 29, 1862, the Tenino, leaving Celilo for the Lewiston trip, had a load amounting to $10,945 for freight, passengers, meals, and berths. The steamships sailing from Portland to San Francisco showed equally remarkable records. On June 25, 1861, the Sierra Nevada conveyed a treasure shipment of $228,000; July 14th, $110,000; August 24th, $195,558; December 5th, $750,000. The number of passengers carried on The Dalles-Lewiston route in 1864 was 36,000 and the tons of freight were 21,834.
It was a magnificent steamboat ride in those days from Portland to Lewiston. The fare was $60; meals and berths, $1 each. A traveler would leave Portland at 5 A. M. on, perhaps, the Wilson G. Hunt, reach the Cascades sixty-five miles distant at 11 A. M., proceed by rail five miles to the Upper Cascades, there transfer to the Oneonta or Idaho for The Dalles, passing in that run from the humid, low-lying, heavily timbered West-of-the-mountains, to the dry, breezy, hilly East-of-the-mountains. Reaching The Dalles, fifty miles farther east, he would be conveyed by another portage railroad, fourteen miles more, to Celilo. There the Tenino, Yakima, Nez Percé Chief, or Owyhee was waiting. With the earliest light of the morning the steamer would head right into the impetuous current of the river, bound for Lewiston, 280 miles farther yet, taking two days, sometimes three, though only one to return. Those steamers were mainly of light-draught, stern-wheel structure, which still characterizes the Columbia River boats. They were swift and roomy and well adapted to the turbulent waters of the upper river.
The captains, pilots, and pursers of that period were as fine a set of men as ever turned a wheel. Bold, bluff, genial, hearty, and obliging they were, even though given to occasional outbursts of expletives and possessing voluminous repertoires of "cusswords" such as would startle the effete East. Any old Oregonian who may chance to cast his eyes upon these pages will recall, as with the pangs of childhood homesickness, the forms and features of steamboat men of that day; the polite yet determined Ainsworth, the brusque and rotund Reed, the bluff and hearty Knaggs, the frolicsome and never disconcerted Ingalls, the dark, powerful, and nonchalant Coe, the patriarchal beard of Stump, the loquacious "Commodore" Wolf, who used to point out to astonished tourists the "diabolical strata" on the banks of the river, the massive and good-natured Strang, the genial and elegant O'Neil, the suave and witty Snow, the tall and handsome Sampson, the rich Scotch brogue of McNulty, and dozens of others, whose combined adventures would fill a volume. One of the most experienced pilots of the upper river was Captain "Eph" Baughman, who ran steamers on the Snake and Columbia rivers over fifty years, and is yet living at the date of this publication. W. H. Gray, who came to Waiilatpu with Whitman as secular agent of the mission, became a river man of much skill. He gave four sons, John, William, Alfred, and James, to the service of the river, all four of them being skilled captains. A story narrated to the author by Capt. William Gray, now of Pasco, Wash., well illustrates the character of the old Columbia River navigators. W. H. Gray was the first man to run a sailboat of much size with regular freight up Snake River. That was in 1860 before any steamers were running on that stream. Mr. Gray built his boat, a fifty ton sloop, on Oosooyoos Lake on the Okanogan River. In it he descended that river to its entrance into the Columbia. Thence he descended the Columbia, running down the Entiat, Rock Island, Cabinet, and Priest Rapids, no mean undertaking of itself. Reaching the mouth of the Snake he took on a load of freight and started up the swift stream. At Five-mile Rapids he found that his sail was insufficient to carry the sloop up. Men had said that it was impossible. The crew all prophesied disaster. The stubborn captain merely declared, "There is no such word as fail in my dictionary." He directed his son and another of the crew to take the small boat, load her with a long coil of rope, make their way up the stream until they got above the rapid, there to land on an islet of rock, fasten the rope to that rock, then pay it out till it was swept down the rapid. They were then to descend the rapid in the small boat. "Very likely you may be upset," added the skipper encouragingly, "but if you are, you know how to swim." They were upset, sure enough, but they did know how to swim. They righted their boat, picked up the end of the floating rope, and reached the sloop with it. The rope was attached to the capstan, and the sloop was wound up by it above the swiftest part of the rapid to a point where the sail was sufficient to carry, and on they went rejoicing. Any account of steamboating on the Columbia would be incomplete without reference to Capt. James Troup, who was born on the Columbia, and almost from early boyhood ran steamers upon it and its tributaries. He made a specialty of running steamers down The Dalles and the Cascades, an undertaking sometimes rendered necessary by the fact that more boats were built in proportion to demand on the upper than the lower river. These were taken down The Dalles, and sometimes down the Cascades. Once down, they could not return. The first steamer to run down the Tumwater Falls was the Okanogan, on May 22, 1866, piloted by Capt. T. J. Stump.
The author enjoyed the great privilege of descending The Dalles in the D. S. Baker in the year 1888, Captain Troup being in command. At that strange point in the river, the whole vast volume is compressed into a channel but 160 feet wide at low water and much deeper than wide. Like a huge mill-race this channel continues nearly straight for two miles, when it is hurled with frightful force against a massive bluff. Deflected from the bluff, it turns at a sharp angle to be split in sunder by a low reef of rock. When the Baker was drawn into the current at the head of the "chute" she swept down the channel, which was almost black, with streaks of foam, to the bluff, two miles in four minutes. There feeling the tremendous refluent wave, she went careening over and over toward the sunken reef. The skilled captain had her perfectly in hand, and precisely at the right moment, rang the signal bell, "Ahead, full speed," and ahead she went, just barely scratching her side on the rock. Thus close was it necessary to calculate distance. If the steamer had struck the tooth-like point of the reef broadside on, she would have been broken in two and carried in fragments on either side. Having passed this danger point, she glided into the beautiful calm bay below and the feat was accomplished. Capt. J. C. Ainsworth and Capt. James Troup were the two captains above all others to whom the company entrusted the critical task of running steamers over the rapids.
In the Overland Monthly of June, 1886, there is a valuable account by Capt. Lawrence Coe of the maiden journey of the Colonel Wright from Celilo up what they then termed the upper Columbia.
This first journey on that section of the river was made in April, 1859. The pilot was Capt. Lew White. The highest point reached was Wallula, the site of the old Hudson's Bay Fort. The current was a powerful one to withstand, no soundings had ever been made, and no boats except canoes, bateaus, flatboats, and a few small sailboats, had ever made the trip. No one had any conception of the location of a channel adapted to a steamboat. No difficulty was experienced, however, except at the Umatilla Rapids. This is a most singular obstruction. Three separate reefs, at intervals of half a mile, extend right across the river. There are narrow breaks in these reefs, but not in line with each other. Through them the water pours with tremendous velocity, and on account of their irregular locations a steamer must zigzag across the river at imminent risk of being borne broadside on to the reef. The passage of the Umatilla Rapids is not difficult at high water, for then the steamer glides over the rocks in a straight course.
In the August Overland of the same year, Captain Coe narrates the first steamboat trip up Snake River. This was in June, 1860, just at the time of the beginning of the gold excitement. The Colonel Wright was loaded with picks, rockers, and other mining implements, as well as provisions and passengers. Most of the freight and passengers were put off at Wallula, to go thence overland. Part continued on to test the experiment of making way against the wicked-looking current of Snake River. After three days and a half from the starting point a few miles above Celilo, the Colonel Wright halted at a place which was called Slaterville, thirty-seven miles up the Clearwater from its junction with the Snake. There the remainder of the cargo was discharged, to be hauled in wagons to the Oro Fino mines. The steamer Okanogan followed the Colonel Wright within a few weeks, and navigation on the Snake may be said to have fairly begun. During that same time the City of Lewiston, named in honor of Meriwether Lewis, the explorer, was founded at the junction of the Snake and Clearwater rivers.
THE PIONEER STAGE LINES
While the river traffic under the ordinary control of the O. S. N. Company, though with frequent periods of opposition boats, was thus promoting the movements of commercial life along the great central artery, the need of reaching interior points was vital. The only way of doing this and providing feeders for the boats was by stage lines and prairie schooners. As a result of this need there developed along with the steamboats a system of roads from certain points on the Columbia and Snake rivers. Umatilla, Wallula, and Lewiston became the chief of these. And in the stage lines we have another era of utmost interest and importance in the old time days.
J. F. Abbott was the pioneer stage manager of old Walla Walla. It is very interesting to note his advertisements as they appear in the earliest issues of the Washington Statesman. But he began before there was any Statesman or paper of any kind between the Cascade Mountains and the Missouri River. For in 1859 he started the first stages between Wallula and Walla Walla. In 1860 he entered a partnership with Rickey and Thatcher on the same route. In 1861 a new line was laid out by Miller and Blackmore from The Dalles to Walla Walla. The stage business went right on by leaps and bounds. In 1862 two companies started new lines, Rickey and Thatcher from Walla Walla to Lewiston through the present Walla Walla, Columbia, Garfield and Asotin counties, and Blackmore and Chase between Wallula and Walla Walla. During the next two decades the stage business became one of the great factors in the growth of the whole vast region from Umatilla eastward into the mining regions of Oro Fino, Florence, Boise Basin, and ultimately into Wyoming and Utah.
The most prominent manager on the longer routes and one of the most prominent and useful of all the business men of early Walla Walla, was George F. Thomas. He laid out a route from Wallula to Boise by way of Walla Walla and the Woodward Toll Gate Road over the Blue Mountains.
In 1864 there came into operation the first of the great stage systems having transcontinental aims and policies. This was the Holladay system. That period was the palmy time for hold-ups, Indians, prairie-schooners, and all the other interesting and extravagant features of life, ordinarily supposed to be typical of the Far-West and so dominating in their effect on the imagination as to furnish the seed-bed for a genuine literature of the Pacific Coast, most prominent in California with the illustrious names of Bret Harte and Mark Twain in the van, and with Jack London, Rex Beach, and many more in later times pursuing the same general tenor of delineation. The Northwest has not yet had a literature comparable with California's, but the material is here and there will yet be in due sequence a line of story writers, poets and artists of the incomparable scenery and the tragic, humorous and pathetic human associations of the Columbia and its tributaries, which will place this northern region of the Pacific in the same rank as the more forward southern sister. Indeed we may remark incidentally that the two most prominent California poets, Joaquin Miller and Edwin Markham, belonged to Oregon, the latter being a native of the "Webfoot State."
The amount of business done by those pioneer stage lines was surprising. In the issue of the Statesman of December 20, 1862, it is estimated that the amount of freight landed by the steamers at Wallula to be distributed thence by wheel averaged about a hundred and fifty tons weekly, and that the number of passengers, very variable, ran from fifty to six hundred weekly. As time went on rival lines became more and more active and rates were lowered as competition grew more keen. The author recalls vividly his first trip from Wallula to Walla Walla in his boyhood in the summer of 1870.
The steamer was jammed with passengers who disembarked and made a rush for something to eat in the old adobe hotel on the river bank at the site of the old Fort Walla Walla. There were a dozen or so stages, the driver of each vociferating that on that day passengers were carried free to Walla Walla. It is asserted that on some occasions competition became so hot that the rival stage managers offered not only free transportation, but free meals as a bonus. Whenever one line succeeded in running off competitors the rates were plumped right back to the ordinary figure. In view of the wagon traffic of that period it is not surprising that sections of the road are yet worn several feet deep and that for years there were four or five tracks. They never worked the roads, but depended purely on nature, Providence, and the movement of teams to effect any changes. With the somewhat strenuous west winds which even yet are sometimes noticed to prevail on the lower Walla Walla it is not wonderful that a good part of the top dressing of that country has been distributed at various points around Walla Walla, Waitsburg, Dayton, "and all points east." How regular teamsters got enough air to maintain life out of the clouds of dust which enveloped most of their active moments is one of the unexplained mysteries of human existence.
The closing scene of the stage line drama may be said to have been the establishment in 1871 of the Northwestern Stage Company. It connected the Central Pacific Railroad at Kelton, Utah, with The Dalles, Pendleton, Walla Walla, Colfax, Dayton, Lewiston, Pomeroy, and "all points north and west." During the decade of the '70s that stage line was a connecting link not only between the railroads and the regions as yet without them, but was also a link between two epochs, that of the stage and that of the railroad.
It did an extensive passenger business, employing regularly twenty-two stages and 300 horses, which used annually 365 tons of grain and 412 tons of hay. There were 150 drivers and hostlers regularly employed for that branch of the business.
THE RAILROAD AGE
But a new order was coming rapidly. As the decades of the '60s and '70s belonged especially to the steamboat and the stage, so the decade of the '80s belonged to the railroad. It is one of the most curious and interesting facts in American history that during the period between about 1835, the coming of the missionaries and the period of the discoveries of gold in Idaho in 1861 and onward, there was an obstinate insistence in Congress, especially the Senate--a great body indeed, but at times the very apotheosis of conservative imbecility--that Oregon could never be practically connected with the older parts of the country, but must remain a wilderness. But there were some Progressives. When Isaac I. Stevens was appointed governor of Washington Territory in 1853 he had charge of a survey with a view of determining a practical route for a northern railroad.
It is very interesting to read his instructions to George B. McClellan, then one of his assistants. "The route is from St. Paul, Minn., to Puget Sound by the great bend of the Mississippi River, through a pass in the mountains near the forty-ninth parallel. A strong party will operate westward from St. Paul; a second but smaller party will go up the Missouri to the Yellowstone, and there make arrangements, reconnoiter the country, etc., and on the junction of the main party they will push through the Blackfoot country, and reaching the Rocky Mountains will keep at work there during the summer months. The third party, under your command, will be organized in the Puget Sound region, you and your scientific corps going over the Isthmus, and will operate in the Cascade range and meet the party coming from the Rocky Mountains. The amount of work in the Cascade range and eastward, say to the probable junction of the parties at the great bend of the north fork of the Columbia River, will be immense. Recollect, the main object is a railroad survey from the headwaters of the Mississippi River to Puget Sound. We must not be frightened by long tunnels or enormous snows, but must set ourselves to work to overcome them."
Growing out of the abundant agitation going on for twenty years after the start given it by Governor Stevens, the movement for a Northern Pacific Railroad focalized in 1870 by a contract made between the promoters and Jay Cooke & Company to sell bonds. It is interesting to recall that Philip Ritz of Walla Walla, one of the noblest of men and most useful of pioneers, was one of the strong forces in conveying information about the field and inducing the promoters to turn their attention to it. In fact Messrs. Ogden and Cass, two of the strongest men connected with the enterprise, afterwards stated that it was a letter from Mr. Ritz that drew their favorable attention to the possibilities of this country. Work was begun on the section of the Northern Pacific Railroad between Kalama on the Columbia and Puget Sound in 1870, but the financial panic of 1873 crippled and even ruined many great business houses, among others Jay Cooke & Co., and for several years construction was at a stand still. In 1879 the Northern Pacific Railroad Co. was reorganized, work was resumed and never ceased till the iron horse had drunk both out of Lake Superior and the Columbia River.
One of the most spectacular chapters in the history of railroading in the Northwest was that of the "blind pool" by which Henry Villard, president of the Oregon Railway and Navigation Co., obtained in 1881 the control of a majority of the stock of the N. P. and became its president. The essential aim of this series of occult finances was to divert the northern road from its proposed terminus on Puget Sound and annex it to the interests centering in Portland.
In 1883 the road was pushed on from Duluth to Wallula and thence by union with the O. R. & N. was carried on down the Columbia. The feverish haste, reckless outlay, and in places dangerous construction of that section along the crags and through shaded glens and in front of the waterfalls on the banks of the great river, constitute one of the dramas of building. Even more spectacularly came the gorgeous pageantry of the Villard excursion in October, 1883, in which Grant, Evarts, and others of the most distinguished of Americans participated, and in which Oregon and the Northwest in general were entertained in Portland with lavish hospitality, and in which Villard rode upon the crest of the greatest wave of power and popularity that had been seen in the history of the Northwest. But in the very moment of his triumph he fell with a "dull, sickening thud." In fact even while being lauded and feted as the great railroad builder he must have known of the impending crash. For skillful manipulations of the stock market by the Wright interests had dispossessed Villard of his majority control, a general collapse in Portland followed, and the Puget Sound terminal was established at the "City of Destiny," Tacoma. Not till 1888, however, was the great tunnel at Stampede pass completed and the Northern Pacific fairly established upon its great route.
Since the completion of the main line of the N. P. R. R. it has sprouted out feeders in many directions. The most interesting and important of these to the Walla Walla Valley is the Washington and Columbia River Railroad, commonly known in earlier times as the Hunt Road. That road was started as the Oregon and Washington Territory R. R. by Pendleton interests in 1887. Mr. G. W. Hunt, a man of great energy and ability, and possessed of many peculiar and original views on religion and social conditions as well as railroads, came to the Inland Empire at that time and perceiving the great possibilities in this region, made a contract to construct the line. Finding within a year that the projectors were not succeeding in raising funds Mr. Hunt took over the enterprise. In 1888-90 he carried out a series of lines from Hunt's Junction, a short distance from Wallula, to Helix and Athena and finally to Pendleton in Umatilla County, Ore., and to Walla Walla, Waitsburg and Dayton, with a separate branch up Eureka Flat, that great wheat belt of Northern Walla Walla County. The hard times of the next year so affected Mr. Hunt's resources that he felt obliged to place his fine enterprise in the hands of N. P. R. R. interests. But it still retained the name of Washington and Columbia River Railroad and was operated as a distinct road. The first president following Mr. Hunt was W. D. Tyler, a man of so genial nature and brilliant mind as to be one of the conspicuous figures in Walla Walla circles during his residence in this region and to be remembered with warm friendship by people in all sorts of connections, afterward living in Tacoma until his lamented death. He was followed by Joseph McCabe who was a railroad builder and manager of conspicuous ability and who continued at the head of the line until he was drawn to important railroad work in New England. The third president of the road was J. G. Cutler who ably continued the work so well begun. In 1907 the line was absorbed by the Northern Pacific and has since that date been managed as a section of that line. Mr. Cutler continued for a time as the general manager until failing health compelled his retirement and to the deep regret of a large circle of friends and business associates he died within a few months of his retirement. S. B. Calderhead, who had been during the presidencies of Mr. McCabe and Mr. Cutler the traffic manager of the original road, became the general freight and passenger agent of the division in 1907 and continues to hold the position at this time. The road has been extended to Turner in the heart of the barley belt of Columbia County. It does an extraordinary business for the amount of mileage and population. Within the year of the completion of the lines to Dayton, Pendleton, and the Eureka Flat branch, a total mileage of 162.73 miles and with a scanty population at that date of 1890, the road conveyed about forty thousand tons of freight into the regions covered and carried out about a hundred and thirty thousand tons of grain and 20,000 tons of other freight.
The other transcontinental line in which the Walla Walla country is especially interested is the Oregon Railroad and Navigation Company's line. This acquired the Walla Walla and Columbia River line in 1878 and the property of the O. S. N. Co. in 1879. Henry Villard was the great organizer of the O. R. and N. line, which was a portion of the Union Pacific system, covering the territory between Huntington and Portland. Of Villard's operations in this connection with the N. P. R. R. we have already spoken. Although the attempt to divert that system down the Columbia proved a failure, the O. R. and N. R. R. has become one of the great systems of the United States, and as a part of the present Oregon and Washington system it performs a vast commercial service in the regions covered by its lines. By the acquisition of the Walla Walla and Columbia River R. R. (Dr. Baker's road) and the O. S. N. Co. lines and steamboats (for that was mainly a river system) the O. R. and N. R. R. succeeded practically to the whole pioneer system of steamboats and stage lines of the previous era. It has become a vast factor in the commercial life of the Columbia River region and by its branches north and west has become a competitor with the Northern Pacific and Great Northern systems throughout the state. Its chief lines in the counties covered by this work are that from Pendleton to Spokane, going right through the heart of the region, with branches from Bolles Junction to Dayton and Starbuck to Pomeroy. It joins with the N. P. R. R. in a line from Riparia on the north side of the Snake River to Lewiston, by which the splendid country centering around that city is reached and by which the equally beautiful and productive region of Asotin and Garfield counties on the west and south of Snake River are indirectly touched. To reach that highly productive region the company maintains several steamers which ply during the proper stage of water and convey millions of bushels of grain from Asotin and other points down the river to railroad connections. One of the important developments of the line is the Yakima branch, extending from Walla Walla to that city and projected, as is supposed, to ultimate connections on Puget Sound and possibly through the Klickitat country about the base of Mount Adams to Portland, tapping an entirely new country of great and varied resources. In 1914 the main line between Portland and Spokane was constructed down the Snake from Riparia to Wallula.
The Northern Pacific and Oregon-Washington railroads have not far from the same mileage in these counties, the latter somewhat larger, and do approximately the same amount of local business. A general estimate by one of the best informed railroad men of Walla Walla is that the combined receipts for freight in Walla Walla County alone--the present county--for the last year was about one million dollars for outgoing and about six hundred thousand dollars for incoming freight.
WALLA WALLA AND COLUMBIA RIVER RAILROAD
We have reserved for special consideration the most interesting and from the historical standpoint the most important of all the railroads of Walla Walla, the Walla Walla and Columbia River, Doctor Baker's road. The history of this enterprise is most intimately connected with the development of this region. It is not only a rare example of the growth of a local demand and need, but constitutes a tribute to the genius of its builder, one of the most unique and powerful of all the capable and original builders of the "Upper Country."
To trace the movements leading to the creation of this vital step in the commercial evolution of Walla Walla, we must turn to the files of the Washington Statesman. In the issue of May 3, 1862, we find the leading editorial devoted to urging the need of a railroad. It notes the fact that Lewiston and Wallula are endeavoring to divert the trade from Walla Walla and that with $500,000 invested in the city, as much more in the country, and with crops yielding $250,000, besides stock, the people of Walla Walla cannot rest content with the exorbitant expense of freighting by teams to and from the river. It says bitterly that those engaged in freighting have thought it a fine thing to get from twenty dollars to one hundred dollars per ton for carrying freight in from Wallula. It urges people to bestir themselves and provide a railroad, which, it declares, if it cost $750,000 or even $1,000,000 to build, will save that amount in the next ten years.
The issue of June 7 returns to the charge, dealing in more specific figures, estimating the probable expense of the thirty miles of road not to exceed $600,000. It appeared from this article that the Legislature of the previous year had granted a charter for the purpose, and as the editor urges, the people have but to take advantage of the opportunity open to them to secure the results.
The Statesman of August 23, 1862, gives the provisions of that charter with the list of those named in it. The names of these men are worthy of preservation, as showing the personnel of the most active business forces of that date. They are as follows: A. J. Cain, E. B. Whitman, L. A. Mullan, W. J. Terry, C. H. Armstrong, J. F. Abbott, I. T. Reese, S. M. Baldwin, E. L. Bonner, W. A. Mix, Charles Russell, J. A. Sims, Jesse Drumheller, James Reynolds, D. S. Baker, G. E. Cole, S. D. Smith, J. J. Goodwin, Neil McGlinchy, J. S. Sparks, W. A. George, J. M. Vansycle, W. W. DeLacy, A. Seitel, W. A. Ball, B. F. Stone, J. Schwabacher, B. P. Standifer, S. W. Tatem, W. W. Johnson and "such others as they shall associate with them in the project."
It is worth noting that in the issue of September 6th, an item is made of the fact that fares to The Dalles have been lowered, being $10 to The Dalles and only 50 cents from there to Portland. It is declared in the item that that is a scheme of the Navigation Company to crush out opposition. The opposition line of that year was in control of Doctor Baker, who was associated in the enterprise with Captain Ankeny, H. W. Corbett, and Captain Baughman. Their steamer on the lower river was the E. D. Baker and on the upper river the Spray. Doctor Baker had previously undertaken a portage railroad at the Cascades, but had been compelled to retire before the O. S. N. Co. So for the new undertaking they were obliged to use stages over the five miles of portage between the lower and the upper Cascades. The Spray and the Baker, it may be said, carried on a lively opposition but in the Statesman of March 21, 1863, we find that the O. S. N. Co. had bought out the line and once more monopolized the traffic. Affairs and time were both moving on and we find valuable data in three successive issues of the Statesman, December 20 and 27, 1862, and January 3, 1863. That of December 20th repeats the names given in the charter and some further provisions of that document. Among other requirements was that forbidding the railroad to charge passengers over 10 cents per mile or over 40 cents per ton per mile for freight. Comparison shows how the world has changed. Railroads in this state at present cannot charge more than three cents a mile for passengers, and as for freight, when we remember how we "kick" now at exorbitant freight rates, and yet remind ourselves that the rate on wheat from Walla Walla to Portland is $2.85 per ton, or less than twelve mills per ton mile, we realize the change. But it must be remembered that building a railroad in 1863 in the Walla Walla country was a very different proposition from the present. The Statesman figures that even if traffic did not increase there would be a weekly income for the road of $2,400 or about one hundred and thirty thousand dollars a year. Allowing the cost to be $700,000, with interest at 10 per cent or $70,000 a year, there would be a margin of $65,000 per annum for operating and contingencies. "Who is there," demands the Statesman, "amongst our settled residents that cannot afford to subscribe for from one to ten shares of stock at $100 per share?"
In the paper of December 27th, another editorial urges citizens to attend a meeting the next week to consider the vital subject.
The meeting duly occurred on the last day of December, 1862, and is reported in the Statesman of January 3, 1863. The meeting was called to order by E. B. Whitman and W. W. Johnson acted as secretary. Mention is made of a letter from Capt. John Mullan stating that there was a prospect of securing from two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to three hundred thousand dollars worth of stock in New York. A group of men at money centers was appointed to act as commissioners for receiving subscriptions for stock. A committee consisting of W. W. Johnson, W. A. Mix, and R. R. Rees was appointed to draw up articles of association and by-laws for the company. On March 14th a meeting was held to listen to the report of the committee.
It appears from the issue of April 11, 1863, that a new opposition steamer, the Kius, had made her first trip from Celilo to Wallula, beating the Spray by an hour. Fares had been cut again, being only $3.50 from Celilo to Wallula. The following number of the Statesman notes the interesting item that the Kius had made a trip the previous week to the mouth of the Salmon River on the Snake, and proposed to continue investigations with a view to determining the practicability of a regular route. In the paper of April 25th is an editorial deprecating the "cut-throat competition" on the river, pointing out the fact that heavy stocks of goods had been imported under previous rates and that the carrying in of freight at ruinous rates will embarrass the regular merchants under the old rates. In the same issue announcement is made of the important fact that the railroad portages of the O. S. N. Co. at both the Cascades and The Dalles had just come into operation. By May 9th, it appeared that another rapid change in freight rates had taken place, both lines receipting freight from Portland to Lewiston at $25 per ton. For some time the rate from The Dalles to Wallula had been $3 per ton. But a little time passed and the omnipresent O. S. N. Co. bought out the opposition boats Iris and Kius, and up the rates went with another jump. The figures were:
Freight--Portland to The Dalles $15.00 per ton Portland to Wallula 50.00 per ton Portland to Lewiston 90.00 per ton Passage--Portland to The Dalles 6.00 Portland to Wallula 18.00 Portland to Lewiston 28.00
Meanwhile development in the mines and on the stock ranges and farms and even in horticulture was going on apace. But the railroad enterprise hung fire and several years passed by without results. The community seems to have been waiting for the man with the brains, nerve, resolution, and resources to lead and take the risk. The man was there and he had all the requisites from his first entrance to Walla Walla in 1839 except the resources. This was no less a man than Dr. D. S. Baker. During the years of agitation he had been prospering in business and by 1868 was coming into a position where he could see his way to take the initiative in what he had recognized all the time as the great next step in the growth of the Walla Walla country, as well as one in the advancement of his own personal fortunes. The thought of a sort of community ownership had never left the minds of the original promoters although they had failed to come to a focus. On March 23, 1868, there was a meeting which was the outcome of a second era of popular discussion. That meeting eventuated in the actual incorporation of the Walla Walla and Columbia River Railroad. The incorporators were D. S. Baker, A. H. Reynolds, I. T. Reese, A. Kyger, J. H. Lasater, J. D. Mix, B. Scheideman, and W. H. Newell. They planned to place $50,000 of stock in the city, $200,000 in the county, and $100,000 with the O. S. N. Co. An act of Congress of March 3, 1869, granted a right of way and authorized the county commissioners to grant $300,000 in aid of the road, subject to approval of the people by special election. The election was set for June 21, 1871. Expressions of public opinion made it so clear that the proposal would be defeated at the polls that the order for election was revoked. The incorporators of the road now made a proposition that in case the people of the county would authorize an issue of $300,000 in bonds, they would build a strap-iron road within a year, would place the money from down freights in the hands of the county commissioners as a sinking fund, allow the commissioners to fix freight rates, provided they were not less than $2 per ton nor so high as to discourage shipping, and secure the county by first mortgage on the road. An election was held on September 18, 1871. A two-thirds majority was required out of a total vote of 935, and the proposition was lost by eighteen. Thus the second attempt at a publicly promoted railroad for Walla Walla went glimmering.
Doctor Baker now felt that the time had arrived for pushing the enterprise to a conclusion by private capital. A new organization with the same name was effected, of which the directors were D. S. Baker, Wm. Stephens, I. T. Reese, Lewis McMorris, H. M. Chase, H. P. Isaacs, B. L. Sharpstein, Orley Hull, and J. F. Boyer. Grading was begun at Wallula in March, 1872.
Meanwhile many rumors and proposals as to railroad building were in the air. In 1872 the Grande Ronde and Walla Walla R. R. Co. was incorporated, and a survey made thirty-six miles to the Umatilla River. But there the movement ceased. A very interesting project came into existence in 1873 for the Seattle and Walla Walla R. R., and in the prosecution of plans for this, A. A. Denny and J. J. McGilvra visited this region and held public meetings in Walla Walla, Waitsburg, and Dayton. Five directors, S. Schwabacher, W. F. Kimball, Jesse N. Day, W. P. Bruce, and W. M. Shelton were appointed to represent this section. Great enthusiasm was created, but the project, feasible though it seemed and backed though it was by reliable men, never got beyond the stage of agitation. Another enterprise which occasioned great public interest was the Portland, Dalles, and Salt Lake R. R. designed as a rival to the O. R. & N. system. That never got beyond the promotion era. The most interesting locally of these incipient railroads was the Dayton and Columbia River R. R. incorporated in August, 1874. Its proposal was to build a narrow gauge from Dayton to Wallula via Waitsburg and Walla Walla. The plans contemplated a boat line to Astoria with railroad portages at Celilo and the Cascades. That would have been a great enterprise, but it was beyond the resources of its promoters, and it died "a-bornin'."
While these gauzy visions were flitting before the minds of the people of old Walla Walla County, Doctor Baker was going right on with his own road, in the peculiarly taciturn, quiet and unremitting manner characteristic of him. In March, 1874, the road was completed from Wallula to the Touchet, the first eight miles with wooden rails, capped with strap-iron. Maj. Sewall Truax was the engineer in charge. Strap-iron rails were laid on the "straightaway" sections as far as Touchet, with T-iron on the curves and heavier grades. The expense of getting ties and iron was very great and the execution of the work was costly and harassing. Nothing but Doctor Baker's pertinacity in the face of many obstacles carried the work to a successful conclusion. An attempt to run tie timber down the Grande Ronde River to the Snake and thence to Wallula proving unsuccessful, the doctor turned to the Yakima. That effort proved the winning card, but the cost was great. The ties cost over a dollar apiece at Wallula.
But from the first the road justified its cost and demonstrated its utility. In the year that it was completed to Touchet over four thousand tons of wheat was carried out and 1,126 tons of merchandise was brought in. In January, 1875, Doctor Baker proposed to the people of the county that he would complete the road to the city if $75,000 were subscribed to the capital stock. A meeting was held at which it was decided impossible to raise that sum. The company returned with another proposition; i. e., that they would complete the road if the people would secure a tract of three acres for depot grounds and right of way for nine miles west of town, and subscribe $25,000 as a subsidy. After much wrestling and striving this proposal was accepted. On October 23, 1875, the rails were laid into Walla Walla and during the remainder of that year 9,155 tons of wheat were hauled over them to the river.
Thus that monumental work (monumental considering the times and resources available, though of course of small extent compared with the railways of the present) was brought to a triumphant conclusion.
A peculiar condition arose in the next year after completion which has historical bearings of much interest. According to the account as given by Col. F. T. Gilbert the advance of rates from $5 per ton to Wallula to $5.50 caused a revolt on the part of shippers, although the haul by team before was more than twice as much. Shippers urged the county commissioners to put the wagon road in good condition as a weapon to curb railway monopoly. As the directors of the road did not reduce rates, a movement ensued in the Grange Council looking to boycotting the railroad. The feasibility of a canal from Waiilatpu to Wallula was considered. Some wheat and some merchandise were transported by teams at $5 per ton. A movement was started at Dayton to haul freight to the mouth of the Tucanon, where the O. S. N. steamers might pick it up and carry to Portland for $8 per ton. It cost $4.50 to reach the boats. That was the state of affairs which produced Grange City at the point where the Walla Walla-Pendleton branch of the O. W. R. R. now leaves the main line between Spokane and Portland. It was thought at one time that Grange City might become quite a place. One interesting feature of that period was the construction of a steamer named the Northwest at Columbus by the firm of Paine Brothers and Moore and its operation on the Snake River for about two years. The Northwest did a fine business, but like its predecessors was absorbed by the O. S. N. Co.
It was discovered after sufficient experience that teams could not compete with the railroad and the attempts at that method of transportation were abandoned.
In the year 1876, the O. S. N. Co. received at Wallula 16,766 tons of freight, of which 15,266 came by rail and 1,500 by teams. It delivered for conveyance to Walla Walla 4,054 tons, of which all but 513 was conveyed by rail. Doctor Baker's ownership and management of the Walla Walla and Columbia River R. R. was brief but profitable, for in 1878 he sold out a six-seventh interest to the O. R. & N. Co. The remaining seventh was sold to Villard when he bought the O. R. and N. properties.
The pioneer chapter of railroading in Walla Walla was ended. Whatever the personal idiosyncracies of Doctor Baker and whatever may have been thought as to his aggressiveness in business, it becomes evident with the retrospect of history that he was a far seeing, sagacious, energetic, and successful business man and that his career in Walla Walla was one of its greatest constructive forces.
NEW ERA OF WATER TRANSPORTATION
It remains in this chapter only to take a glance at the next great stage in transportation. We have spoken of the old steamer lines as composing the first of those stages, the stage lines the second, and the railroads the third. The fourth may be called the new era of water transportation. This era is as yet only dawning, but it is obvious that the opening of the Columbia and Snake rivers to traffic by means of canals and locks and improvement of channels will create a new development of production and commerce. As far back as 1872 Senator Mitchell of Oregon brought before Congress the subject of canal and locks at the Cascades. The matter was urged in Congress and in the press, and as a result of ceaseless efforts the people of the Northwest were rewarded in 1896 with the completion of the canal at the Cascades. While that was indeed a great work, it did not, after all, affect the greater part of the Inland Empire.
Its benefits were felt only as far as The Dalles. The much greater obstructions between that city and the upper river forbade continuous traffic above The Dalles. Hence the next great endeavor was to secure a canal between navigable water at Big Eddy, four miles above The Dalles, and Celilo, eight and a half miles above Big Eddy. It is of great historic interest to call up in this connection the unceasing efforts of Dr. N. G. Blalock of Walla Walla to promote public interest in this vast undertaking and to so focalize that interest backed by insistent demands of the people upon Congress as to secure appropriations and to direct the speedy accomplishment of the engineering work necessary to the result. Like all such important public matters, this had its alternating advances and retreats, its encouragements and its reverses, but patience and perseverance and the strong force of genuine public benefit triumphed at last over all obstacles. It is indeed melancholy to remember that Doctor Blalock, of whose good deeds and public benefactions this was but one, passed on before the improvements were completed. But it is a satisfaction to remember, too, that before his death, in April, 1913, he knew that the appropriations and instructions necessary to insure the work had been made. In fact, the work continued from that time with no pause or loss.
The Celilo Canal was completed and thrown open to navigation in April, 1915. In the early part of May the entire river region joined in a week's demonstration which began at Lewiston, Idaho, and ended at Astoria, Oregon. Nearly all the senators, representatives and governors in the northwest attended. Schools and colleges had a holiday, business was largely suspended, and the entire river region joined a great jubilee. A fleet of steamers traversed the entire course from Lewiston down, 500 miles. Lewiston, Asotin, and Clarkston were hostesses on May 3; Pasco, Kenewick, Wallula and Umatilla on May 4; Celilo, where the formal ceremonies of dedication occurred, and The Dalles, May 5; Vancouver and Portland May 6; Kalama and Kelso May 7; and Astoria May 8, and there the pageant ended with a great excursion to the Ocean Beach.
As expressing better in the judgment of the author than he could otherwise do, the profound significance of that great step in the history of the commercial development of this section and as giving a view of the historic sequences of old Walla Walla County, he is venturing to incorporate here an address delivered by himself on May 4 at Wallula in connection with that celebration:
Officials and Representatives of the National and State Governments, and Fellow Citizens of the Northwest:
It is my honor to welcome you to this historic spot in the name of the people of the Walla Walla Valley; the valley of many waters, the location of the first American home west of the Rocky Mountains and the mother of all the communities of the Inland Empire. On the spot where we stand the past, the present and the future join hands. Here passed unknown generations of aborigines on the way from the Walla Walla Valley to ascend or descend the Great River, to pass in to the Yakima country, or to move in either direction to the berry patches or hunting grounds of the great mountains; here the exploring expedition of Lewis and Clark paused to view the vast expanse of prairie before committing themselves to what they supposed to be the lower river; here flotillas of trappers made their rendezvous for scattering into their trapping fields and for making up their bateau loads of furs for sending down the river. On this very spot was built the old Hudson's Bay fort, first known as Nez Percé, then as Walla Walla; here immigrants of '43 gathered to build their rude boats on which a part of them cast themselves loose upon the impetuous current of the Columbia, while others re-equipped their wagon trains to drive along the banks to The Dalles. Each age that followed, the mining period, the cowboy period, the farming period, entered or left the Walla Walla Valley at this very point. Here the first steamboats blew their jubilant blasts to echo from these basaltic ramparts, and here the toot of the first railway in the Inland Empire started the coyotes and jackrabbits from their coverts of sagebrush. Wheresoever we turn history sits enthroned. Every piece of rock from yonder cliffs to the pebbles on the beach, fairly quivers with the breath of the past, and even the sagebrush moved by the gentle Wallula zephyr, exhales the fragrance of the dead leaves of history.
But if the past is in evidence here, much more the present stalks triumphant. Look at the cities by which this series of celebrations will be marshalled and the welcome that will be given to the flotilla of steamers all the way from Lewiston to Astoria. Consider the population of the lands upon the river and its affluents, nearly a million people, where during the days of old Fort Walla Walla the only white people were the officers and trappers of the Hudson's Bay Company.
But if the present reigns here proudly triumphant over the past, what must we say of the future? How does that future tower! Where now are the hundreds, there will be thousands. Where now are the villages, will be stately cities. We would not for a moment speak disrespectfully of the splendid steamers that will compose this fleet by the time it reaches Portland; but we may expect that after all they will be a mere bunch of scows in comparison with the floating palaces that will move in the future up and down the majestic stream.
Therefore, fellow citizens of the Northwest and representatives of the National Government, I bid you a threefold welcome in the name of the past, present and future. And I welcome you also in the name of the commingling of waters now passing by us. While this is indeed Washington land on either side of the river, this is not Washington's river. This shore on which we stand is washed by the turbid water of Snake River, rising in Wyoming and flowing hundreds of miles through Idaho and then forming the boundary between Idaho and Oregon before it surrenders itself to the State of Washington. And, as many of you have seen, half way across this flood of waters we pass from the turbid coloring of the Snake to the clear blue of the great northern branch, issuing from the glaciers of the Selkirks and the Canadian Rockies nearly a thousand miles away, augmented by the torrents of the Kootenai, the Pend Oreille, the Coeur d'Alene and Spokane, draining the lakes, the snow banks, the valleys and the mountains of Montana and Idaho. And two or three miles below us this edge of river touches the soil of Oregon, to follow it henceforth to the Pacific. This is surely a joint ownership proposition. And, moreover, this very occasion which draws us together, this great event of the opening of the Celilo Canal, is made possible because Uncle Sam devoted five millions of dollars to blasting a channel through those rocky barriers down there on the river bank. It is a national, not simply a Northwest affair.
But while we are thus welcoming and celebrating and felicitating and anticipating we may well ask ourselves what is, after all, the large and permanent significance of this event. I find two special meanings in it: one commercial and industrial, the other patriotic and political. First, it is the establishment of water transportation and water power in the Columbia Basin on a scale never before known. Do we yet comprehend what this may mean to us and our descendants in this vast and productive land? It has been proved over and over again in both Europe and the United States that the cost of freightage by water is but a fraction, a fifth, a tenth, or sometimes even a fifteenth of that by land--but, note this is under certain conditions. What are those conditions? They are that the waterways be deep enough for a large boat and long enough for continuous long runs. The average freight rate by rail in the United States is 7.32 mills per ton mile. By the Great Lakes or the Mississippi River it is but one-tenth as much. Freight has in fact been transported from Pittsburgh to New Orleans for half a mill a ton a mile, or only a fifteenth. Hitherto, on account of the break in continuity in the Columbia at Celilo, we have not been able to realize the benefits of waterway transportation. The great event which we are now celebrating confers upon us at one stroke those benefits. Not only are the possibilities of transportation tremendous upon our river, but parallel with them run the possibilities of water power. It has been estimated that a fourth of all the water power of the United States is found upon the Columbia and its tributaries. By one stroke the canalization of rivers creates the potentialities of navigation, irrigation and mechanical power to a degree beyond computation. Our next great step must be the canalization of Snake River, and that process at another great stroke will open the river to continuous navigation from a point a hundred miles above Lewiston to the ocean, over five hundred miles away. Then in logical sequence will follow the opening of the Columbia to the British line, and the Canadian Government stands ready to complete that work above the boundary until we may anticipate a thousand miles of unbroken navigation down our "Achilles of rivers" to the Pacific. Until this great work at Celilo was accomplished we could not feel confidence that the ultimate end of continuous navigation was in sight. Now we feel that it is assured, the most necessary stage is accomplished. It is only a question of time now till the river will be completely opened from Windemere to the ocean. We welcome you, therefore, again on this occasion in the name of an assured accomplishment.
The second phase of this great accomplishment which especially appeals to me now is the character of nationality which belongs to it. While this is a work that peculiarly interests us of the Northwestern States, yet it has been performed by the National Government. Uncle Sam is the owner of the Celilo Canal. It belongs to the American people. Each of us owns about a ninety millionth of it and has the same right to use it that every other has. This suggests the unity, the interstate sympathy and interdependence, which is one of the great growing facts of our American system. In this time of crime and insanity in Europe, due primarily to the mutual petty jealousies of races and boundaries, it is consolation to see vision and rationality enough in our own country to disregard petty lines and join in enterprises which encourage us in the hope of a rational future for humanity. It is a lesson in the get-together spirit. Every farm, every community, every town, every city from the top of the Rocky Mountains and from the northern boundary to Astoria shakes hands with every other this day. And not only so but every state in the Union joins in the glad tribute to something of common national interest. But while we recognize the significance of this event in connection with interstate unity we must note also that the Columbia is an international river. It is, in fact, the only river of large size which we possess in common with our sister country, Canada. About half of it is in each country. Its navigability through the Canadian section has already been taken up energetically by the Canadian Government. Think of the unique and splendid scenic route that will sometime be offered when great steamboats go from Revelstoke to Astoria, a thousand miles. Scenically and commercially our river will be in a class by itself.
Such are some of the glowing visions which rise before our eyes in the welcome with which we of the Walla Walla Valley greet you. I began by a threefold welcome in the name of the past, present and future. I venture to close in the name of the native sons and daughters of Old Oregon. There are many of these within the sound of my voice. Perhaps to such sons and daughters a few lines of "Our Mother Oregon" may come with the touch of sacred memory. Let me explain that Old Oregon includes Washington and Idaho, and in composing these lines I used the name "Our Mother Oregon" to include our entire Northwest:
Where is the land of rivers and fountains, Of deep-shadowed valleys and sky-scaling mountains? 'Tis Oregon, our Oregon. Where is the home of the apple and rose, Where the wild currant blooms and the hazel-nut grows? 'Tis Oregon, bright Oregon. Where are the crags whence the glaciers flow, And the forests of fir where the south winds blow? In Oregon, grand Oregon. Where sleep the old heroes who liberty sought, And where live their free sons whom they liberty taught? In Oregon, free Oregon. What is the lure of this far western land, When she beckons to all with her welcoming hand? It is the hand of Oregon. Oh, Oregon, blest Oregon, Dear Mother of the heart; At touch of thee all troubles flee And tears of gladness start. Take thou thy children to thy breast, True keeper of our ways, And let thy starry eyes still shine On all our coming days, Our Mother Oregon.
ERA OF GOOD ROADS
In closing this chapter we may express the conviction that while this fourth era of transportation--a new period of steamboat traffic--is surely coming, though yet but in its dawn, there is now taking shape still a fifth era of transportation. This is to be nothing less than an era of good roads and transportation by auto trucks as feeders to steamboat lines. The most conspicuous fact at the time of publication of this work in this section as in the country at large is the movement in the direction of good roads as the logical sequence of the development of automobiles. This movement will inevitably become coupled with that of improvement of rivers as of cheap water transportation. With this improvement of rivers will be another sequence, that is, the creation of cheap electric power.
We are at the dawn of a day in which the two most vital needs of mankind, after production, that is, transportation and power, are to be provided at a low degree of cost not hitherto conceived of. As a backward glance in our own section it is well nigh incredible to call up that the cost of transporting a ton of freight by steamer with portages at certain points from Portland to Wallula has run from $10.00 to $60.00, and from Wallula to Walla Walla, by wagon, from $8.00 to $20.00 or $30.00, and by the first railroad from $4.00 to $5.50, while at the present time the railroad rate (which we think is high) on wheat from Walla Walla to Portland is $2.85 per ton, and only $1.65 by steamer from Wallula to Portland. Our imaginations are strained almost to the breaking point when we recall that experience on improved rivers in Europe and the older America shows that by continuous improved rivers, supplemented by good roads, it may cost not to exceed a dollar, possibly not more than half a dollar from Walla Walla to Portland. That new era is near at hand.