Chapter I (part 4 of 6)

Our elders haue from time to time, following our naturall vice in misliking of our owne commodities at home, and desiring those of other countries abroad, most estéemed the cane stone that is brought hither out of Normandie: and manie euen in these our daies following the same veine, doo couet in their works almost to vse none other. Howbeit experience on the one side, and our skilfull masons on the other (whose iudgement is nothing inferiour to those of other countries) doo affirme, that in the north and south parts of England, and certeine other places, there are some quarries, which for hardnesse and beautie are equall to the outlandish greet. This maie also be confirmed by the kings chappell at Cambridge, the greatest part of the square stone wherof was brought thither out of the north. Some commend the veine of white frée stone, slate, and méere stone, which is betwéene Pentowen, and the blacke head in Cornewall, for verie fine stuffe. Other doo speake much of the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and pauing stone of Burbecke. For toph stone, not a few allow of the quarrie that is at Dreslie, diuerse mislike not of the veines of hard stone that are at Oxford, and Burford. One praiseth the free stone at Manchester, & Prestburie in Glocestershire; another the quarries of the like in Richmont. The third liketh well of the hard stone in Clee hill in Shropshire; the fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, and Terrinton. Whereby it appeareth that we haue quarries inow, and good inough in England, sufficient for vs to build withall, if the péeuish contempt of our owne commodities, and delectations to inrich other countries, did not catch such foolish hold vpon vs. It is also verified (as anie other waie) that all nations haue rather néed of England, than England of anie other. And this I thinke may suffice for the substance of our works. Now if you haue regard to their ornature, how manie mines of sundrie kinds of course & fine marble are there to be had in England? But chieflie one in Staffordshire, an other neere to the Peke, the third at Vauldrie, the fourth at Snothill (longing to the lord Chaindois) the fift at Eglestone, which is of blacke marble, spotted with graie or white spots, the sixt not farre from Durham. Of white marble also we haue store, and so faire as the Marpesian of Paris Ile. But what meane I to go about to recite all, or the most excellent? sith these which I haue named alredie are not altogether of the best, nor scarselie of anie value in comparison of those, whose places of growth are vtterlie vnknowne vnto me, and whereof the blacke marble spotted with greene is none of the vilest sort, as maie appeare by parcell of the pauement of the lower part of the quire of Paules in London, and also in Westminster, where some péeces thereof are yet to be séene and marked, if anie will looke for them. If marble will not serue, then haue we the finest alabaster that maie elsewhere bée had, as about saint Dauids of Wales; also neere to Beau manour, which is about foure or fiue miles from Leicester, & taken to be the best, although there are diuerse other quarries hereof beyond the Trent, as in Yorkeshire, &c: and fullie so good as that, whose names at this time are out of my remembrance. What should I talke of the plaister of Axholme (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundrie places of Lincolne and Darbishires, wherewith they blanch their houses in stead of lime, I speake not) certes it is a fine kind of alabaster. But sith it is sold commonlie but after twelue pence the load, we iudge it to be but vile and course. For my part I cannot skill of stone, yet in my opinion it is not without great vse for plaister of paris, and such is the mine of it, that the stones thereof lie in flakes one vpon an other like plankes or tables, and vnder the same is an excéeding hard stone verie profitable for building, as hath often times béene prooued. This is also to be marked further of our plaister white and graie, that not contented with the same, as God by the quarrie dooth send and yéeld it foorth, we haue now deuised to cast it in moulds for windowes and pillers of what forme and fashion we list, euen as alabaster it selfe: and with such stuffe sundrie houses in Yorkshire are furnished of late. But of what continuance this deuise is like to proue, the time to come shall easilie bewraie. In the meane time sir Rafe Burcher knight hath put the deuise in practise, and affirmeth that six men in six moneths shall trauell in that trade to sée greater profit to the owner, than twelue men in six yeares could before this tricke was inuented.

If neither alabaster nor marble doeth suffice, we haue the touchstone, called in Latine Lydius lapis, shining as glasse, either to match in sockets with our pillers of alabaster, or contrariwise: or if it please the workeman to ioine pillers of alabaster or touch with sockets of brasse, pewter, or copper, we want not also these mettals. So that I think no nation can haue more excellent & greater diuersitie of stuffe for building, than we maie haue in England, if our selues could so like of it. But such alas is our nature, that not our own but other mens do most of all delite vs; & for desire of noueltie, we oft exchange our finest cloth, corne, tin, and woolles, for halfe penie cockhorsses for children, dogs of wax or of chéese, two pennie tabers, leaden swords, painted feathers, gewgaws for fooles, dogtricks for disards, hawkeswhoods, and such like trumperie, whereby we reape iust mockage and reproch in other countries. I might remember here our pits for milstones, that are to be had in diuerse places of our countrie, as in Angleseie, Kent, also at Queene hope of blew gréet, of no lesse value than the Colaine, yea than the French stones: our grindstones for hardware men. Our whetstones are no lesse laudable than those of Creta & Lacedemonia, albeit we vse no oile with them, as they did in those parties, but onelie water, as the Italians and Naxians doo with theirs: whereas they that grow in Cilicia must haue both oile and water laid vpon them, or else they make no edge. These also are diuided either into the hard greet, as the common that shoemakers vse, or the soft gréet called hones, to be had among the barbars, and those either blacke or white, and the rub or brickle stone which husbandmen doo occupie in the whetting of their sithes.

In like maner slate of sundrie colours is euerie where in maner to be had, as is the flint and chalke, the shalder and the peble. Howbeit for all this wée must fetch them still from farre, as did the Hull men their stones out of Iseland, wherewith they paued their towne for want of the like in England: or as sir Thomas Gresham did, when he bought the stones in Flanders, wherwith he paued the Burse. But as he will answer peraduenture, that he bargained for the whole mould and substance of his workemanship in Flanders: so the Hullanders or Hull men will saie, how that stockefish is light loding, and therfore they did balasse their vessels with these Iseland stones, to keepe them from turning ouer in their so tedious a voiage. And thus much brieflie of our quarries of stone for building, wherein oftentimes the workemen haue found strange things inclosed, I meane liuelie creatures shut vp in the hard stones, and liuing there without respiration or breathing, as frogs, todes, &c: whereof you shall read more in the chronologie following: also in Caius Langius, William of Newburie, Agricola, Cornelius of Amsterdam, Bellogius de aquatilibus, Albert the great, lib. 19. cap. 9. "De rebus metallicis," and Goropius in Niloscopio, pag. 237, &c. Sometime also they find pretious stones (though seldome) and some of them perfectlie squared by nature, and much like vnto the diamond, found of late in a quarrie of marble at Naples, which was so perfectlie pointed, as if all the workemen in the world had c[=o]sulted about the performance of that workemanship. I know that these reports vnto some will séeme incredible, and therefore I stand the longer vpon them; neuerthelesse omitting to speake particularlie of such things as happen amongst vs, and rather séeking to confirme the same by the like in other countries, I will deliuer a few more examples, whereby the truth hereof shall so much the better appeare. For in the middest of a stone not long since found at Chius, vpon the breaking vp thereof, there was séene Caput panisci inclosed therin, very perfectlie formed as the beholders doo remember. How come the grains of gold to be so fast inclosed in the stones that are & haue béene found in the Spanish Bætis? But this is most maruellous, that a most delectable and sweet oile, comparable to the finest balme, or oile of spike in smell, was found naturallie included in a stone, which could not otherwise be broken but with a smiths hammer. Goropius dooth tell of a pearch perfectlie formed to be found in Britaine: but [Sidenote: * [Sic.]] as then [*] committed into hard stone, vpon the top of a crag. Aristotle and Theophrast speake of fishes digged out of the earth, farre from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirmeth, but with addition that they are perillous to be eaten. In pope Martins time, a serpent was found fast inclosed in a rocke, as the kernell is within the nut, so that no aire could come to it: and in my time another in a coffin of stone at Auignion, wherein, a man had béene buried, which so filled the roome, and laie so close from aire, that all men woondered how it was possible for the same to liue and continue so long time there. Finallie I my selfe haue séene stones opened, and within them the substances of corrupted wormes like vnto adders (but far shorter) whose crests and wrinkles of bodie appeared also therein, as if they had bene ingraued in the stones by art and industrie of man. Wherefore to affirme; that as well liuing creatures, as pretious stones, gold, &c: are now and then found in our quarries, shall not hereafter be a thing so incredible as manie talking philosophers, void, of all experience, doo affirme, and wilfullie mainteine against such as hold the contrarie.

ON SUNDRIE MINERALS.

CHAP. X.

With how great benefits this Iland of ours hath béene indued from the beginning, I hope there is no godlie man but will readilie confesse, and yéeld vnto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed euerie waie, & there is no temporall commoditie necessarie to be had or craued by anie nation at Gods hand, that he hath not in most aboundant maner bestowed vpon vs Englishmen, if we could sée to vse it, & be thankefull for the same. But alas (as I said in the chapter precedent) we loue to inrich them that care not for vs, but for our great commodities: and one trifling toie not woorth the cariage, c[=o]ming (as the prouerbe saith) in thrée ships from beyond the sea is more woorth with vs, than a right good iewell, easie to be had at home. They haue also the cast to teach vs to neglect our owne things, for if they see that we begin to make anie account of our commodities (if it be so that they haue also the like in their owne countries) they will suddenlie abase the same to so low a price, that our gaine not being woorthie our trauell, and the same commoditie with lesse cost readie to be had at home from other countries (though but for a while) it causeth vs to giue ouer our indeuours, and as it were by and by to forget the matter wherabout we went before, to obteine them at their hands. And this is the onelie cause wherefore our commodities are oft so little estéemed of. Some of them can saie without anie teacher, that they will buie the case of a fox of an Englishman for a groat, and make him afterward giue twelue pence for the taile. Would to God we might once wax wiser, and each one indeuor that the common-wealth of England may flourish againe in hir old rate, and that our commodities may be fullie wrought at home (as cloth if you will for an example) and not caried out to be shorne and dressed abroad, while our clothworkers here doo starue and beg their bread, and for lacke of dailie practise vtterlie neglect to be skilfull in this science! But to my purpose.

We haue in England great plentie of quicke siluer, antimonie, sulphur, blacke lead, and orpiment red and yellow. We haue also the finest [Sidenote: The lord Mountioy.] alume (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest fauourers of the common-wealth of England of a subiect hath béene of late egregiouslie abused, and euen almost with barbarous inciuilitie) & of no lesse force against fire, if it were vsed in our parietings than that of Lipara, which onlie was in vse somtime amongst the Asians & Romans, & wherof Sylla had such triall that when he meant to haue burned a tower of wood erected by Archelaus the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could by no meanes set it on fire in a long time, bicause it was washed ouer with alume, as were also the gates of the temple of Jerusalem with like effect, and perceiued when Titus commanded fire to be put vnto the same. Beside this we haue also the naturall cinnabarum or vermilion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time for morter, and yet burned in lamps where oile is scant and geason: the chrysocolla, coperis, and minerall stone, whereof petriolum is made, and that which is most strange the minerall pearle, which as they are for greatnesse and colour most excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the maine land, and in sundrie places far distant from the shore. Certes the westerne part of the land hath in times past greatlie abounded with these and manie other rare and excellent commodities, but now they are washed awaie by the violence of the sea, which hath deuoured the greatest part of Cornewall and Deuonshire on either side: and it dooth appéere yet by good record, that whereas now there is a great distance betweene the Syllan Iles and point of the lands end, there was of late yeares to speke of scarselie a brooke or draine of one fadam water betwéene them, if so much, as by those euidences appeereth, and are yet to be séene in the hands of the lord and chiefe owner of those Iles. But to procéed.

Of colemines we haue such plentie in the north and westerne parts of our Iland, as may suffice for all the realme of England: and so must they doo hereafter in deed, if wood be not better cherrished than it is at this present. And to saie the truth, notwithstanding that verie manie of them are caried into other countries of the maine, yet their greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchin and hall, as may appéere alreadie in most cities and townes that lie about the coast, where they haue but little other fewell, except it be turffe and hassocke. I maruell not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the smiths doo worke their iron with charcoale. I thinke that far carriage be the onelie cause, which is but a slender excuse to inforce vs to carrie them vnto the maine from hence.

Beside our colemines we haue pits in like sort of white plaster, and of fat and white and other coloured marle, wherewith in manie places the inhabitors doo compest their soile, and which dooth benefit their land in ample maner for manie yeares to come. We haue saltpeter for our ordinance, and salt soda for our glasse, & thereto in one place a kind of earth (in Southerie as I weene hard by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make moulds for goldsmiths and casters of mettall, that a load of it was woorth fiue shillings thirtie yeares agone: none such againe they saie in England. But whether there be or not, let vs not be vnthankefull to God for these and other his benefits bestowed vpon vs, whereby he sheweth himselfe a louing and mercifull father vnto vs, which contrariewise returne vnto him in lieu of humilitie and obedience, nothing but wickednesse, auarice, meere contempt of his will, pride, excesse, atheisme, and no lesse than Iewish ingratitude.

OF METTALS TO BE HAD IN OUR LAND.

CHAP. XI.

All mettals receiue their beginning of quicksiluer and sulphur, which are as mother and father to them. And such is the purpose of nature in their generations: that she tendeth alwaies to the procreation of gold, neuerthelesse she sildome reacheth vnto that hir end, bicause of the vnequall mixture and proportion of these two in the substance ingendered, whereby impediment and corruption is induced, which as it is more or lesse, dooth shew it selfe in the mettall that is producted. First of all therefore the substance of sulphur and quicksiluer being mixed in due proportion, after long and temperate decoction in the bowels of the earth, orderlie ingrossed and fixed, becommeth gold, which Encelius dooth call the sunne and right heire of nature: but if it swarue but a little (saith he) in the commixtion and other circumstances, then dooth it product siluer the daughter, not so noble a child as gold hir brother, which among mettall is worthilie called the cheefe. Contrariwise, the substances of the aforesaid parents mixed without proportion, and lesse digested and fixed in the entrailes of the earth, whereby the radicall moisture becommeth combustible and not of force to indure heat and hammer, dooth either turne into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first mettals knowne in time past vnto antiquitie, although that in these daies there are diuerse other, whereof neither they nor our alchumists had euer anie knowledge. Of these therfore which are reputed among the third sort, we here in England haue our parts, and as I call them to mind, so will I intreat of them, and with such breuitie as may serue [Sidenote: Gold.] [Sidenote: Siluer.] the turne, and yet not altogither omit to saie somewhat of gold and siluer also, bicause I find by good experience how it was not said of old time without great reason, that all countries haue need of Britaine, and Britaine it selfe of none. For truelie if a man regard such necessities as nature onelie requireth, there is no nation vnder the sunne, that can saie so much as ours: sith we doo want none that are conuenient for vs. Wherefore if it be a benefit to haue anie gold at all, we are not void of some, neither likewise of siluer: whatsoeuer Cicero affirmeth to the contrarie, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi. 16. in whose time they were not found, "Britannici belli exitus (saith he) expectatur, constat enim aditus insulæ esse munitos mirificis molibus: etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque argenti scrupulum esse vllum in illa insula, neque vllam spem prædæ nisi ex mancipijs, ex quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos expectare." And albeit that we haue no such abundance of these (as some other countries doo yéeld) yet haue my rich countrimen store inough of both in their pursses, where in time past they were woont to haue least, bicause the garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines and apparell of the préests consumed the greatest part, as experience hath confirmed.

Of late my countriemen haue found out I wot not what voiage into the west Indies, from whence they haue brought some gold, whereby our countrie is inriched: but of all that euer aduentured into those parts, none haue sped better than sir Francis Drake whose successe 1582 hath far passed euen his owne expectation. One Iohn Frobisher in like maner attempting to séeke out a shorter cut by the northerlie regions into the peaceable sea and kingdome of Cathaie, happened 1577 vpon certeine Ilands by the waie, wherein great plentie of much gold appeared, and so much that some letted not to giue out for certeintie, that Salomon had his gold from thence, wherewith he builded the temple. This golden shew made him so desirous also of like successe, that he left off his former voiage, & returned home to bring news of such things as he had seene. But when after another voiage it was found to be but drosse, he gaue ouer both the enterprises, and now keepeth home without anie desire at all to séeke into farre countries. In truth, such was the plentie of ore there séene and to be had, that if it had holden perfect, might haue furnished all the world with abundance of that mettall; the iorneie also was short and performed in foure or fiue moneths, which was a notable incouragement. But to proceed.

[Sidenote: Tin.] [Sidenote: Lead.] Tin and lead, mettals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried vnto Marsilis from hence, as Diodorus also confirmeth, are verie plentifull with vs, the one in Cornewall, Deuonshire (& else-where in the north) the other in Darbishire, Weredale, and sundrie places of this Iland; whereby my countriemen doo reape no small commoditie, but especiallie our pewterers, who in time past imploied the vse of pewter onelie vpon dishes, pots, and a few other trifles for seruice here at home, whereas now they are growne vnto such exquisit cunning, that they can in maner imitate by infusion anie forme or fashion of cup, dish, salt, bowle, or goblet, which is made by goldsmiths craft, though they be neuer so curious, exquisite, and artificiallie forged. Such furniture of houshold of this mettall, as we commonlie call by the name of vessell, is sold vsuallie by the garnish, which dooth conteine twelue platters, twelue dishes, twelue saucers, and those are either of siluer fashion, or else with brode or narrow brims, and bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seuen pence, or peraduenture at eight pence. Of porringers, pots, and other like I speake not, albeit that in the making of all these things there is such exquisite diligence vsed, I meane for the mixture of the mettall and true making of this commoditie (by reason of sharpe laws prouided in that behalfe) as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I haue béene also informed that it consisteth of a composition, which hath thirtie pounds of kettle brasse to a thousand pounds of tin, whervnto they ad thrée or foure pounds of tinglasse: but as too much of this dooth make the stuffe brickle, so the more the brasse be, the better is the pewter, and more profitable vnto him that dooth buie and purchase the same. But to proceed.

In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of an ordinarie making (I saie flat, bicause dishes and platters in my time begin to be made déepe like basons, and are indéed more conuenient both for sawce, broth, and kéeping the meat warme) is estéemed almost so pretious, as the like number of vessels that are made of fine siluer, and in maner no lesse desired amongst the great estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as ours, neither their mettall so good, nor plentie so great, as we haue here in England. The Romans made excellent looking glasses of our English tin, howbeit our workemen were not then so exquisite in that feat as the Brundusiens: wherefore the wrought mettall was carried ouer vnto them by waie of merchandize, and verie highlie were those glasses estéemed of till siluer came generallie in place, which in the end brought the tin into such contempt, that in manner euerie dishwasher refused to looke in other than siluer glasses for the attiring of hir head. Howbeit the making of siluer glasses had béene in vse before Britaine was knowne vnto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles deuised them in the yoong time of Pompeie, which was before the comming of Cæsar into this Iland.

There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which indured so long till the people had consumed all their wood by melting of the same (as they did also at Comeristwith six miles from Stradfleur) and I suppose that in Plinies time the abundance of lead (whereof he speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the seauentéenth of his thirtie fourth booke: also he affirmeth that it laie in the verie swart of the earth, and dailie gotten in such plentie, that the Romans made a restraint of the cariage thereof to Rome, limiting how much should yearelie be wrought and transported ouer the sea. And here by the waie it is worthie to be noted, of a crow which a miner of tin, dwelling néere Comeristwith (as Leland saith) had made so tame, that it would dailie flie and follow him to his worke and other places where soeuer he happened to trauell. This labourer working on a time in the bottome or vallie, where the first mine was knowne to be, did laie his pursse and girdle by him, as men commonlie doo that addresse themselues to applie their businesse earnestlie, and he himselfe also had vsed from time to time before. The crow likewise was verie busie flittering about him, and so much molested him, that he waxed angrie with the bird, & in his furie threatened to wring off his necke, if he might once get him into his hands; to be short, in the end the crow, hastilie caught vp his girdle and pursse, and made awaie withall so fast as hir wings could carrie hir. Héerevpon the poore man falling into great agonie (for he feared to lose peraduenture all his monie) threw downe his mattocke at aduenture and ran after the bird, curssing and menacing that he should lose his life if euer he got him againe: but as it fell out, the crow was the means whereby his life was saued, for he had not béene long out of the mine, yer it fell downe and killed all his fellowes. If I should take vpon me to discourse and search out the cause of the thus dealing of this bird at large, I should peraduenture set my selfe further into the briers than well find which waie to come out againe: yet am I persuaded, that the crow was Gods instrument herein, wherby the life of this poore labourer was preserued. It was doone also in an other order than that which I read of another tame crow, kept vp by a shoomaker of Dutch land in his shop or stoue: who séeing the same to sit vpon the pearch among his shoone, verie heauilie and drousie, said vnto the bird: What aileth my iacke, whie art thou sad and pensiue? The crow hearing his maister speake after this sort vnto him, answered (or else the diuell within him) out of the psalter: "Cogitaui dies antiquos & æternos in mente habui." But whither am I digressed, from lead vnto crowes, & from crowes vnto diuels? Certes it is now high time to returne vnto our mettals, and resume the tractation of such things as I had earst in hand.

[Sidenote: Iron.] Iron is found in manie places, as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but chéeflie in the woods betwixt Beluos and Willocke or Wicberie néere Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Of which mines diuerse doo bring foorth so fine and good stuffe, as anie that commeth from beyond the sea, beside the infinit gaines to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little more cost in the refining of it. It is also of such toughnesse, that it yéeldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the realme. Neuerthelesse, it was better cheape with vs when strangers onelie brought it hither: for it is our qualitie when we get anie commoditie, to vse it with extremitie towards our owne nation, after we haue once found the meanes to shut out forreners from the bringing in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of wood, as dooth the making of our pots and table vessell of glasse, wherein is much losse sith it is so quicklie broken; and yet (as I thinke) easie to be made tougher, if our alchumists could once find the true birth or production of the red man, whose mixture would induce a metallicall toughnesse vnto it, whereby it should abide the hammer.

[Sidenote: Copper.] Copper is latelie not found, but rather restored againe to light. For I haue read of copper to haue béene heretofore gotten in our Iland; howbeit as strangers haue most commonly the gouernance of our mines, so they hitherto make small gains of this in hand in the north parts: for (as I am informed) the profit dooth verie hardlie counteruaile the charges; whereat wise men doo not a litle maruell, considering the abundance which that mine dooth séeme to offer, and as it were at hand. Leland our countrieman noteth sundrie great likelihoods of naturall copper mines to be eastwards, as betwéene Dudman and Trewardth in the sea cliffes, beside other places, whereof diuerse are noted here and there in sundrie places of this booke alreadie, and therefore it shall be but in vaine to repeat them here againe: as for that which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speake not of it, sith it is not incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine latelie found is brought to good perfection.

[Sidenote: Stéele.] As for our stéele, it is not so good for edge-tooles as that of Colaine, and yet the one is often sold for the other, and like tale vsed in both, that is to saie, thirtie gads to the sheffe, and twelue sheffes to the burden. Our alchumie is artificiall, and thereof our spoones and some salts are commonlie made, and preferred before our pewter with some, albeit in truth it be much subiect to corruption, putrifaction, more heauie and foule to handle than our pewter; yet some ignorant persons affirme it to be a mettall more naturall, and the verie same which Encelius calleth Plumbum cinereum, the Germans, wisemute, mithan, & counterfeie, adding, that where it groweth, siluer can not be farre off. Neuerthelesse it is knowne to be a mixture of brasse, lead, and tin (of which this latter occupieth the one halfe) but after another proportion than is vsed in pewter. But alas I am persuaded that neither the old Arabians, nor new alchumists of our time did euer heare of it, albeit that the name thereof doo séeme to come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed doo call it alchumie, an vnwholsome mettall (God wot) and woorthie to be banished and driuen out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse, as hauing no more to saie of the mettals of my countrie, except I should talke of brasse, bell mettall, and such as are brought ouer for merchandize from other countries: and yet I can not but saie that there is some brasse found also in England, but so small is the quantitie, that it is not greatlie to be estéemed or accounted of.

OF PRETIOUS STONES.

CHAP. XII.

The old writers remember few other stones of estimation to be found in [sidenote: Geat.] this Iland than that which we call geat, and they in Latine Gagaies: wherevnto furthermore they ascribe sundrie properties, as vsuallie [Sidenote: Laon.] [Sidenote: Chalchondile.] practised here in times past, whereof none of our writers doo make anie mention at all. Howbeit whatsoeuer it hath pleased a number of strangers (vpon false surmise) to write of the vsages of this our countrie, about the triall of the virginitie of our maidens by drinking the powder hereof against the time of their bestowing in mariage: certeine it is that euen to this daie there is some plentie to be had of this commoditie in Darbishire and about Barwike, whereof rings, salts, small cups, and sundrie trifling toies are made, although that in manie mens opinions nothing so fine as that which is brought ouer by merchants dailie from the maine. But as these men are drowned with the common errour conceiued of our nation, so I am sure that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now liuing can go beyond the iudgement of the old Romans, who preferred the geat of Britaine before the like stones bred about Luke and all other countries wheresoeuer. Marbodeus Gallus also writing of the same among other of estimation, saith thus:

Nascitur in Lycia lapis & propè gemma Gagates, Sed genus eximium fæcunda Britannia mittit, Lucidus & niger est, leuis & leuissimus idem, Vicinas paleas trahit attritu calefactus, Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur vnctus oliuo.

The Germane writers confound it with amber as it were a kind therof: but as I regard not their iudgement in this point, so I read that it taketh name of Gagas a citie and riuer in Silicia, where it groweth in plentifull maner, as Dioscorides saith. Nicander in Theriaca calleth it Engangin and Gangitin, of the plentie thereof that is found in the place aforesaid, which he calleth Ganges, and where they haue great vse of it in driuing awaie of serpents by the onelie perfume thereof. Charles the fourth emperour of that name glased the church withall that standeth at the fall of Tangra, but I cannot imagine what light should enter therby. The writers also diuide this stone into fiue kinds, of which the one is in colour like vnto lion tawnie, another straked with white veines, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is garled with diuerse colours, among which some are like drops of bloud (but those come out of Inde) and the fift shining blacke as anie rauens feather.

Moreouer, as geat was one of the first stones of this Ile, whereof anie forren account was made, so our pearles also did match with it in renowme; in so much that the onelie desire of them caused Cæsar to aduenture hither, after he had séene the quantities and heard of our plentie of them, while he abode in France, and whereof he made a taberd which he offered vp in Rome to Venus, where it hoong long after as a rich and notable oblation and testimonie of the riches of our countrie. Certes they are to be found in these our daies, and thereto of diuerse colours, in no lesse numbers than euer they were in old time. Yet are they not now so much desired bicause of their smalnesse, and also for other causes, but especiallie sith churchworke, as copes, vestments, albes, tunicles, altarclothes, canopies, and such trash, are worthilie abolished; vpon which our countrimen superstitiously bestowed no small quantities of them. For I thinke there were few churches or religious houses, besides bishops miters, bookes and other pontificall vestures, but were either throughlie fretted, or notablie garnished with huge numbers of them. Marbodeus likewise speaking of pearles, commendeth them after this maner:

Gignit & insignes antiqua Britannia baccas, &c.

Marcellinus also Lib. 23, "in ipso fine," speaketh of our pearls and their generation, but he preferreth greatlie those of Persia before them, which to me dooth séeme vnequallie doone. But as the British geat or orient pearle were in old time estéemed aboue those of other countries; so time hath since the conquest of the Romans reuealed manie other: insomuch that at this season there are found in England the Aetites (in English called the ernestone, but for erne some pronounce eagle) and the hematite or bloodstone, and these verie pure and excellent: also the calcedonie, the porphyrite, the christall, and those other which we call calaminares and speculares, besides a kind of diamond or adamant, which although it be verie faire to sight, is yet much softer (as most are that are found & bred toward the north) than those that are brought hither out of other countries. We haue also vpon our coast the white corall, nothing inferiour to that which is found beyond the sea in the albe, néere to the fall of Tangra, or to the red and blacke, whereof Dioscorides intreateth, Lib. 5. cap. 8. We haue in like sort sundrie other stones dailie found in cliffes and rocks (beside the load stone which is oftentimes taken vp out of our mines of iron) whereof such as find them haue either no knowledge at all, or else doo make but small account, being seduced by outlandish lapidaries, whereof the most part discourage vs from the searching and séeking out of our owne commodities, to the end that they maie haue the more frée vtterance of their naturall and artificiall wares, whereby they get great gaines amongst such as haue no skill.

[Sidenote: Triall of a stone.] I haue heard that the best triall of a stone is to laie it on the naile of the thombe, and so to go abroad into the cleare light, where if the colour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be naturall and good: but if it alter, especiallie toward the naile, then is it not sound, but rather to be taken for an artificiall péece of practise. If this be true it is an experiment woorthie the noting. [Sidenote: Lib. 7.] Cardan also hath it in his "De subtilitate;" if not, I haue read more lies than this, as one for example out of Cato, who saieth, that a cup of iuie will hold no wine at all. I haue made some vessels of the same wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that there is no such Antipathia betweene wine and our iuie, as some of our reading philosophers (without all maner of practise) will seeme to infer amongst vs: and yet I denie not but the iuie of Gréece or Italie may haue such a propertie; but why should not the iuie then of France somewhat participat withall in the like effect, which groweth in an hotter soile than ours is? For as Baptista porta saith, it holdeth not also in the French iuie, wherfore I can not beléeue that it hath anie such qualitie at all as Cato ascribeth vnto it. What should I say more of stones? Trulie I can not tell, sith I haue said what I may alreadie, and peraduenture more than I thinke necessarie: and that causeth me to passe ouer those that are now & then taken out of our oisters, todes, muskels, snailes and adders, and likewise such as are found vpon sundrie hils in Glocestershire, which haue naturallie such sundrie proportions, formes & colours in them, as passe all humane possibilitie to imitate, be the workeman neuer so skilfull and cunning, also those that are found in the heads of our perches and carps much desired of such as haue the stone, & yet of themselues are no stones but rather shels or gristles, which in time consume to nothing. This yet will I ad, that if those which are found in muskels (for I am vtterlie ignorant of the generation of pearls) be good pearle in déed, I haue at sundrie times gathered more than an ounce of them, of which diuerse haue holes alreadie entered by nature, some of them not much inferiour to great peason in quantitie, and thereto of sundrie colours, as it happeneth amongst such as are brought from the esterlie coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of flesh, stale stinking fish and welked muskels are thought to be good meat; for other fish is too déere amongst vs when law dooth bind vs to vse it. Sée more for the generation of pearls in the description of Scotland, for there you shall be further informed out of Boetius in that behalfe. They are called orient, because of the cléerenesse, which resembleth the colour of the cléere aire before the rising of the sun. They are also sought for in the later end of August, a little before which time the swéetnesse of the dew is most conuenient for that kind of fish, which dooth ingender and conceiue them, whose forme is flat, and much like vnto a lempet. The further north also that they be found the brighter is their colour, & their substances of better valure, as lapidaries doo giue out.

OF SALT MADE IN ENGLAND.

CHAP. XIII.

There are in England certein welles where salt is made, whereof Leland hath written abundantlie in his c[=o]mentaries of Britaine, and whose words onlie I will set downe in English as he wrote them, bicause he seemeth to haue had diligent consideration of the same, without adding anie thing of mine owne to him, except it be where necessitie dooth inforce me for the méere aid of the reader, in the vnderstanding of his mind. Directing therefore his iournie from Worcester in his peregrination and laborious trauell ouer England, he saith thus: From Worcester I road to the Wich by inclosed soile, hauing meetlie good corne ground, sufficient wood and good pasture, about a six miles off, Wich standeth somewhat in a vallie or low ground, betwixt two small hils on the left ripe (for so he calleth the banke of euerie brooke through out all his English treatises) of a pretie riuer which not far beneath the Wich is called Salope brooke. The beautie of the towne in maner standeth in one stréet, yet be there manie lanes in the towne besides. There is also a meane church in the maine stréet, and once in the wéeke an indifferent round market. The towne of it selfe is somewhat foule and durtie when anie raine falleth by reason of much cariage through the stréets, which are verie ill paued or rather not paued at all. The great aduancement also hereof is by making of salt. And though the commoditie thereof be singular great, yet the burgesses be poore generallie, bicause gentlemen haue for the most part gotten the great gaine of it into their hands, whilest the poore burgesses [Sidenote: A common plague in all things of anie great commoditie, for one beateth the bush but another catcheth the birds, as we may sée in bat-fowling.] yeeld vnto all the labour. There are at this present time thrée hundred salters, and thrée salt springs in the towne of Wich, whereof the principall is within a butshoot of the right ripe (or banke) of the riuer that there commeth downe: and this spring is double so profitable in yéelding of salt liquor, as both the other. Some saie (or rather fable) that this salt spring did faile in the time of Richard de la Wich bishop of Chichester, and that afterwards by his intercession it was restored to the profit of the old course (such is the superstition of the people) in remembrance whereof, or peraduenture for the zeale which the Wich men and salters did beare vnto Richard de la Wich their countriman, they vsed of late times on his daie (which commeth once in the yeare) to hang this salt spring or well about with tapistrie, and to haue sundrie games, drinkings, and foolish reuels at it. But to procéed. There be a great number of salt cotes about this well, wherein the salt water is sodden in leads, and brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two salt springs be on the left side of the riuer a pretie waie lower than the first, and (as I found) at the verie end of the towne. At these also be diuerse fornaces to make salt, but the profit and plentie of these two are nothing comparable to the gaine that riseth by the greatest. I asked of a salter how manie fornaces they had at all the three springs, and he numbred them to eightéene score, that is, thrée hundred and sixtie, saieng how euerie one of them paied yearelie six shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of old they had liberties giuen vnto them for three hundred fornaces or more, and therevpon they giue a fee farme (or Vectigal) of one hundred pounds yearelie. Certes the pension is as it was, but the number of fornaces is now increased to foure hundred. There was of late search made for another salt spring there abouts, by the meanes of one Newport a gentleman dwelling at the Wich, and the place where it was appéereth, as dooth also the wood and timber which was set about it, to kéepe vp the earth from falling into the same. But this pit was not since occupied, whether it were for lacke of plentie of the salt spring, or for letting or hindering of the profit of the other three. Me thinke that if wood and sale of salt would serue, they might dig and find more salt springs about the Wich than thrée, but there is somewhat [Sidenote: Priuileges doo somtimes harme.] else in the wind. For I heard that of late yeares a salt spring was found in an other quarter of Worcestershire, but it grew to be without anie vse, sith the Wich men haue such a priuilege, that they alone in those quarters shall haue the making of salt. The pits be so set about with gutters, that the salt water is easilie turned to euerie mans house, and at Nantwich verie manie troughs go ouer the riuer for the commoditie of such as dwell on the other side of the same. They séeth also their salt water in fornaces of lead, and lade out the salt some in cases of wicker, through which the water draineth, and the salt remaineth. There be also two or thrée but verie little salt springs at Dertwitch, in a low bottome, where salt is sometime made.

Of late also a mile from Cumbremere abbaie a peece of an hill did sinke, and in the same pit rose a spring of salt water, where the abbat began to make salt; but the men of the citie compounded with the abbat & couent that there should be none made there, whereby the pit was suffered to go to losse. And although it yéelded salt water still of it selfe, yet it was spoiled at the last and filled vp with filth. The Wich men vse the c[=o]moditie of their salt springs in drawing and decocting the water of them onlie by six moneths in the yeare, that is, from Midsummer to Christmas, as (I gesse) to mainteine the price of salt, or for sauing of wood, which I thinke to be their principall reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destruction of wood, and shall be greater hereafter, except some prouision be made for the better increase of firing. The lacke of wood also is alreadie perceiued in places néere the Wich, for whereas they vsed to buie and take their wood neere vnto their occupiengs, those woonted springs are now decaied, and they be inforced to seeke their wood so far as Worcester towne, and all the parts about Brenisgraue, Alchirch, and Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearelie to be spent at these fornaces? and he answered that by estimation there was consumed about six thousand load, and it was round pole wood for the most, which is easie to be cleft, and handsomelie riuen in péeces. The people that are about the fornaces are verie ill coloured, and the iust rate of euerie fornace is to make foure loads of salt yearelie, and to euerie load goeth fiue or six quarters as they make their accounts. If the fornace men make more in one fornace than foure loads, it is (as it is said) imploied to their owne auaile. And thus much hath Leland left in memorie of our white salt, who in an other booke, not now in my hands, hath touched the making also of baie salt in some part of our countrie. But sith that booke is deliuered againe to the owner, the tractation of baie salt can not be framed in anie order, bicause my memorie will not serue to shew the true maner and the place. It shall suffice therfore to haue giuen such notice of it, to the end the reader may know that aswell the baie as white are wrought and made in England, and more white also vpon the west coast toward Scotland, in Essex and else where, out of the salt water betwéene Wire and Cokermouth, which commonlie is of like price with our wheat. Finallie, hauing thus intermedled our artificiall salt with our minerals, let vs giue ouer, and go in hand with such mettals as are growing here in England.

OF OUR ACCOMPT OF TIME & HIR PARTS.

CHAP. XIV.

As Libra is As or Assis to the Romans for their weight, and the foot in standard measure: so in our accompt of the parts of time, we take the daie consisting of foure and twentie houres, to be the greatest of the least, and least of the greatest, whereby we keepe our reckoning: for of the houre (to saie the truth) the most ancient Romans, Greeks, nor Hebrues had anie vse; sith they reckoned by watches: and whereof also Censorinus cap. 19. sheweth a reason wherefore they were neglected. For my part I doo not sée anie great difference vsed in the obseruation of time & hir parts, betwéene our owne & any other forren nation, wherfore I shall not néed to stand long on this matter. Howbeit to the end our exact order herein shall appéere vnto all men, I will set downe some short rehearsall thereof, and that in so briefe manner as vnto me is possible. As for our astronomicall practises, I meane not to meddle with them, sith their course is vniformelie obserued, ouer all. Our common order therefore is to begin at the minut, which conteineth 1/60 part of an houre, as at the smallest part of time knowne vnto the people, notwithstanding that in most places they descend no lower than the halfe quarter or quarter of the houre; and from whence they procéed vnto the houre, to wit, the foure and twentith part of that which we call the common and naturall daie, which dooth begin at midnight, and is obserued continuallie by clockes, dialles, and astronomicall instruments of all sorts. The artificiall varietie of which kind of ware is so great here in England, as no place else (in mine opinion) can be comparable therein to this Ile. I will not speake of the cost bestowed vpon them in perle and stone, neither of the valure of mettall, whereof they haue béene made, as gold, siluer, &c: and almost no abbeie or religious house without some of them. This onelie shall suffice to note here (as by the waie) that as antiquitie hath delighted in these things, so in our time pompe and excesse spendeth all, and nothing is regarded that bringeth in no bread. Of vnequall or temporall houres or daies, our nation hath no regard, and therefore to shew their quantities, differences, and diuisions, into the greater and the lesser, (whereof the later conteineth one vnequall houre, or the rising of halfe a signe, the other of a whole signe, which is in two houres space, wherof Marke seemth to speake cap. 15 c 25, as the rest of the euangelists (yea and he also ibid. vers. 33) doo of the other, Matth. 27 e 45, Luke 23 e 44, John 19 b 14) it should be but in vaine. In like sort, wheras the elder Aegyptians, Italians, Bohemians, latter Atheniens, and Iews begin their daie at the sun set ouer night; the Persians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Noribergians, at the sun rising (ech of them accompting their daies and nights by vnequall houres) also the elder Atheniens, Arabians, Dutchmen, Vmbers, Hetrurians, and Astronomers at high noone, and so reckon from noone to noone: we after Hipparchus and the latter Aegyptians, or to speake more properlie, imitating the Roman maner vsed in the church there of long time, choose the verie point of midnight; from whence we accompt twelue equall houres vnto middaie insuing, and other twelue againe vnto the aforesaid point, according to these verses;

Manè diem Græca gens incipit astra sequentes In medio lucis Iudæis vespere sancta, Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.

And this is our generall order for the naturall daie. Of the artificiall we make so farre accompt, as that we reckon it daie when the sun is vp, and night when the sun leaueth our horizon. Otherwise also we diuide it into two parts, that is to saie, fore noone and after noone, not regarding the ruddie, shining, burning and warming seasons (of thrée vnequall houres a péece, which others séeme to diuide into spring time, summer, autumne, and winter, in like curious manner) and whereof I read these verses:

Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horæ, Hæc rubet, hæc splendet, hæc calet, illa tepet.

Indéed our physicians haue another partition of the daie, as men of no lesse learning no doubt than the best of forren countries, if we could so conceiue of them. And herein they concurre also with those of other nations, who for distinction in regiment of our humors, diuide the artificiall daie and night in such wise as these verses doo import, and are indéed a generall rule which ech of them doth follow:

Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas, Vis choleræ medias lucis sex vendicat horas. Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas, Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

Or thus, as Tansteter hath giuen them foorth in his prelections:

A nona noctis donec sit tertia lucis, Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis, Posthæc phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.

In English thus in effect:

Three houres yer sun doo rise, and so manie after, blud, From nine to three at after noone, hot choler beares the swaie, Euen so to nine at night, swart choler hath to rule, As phlegme from thence to three at morne; six houres ech one I saie.

[Sidenote: Night.] [Sidenote: Vesper.] In like sort for the night we haue none other parts than the twilight, darkenight, midnight, and cocks crowing: wheras the Latins diuide the same into 7 parts, as Vesper or Vesperugo, as Plautus calleth it, as Virgil vseth the word Hesper the euening, which is immediatlie [Sidenote: Crepsuculum.] after the setting of the sun. Crepusculum the twilight (which some call Prima fax, because men begin then to light candles) when it is betwéene daie and night, light and darkenesse, or properlie neither [Sidenote: Concubium.] daie nor night. Concubium the still of the night, when ech one is laid to rest.

[Sidenote: Intempestum.] Intempestum, the dull or dead of the night, which is midnight, when [Sidenote: Gallicinium.] [Sidenote: Conticinium.] [Sidenote: Matutinum.] [Sidenote: Diluculum.] men be in their first or dead sléepe. Gallicinium, the cocks crowing. Conticinium, when the cocks haue left crowing. Matutinum, the breach of the daie, and Diluculum siue aurora, the ruddie, orenge, golden or shining colour, séene immediatlie before the rising of the sun, and is opposite to the euening, as Matutinum is to the twilight.

[Sidenote: Watches.] Other there are which doo reckon by watches, diuiding the night after sun setting into foure equall parts. Of which the first beginneth at euening called the first watch, and continueth by thrée vnequall houres, and so foorth vntill the end of the ninth houre, whereat the fourth watch entreth, which is called the morning watch, bicause it concurreth partlie with the darke night, and partlie with the morning and breach of the daie before the rising of the sun.

[Sidenote: Houre.] As for the originall of the word houre, it is verie ancient; but yet not so old as that of the watch, wherof we shall read abundantlie in the scriptures, which was deuised first among souldiors for their better safegard and change of watchmen in their camps; the like whereof is almost vsed among our seafaring men, which they call clearing of the glasse, and performed from time to time with great héed and some solemnitie. Herevnto the word Hora among the Grecians signified so well the foure quarters of the yéere, as the foure and twentith part of the daie, and limits of anie forme. But what stand I vpon these things to let my purpose staie? To procéed therefore.

[Sidenote: Wéeke.] Of naturall daies is the wéeke compacted, which consisteth of seauen of them, the fridaie being commonlie called among the vulgar sort either king or worling, bicause it is either the fairest or foulest of the seauen: albeit that I cannot ghesse of anie reason whie they should so imagine. The first of these entreth with mondaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that we rest vpon the sundaie, which is the seauenth in number, as almightie God hath commanded in his word. The Iews begin their wéeke vpon our saturdaie at the setting of the sun: and the Turks in these daies with the saturdaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that as the Iews make our last daie the first of their wéeke, so the Turks make the Iewish sabaoth the beginning of their Hebdoma: bicause Mahomet their prophet (as they saie) was borne and dead vpon the fridaie, and so he was indéed, except their Alcharon deceiue them. The Iews doo reckon their daies by their distance from their sabaoth, so that the first daie of their wéeke is the first daie of the sabaoth, and so foorth vnto the sixt. The Latins and Aegyptians accompted their daies after the seauen planets, choosing the same for the denominator of the daie, that entreth his regiment with the first vnequall houre of the same after the sun be risen. Howbeit, as this order is not wholie reteined with vs, so the vse of the same is not yet altogither abolished, as may appéere by our sunday, mondaie, and saturdaie. The rest were changed by the Saxons, who in remembrance of Theut sometime their prince, called the second day of the wéek Theutsdach, the third Woden, Othin, Othon, or Edon, or Wodensdach. Also of Thor they named the fourth daie Thorsdach, and of Frea wife to Woden the fift was called Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amisse as I thinke) that suppose them to meane by Thor, Iupiter, by Woden, Mercurie, by Frea (or Frigga as Saxo calleth hir) Venus, and finallie by Theut, Mars: which if it be so, then it is an easie matter to find out the german Mars, Venus, Mercurie, and Iupiter, whereof you may read more hereafter in my chronologie. The truth is, that Frea albeit that Saxo giueth hir scant a good report, for that she loued one of hir husbands men better than himselfe, had seauen sonnes by Woden; the first, father to Wecca, of whome descended those that were afterwards kings of Kent. Fethelgeta was the second, and of him came the kings of Mercia. Baldaie the third, father to the kings of the west Saxons. Beldagius the fourth, parent to the kings of Brenicia or Northumberland. Weogodach the fift, author of the kings of Deira. Caser the sixt race of the east Angle race, & Nascad originall burgeant of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same streine, as our old monuments doo expresse. But to procéed.

As certeine of our daies suffered this alteration by the Saxons, so in [Sidenote: * Ferias.] our churches we reteined for a long time the number of daies or of [*] feries from the sabaoth, after the manner of the Iews, I meane vntill the seruice after the Romane vse was abolished, which custome was first receiued (as some thinke) by pope Syluester, though other saie by Constantine; albeit another sort doo affirme, that Syluester caused the sundaie onelie to be called the Lords day, and dealt not with the rest.

[Sidenote: Moneth.] In like maner of wéekes our moneths are made, which are so called of the moone, each one conteining eight and twentie daies, or foure wéekes, without anie further curiositie. For we reckon not our time by the yeare of the moone, as the Iews, Grecians, or Romans did at the first; or as the Turks, Arabians and Persians doo now: neither anie parcell thereof by the said planet, as in some part of the west Indies, where they haue neither weeke, moneth, nor yéere, but onlie a generall accompt of hundreds and thousands of moones. Wherefore if we saie or write a moneth, it is to be expounded of eight and twentie daies, or foure wéeks onelie, and not of hir vsuall period of nine and twentie daies and one and thirtie minuts. Or (if you take it at large) [Sidenote: Triuethus in Antarticos.] for a moneth of the common calender, which neuerthelesse in plées and sutes is nothing at all allowed of, sith the moone maketh hir full reuolution in eight and twentie daies or foure weeks, that is, vnto the place where she left the sun: notwithstanding that he be now gone, and at hir returne not to be found verie often in that signe wherin she before had left him. Plutarch writeth of diuers barbarous nations which reckoned a more or lesse number of these moneths for whole yeares: and that of these some accompted but thrée, as the Archadians did foure, the Acarnans six, and the Aegyptians but one for a whole yeare, which causeth them to make such a large accompt of their antiquitie and originall. But forsomuch as we are not troubled with anie such disorder, it shall suffice that I haue generallie said of moneths and their quantities at this time. Now a word or two of the ancient Romane calender.

In old time each moneth of the Romane calender was reckoned after the course of the moone, and their enterances were vncerteine, as were also the changes of that planet: whereby it came to passe, that the daie of the change was the first of the moneth, howsoeuer it fell out. But after Iulius Cesar had once corrected the same, the seuerall beginnings of euerie one of them did not onelie remaine fixed, but also the old order in the diuision of their parts continued still vnaltered: so that the moneth is yet diuided as before, into calends, ides and nones, albeit that in my daies, the vse of the same bée but small, and their order reteined onelie in our calenders, for the better vnderstanding of such times, as the historiographers and old authors doo remember. The reckoning also of each of these goeth (as you sée) after a preposterous order, whereby the Romans did rather note how many daies were to the next change from the precedent, than contrariwise, as by perusall of the same you shall more easilie perceiue.

The daies also of the change of the moneth of the moone, are called Calendæ, which in time of paganisme were consecrated to Iuno, and sacrifice made to that goddesse on the same. On these daies also, and on the ides and nones they would not marie. Likewise the morow after each of them were called Dies atri, blacke daies, as were also diuerse other, and those either by reason of some notable ouerthrow or mishap that befell vnto the Romans vpon those daies, or in respect of some superstitious imagination conceiued of euill successe likelie to fall out vpon the same. Of some they were called Dies Aegyptiaci. Wherby it appeareth that this peeuish estimation of these daies came from that nation. And as we doo note our holie and festiuall daies with red letters in our calenders, so did the Romans their principall feasts & circle of the moone, either in red or golden letters, and their victories in white, in their publike or consularie tables. This also is more to be added, that if anie good successe happened afterward vpon such day as was alreadie blacke in their calender, they would solemnlie enter it in white letters by racing out of the blacke, whereby the blacke daie was turned into white, and wherein they not a little reioised.

The word Calendæ (in Gréeke Neomenia) is deriued of Calo, to call: for vpon the first day of euerie moneth, the priest vsed to call the people of the citie and countrie togither in Calabria, for so the place was called where they met, and shew them by a custome how manie daies were from the said calends to the nones, & what feasts were to be celebrated betwéene that and the next change. Their order is retrograde, because that after the moneth was halfe expired, or the moone past the full, they reckoned by the daies to come vntill the next change, as seuentéene daies, sixtéene daies, fourtéene daies, &c: as the Gréekes did in the latter decad onelie, for they had no vse of calends. The verie day therefore of the change is called Calendæ, dedicated to Iuno, who thereof was also called Calendaris. At the first also the fasts or feast daies were knowne by none other meanes vnto the people but by the denunciation of the priests (as I said) vpon this daie, till Flauius Scriba caused them to be written & published in their common calenders, contrarie to the will and meaning of the senat, for the ease and benefit of the people, as he pretended.

The nones commonlie are not aboue foure or six in euerie moneth: and so long as the nones lasted, so long did the markets continue, and therefore they were called Nonæ quasi Nundinæ. In them also were neither holiedaies more than is at this present (except the day of the purification of our ladie) no sacrifice offered to the gods, but each one applied his businesse, and kept his market, reckoning the first day after the calends or change, to be the fourth or sixt daie before the faire ended. Some thinke that they were called Nonæ, of the word Non, "quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur." For as Ouid saith, "Nonarum tutela deo caret," or for that the nones were alwaies on the ninth daie before the ides: other because Nundina dea was honored the ninth day before the ides, albeit I suppose rather that Nundina dea (a goddesse far yoonger than the name of Nonæ) tooke hir name of the nones, whereon it was a custome among the Romans, "Lustrare infantes ac nomina maribus imponere," as they did with their maid children vpon the eight: but howsoeuer this be, sure it is that they were the mart daies of euerie moneth, wherin the people bought, sold, exchanged or bartered, and did nothing else.

The ides are so named of the Hethruscan word, Iduare, to diuide: and before that Cesar altered the calender, they diuided the moneth commonlie by the middest. But afterward when he had added certeine daies thereto, therby to make it agrée to the yéere of the sunne (which he intruded about the end of euerie moneth, bicause he would not alter the celebration of their vsuall feasts, whereof the chiefe were holden alwaies vpon the day of the ides) then came they short of the middest, sometime by two or thrée daies. In these therefore (which alwaies are eight) the merchants had leisure to packe vp and conueie their merchandize, to pay their creditors, and make merie with their friends.

After the ides doo the calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I noted) as the moone dooth in light when she is past the full. But herein lieth all the mysterie, if you can say so manie daies before the next change or new moone, as the number there expressed dooth betoken, as for 16 calends so manie daies before the next coniunction, &c: (as is aboue remembred.) Of these calends, I meane touching their number in euerie moneth, I find these verses insuing:

Ianus & Augustus denas nouémq; December, Iunius Aprilis September & ipse Nouember Ter senas retinent, Februs his octo calendas, Iulius October Mars Maius epta decémq;

In English thus:

December Iune and August month full nineteene calends haue, Septemb Aprill Nouemb and Iune twise nine they doo desire, Sixteene foule Februarie hath, no more can he well craue, October Maie and Iulie hot but seuenteene doo require.

In like maner doo the nones and ides.

Sex Maius nonas, October, Iulius, & Mars, Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.

To Iulie, Mars, October, Maie, six nones I hight, The rest but foure, and as for ides they keepe still eight.

Againe touching the number of daies in euerie moneth:

Iunius, Aprilis, Septémq; Nouémq; tricenos, Vnum plus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos, At si bissextus fuerit superadditur vnus.

Thirtie daies hath Nouember, Aprill, Iune, and September, Twentie and eight hath Februarie alone, and all the rest thirtie and one, but in the leape you must ad one.

Our yeare is counted after the course of the sunne, and although the church hath some vse of that of the moone for obseruation of certeine mooueable feasts, yet it is reducible to that of the sunne, which in our ciuill dealings is chieflie had in vse. Herein onelie I find a scruple, that the beginning thereof is not vniforme and certeine, for most of our records beare date the 25 of March, and our calenders the first of Ianuarie; so that with vs Christ is borne before he be conceiued. Our sundrie officers also haue sundrie entrances into their charges of custome, which bréedeth great confusion, whereas if all these might be referred to one originall (and that to be the first of Ianuarie) I doo not thinke but that there would be more certeintie, and lesse trouble for our historiographers, notaries, & other officers in their account of the yere. In old time the Atheniens began their yeare with the change of the moone that fell néerest to the enterance of the sunne into the crab, the Latines at the winter solstice, or his going into the goat, the Iewes in ciuill case at the latter equinoctiall, and in ecclesiasticall with the first. They of Calecute begin their yeare somewhere in September, but vpon no daie certeine, sith they first consult with their wisards, who pronounce one day or other thereof to be most happie (as the yeare goeth about) and therewith they make their entrance, as Osorius dooth remember, who addeth that vpon the eleuenth calends of September, they haue solemne plaies, much like to the idoll games, & that they write in leaues of tree with a pencill, in stead of paper, which is not found among them. Some of the old Grecians began their yere also in September: but sith we seeke herein but for the custome of our countrie onelie, it shall be enough to affirme that we make our account from the calends or first of Ianuarie, and from the middest of the night which is Limes betweene that and the last of December, whereof this maie suffice. I might speake of the Cynike yeare also in this place (for the ease of our English readers) sometime in vse amongst the Egyptians, which conteineth 1460 common yeares, whose beginning is alwaies reckoned from the rising of the lesser dog. The first vse thereof entered the selfe yeare wherin the Olimpiads were restored. And forsomuch as this nation hath no vse of intercalation, at the end of euerie 1460 yeares, they added an whole yeare of intercalation, because there are 365 leape yeers in the period, so that 1460 Iulian yéers doo conteine 1461 after the Egyptians account, wherby their common yeare is found to be lesse than ours. Furthermore, wheras our intercalation for the leape yere is somewhat too much by certeine minuts, which in 115 yeares amount vnto about an whole day, if one intercalation in so manie were omitted, our calender would be the more perfect: and I would wish that the same yeare wherein the said intercalation trulie found out should be ouerpassed, might be obserued and called Annus magnus Elizabethæ, in perpetuall remembrance of our noble and souereigne princesse now reigning amongst vs.

I might here saie somewhat also of the prime and hir alteration, which is risen higher by fiue daies in our common calender than it was placed by Iulius Cæsar: and in seauen thousand yeares some writer would grow to an error of an whole, if the world should last so long. But for somuch as in some calenders of ours it is reduced againe to the daie of euerie change, it shall suffice to saie no more therof. The pope also hath made a generall correction of the calender, wherein he hath reduced it to the same that it was or should haue beene at the councell of Nice. Howbeit as he hath abolished the vse of the golden number, so hath he continued the epact, applieng it vnto such generall vse, as dooth now serue both the turnes, whose reformation had also yer this time béene admitted into England, if it had not procéeded from him, against whom and all whose ordinances we haue so faithfullie sworne and set our hands.

Certes the next omission is to be performed if all princes would agrée thereto in the leape yeare that shall be about the yeare of Grace 1668: if it shall please God that the world may last so long, and then may our calender also stand without anie alteration as it dooth alreadie. By this also it appeareth how the defect of our calender may be supplied from the creation, wherein the first equinoctiall is séene higher toward the beginning of March than Cæsars calender now extant dooth yéeld vnto by seauen daies. For as in Cæsars time the true equinoctiall was pointed out to happen (as Stadius also noteth) either vpon or about the sixtéenth or seauentéenth of March, albeit the manifest apperance thereof was not found vntill the fiue and twentith of that moneth in their dials or by eie-sight: so at the beginning of the world the said entrance of the sunne into the ram, must néeds fall out to be about the twentith or one & twentith of Aprill, as the calender now standeth, if I faile not in my numbers. Aboue the yeare we haue no more parts of time, that carie anie seuerall names with them, except you will affirme the word age to be one, which is taken for a hundred yeares, and signifieth in English so much as Seculum or Æuum dooth in Latine; neither is it néedfull to remember that some of my countrimen doo reckon their times not by years but by summers and winters, which is verie common among vs. Wherefore to shut vp this chapiter withall, you shall haue a table of the names of the daies of the wéeke, after the old Saxon and Scotish maner, which I haue borowed from amongst our ancient writers, as I haue perused their volumes.

The present names.

The old Saxon names.

The Scotish vsage.

OF OUR PRINCIPALL FAIRES AND MARKETS.

CHAP. XV.

I haue heretofore said sufficientlie of our faires, in the chapter of fairs and markets; and now to performe my promise there made, I set downe here so manie of our faires as I haue found out by mine owne obseruation, and helpe of others in this behalfe. Certes it is impossible for me to come by all, sith there is almost no towne in England, but hath one or more such marts holden yearelie in the same, although some of them (I must needs confesse) be scarse comparable to Lowse faire, and little else bought or sold in them more than good drinke, pies, and some pedlerie trash: wherefore it were no losse if diuerse of them were abolished. Neither doo I see wherevnto this number of paltrie fairs tendeth, so much as to the corruption of youth, who (all other businesse set apart) must néeds repaire vnto them, whereby they often spend not onelie the weeke daies, but also the Lords sabbaoth in great vanitie and riot. But such hath béene the iniquitie of ancient times. God grant therefore that ignorance being now abolished, and a further insight into things growne into the minds of magistrates, these old errors may be considered of, and so farre reformed, as that thereby neither God may be dishonored, nor the common wealth of our countrie anie thing diminished. In the meane time, take this table here insuing in stead of a calender of the greatest, sith that I cannot, or at the least wise care not to come by the names of the lesse, whose knowledge cannot be so profitable to them that be farre off, as they are oft preiudiciall to such as dwell néere hand to the places where they be holden and kept, by pilferers that resort vnto the same.

Faires in Ianuarie.

The sixt day being Twelfe day at Salisburie, the fiue and twentith being saint Paules day, at Bristow, at Grauesend, at Churchingford, at Northalerton in Yorkeshire, where is kept a faire euerie wednesday from Christmasse vntill Iune.

Faires in Februarie.

The first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourtéenth at Feuersham. On Ashwednesday at Lichfield, at Tamwoorth, at Roiston, at Excester, at Abington, at Cicester. The foure and twentith at Henlie vpon Thames, at Tewkesburie.

Faires in March.

On the twelth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and at Sudburie. The thirtéenth day at Wie, at the Mount, & at Bodmin in Cornewall. The fift sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisburie. On monday before our ladie day in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendall, Denbigh in Wales. On palmesunday éeuen, at Pumfret. On palmesunday, at Worcester. The twentith day at Durham. On our ladie day in Lent at Northamton, at Malden, at great Chart, at Newcastell. And all the ladie daies at Huntington. And at Saffron Walden on midlentsunday.

Faires in Aprill.

The fift day at Wallingford. The seuenth at Darbie. The ninth at Bickleswoorth, at Belinswoorth. On monday after, at Euesham in Worcestershire. On tuesday in Easter wéeke at Northfléet, at Rochford, at Hitchin. The third sunday after Easter, at Louth. The two and twentith at Stabford. On saint Georges day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at Tamworth, at Ampthill, at Hinninham, at Gilford, at saint Pombes in Cornewall. On saint Markes day at Darbie, at Dunmow in Essex. The six and twentith at Tenderden in Kent.

Faires in Maie.

On Maie daie at Rippon, at Perin in Cornwall, at Osestrie in Wales, at Lexfield in Suffolke, at Stow the old, at Reading, at Leicester, at Chensford, at Maidstone, at Brickehill, at Blackeborne, at Cogilton, at Stokeneie land. The third at Bramyard, at Henningham, at Elstow, Waltham, Holicrosse, and Hedningham castell. The seuenth at Beuerleie, at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension day at Newcastell, at Yerne, at Brimechame, at saint Edes, at Bishopstratford, at Wicham, at Middlewich, at Stopford, at Chappell frith. On Whitsunéeuen, at Skipton vpon Crauen. On Whitsunday, at Richell, at Gribbie, and euerie wednesday fortnight at Kingston vpon Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirbistephin in Westmerland. On monday in Whitsunwéeke, at Darington, at Excester, at Bradford, at Rigate, at Burton, at Salforth, at Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Applebie, at Bicklesworth, at Stokeclare. On tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Lewse, at Rochford, at Canturburie, at Ormeskirke, at Perith, at long Milford. On wednesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Sandbarre, at Raiston. On Trinitie sunday, at Kendall, and at Rowell. On thursday after Trinitie sunday, at Prescote, at Stapford, at saint Annes, at Newburie, at Couentrie, at saint Edes, at Bishop storford, at Rosse. The ninth at Lochester, at Dunstable. The twentie seuenth day, at Lenham. The twentie ninth at Crambrooke. On monday in Rogation wéeke at Rech, and sunday after Ascension day, at Thaxsted.

Faires in Iune.

The ninth day at Maidstone. The xj, at Okingham, at Newbourgh, at Bardfield, at Maxfield, & Holt. The seuenteenth at Hadstocke. The twentie thrée at Shrewsburie, at saint Albans. The twentie fourth day, at Horsham, at Bedell, at Strackstocke, at saint Annes, at Wakefield, at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedford, at Barnewell beside Cambridge, at Woollerhampton, at Crambrooke, at Glocester, at Lincolne, at Peterborow, at Windsor, at Harstone, at Lancaster, at Westchester, at Halifax, at Ashborne. The twentie seuenth, at Folkestone. The twentie eight, at Hetcorne, at saint Pombes. The twentie ninth, at Woodhurst, at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Woollerhampton, at Peterfield, at Lempster, at Sudburie, at Gargrainge, at Bromleie.

Faires in Iulie.

The second at Congreton, at Ashton vnder line. The sunday after the third of Iulie, at Raiston. The eleuenth at Partneie, and at Lid. The fifteenth, at Pichbacke. The seuentéenth, at Winchcombe. The twentith, at Vxbridge, at Catesbie, at Bolton. The twentie two, at Marleborow, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetburie, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at Bridgenorth, at Clitherall, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswike, at Battelfield, at Bicklewoorth. The twentie fift, at Bristow, at Douer, at Chilham, at Darbie, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudleie in Staffordshire, at saint Iames beside London, at Reading, at Ereth in the Ile, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldocke, at Louth, at Malmesburie, at Bromeleie, at Chichester, at Liuerpoole, at Altergam, at Rauenglasse in the north. The twentie sixt, at Tiptrie. The twentie seuenth at Canturburie, at Horsham, at Richmund in the north, at Warington, at Chappell Frith.

Faires in August.

The first day at Excester, at Feuersham, at Dunstable, at saint Edes, at Bedford, at Northam church, at Wisbich, at Yorke, at Rumneie, at Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at Thaxsted, at Blackemoore, at Hungerford, at Bedford, at Stroides, at Fernam, at S. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croileie, at Seddell, at new Brainford. The xv, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at Caerleill, at Preston in Andall, at Wakefield on the two ladie daies, and vpon the Sunday after the fiftéenth day of August, at Hauerhull. On Bartholomew day, at London, at Beggers bush beside Rie, at Teukesburie, at Sudburie, at Rie, at Nantwich, at Pagets, at Bromleie, at Norwich, at Northalerton, at Douer. On the sunday after Bartholomew day, at Sandwich. The twentie seuenth, and at Ashford.

Faires in September.

The first day at S. Giles at the Bush. The eight day at Woolfpit, at Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwarke at London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbourgh both the ladie daies, at Partneie. The thrée ladie daies at Blackeburne, at Gisborne in Yorkeshire, at Chalton, at Vtcester. On Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkeshire, at Rippond a horse faire, at Penhad, at Bersleie, at Waltam abbeie, at Wotton vnder hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On saint Mathies day, at Marleborough, at Bedford, at Croidon, at Holden in Holdernes, at saint Edmundsburie, at Malton, at saint Iues, at Shrewesburie, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sittingborne, at Brainetrie, at Baldocke, at Katharine hill beside Gilford, at Douer, at Eastrie. The twentie ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canturburie, at Malton a noble horsse faire, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester, at Cokermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadleie, at Malden an horsse faire, at Waie hill, at Newburie, and at Leicester.

Faires in October.

The fourth day at Michell. The sixt day at saint Faiths beside Norwich, at Maidstone. The eight at Harborough, at Hereford, at Bishop Storford. On S. Edwards day, at Roiston, at Grauesend, at Windsor, at Marshfield. The ninth day at Colchester. On saint Lukes eeuen, at Elie, at Wrickle, at Vpane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stanton, at Charing, at Burton vpon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in Oxford, at Tisdale, at Middlewich, at Holt in Wales. The twentie one day at Saffron Walden, at Newmarket, at Hertford, at Cicester, at Stokesleie. The twentie third, at Preston, at Bikelsworth, at Ritchdale, at Whitechurch. The twentie eight, at Newmarket, and Hertford. On all saints eeuen, at Wakefield, and at Rithen.

Faires in Nouember.

The second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The sixt day at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at Lesford, and Wetshod faire at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The eleuenth, at Marleborough, at Douer. The thirtenth, at saint Edmundsburie, at Gilford. The seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The ninéetenth, at Horsham. On saint Edmunds day, at Hith, at Ingerstone. The twentie third day, at Sandwich. On saint Andrews day at Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Peterfield, at Maidenhed, at Bewdleie, at Warington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkeshire, at Osestrie in Wales, and at Powles Belcham.

Faires in December.

On the fift day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixt, at Cased, at Hedningham, at Spalding, at Excester, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in Chesshire. The seuenth day at Sandhurst. The eight day being the conception of our ladie, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in Cheshire. The twentie ninth, at Canturburie, and at Salisburie.

OF OUR INNES AND THOROWFAIRES.

CHAP. XVI.

Those townes that we call thorowfaires haue great and sumptuous innes builded in them, for the receiuing of such trauellers and strangers as passe to and fro. The manner of harbouring wherein, is not like to that of some other countries, in which the host or goodman of the house dooth chalenge a lordlie authoritie ouer his ghests, but cleane otherwise, sith euerie man may vse his inne as his owne house in England, and haue for his monie how great or little varietie of vittels, and what other seruice himselfe shall thinke expedient to call for. Our innes are also verie well furnished with naperie, bedding, and tapisserie, especiallie with naperie: for beside the linnen vsed at the tables, which is commonlie washed dailie, is such and so much as belongeth vnto the estate and calling of the ghest. Ech commer is sure to lie in cleane sheets, wherein no man hath béene lodged since they came from the landresse, or out of the water wherein they were last washed. If the traueller haue an horsse, his bed dooth cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to paie a penie for the same: but whether he be horsseman or footman if his chamber be once appointed he may carie the kaie with him, as of his owne house so long as he lodgeth there. If he loose oughts whilest he abideth in the inne, the host is bound by a generall custome to restore the damage, so that there is no greater securitie anie where for trauellers than in the gretest ins of England. Their horsses in like sort are walked, dressed and looked vnto by certeine hostelers or hired seruants, appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of extraordinarie reward will deale verie diligentlie after outward appéerance in this their function and calling. Herein neuerthelesse are manie of them blameworthie, in that they doo not onelie deceiue the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundrie meanes, except their owners looke well to them; but also make such packs with slipper merchants which hunt after preie (for what place is sure from euill & wicked persons) that manie an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he trauelleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsell of the tapsters or drawers of drinke, and chamberleins is not seldome behind or wanting. Certes I beleeue not that chapman or traueller in England is robbed by the waie without the knowledge of some of them, for when he commeth into the inne, & alighteth from his horsse, the hostler forthwith is verie busie to take downe his budget or capcase in the yard from his sadle bow, which he peiseth slilie in his hand to féele the weight thereof: or if he misse of this pitch, when the ghest hath taken vp his chamber, the chamberleine that looketh to the making of the beds, will be sure to remooue it from the place where the owner hath set it as if it were to set it more conuenientlie some where else, whereby he getteth an inkling whether it be monie or other short wares, & therof giueth warning to such od ghests as hant the house and are of his confederacie, to the vtter vndoing of manie an honest yeoman as he iournieth by the waie. The tapster in like sort for his part dooth marke his behauiour, and what plentie of monie he draweth when he paieth the shot, to the like end: so that it shall be an hard matter to escape all their subtile practises. Some thinke it a gay matter to commit their budgets at their comming to the goodman of the house: but thereby they oft bewraie themselues. For albeit their monie be safe for the time that it is in his hands (for you shall not heare that a man is robbed in his inne) yet after their departure the host can make no warrantise of the same, sith his protection extendeth no further than the gate of his owne house: and there cannot be a surer token vnto such as prie and watch for those booties, than to sée anie ghest deliuer his capcase in such maner. In all our innes we haue plentie of ale, béere, and sundrie kinds of wine, and such is the capacitie of some of them that they are able to lodge two hundred or three hundred persons, and their horsses at ease, & therto with a verie short warning make such prouision for their diet, as to him that is vnacquainted withall may seeme to be incredible. Howbeit of all in England there are no worse ins than in London, and yet manie are there far better than the best that I haue heard of in anie forren countrie, if all circumstances be dulie considered. But to leaue this & go in hand with my purpose. I will here set downe a table of the best thorowfaires and townes of greatest trauell of England, in some of which there are twelue or sixtéene such innes at the least, as I before did speake of. And it is a world to sée how ech owner of them contendeth with other for goodnesse of interteinement of their ghests, as about finesse & change of linnen, furniture of bedding, beautie of roomes, seruice at the table, costlinesse of plate, strength of drinke, varietie of wines, or well vsing of horsses. Finallie there is not so much omitted among them as the gorgeousnes of their verie signes at their doores, wherein some doo consume thirtie or fortie pounds, a méere vanitie in mine opinion, but so vaine will they néeds be, and that not onelie to giue some outward token of the inne kéepers welth, but also to procure good ghests to the frequenting of their houses in hope there to be well vsed. Lo here the table now at hand, for more of our innes I shall not néed to speake.

The waie from Walsingham to London.

From Walsingham to Picknam 12.miles From Picknam to Brandonferie 10.miles From Brandonfarie to Newmarket 10.miles From Newmarket to Brabram 10.miles From Brabram to Barkewaie 20.miles From Barkewaie to Puchrich 7.miles From Puchrich to Ware 5.miles From Ware to Waltham 8.miles From Waltham to London 12.miles

The waie from Barwike to Yorke, and so to London.

From Barwike to Belford 12.miles From Belford to Anwike 12.miles From Anwike to Morpit 12.miles From Morpit to Newcastell 12.miles From Newcastell to Durham 12.miles From Durham to Darington 13.miles From Darington to Northalerton 14.miles From Northalerton to Toplife 7.miles From Toplife to Yorke 16.miles From Yorke to Tadcaster 8.miles From Tadcaster to Wantbridge 12.miles From Wantbridge to Dancaster 8.miles From Dancaster to Tutford 18.miles From Tutford to Newarke 10.miles From Newarke to Grantham 10.miles From Grantham to Stanford 16.miles From Stanford to Stilton 12.miles From Stilton to Huntington 9.miles From Huntington to Roiston 15.miles From Roiston to Ware 12.miles From Ware to Waltham 8.miles From Waltham to London 12.miles

The waie from Carnaruan to Chester, and so to London.

From Carnaruan to Conwaie 24.miles From Conwaie to Denbigh 12.miles From Denbigh to Flint 12.miles From Flint to Chester 10.miles From Chester to Wich 14.miles From Wich to Stone 15.miles From Stone to Lichfield 16.miles From Lichfield to Colsill 12.miles From Colsill to Couentrie 8.miles

And so from Couentrie to London, as hereafter followeth.

The waie from Cockermouth to Lancaster, and so to London.

From Cockermouth to Kiswike 6.miles From Kiswike to Grocener 8.miles From Grocener to Kendale 14.miles From Kendale to Burton 7.miles From Burton to Lancaster 8.miles From Lancaster to Preston 20.miles From Preston to Wigam 14.miles From Wigam to Warington 20.miles From Warington to Newcastell 20.miles From Newcastell to Lichfield 20.miles From Lichfield to Couentrie 20.miles From Couentrie to Daintrie 14.miles From Daintrie to Tocester 10.miles From Tocester to Stonistratford 6.miles From Stonistratford to Brichill 7.miles From Brichill to Dunstable 7.miles From Dunstable to saint Albons 10.miles From saint Albons to Barnet 10.miles From Barnet to London 10.miles

The waie from Yarmouth to Colchester, and so to London.

From Yarmouth to Becclis 8.miles From Becclis to Blibour 7.miles From Blibour to Snapbridge 8.miles From Snapbridge to Woodbridge 8.miles From Woodbridge to Ipswich 5.miles From Ipswich to Colchester 12.miles From Colchester to Eastford 8.miles From Eastford to Chelmesford 10.miles From Chelmesford to Brentwood 10.miles From Brentwood to London 15.miles

The waie from Douer to London.

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles From Canturburie to Sittingborne 12.miles From Sittingborne to Rochester 8.miles From Rochester to Grauesend 5.miles From Grauesend to Datford 6.miles From Datford to London 12.miles

The waie from saint Burien in Cornewall to London.

From S. Burien to the Mount 20.miles From the Mount to Thurie 12.miles From saint Thurie to Bodman 20.miles From Bodman to Launstone 20.miles From Launstone to Ocomton 15.miles From Ocomton to Crokehornewell 10.miles From Crokehornewell to Excester 10.miles From Excester to Honiton 12.miles From Honiton to Chard 10.miles From Chard to Crokehorne 7.miles From Crokehorne to Shirborne 10.miles From Shirborne to Shaftsburie 10.miles From Shaftsburie to Salisburie 18.miles From Salisburie to Andeuor 15.miles From Andeuor to Basingstocke 18.miles From Basingstocke to Hartford 8.miles From Hartford to Bagshot 8.miles From Bagshot to Stanes 8.miles From Stanes to London 15.miles

The waie from Bristowe to London.

From Bristow to Maxfield 10.miles From Maxfield to Chipnam 10.miles From Chipnam to Marleborough 15.miles From Marleborough to Hungerford 8.miles From Hungerford to Newburie 7.miles From Newburie to Reading 15.miles From Reading to Maidenhead 10.miles From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles From Colbrooke to London 15.miles

The waie from saint Dauids to London.

From saint Dauids to Axford 20.miles From Axford to Carmarden 10.miles From Carmarden to Newton 10.miles From Newton to Lanburie 10.miles From Lanburie to Brechnocke 16.miles From Brechnocke to Haie 10.miles From Haie to Harford 14.miles From Harford to Roso 9.miles From Roso to Glocester 12.miles From Glocester to Cicester 15.miles From Cicester to Farington 16.miles From Farington to Habington 7.miles From Habington to Dorchester 7.miles From Dorchester to Henleie 12.miles From Henleie to Maidenhead 7.miles From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles From Colbrooke to London 15.miles

Of thorowfares from Douer to Cambridge.

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles From Canturburie to Rofchester 20.miles From Rofchester to Grauesend 5.miles From Grauesend ouer the Thames to Hornedon 4.miles From Hornedon to Chelmesford 12.miles From Chelmesford to Dunmow 10.miles From Dunmow to Thaxsted 5.miles From Thaxsted to Radwinter 3.miles From Radwinter to Linton 5.miles From Linton to Babrenham 3.miles From Babrenham to Cambridge 4.miles

From Canturburie to Oxford.

From Canturburie to London 43.miles From London to Vxbridge or Colbrooke 15.miles From Vxbridge to Baccansfield 7.miles From Baccansfield to east Wickham 5.miles From Wickham to Stocking church 5.miles From Stocking church to Thetisford 5.miles From Thetisford to Whatleie 6.miles From Whatleie to Oxford 4.miles

From London to Cambridge.

From London to Edmonton 6.miles From Edmonton to Waltham 6.miles From Waltham to Hoddesdon 5.miles From Hoddesdon to Ware 3.miles From Ware to Pulcherchurch 5.miles From Pulcherchurch to Barkewaie 7.miles From Barkewaie to Fulmere 6.miles From Fulmere to Cambridge 6.miles

Or thus better waie.

From London to Hoddesdon 17.miles From Hoddesdon to Hadham 7.miles From Hadham to Saffron Walden 12.miles From Saffron Walden to Cambridge 10.miles

OF CERTEINE WAIES IN SCOTLAND, OUT OF REGINALD WOLFES HIS ANNOTATIONS.

From Barwijc to Edenborow.

From Barwijc to Chirneside 10.miles From Chirneside to Coldingham 3.miles From Coldingham to Pinketon 6.miles From Pinketon to Dunbarre 6.miles From Dunbarre to Linton 6.miles From Linton to Haddington 6.miles From Haddington to Seaton 4.miles From Seaton to Aberladie or Muskelborow 8.miles From thence to Edenborow 8.miles

From Edenborow to Barwijc another waie.

From Edenborow to Dalketh 5.miles From Dalketh to new Battell & Lander 5.miles From Lander to Vrsildon 6.miles From Vrsildon to Driburg 5.miles From Driburg to Cariton 6.miles From Cariton to Barwijc 14.miles

From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westward.

From Edenborow to Kirkelifton 6.miles From Kirkelifton to Lithco 6.miles From Lithco to Farekirke ouer Forth 6.miles From thence to Striuelin vpon Forth 6.miles From Striuelin to Dunbrittaine 24.miles

From Striuelin to Kinghorne eastward.

From Striuelin to Downe in Menketh 3.miles From Downe to Campskenell 3.miles From Campskenell to Alwie vpon Forth 4.miles From Alwie to Culrose on Fiffe 10.miles From Culrose to Dunfermelin 2.miles From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin 2.miles From Euerkennin to Aberdore on Forth 3.miles From Aberdore to Kinghorne vpon Forth 3.miles

From Kinghorne to Taimouth.

From Kinghorne to Dissard in Fiffe 3.miles From Dissard to Cowper 8.miles From Cowper to S. Andrews 14.miles From S. Andrews to the Taimouth 6.miles

From Taimouth to Stockeford.

From Taimouth to Balmerinoth abbeie 4.miles From thence to Londores abbeie 4.miles From Londores to S. Iohns towne 12.miles From S. Iohns to Schone 5.miles From thence to Abernithie, where the Erne runneth into the Taie 15.miles From Abernithie to Dundée 15.miles From Dundee to Arbroth and Muros 24.miles From Muros to Aberden 20.miles From Aberden to the water of Doneie 20.miles From thense to the riuer of Spaie 30.miles From thence to Stockeford in Rosse, and so to the Nesse of Haben, a famous point on the west side 30.miles

From Carleill to Whitehorne westward.

From Carleill ouer the Ferie against Redkirke 4.miles From thence to Dunfrées 20.miles From Dunfrées to the Ferie of Cre 40.miles From thence to Wigton 3.miles From thence to Whitherne 12.miles

Hitherto of the common waies of England and Scotland, wherevnto I will adioine the old thorowfaires ascribed to Antoninus, to the end that by their conference the diligent reader may haue further consideration of the same than my leisure will permit me. In setting foorth also thereof, I haue noted such diuersitie of reading, as hath happened in the sight of such written and printed copies, as I haue séene in my time. Notwithstanding I must confesse the same to be much corrupted in the rehearsall of the miles.

ITER BRITANNIARUM.

A GESSORIACO.

De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.

A Limite, id est, a vallo Prætorio vsque M. P. CLVI. sic:

[Sidenote: Britannia.]

A Bramenio Corstopitum, m. p. XX Vindomora m. p. IX Viconia * m. p. XIX Vinouia Vinouium Cataractoni m. p. XXII =Darington.= Isurium m. p. XXIIII =Aldborow= aliàs =Topcliffe=. Eburacum legio VI Victrix m. p. XVII =Yorke=. Deruentione m. p. VII =Tadcaster.= Delgouitia m. p. XIII =Wentbridge.= Prætorio m. p. XXV =Tudford.=

Item a Vallo ad portum Ritupis m. p. 481, 491, sic,

Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. X, 15 aliàs à Blato Lugu-vallo * m. p. XII aliàs à Lugu-valio. =Cairleill.= Voreda m. p. XIIII Brouonacis * m. p. XIII Brauoniacis Verteris m. p. XX, 13 Lauatris m. p. XIIII Cataractone * m. p. XXI Caturractonium. =Darington.= Isuriam * m. p. XXIIII Isoriam. =Aldborow= aliàs =Topcliffe=. Eburacum * m. p. XVIII Eboracum. =Yorke.= Calcaria * m. p. IX Cacaria. Camboduno m. p. Mammuncio * m. p. XVIII Manucio Condate m. p. XVIII Deua legio XXIII.CI. m. p. XX Bouio * m. p. X Bonió Mediolano m. p. XX Rutunio m. p. XII Vrio Conio * m. p. XI Viroconium. =Shrewesburie= propè. Vxacona m. p. XI Penno-Crucio m. p. XII Etoceto m. p. XII Mandues Sedo m. p. XVI Venonis m. p. XII Bennauenta * m. p. XVII Bannaventa Lactorodo * m. p. XII Lactodoro Maginto * m. p. XVII. 12 Magiouintum Duro-Cobriuis m. p. XII =Dunstable.= Vero-Lamio m. p. XII =S. Albanes.= Sullomacis * m. p. IX =Barnet.= Longidinio m. p. XII. Londinio. =London.= Nouiomago m. p. XII Vagniacis m. p. VI Durobrouis m. p. V Duroprouis. =Rochester.= Duroleuo m. p. XVI. 8 Duror-Verno * m. p. XII Drouerno Durouerno Ad portum Ritupis m. p. XII Duraruenno Daruerno

Item a Londinio ad portum Dubris m. p. 56, 66, sic:

Dubobrus * m. p. XXVII Durobrouis Durobrius. =Rochester.= Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 =Canturburie.= Ad portum Dubris m. p. XIIII =Douer hauen.=

Item a Londinio ad portum Lemanis m. p. 68 sic:

Durobrius m. p. XXVII =Rochester.= Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 =Canturburie.= Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. XVI =Limming hauen.=

Item a Londinio Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p. 443, sic:

Cæsaromago m. p. XXVIII Colonia m. p. XXIIII Villa Faustini m. p. XXXV, 25 Icianos m. p. XVIII Camborico m. p. XXXV Duroliponte m. p. XXV Durobriuas m. p. XXXV Gausennis m. p. XXX Lindo m. p. XXVI Segeloci m. p. XIIII Dano m. p. XXI Lege-Olio * m. p. XVI Logetium Eburaco m. p. XXI Isubrigantum * m. p. XVI Isurium Brigantum Cataractoni m. p. XXIIII Leuatris * m. p. XVIII Leuatrix Verteris m. p. XIIII Brocouo * m. p. XX Brocouicum Lugu-Vallo m. p. XXV, 22

Item a Londinio Lindo m. p. 156 sic:

Verolami m. p. XXI Duro Cobrius m. p. XII Magiouinio * m. p. XII {Maginto Lactodoro m. p. XVI {Magis Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII {Isanna vatia Tripontio m. p. XII {Isanna varia Venonis m. p. IX Ratas m. p. XII Verometo m. p. XIII Margi-duno m. p. XII Ad Pontem * m. p. VII Pons Aelij Croco Calana * m. p. VII Crorolana Lindo m. p. XII

Item a Regno Londinio m. p. 116, 96 sic:

Clausentum m. p. XX Venta Belgarum m. p. X Gelleua * Atrebatum m. p. XXII {Gelleua, =Walingford=. Pontibus m. p. XXII =Reding=. {Calliua, Londinio m. p. XXII

Item ab Ebvraco Londinium m. p. 227 sic:

Lagecio m. p. XXI Dano m. p. XVI =Dancaster.= Ageloco * m. p. XXI Segoloco Lindo m. p. XIIII Crococalano m. p. XIIII Margi-duno m. p. XIIII Vernemeto * m. p. XII Verometo Ratis m. p. XII Vennonis m. p. XII Bannauanto m. p. XIX Magio Vinio m. p. XXVIII Durocobrius m. p. XII =Dunstable.= Verolamo m. p. XII =S. Albanes.= Sullomaca m. p. IX =Barnet.= Londinio m. p. XII =London.=

Item a Venta Icinorvm Londinio m. p. 128 sic:

Sitomago m. p. XXXI Combrerouio * m. p. XXII Cumbretonio Ad Ansam m. p. XV Camoloduno m. p. VI Canonio m. p. IX Cæsaromago m. p. XII Durolito m. p. XVI Londinio m. p. XV

Item a Glamoventa Mediolano m. p. 150 sic:

Galaua m. p. XVIII Alone * m. p. XII Alauna * Aliona Alione Galacum * m. p. XIX Galacum Brigantum Bremetonaci m. p. XXVII Coccio m. p. XX Mancunio * m. p. XVIII Mammucio vel Manucio Condate m. p. XVIII Mediolano m. p. XIX

Item a Segoncio Deuam m. p. 74 sic:

Canouio m. p. XXIIII Varis m. p. XIX Deua m. p. XXXII

Item a Calleva aliàs Mvridono aliàs Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium.

Vindonu * m. p. XV Vindomi Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige * m. p. XI Brage Soruioduni m. p. IX Vindogladia m. p. XIII, 15 Durnouaria m. p. VIII Muriduno m. p. XXXVI Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. XV, 12 Iscadum Leucaro m. p. XV Bomio m. p. XV Nido m. p. XV Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. XIIII Iscelegia Burrio m. p. IX Gobannio m. p. XII Magnis m. p. XXII Brauinio * m. p. XXIIII Brouenio Viriconio m. p. XXVII

Item ab Isca Calleua m. p. 109 sic:

Burrio m. p. IX Blestio m. p. XI Ariconio m. p. XI Cleuo m. p. XV Durocornouio m. p. XIIII Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV

Item alio Itinere ab Isca Calleua m. p. 103 sic:

Venta Silurum m. p. IX Abone m. p. IX Traiectus m. p. IX Aquis Solis m. p. VI Verlucione m. p. XV Cunetione m. p. XX Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV

Item a Calleua Iscadvm Nunniorum m. p. 136 sic:

Vindomi m. p. XV Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige m. p. XI Sorbiodoni m. p. VIII Vindocladia m. p. XII Durnonouaria m. p. VIII Durnonaria Moriduno m. p. XXXVI Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. XV

FINIS.

* * * * *

[PART II]

THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND,

FROM

THE TIME THAT IT WAS FIRST INHABITED,

VNTILL

THE TIME THAT IT WAS LAST CONQUERED:

WHEREIN THE SUNDRIE ALTERATIONS OF THE STATE VNDER FORREN PEOPLE IS DECLARED; AND OTHER MANIFOLD OBSERVATIONS REMEMBRED:

* * * * *

BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.

* * * * *

NOW NEWLIE READ OVER, AND DILIGENTLIE DIGESTED INTO BOOKES AND CHAPTERS, WITH THEIR SEUERALL ARGUMENTS PREFIXED, CONTEINING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE WHOLE HISTORIE, FOR THE HELPE OF THE READERS IUDGEMENT AND MEMORIE:

WITH TWO TABLES OF PARTICULARS,

THE ONE SERVING THE DESCRIPTION, THE OTHER THE HISTORIE:

BY ABRAHAM FLEMING.

* * * * *

LAUS HISTORIAE EX I. LELANDO.

QUOD SOL AETHEREO PRAESTAT PULCHERRIMUS ORDI, HISTORIA HUMANIS VBIBUS HOC TRIBUIT.

THE READERS STUDIOUS IN HISTORIES.

* * * * *

The order obserued in the description of Britaine, by reason of the necessarie diuision thereof into bookes and chapters growing out of the varietie of matters therein conteined, seemed (in my iudgement) so conuenient a course deuised by the writer, as I was easilie induced thereby to digest the historie of England immediatlie following into the like method: so that as in the one, so likewise in the other, by summarie contents foregoing euerie chapter, as also by certeine materiall titles added at the head of euerie page of the said historie, it is a thing of no difficultie to comprehend what is discoursed and discussed in the same.

Wherein (sith histories are said to be the registers of memorie and the monuments of veritie) all louers of knowlege, speciallie historicall, are aduisedlie to marke (among other points) the seuerall and successiue alterations of regiments in this land: whereof it was [Sidenote: Pag. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 49, 50, 51, of the description: and pag. 765, 766, of the historie of England.] my meaning to haue made an abstract, but that the same is sufficientlie handled in the first booke and fourth chapter of the description of Britaine; whereto if the seuenth chapter of the same booke be also annexed, there is litle or no defect at all in that case wherof iustlie to make complaint.

Wherfore by remitting the readers to those, I reape this aduantage, namelie a discharge of a forethought & purposed labour, which as to reduce into some plausible forme was a worke both of time, paine and studie: so seeming vnlikelie to be comprised in few words (being a matter of necessarie and important obseruation) occasion of tediousnes is to and fro auoided; speciallie to the reader, who is further to be aduertised, that the computations of yeares here and there expressed, according to the indirect direction of the copies whense they were deriued and drawne, is not so absolute (in some mens opinion) as it might haue beene: howbeit iustifiable by their originals.

Wherin hereafter (God prolonging peace in the church and commonwelth that the vse of bookes may not be abridged) such diligent care shall be had, that in whatsoeuer the helpe of bookes will doo good, or conference with antiquaries auaile, there shall want no will to vse the one and the other. And yet it is not a worke for euerie common capacitie, naie it is a toile without head or taile euen for extraordinarie wits, to correct the accounts of former ages so many hundred yeares receiued, out of vncerteinties to raise certeinties, and to reconcile writers dissenting in opinion and report. But as this is vnpossible, so is no more to be looked for than may be performed: and further to inquire as it is against reason, so to vndertake more than may commendablie be atchiued, were fowle follie.

ABRAHAM FLEMING.

* * * * *

THE FIRST BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

Who inhabited this Iland before the comming of Brute: of Noah & his three sonnes, among whom the whole earth was diuided: and to which of their portions this Ile of Britaine befell.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

What manner of people did first inhabite this our country, which hath most generallie and of longest continuance béene knowne among all nations by the name of Britaine as yet is not certeinly knowne; neither can it be decided fr[=o] whence the first inhabitants there of came, by reason of such diuersitie in iudgements as haue risen amongst [Sidenote: The originall of nations for the most part vncerteine.] the learned in this behalfe. But sith the originall in maner of all nations is doubtfull, and euen the same for the more part fabulous (that alwaies excepted which we find in the holie scriptures) I wish not any man to leane to that which shall be here set downe as to an infallible truth, sith I doo but onlie shew other mens conjectures, grounded neuerthelesse vpon likelie reasons, concerning that matter whereof there is now left but little other certeintie, or rather none at all.

[Sidenote: Whither Britaine were an Iland at the first.] [Sidenote: Geog. com. lib.] [Sidenote: No Ilands at the first, as some coniecture.] To fetch therefore the matter from the farthest, and so to stretch it forward, it séemeth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger that in the beginning, when God framed the world, and diuided the waters apart from the earth, this Ile was then a parcell of the continent, and ioined without any separation of sea to the maine land. But this opinion (as all other the like vncerteinties) I leaue to be discussed of by the learned: howbeit for the first inhabitation of this Ile with people, I haue thought good to set downe in part, what may be gathered out of such writers as haue touched that matter, and may séeme to giue some light vnto the knowledge thereof.

[Sidenote: In the first part of the acts of the English votaries.] [Sidenote: Britaine inhabitied before the floud.] [Sidenote: Genesis 6.] [Sidenote: Berosus ant. lib. 1.] First therefore Iohn Bale our countrieman, who in his time greatlie trauelled in the search of such antiquities, dooth probablie coniecture, that this land was inhabited and replenished with people long before the floud, at that time in the which the generation of mankind (as Moses writeth) began to multiplie vpon the vniuersall face of the earth: and therfore it followeth, that as well this land was inhabited with people long before the daies of Noah, as any the other countries and parts of the world beside. But when they had once forsaken the ordinances appointed them by God, and betaken them to new waies inuented of themselues, such loosenesse of life ensued euerie where, as brought vpon them the great deluge and vniuersall floud, in the which perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters, as the residue of the race of mankind, generallie dispersed in euerie other part of the whole world, onelie Noah & his familie excepted, who by the prouidence and pleasure of almightie God was preserued from the rage of those waters, to recontinue and repaire the new generation of man of vpon earth.

[Sidenote: NOAH.] [Sidenote: In comment. super 4. lib.] [Sidenote: Berosus de antiquit. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: Annius vt suor.] After the flood (as Annius de Viterbo recordeth) and reason also enforceth, Noah was the onlie monarch of all the world, and as the same Annius gathereth by the account of Moses in the 100. yeare after the flood, Noah diuided the earth among his thrée sonnes; assigning to the possession of his eldest sonne all that portion of land which now is knowne by the name of Asia; to his second sonne Cham, he appointed all that part of the world which now is called Affrica: and to his third sonne Iaphet was allotted all Europa, with all the Iles therto belonging, wherin among other was conteined this our Ile of Britaine, with the other Iles thereto perteining.

[Sidenote: IAPHET AND HIS SONNES.] [Sidenote: Johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn.] [Sidenote: Franciscus Tarapha.] IAPHET the third son of Noah, of some called Iapetus, and of others, Atlas Maurus (because he departed this life in Mauritania) was the first (as Bodinus affirmeth by the authoritie and consent of the Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine writers) that peopled the countries of Europe, which afterward he diuided among his sonnes: of whom Tuball (as Tarapha affirmeth) obteined the kingdome of Spaine. Gomer had dominion ouer the Italians, and (as Berosus and diuers other authors agrée) Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which conteined in it (as Bale witnesseth) a great part of Europe, but speciallie those countries which now are called by the names of Gallia and Britannia.

[Sidenote: Britaine inhabited shortlie after the floud.] Thus was this Iland inhabited and peopled within 200 yéeres after the floud by the children of Iaphet the sonne of Noah: & this is not onlie prooued by Annius, writing vpon Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the offspring of Iaphet, the Iles of the Gentiles (wherof Britain is one) were sorted into regions in the time of Phaleg the sonne of Hiber, who was borne at the [Sidenote: Theophilus episcop. Antioch. ad Anfol lib. 2.] [Sidenote: The words of Theophilus a doctor of the church, who liued an. Dom. 160.] time of the diuision of languages. Herevpon Theophilus hath these words: "Cúm priscis temporibus pauci forent homines in Arabia & Chaldaea, post linguarum diuisionem aucti & multiplicati paulatim sunt: hinc quidam abierunt versus orientem, quidam concessere ad partes maioris continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad septentrionem sedes quaesituri, nec priùs desierunt terram vbiq; occupare, quàm etiam Britannos in Arctois climatibus accesserint, &c." That is; "When at the first there were not manie men in Arabia and Chaldaea, it came to passe, that after the diuision of toongs, they began somewhat better to increase and multiplie, by which occasion some of them went toward the east, and some toward the parts of the great maine land: diuers of them went also northwards to seeke them dwelling places, neither staid they to replenish the earth as they went, till they came vnto the Iles of Britaine, lieng vnder the north pole." Thus far Theophilus.

These things considered, Gildas the Britaine had great reason to thinke, that this countrie had bene inhabited from the beginning. And Polydor Virgil was with no lesse consideration hereby induced to confesse, that the Ile of Britaine had receiued inhabitants foorthwith after the floud.

* * * * *

Of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, fiue kings succeeding each other in regiment ouer the Celts and Samotheans, and how manie hundred yeeres the Celts inhabited this Iland.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Gen. 2.] [Sidenote: De migr. gen.] SAMOTHES the sixt begotten sonne of Iaphet called by Moses Mesech, by others Dis, receiued for his portion (according to the report of Wolfgangus Lazius) all the countrie lieng betwéene the riuer of Rhene and the Pyrenian mountains, where he founded the kingdome of Celtica [Sidenote: Cent. 1.] ouer his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to haue bene indifferent to the inhabitants both of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile of Britaine, & that he planted colonies of men (brought foorth of the east parts) in either of them, first in the maine land, and after [Sidenote: Anti. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: Bale Script.] [Sidenote: Brit. cent. 1.] in the Iland. He is reported by Berosus to haue excelled all men of that age in learning and knowledge: and also is thought by Bale to haue imparted the same among his people; namelie, the vnderstanding

[Sidenote: Caesar. comment. lib. 8.] of the sundrie courses of the starres, the order of inferiour things, with manie other matters incident to the morall and politike gouernment of mans life: and to haue deliuered the same in the Phenician letters: out of which the Greekes (according to the opinion [Sidenote: In epithet. temp.] [Sidenote: De aequinorus contra Appionem.] of Archilochus) deuised & deriued the Gréeke characters, insomuch that Xenophon and Iosephus doo constantlie report (although Diogenes Laertius be against it) that both the Gréekes and other nations receiued their letters and learning first from these countries. Of [Sidenote: Lib. de Magic. success. lib. 22.] this king and his learning arose a sect of philosophers (saith Annius) first in Britaine, and after in Gallia, the which of his name were called Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Secion write) were passing skilfull both in the law of God and man: and for that cause [Sidenote: Script. Brit. cent. 1.] exceedinglie giuen to religion, especiallie the inhabitants of this Ile of Britaine, insomuch that the whole nation did not onelie take [Sidenote: De ant. Cant. cent. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: This Ile called Samothea.] the name of them, but the Iland it selfe (as Bale and doctor Caius agree) came to be called Samothea, which was the first peculiar name that euer it had, and by the which it was especiallie knowne before the arriuall of Albion.

[Sidenote: MAGUS THE SON OF SAMOTHES.] [Sidenote: Lib. 9.] [Sidenote: Annius in commen. super eundem. Geogr.] MAGUS the sonne of Samothes, after the death of his father, was the second king of Celtica, by whome (as Berosus writeth) there were manie townes builded among the Celts, which by the witnesse of Annius did beare the addition of their founder Magus: of which townes diuers are to be found in Ptolomie. And Antoninus a painfull surueior of the world and searcher of cities, maketh mention of foure of them here in Britaine, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Nouiomagus. Neomagus sir Thomas Eliot writeth to haue stood where the citie of Chester now standeth; Niomagus, George Lillie placeth where the towne of Buckingham is now remaining. Beside this, Bale dooth so highlie commend the foresaid Magus for his learning renowmed ouer all the world, that he would haue the Persians, and other nations of the south and west parts, to deriue the name of their diuines called Magi from him. In déed Rauisius Textor, and sir Iohn Prise affirme, that in the daies of Plinie, the Britons were so expert in art magike, that they might be thought to haue first deliuered the same to the Persians. [Sidenote: De diui. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: De fastis li. 5.] What the name of Magus importeth, and of what profession the Magi were, Tullie declareth at large, and Mantuan in briefe, after this maner:

Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit, Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumq; deorum, Persepoli facit ista Magos prudentia triplex.

[Sidenote: H.F.] The Persians terme him Magus, that the course of starres dooth knowe, The power of herbs, and worship due to God that man dooth owe, By threefold knowledge thus the name of Magus then dooth growe.

[Sidenote: SARRON THE SON OF MAGUS.] [Sidenote: De ant. Cant. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: Bale. script.] [Sidenote: Brit. cent. 1.] SARRON the third king of the Celts succéeded his father Magus in gouernement of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile Samothea, wherein as (D. Caius writeth) he founded certaine publike places for them that professed learning, which Berosus affirmeth to be done, to the intent to restraine the wilfull outrage of men, being as then but raw and void of all ciuilitie. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the first author of those kind of philosophers, which were called Sarronides, of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: "There are [Sidenote: Lib. 6.] (saith he) among the Celts certaine diuines and philosophers called Sarronides, whom aboue all other they haue in great estimation. For it is the manner among them, not without a philosopher to make anie sacrifice: sith they are of beleefe, that sacrifices ought onelie to be made by such as are skilfull in the diuine mysteries, as of those who are neerest vnto God, by whose intercession they thinke all good things are to be required of God, and whose aduise they vse and follow, as well in warre as in peace."

[Sidenote: DRUIS THE SON OF SARRON.] [Sidenote: De morte Claud.] DRUIS, whom Seneca calleth Dryus, being the sonne of Sarron, was after his father established the fourth king of Celtica, indifferentlie reigning as wel ouer the Celts as Britons, or rather (as the inhabitants of this Ile were then called) Samotheans. This prince is commended by Berosus to be so plentifullie indued with wisedome and learning, that Annius taketh him to be the vndoubted author of the begining and name of the philosophers called Druides, whome Caesar and all other ancient Greeke and Latine writers doo affirme to haue had their begining in Britaine, and to haue bin brought from thence into Gallia, insomuch that when there arose any doubt in that countrie touching any point of their discipline, they did repaire to be resolued therein into Britaine, where, speciallie in the Ile of [Sidenote: Anti. lib. 5.] [Sidenote: Annius super eundem.] [Sidenote: De bello Gallico. 6.] Anglesey (as Humfrey Llhoyd witnesseth) they made their principall abode. Touching their vsages many things are written by Aristotle, Socion, Plinie, Laertius, Bodinus, and others: which I will gather in briefe, and set downe as followeth. They had (as Caesar saith) the charge of common & priuate sacrifices, the discussing of points of religion, the bringing vp of youth, the determining of matters in variance with full power to interdict so manie from the sacrifice of [Sidenote: Hist. an. lib. 1.] their gods and the companie of men, as disobeied their award. Polydore affirmeth, how they taught, that mens soules could not die, but departed from one bodie to another, and that to the intent to make men [Sidenote: De diui. lib. 1.] valiant and dreadlesse of death. Tullie writeth, that partlie by tokens, and partlie by surmises, they would foretell things to come. And by the report of Hector Boetius, some of them were not ignorant of [Sidenote: Hist. Scoti. li. 2.] [Sidenote: De migr. gen. lib. 2.] [Sidenote: Marcellinus.] the immortalitie of the one and euerlasting God. All these things they had written in the Greeke toong, insomuch that Wolf. Lazius (vpon the report of Marcellinus) declareth how the Gréeke letters were first brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druides. And herevpon it commeth also to passe, that the British toong hath in it remaining at this day some smacke of the Gréeke. Among other abuses of the Druides, they had (according to Diodorus) one custome to kill men, and by the falling, bleeding, and dismembring of them, to diuine of things to come: for the which and other wicked practises, their sect was first condemned for abhominable (as some haue written) and dissolued in Gallia (as Auentinus witnesseth) by Tiberius and Claudius the [Sidenote: Anna. Boiorum. lib. 22.] emperours; and lastlie abolished here in Britaine (by the report of Caius) when the gospell of Christ by the preaching of Fugatius and [Sidenote: De ant. Cant.] Damianus was receiued among the Britaines, vnder Lucius king of Britaine, about the yeare of our sauior, 179.

[Sidenote: BARDUS THE SONNE OF DRUIS.] [Sidenote: Berosus ant. lib. 2.] [Sidenote: Annius in commen. super eundem.] [Sidenote: Ant. Cant li. 1.] [Sidenote: script. Britan. cent. 1.] [Sidenote: Nonnius.] [Sidenote: Marcel.] [Sidenote: Strabo.] [Sidenote: Diodor. Sicul. lib. 6.] [Sidenote: Carol. Stepha. in dict. hist.] [Sidenote: Bale.] [Sidenote: Iohn Prise.] BARDUS the sonne of Druis succéeded his father in the kingdome of Celtica, and was the fift king ouer the Celtes and Samotheans, amongst whom he was highlie renoumed (as appeareth by Berosus) for inuention of dities and musicke, wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that he trained his people: and of such as excelled in this knowledge, he made an order of philosophicall poets or heraulds, calling them by his owne name Bardi. And it should séeme by doctor Caius and master Bale, that Caesar found some of them here at his arriuall in this Ile, and reported that they had also their first begining in the same. The profession and vsages of these Bardi, Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale, and sir Iohn Prise, are in effect reported after this sort. They did vse to record the noble exploits of the ancient capteins, and to drawe the pedegrées and genealogies of such as were liuing. They would frame pleasant dities and songs, learne the same by heart, and sing them to instruments at solemne feasts and assemblies of noble men and gentlemen. Wherefore they were had in so high estimation, that if two hosts had bene readie ranged to ioine in battell, and that any of them had fortuned to enter among them, both the hosts (as well the enimies as the friends) would haue holden their hands, giuen eare vnto them, and ceassed from fight, vntill these [Sidenote: Lucan. lib. 1.] Bards had gone out of the battell. Of these Bards Lucane saith,

Vos quoq; qui fortes animas bellóq; peremptas, Laudius in longum vares dimittitis aeuum, Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi:

[Sidenote: II. F.] And you ô poet Bards from danger void that dities sound, Of soules of dreadlesse men, whom rage of battell would confound, And make their lasting praise to time of later age rebound.

Because the names of these poets were neither discrepant from the ciuilitie of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the Christians, they (of all the other sects before specified) were suffered onlie to continue vnabolished in all ages, insomuch that there flourished of them among the Britains (according to Bale) before [Sidenote: Iohn Bale script. Britan. cent. 2.] [Sidenote: John Prise defen. hist. Brit.] [Sidenote: Caius de ant.] [Sidenote: Cant. lib. 1.] [Sidenote: Iohn Leland.] [Sidenote: syllab. ant dict.] [Sidenote: Hum. Lloyd de Mona insula.] the birth of Christ, Plenidius and Oronius: after Christ (as Prise recounteth) Thalestine, and the two Merlins, Melkin, Elaskirion, and others: and of late daies among the Welshmen, Dauid Die, Ioslo Gough, Dauid ap William, with an infinite number more. And in Wales there are sundrie of them (as Caius reporteth) remaining vnto this day, where they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes. Also by the witnes of Humfrey Llhoyd, there is an Iland neere vnto Wales, called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, whereof the one name in Latine, and the other in Saxon or old English, signifieth the Iland of the Bardes or Barthes.

Thus farre the gouernement of the Celts in this Ile.

* * * * *

AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Bale.] After Bardus, the Celts (as Bale saith) loathing the streict ordinances of their ancient kings, and betaking themselues to pleasure and idlenesse, were in short time, and with small labour brought vnder the subiection of the giant Albion, the sonne of Neptune, who altering the state of things in this Iland, streicted the name of Celtica and the Celts within the bounds of Gallia, from whence they came first to inhabit this land vnder the conduct of Samothes, as before ye haue [Sidenote: Annius.] heard, accordinglie as Annius hath gathered out of Berosus the Chaldean, who therein agréeth also with the scripture, the saieng of [Sidenote: Theophilus.] Theophilus the doctor, and the generall consent of all writers, which fullie consent, that the first inhabitants of this Ile came out of the parties of Gallia, although some of them dissent about the time and [Sidenote: Sir Brian Tuke.] maner of their comming. Sir Brian Tuke thinketh it to be ment of the arriuall of Brute, when he came out of those countries into this Ile. [Sidenote: Caesar.] [Sidenote: Tacitus.] [Sidenote: Bodinus.] Caesar and Tacitus seeme to be of opinion, that those Celts which first inhabited here, came ouer to view the countrie for trade of merchandize. Bodinus would haue them to come in (a Gods name) from Languedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a citie in Languedoc [Sidenote: Beda.] [Sidenote: Polydor.] named Albie. Beda, and likewise Polydore (who followeth him) affirme that they came from the coasts of Armorica, which is now called little Britaine.

But that the authorities afore recited are sufficient to proue the time that this Iland was first inhabited by the Celts, the old possessors of Gallia; not onelie the néernesse of the regions, but the congruence of languages, two great arguments of originals doo fullie [Sidenote: Bodinus.] confirme the same. Bodinus writeth vpon report, that the British and Celtike language was all one. But whether that be true or not, I am not able to affirme, bicause the Celtike toong is long sithens growne wholie out of vse. Howbeit some such Celtike words as remaine in the writings of old authours may be perceiued to agrée with the Welsh toong, being the vncorrupted spéech of the ancient Britains. In déed [Sidenote: Pausanias.] Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language called a horsse Marc: and by that name doo the Welshmen call a horsse to this day: and the word Trimarc in Pausanias, signifieth in the Celtike toong, thrée horsses.

Thus it appeared by the authoritie of writers, by situation of place, and by affinitie of language, that this Iland was first found and inhabited by the Celts, that there name from Samothes to Albion continued here the space of 310 yeares or there abouts. And finallie [Sidenote: Iohn Bale.] it is likelie, that aswell the progenie as the spéech of them is partlie remaining in this Ile among the inhabitants, and speciallie the British, euen vnto this day.

* * * * *

Of the giant Albion, of his comming into this Iland, diuers opinions why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were slaine by Hercules: of Danaus and of his 50 daughters.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Bale.] [Sidenote: Annius de Viterbo.] [Sidenote: Diodorus Sicubis.] [Sidenote: Pinnesses or gallies.] [Sidenote: Higinus.] [Sidenote: Pictonius.] NEPTUNUS called by Moses (as some take it) Nepthuim, the sixt sonne of Osiris, after the account of Annius, and the brother of Hercules, had appointed him of his father (as Diodorus writeth) the gouernement of the ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himselfe of sundrie light ships for the more redie passage by water, which in the end grew to the number of a full nauie: & so by continuall exercise he became so skilfull, and therewith so mightie vpon the waters (as Higinus & Pictonius doo write) that he was not onelie called the king, but also estéemed the god of the seas. He had to wife a ladie called Amphitrita, who was also honored as goddesse of the seas, of whose bodie he begat sundrie children: and (as Bale reporteth) he made [Sidenote: Scrip. Bri. cent. 1.] euerie one of them king of an Iland. In the Ile of Britaine he landed his fourth son called Albion the giant, who brought the same vnder his [Sidenote: Ioh. Textor.] [Sidenote: Polydor.] subjection. And herevpon it resteth, that Iohn Textor, and Polydor Virgil made mention, that light shippes were first inuented in the British seas, and that the same were couered round with the hides of beasts, for defending them from the surges and waues of the water.

This Albion being put by his father in possession of this Ile of Britaine, within short time subdued the Samotheans, the first inhabitantes thereof, without finding any great resistance, for that (as before ye haue heard) they had giuen ouer the practise of all warlike and other painefull exercises, and through vse of effeminate pleasures, wherevnto they had giuen themselues ouer, they were become now vnapt to withstand the force of their enimies: and so (by the [Sidenote: Nichol. Perot.] [Sidenote: Rigmanus Philesius.] [Sidenote: Aristotle.] [Sidenote: Hum. Lhoyd.] testimonie of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Llhoyd, with diuers other, both forraine & home-writers) this Iland was first called by the name of Albion, hauing at one time both the name and inhabitants changed from the line of Iaphet vnto the accursed race of Cham.

This Albion (that thus changed the name of this Ile) and his companie, are called giants, which signifieth none other than a tall kind of men, of that vncorrupt stature and highnesse naturallie incident to [Sidenote: Berosus.] the first age (which Berosus also séemeth to allow, where he writeth, that Noah was one of the giants) and were not so called only of their monstrous greatnesse, as the common people thinke (although in deed they exceeded the vsuall stature of men now in these daies) but also for that they tooke their name of the soile where they were borne: for [Sidenote: What Gigantes signifie.] Gigantes signifieth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as Cesar calleth them) Indigenae; that is, borne and bred out of the earth where they inhabited.

Thus some thinke, but verelie although that their opinion is not to be allowed in any condition, which maintaine that there should be any [Sidenote: Against the opinion of the Aborigines.] Aborigines, or other kind of men than those of Adams line; yet that there haue beene men of far greater stature than are now to be found, is sufficientlie prooued by the huge bones of those that haue beene found in our time, or lately before: whereof here to make further relation it shall not need, sith in the description of Britaine ye shall find it sufficientlie declared.

[Sidenote: Bale.] [Sidenote: Bergion brother to Albion.] [Sidenote: Hercules Lybicus.] But now to our purpose. As Albion held Britaine in subiection, so his brother Bergion kept Ireland and the Orkenies vnder his rule and dominion, and hearing that their coosine Hercules Lybicus hauing finished his conquests in Spaine, meant to passe through Gallia into Italie, against their brother Lestrigo that oppressed Italie, vnder subiection of him & other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune; as well Albion as Bergion assembling their powers togither, passed ouer into Gallia, to stoppe the passage of Hercules, whose intention was to vanquish and destroie those tyrants the sonnes of Neptune, & their complices that kept diuers countries and regions vnder the painefull yoke of their heauie thraldome.

[Sidenote: The cause why Hercules pursued his cousins.] The cause that moued Hercules thus to pursue vpon those tyrants now reigning thus in the world, was, for that not long before, the greatest part of them had conspired togither and slaine his father Osiris, notwithstanding that they were nephues to the same Osiris, as sonnes to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter, they diuided his carcase also amongst them, so that each of them got a peece in token of reioising at their murtherous atchiued enterprise.

For this cause Hercules (whome Moses calleth Laabin) proclamed warres against them all in reuenge of his fathers death: and first he killed Triphon and Busiris in Aegypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, & the Gerions in Spaine, which enterprise atchiued, he led his armie towardes Italie, and by the way passed through a part of Gallia, where [Sidenote: Pomp. Mela.] Albion and Bergion hauing vnited their powers togither, were readie to receiue him with battell: and so néere to the mouth of the riuer called Rhosne, in Latine Rhodanus, they met & fought. At the first there was a right terrible and cruell conflict betwixt them. And albeit that Hercules had the greatest number of men, yet was it verie doubtfull a great while, to whether part the glorie of that daies worke would bend. Whereupon when the victorie began outright to turne vnto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceiuing the danger and likelihood of vtter losse of that battell, speciallie for that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood still and were not otherwise occupied, to stoope downe, and to gather vp stones, whereof in that place there was great plentie, which by his commandement they bestowed so fréelie vpon their enimies, that in the [Sidenote: Hercules discomfiteth his enimies.] end hée obteined the victorie, and did not only put his adversaries to [Sidenote: Albion is slaine.] flight, but also slue Albion there in the field, togither with his brother Bergion, and the most part of all their whole armie. This was the end of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowesse of Hercules, who as one appointed by Gods prouidence to subdue the cruell & vnmercifull tyrants, spent his time to the benefit of mankind, deliuering the oppressed from the heauie yoke of miserable thraldome, in euerie place where he came.

[Sidenote: The occasion of the fable of Jupiter helping his son Hercules.] And by the order of this battell wée maye learne whereof the poets had their inuention, when they faine in their writings, that Jupiter holpe his sonne Hercules, by throwing downe stones from heauen in this battell against Albion and Bergion. Moreouer, from henceforth was this [Sidenote: How this Ile was called Albion, of the giant Albion.] [Sidenote: Iohn Bale.] Ile of Britaine called Albion (as before we haue said) after the name of the said Albion: because he was established chiefe ruler and king thereof both by his grandfather Osiris and his father Neptune that cunning sailour reigning therein (as Bale saith) by the space of 44. yeares, till finally he was slaine in maner afore remembred by his vncle Hercules Libicus.

After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroied his enimies, hée passed to and fro thorough Gallia, suppressing the tyrants in euerie part where he came, and restoring the people vnto a reasonable kinde of libertie, vnder lawfull gouernours. This Hercules (as we find) builded the citie Alexia in Burgongne, nowe called Alize. Moreouer, by Lilius Giraldus in the life of Hercules it is auouched, that the same Hercules came ouer hither into Britaine. And this dooth Giraldus write by warrant of such Britons as (saith he) haue so written themselues, which thing peraduenture he hath read in Gildas the ancient Briton poet: a booke that (as he confesseth in the 5. dialog of his histories of poets) he hath séene. The same thing also is confirmed by the name of an head of land in Britaine called Promontorium Herculis, as in Ptolomie ye may read, which is thought to take name of his arriuall at that place. Thus much for Albion and Hercules.

[Sidenote: Diuers opinions why this Ile was called Albion.] [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in the discription.] But now, whereas it is not denied of anie, that this Ile was called ancientlie by the name of Albion: yet there be diuers opinions how it came by that name: for manie doo not allow of this historie of Albion the giant. But for so much as it apperteineth rather to the description than to the historie of this Ile, to rip vp and lay foorth the secret mysteries of such matters: and because I thinke that this opinion which is here auouched, how it tooke that name of the forsaid Albion, sonne to Neptune, may be confirmed with as good authoritie as some of the other, I here passe ouer the rest, & procéed with the historie.

When Albion chiefe capteine of the giants was slaine, the residue that remained at home in the Ile, continued without any rule or restraint of law, in so much that they fell to such a dissolute order of life, that they séemed little or nothing to differ from brute beasts: and those are they which our ancient chronicles call the giants, who were so named, as well for the huge proportion of their stature (sithens as before is said, that age brought foorth far greater men than are now liuing) as also for that they were the first, or at the least the furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this countrie. For this word Gigines, or Gegines, from whence our word giant (as some take it) is deriued, is a Gréeke word, and signifieth, Borne or bred of or in the earth, for our fore-elders, specially the Gentiles, being ignorant of the true beginning of mankind, were persuaded, that the first inhabitants of any countrie were bred out of the earth, and therefore when they could go no higher, reckoning the descents of [Sidenote: Terrae filius what it signifieth.] their predecessours, they would name him Terrae filius, The sonne of the earth: and so the giants whom the poets faine to haue sought to make battell against heauen, are called the sonnes of the earth: and the first inhabitants generally of euery countrie were of the Gréekes [Sidenote: Aborigines.] [Sidenote: Indigenae.] called Gigines, or Gegines, and of the Latines Aborigines, and Indigenae, that is, People borne of the earth from the beginning, and comming from no other countrie, but bred within the same.

These giants and first inhabitants of this Ile continued in their beastlie kind of life vnto the arriuall of the ladies, which some of our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daughters of Dioclesian the king of Assyria, whereas in déed they haue béene deceiued, in taking [Sidenote: The mistaking of the name of Dioclesianus for Danaus.] the word Danaus to be short written for Dioclesianus: and by the same meanes haue diuers words and names béene mistaken, both in our chronicles, and in diuers other ancient written woorks. But this is a fault that learned men should not so much trouble themselues about, considering the same hath bin alreadie found by sundrie authors ling [Sidenote: Hugh the Italian.] [Sidenote: Harding.] [Sidenote: Iohn Rous out of Dauid Pencair.] sithens, as Hugh the Italian, Iohn Harding, Iohn Rouse of Warwike, and others, speciallie by the helpe of Dauid Pencair a British historie, who recite the historie vnder the name of Danaus and his daughters. And because we would not any man to thinke, that the historie of these daughters of Danaus is onelie of purpose deuised, and brought in place of Dioclesianus, to excuse the imperfection of our writers, whereas there was either no such historie (or at the least no such women that [Sidenote: Nennius.] arriued in this Ile) the authoritie of Nennius a Briton writer may be auouched, who wrote aboue 900. yeares past, and maketh mention of the arriuall of such ladies.

[Sidenote: Belus priscus.] [Sidenote: Dictionarium poeticum.] To be short, the historie is thus. Belus the sonne of Epaphus, or (as some writers haue) of Neptune and Libies (whome Isis after the death of Apis maried) had issue two sonnes: the first Danaus, called also Armeus; and Aegyptus called also Rameses: these two were kings among the Aegyptians, Danaus the elder of the two, hauing in his rule the [Sidenote: Danaus.] [Sidenote: Aegyptus.] [Sidenote: Higinus.] vpper region of Aegypt, had by sundrie wiues 50. daughters, with whome his brother Aegyptus, gaping for the dominion of the whole, did instantlie labour, that his sonnes being also 50. in number, might match. But Danaus hauing knowledge by some prophesie or oracle, that a sonne in law of his should be his death, refused so to bestow his daughters. Hereupon grew warre betwixt the brethren, in the end whereof, Danaus being the weaker, was inforced to flée his countrie, and so prepared a nauie, imbarked himselfe and his daughters, and with them passed ouer into Gréece, where he found meanes to dispossesse Gelenor (sonne to Stenelas king of Argos) of his rightfull inheritance, driuing him out of his countrie, and reigned in his place by the assistance of the Argiues that had conceiued an hatred towardes Gelenor, and a great liking towardes Danaus, who in verie deed did so farre excell the kings that had reigned there before him, that the Gréekes in remembrance of him were after called Danai.

But his brother Aegyptus, taking great disdaine for that he and his sonnes were in such sort despised of Danaus, sent his sonnes with a great armie to make warre against their vncle, giuing them in charge not to returne, till they had either slaine Danaus, or obtained his daughters in mariage. The yoong gentlemen according to their fathers commandement, being arriued in Greece, made such warre against Danaus, that in the end he was constrained to giue vnto those his 50. nephues his 50. daughters, to ioine with them in mariage, and so they were. But as the prouerbe saith, "In trust appeared treacherie." For on the first night of the mariage, Danaus deliuered to ech of his daughters a sword, charging them that when their husbands after their bankets and pastimes were once brought into a sound sléepe, ech of them should slea hir husband, menacing them with death vnlesse they fulfilled his commandement. They all therefore obeied the will of their father, Hypermnestra onely excepted, with whom preuailed more the loue of kinred and wedlocke, than the feare of hir fathers displeasure: for shee alone spared the life of hir husband Lynceus, waking him out of his sléepe, and warning him to depart and flee into Aegypt to his father. He therefore hauing all the wicked practises reuealed to him by his wife, followed hir aduice, and so escaped.

[Sidenote: Pausanias.] Now when Danaus perceiued how all his daughters had accomplished his commandement, sauing onelie Hypermnestra, he caused hir to be brought forth into iudgement, for disobeieng him in a matter wherein both the safetie and losse of his life rested: but she was acquitted by the Argiues, & discharged. Howbeit hir father kept hir in prison, and séeking to find out other husbands for his other daughters that had obeied his pleasure in sleaing their first husbands, long it was yer he could find any to match with them: for the heinous offense committed in the slaughter of their late husbands, was yet too fresh in memorie, and their bloud not wiped out of mind. Neuerthelesse, to bring his purpose the better to passe, he made proclamation, that his daughters should demand no ioinctures, and euerie suter should take his choise without respect to the age of the ladie, or abilitie of him that came to make his choise, but so as first come best serued, according to their owne phantasies and likings. Howbeit when this policie also failed, & would not serue his turne, he deuised a game of running, ordeining therewith, that whosoeuer got the best price should haue the first choise among all the sisters; and he that got the second, should choose next to the first; and so foorth, ech one after an other, according to the triall of their swiftnesse of foote.

How much this practise auailed, I know not: but certeine it is, diuers of them were bestowed, either by this or some other meanes, for we find that Autonomes was maried to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as Pausanias saith) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Amaome with Neptunus Equestris, on whome he begat Nauplius.

[Sidenote: Higinus.] But now to returne vnto Lynceus, whome his wife Hypermnestra preserued, as before ye haue heard. After he was once got out of the reach and danger of his father in law king Danaus, he gaue knowledge [Sidenote: Pausanias.] thereof to his wife, in raising a fire on heigth beaconwise, accordingly as she had requested him to doo at his departure from hir: and this was at a place which afterwards tooke name of him, and was called Lyncea. Upon his returne into Aegypt, he gaue his father to vnderstand the whole circumstance of the trecherous crueltie vsed by his vncle and his daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how hardly he himselfe had escaped death out of his vncles handes. Wherevpon at time conuenient he was furnished foorth with men and ships by his father, for the spéedie reuenge of that heinous, vnnaturall and most disloiall murder, in which enterprise he sped him foorth with such diligence, that in short time he found meanes to dispatch his vncle Danaus, set his wife Hypermnestra at libertie, and subdued the whole kingdome of the Argiues.

This done, he caused the daughters of Danaus (so many as remained within the limits of his dominion) to be sent for, whome he thought not worthie to liue, bicause of the cruell murther which they had committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wiues sisters, he would not put them to death, but commanded them to be thrust into a ship, without maister, mate or mariner, and so to be turned into the maine ocean sea, and to take and abide such fortune as [Sidenote: Harding and Iohn Rouse out of David Pencair.] should chance vnto them. These ladies thus imbarked and left to the mercy of the seas, by hap were brought to the coasts of this Ile then called Albion, where they tooke land, and in séeking to prouide themselues of victuals by pursute of wilde beasts, met with no other inhabitants, than the rude and sauage giants mentioned before, whome our historiens for their beastlie kind of life doo call diuells. With these monsters did these ladies (finding none other to satisfie the motions of their sensuall lust) ioine in the act of venerie, and ingendred a race of people in proportion nothing differing from their fathers that begat them, nor in conditions from their mothers that bare them.

But now peraduenture ye wil thinke that I haue forgotten my selfe, in rehearsing this historie of the ladies arriuall here, bicause I make no mention of Albina, which should be the eldest of the sisters, of whome this land should also take the name of Albion. To this we answer, that as the name of their father hath bene mistaken, so likewise hath the whole course of the historie in this behalfe. For though we shall admit that to be true which is rehearsed (in maner as before ye haue heard) of the arriuall here of those ladies; yet certeine it is that none of them bare the name of Albina, from whome this land might be called Albion. For further assurance whereof, if [Sidenote: Higinus.] [Sidenote: The names of the daughters of Danaus.] any man be desirous to know all their names, we haue thought good here to rehearse them as they be found in Higinus, Pausanias, and others. 1 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Euridice, 13 Chleo, 14 Vrania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danaes, 22 Scea, 23 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome, 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero, 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora, 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies the daughters of Danaus: howbeit, which they were that should arriue in this Ile, we can not say: but it sufficeth to vnderstand, that none of them hight Albina. So that, whether the historie of their landing here should be [Sidenote: See more in the description.] true or not, it is all one for the matter concerning the name of this Ile, which vndoubtedlie was called Albion, either of Albion the giant (as before I haue said) or by some other occasion.

And thus much for the ladies, whose strange aduenture of their arriuall here, as it may séeme to manie & (with good cause) incredible, so without further auouching it for truth I leaue it to the consideration of the reader, to thinke thereof as reason shall moue him sith I sée not how either in this, or in other things of such antiquitie, we cannot haue sufficient warrant otherwise than by likelie coniectures. Which as in this historie of the ladies they are not most probable, yet haue we shewed the likeliest, that (as we thinke) may be déemed to agrée with those authors that haue written of their comming into this Ile. But as for an assured proofe that this Ile was inhabited with people before the comming of Brute, I trust it may suffice which before is recited out of Annius de Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although much more might be said: as of the comming hither of Osiris, as well as in the other parties of the [Sidenote: Vlysses in Britaine.] world: and likewise of Vlysses his being here, who in performing some vow which he either then did make, or before had made, erected an altar in that part of Scotland which was ancientlie called Calidonia, [Sidenote: Iulius Solinus.] as Iulius Solinus Polyhistor in plaine words dooth record.

¶ Vpon these considerations I haue no doubt to deliuer vnto the reader, the opinion of those that thinke this land to haue bene inhabited before the arriuall here of Brute, trusting it may be taken in good part, sith we haue but shewed the coniectures of others, till time that some sufficient learned man shall take vpon him to decipher the doubts of all these matters. Neuerthelesse, I thinke good to aduertise the reader that these stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, doo relie onelie vpon the authoritie of Berosus, whom most diligent antiquaries doo reiect as a fabulous and counterfet author, and Vacerius hath laboured to prooue the same by a speciall treatise latelie published at Rome.

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THE SECOND BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

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Of Brute and his descent, how he slue his father in hunting, his banishment, his letter to king Pandrasus, against whom he wageth battell, taketh him prisoner, and concludeth peace vpon conditions.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Hitherto haue we spoken of the inhabitants of this Ile before the comming of Brute, although some will néeds haue it, that he was the first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the Troians, some few giants onelie excepted whom he vtterlie destroied, and left not one of them aliue through the whole Ile. But as we shall not doubt of Brutes comming hither, so may we assuredly thinke, that he found the Ile peopled either with the generation of those which Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he did subdue, and so reigned as well ouer them as ouer those which he brought with him.

[Sidenote: Humfr. Lhoyd.] This Brutus, or Brytus [for this letter (Y) hath of ancient time had the sounds both of V and I] (as the author of the booke which Geffrey of Monmouth translated dooth affirme) was the sonne of Siluius, the sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas the Troian, begotten of his wife Creusa, & borne in Troie, before the citie was destroied. But as [Sidenote: Harding.] [Sidenote: Alex. Neuil.] [Sidenote: W. Har.] other doo take it, the author of that booke (whatsoeuer he was) and such other as follow him, are deceiued onelie in this point, mistaking the matter, in that Posthumus the sonne of Aeneas (begotten of his wife Lauinia, and borne after his fathers deceasse in Italie) was called Ascanius, who had issue a sonne named Iulius, who (as these other doo coniecture) was the father of Brute, that noble chieftaine and aduenturous leader of those people, which being descended (for the more part in the fourth generation) from those Troians that escaped with life, when that roiall citie was destroied by the Gréekes, got possession of this woorthie and most famous Ile.

To this opinion Giouan Villani a Florentine in his vniuersall historie, speaking of Aeneas and his ofspring kings in Italie, séemeth to agrée, where he saith: "Siluius (the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia) fell in loue with a néece of his mother Lauinia, and by hir had a sonne, of whom she died in trauell, and therefore was called Brutus, who after as he grew in some stature, and hunting in a forrest slue his father vnwares, and therevpon for feare of his grandfather Siluius Posthumus he fled the countrie, and with a retinue of such as followed him, passing through diuers seas, at length he arriued in the Ile of Britaine."

Concerning therefore our Brute, whether his father Iulius was sonne to Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Creusa, or sonne to Posthumus called also Ascanius, and sonne to Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, we will not further stand. But this, we find, that when he came to the age of 15. yéeres, so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father into the forrests and chases, he fortuned (either by mishap, or by [Sidenote: Brute killeth his father.] Gods prouidence) to strike his father with an arrow, in shooting at a déere, of which wound he also died. His grandfather (whether the same was Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this great misfortune that had chanced to his sonne Siluius, liued not long after, but died for verie greefe and sorow (as is supposed) which he conceiued thereof. And the young gentleman, immediatlie after he had slaine his father (in maner before alledged) was banished his countrie, and therevpon got him into Grecia, where trauelling the countrie, he lighted by chance among some of the Troian ofspring, and associating himselfe with them, grew by meanes of the linage (whereof he was descended) in proces of time into great reputation among them: chieflie by reason there were yet diuers of the Troian race, and that [Sidenote: Pausanias.] of great authoritie in that countrie. For Pyrrhus the sonne of Achilles, hauing no issue by his wife Hermione, maried Andromache, late wife vnto Hector: and by hir had thrée sonnes, Molossus, Pileus, and Pergamus, who in their time grew to be of great power in those places and countries, and their ofspring likewise: whereby Brutus or Brytus wanted no friendship. For euen at his first comming thither, diuers of the Troians that remained in seruitude, being desirous of libertie, by flocks resorted vnto him. And amongst other, Assaracus was one, whom Brute intertained, receiuing at his hands the possession of sundrie forts and places of defense, before that the king of those parties could haue vnderstanding or knowledge of any such thing. Herewith also such as were readie to make the aduenture with him, repaired to him on ech side, wherevpon he first placed garisons in those townes which had bene thus deliuered vnto him, and afterwards with Assaracus and the residue of the multitude he withdrew into the mountains néere adioining. And thus being made strong with such assistance, by consultation had with them that were of most authoritie about him, wrote vnto the king of that countrie called Pandrasus, in forme as followeth.

A letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I find it set downe in Galfride Monumetensis.

"BRUTE leader of the remnant of the Troian people, to Pandrasus king of the Greekes, sendeth greeting. Bicause it hath beene thought a thing vnworthie, that the people descended of the noble linage of Dardanus should be otherwise dealt with than the honour of their nobilitie dooth require: they haue withdrawne themselues within the close couert of the woods. For they haue chosen rather (after the maner of wild beasts) to liue on flesh and herbs in libertie, than furnished with all the riches in the world to continue vnder the yoke of seruile thraldome. But if this their dooing offend thy mightie highnesse, they are not to be blamed, but rather in this behalfe to be pardoned, sith euerie captiue prisoner is desirous to be restored vnto his former estate and dignitie. You therefore pitieng their case, vouchsafe to grant them their abridged libertie, and suffer them to remaine in quiet within these woods which they haue got into their possession: if not so, yet giue them licence to depart forth of this countrie into some other parts."

[Sidenote: Pandrasus prepareth an armie to supress the Troian ofspring.] The sight of these letters, and request in them conteined, made Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, howbeit deliberating further of the matter, and considering their small number, he made no great account of them, but determined out of hand to suppresse them by force, before they should grow to a greater multitude. And to bring [Sidenote: Sparatinum.] his intention the better to passe, he passed by a towne called Sparatinum, & marching toward the woods where he thoght to haue found his enimies, he was suddenlie assalted by Brute, who with three thousand men came foorth of the woods, and fiercelie setting vpon his enimies, made great slaughter of them, so that they were vtterlie discomfited, & sought by flight to saue themselues in passing a riuer [Sidenote: Peraduenture Achelous.] néere hand called Akalon. Brute with his men following fast upon the aduersaries, caused them to plunge into the water at aduenture, so [Sidenote: Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus.] that manie of them were drowned. Howbeit Antigonus the brother of Pandrasus did what he could to stay the Grecians from fléeing, and calling them backe againe did get some of them togither, placed them in order, and began a new field: but it nothing auailed, for the Troians, preasing vpon him, tooke him prisoner, slue and scattred his companie, and ceased not till they had rid the fields of all their aduersaries.

[Sidenote: Brute entreth into Sparatinum.] This doone, Brute entering the towne, furnished it with six hundred able souldiours, and afterwards went backe to the residue of his people that were incamped in the woods, where he was receiued with vnspeakeable ioy for this prosperous atchiued enterprise. But although this euill successe at the first beginning sore troubled Pandrasus, as well for the losse of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet was he rather kindled in desire to séeke reuenge, than otherwise discouraged. And therefore assembling his people againe togither that were scattered here and there, he came the next day before the towne of Sparatinum, where he thought to haue found Brute inclosed togither with the prisoners, and therfore he shewed his whole endeuour by hard siege and fierce assaults to force them within to yeeld.

To conclude, so long he continued the siege, till victuals began to waxe scant within, so that there was no way but to yeeld, if present succour came not to remoue the siege: wherevpon they signified their necessitie vnto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to fight with the enimies in open field, he ment to giue them a camisado in the night season, and so ordered his businesse, that inforsing a prisoner (named Anacletus whome he had taken in the last battell) to serue his turne, by constreining him to take an oth (which he durst not for conscience sake breake) he found means to encounter with his enimies vpon the aduantage, that he did not onelie ouerthrowe their [Sidenote: Pandrasus taken prisoner.] whole power, but also tooke Pandrasus prisoner, whereby all the trouble was ended: and shortlie after a perfect peace concluded, vpon these conditions following.

[Sidenote: The conditions of the agréement betwixt Brute & Pandrasus.] First, that Pandrasus should giue his daughter Innogen vnto Brute in mariage, with a competent summe of gold and siluer for hir dowrie.

Secondlie, to furnish him and his people with a nauie of ships, and to store the same with victuals and all other necessaries.

Thirdlie, that Brute with his people should haue licence to depart the countrie, to séeke aduentures whither so euer it should please them to direct their course, without let, impeachment, or trouble to be offered anie waies by the Gréeks.

To all these conditions (bicause they touched not the prerogatiue of his kingdome) Pandrasus did willinglie agrée, and likewise performed.

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Brute and his wife Innogen arriue in Leogitia, they aske counsell of an oracle where they shall inhabit, he meeteth with a remnant of Troians on the coasts neere the shooting downe of the Pyrenine hills into the sea.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Al things being thus brought to passe according to Brutes desire, wind also and wether seruing the purpose, he with his wife Innogen and his people imbarked, and hoising vp sailes departed from the coasts of Grecia. Now after two daies and a nights sailing, they arriued at Leogitia (in some old written bookes of the British historie noted downe Lergetia) an Iland, where they consulted with an oracle. Brute himselfe knéeling before the idoll, and holding in his right hand a boll prepared for sacrifice full of wine, and the bloud of a white hinde, spake in this maner as here followeth:

Diua potens nemorum, terror syluestribus apris, Cui licet anfractus ire per æthereos, Infernasq; domos, terrestria iura resolue, Et die quas terras nos habitare velis: Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in æuum, Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.

These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also doo gesse) were written by Gildas Cambrius in his booke intituled Cambreidos, and may thus be Englished:

Thou goddesse that doost rule the woods and forrests greene, And chasest foming boares that flee thine awfull sight, Thou that maist passe aloft in airie skies so sheene, And walke eke vnder earth in places void of light, Discouer earthlie states, direct our course aright, And shew where we shall dwell, according to thy will, In seates of sure abode, where temples we may dight For virgins that shall sound thy laud with voices shrill.

After this praier and ceremonie done, according to the pagane rite and custome, Brute abiding his answer, fell asléepe: in which sléepe appeared to him the said goddesse vttering this answer in the verses following expressed.

Brute, sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna, Insula in oceano est, vndiq; clausa mari, Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim, Nunc deserta quidèm, gentibus apta tuis: Hanc pete, námq; tibi sedes erit ilia perennis, Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis: Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis Totius terræ subditus orbis erit.

Brute, farre by-west beyond the Gallike land is found, An Ile which with the ocean seas inclosed is about, Where giants dwelt sometime, but now is desart ground, Most meet where thou maist plant thy selfe with all thy rout: Make thitherwards with speed, for there thou shalt find out An euerduring seat, and Troie shall rise anew, Vnto thy race, of whom shall kings be borne no dout, That with their mightie power the world shall whole subdew.

After he awaked out of sléepe, and had called his dreame to remembrance, he first doubted whether it were a verie dreame, or a true vision, the goddes hauing spoken to him with liuelie voice. Wherevpon calling such of his companie vnto him as he thought requisite in such a case, he declared vnto them the whole matter with the circumstances, whereat they greatlie reioising, caused mightie bonfires to be made, in the which they cast wine, milke, and other liquors, with diuers gums and spices of most sweet smell and sauour, as in the pagan religion was accustomed. Which obseruances and ceremonies performed and brought to end, they returned streightwaies to their ships, and as soone as the wind served, passed forward on their iournie with great ioy and gladnesse, as men put in comfort to find out the wished seats for their firme and sure habitations. From hence therefore they cast about, and making westward, first arrived in [Sidenote: Brute with his companie landed in Affrike.] Affrica, and after kéeping on their course, they passed the straits of Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hand, they found another companie that were likewise descended of the Troian progenie, on the coasts nere where the Pyrenine hils shoot downe to the sea, whereof the same sea by good reason (as some suppose) was [Sidenote: The mistaking of those that haue copied the British historie putting Mare Tyrrhenum, for Pyrenæum] named in those daies Mare Pyrenæum, although hitherto by fault of writers & copiers of the British historie receiued, in this place Mare Tyrrhenum, was slightlie put downe in stead of Pyrenæum.

The ofspring of those Troians, with whom Brute and his companie thus did méet, were a remnant of them that came away with Antenor. Their capteine hight Corineus, a man of great modestie and approoued wisedome, and thereto of incomparable strength and boldnesse.

* * * * *

Brute and the said Troians with their capteine Corineus doo associat, they take landing within the dominion of king Goffarus, he raiseth an armie against Brute and his power, but is discomfited: of the citie of Tours: Brutes arrivall in this Iland with his companie.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Brute and Corineus ioin their companies together.] After that Brute and the said Troians, by conference interchangeablie had, vnderstood one anothers estates, and how they were descended from one countrie and progenie, they vnited themselves togither, greatlie reioising that they were so fortunatlie met: and hoising vp their [Sidenote: They arrive on the coasts of Gallia, now called France.] sailes, directed their course forward still, till they arriued within the mouth of the riuer of Loire, which diuideth Aquitaine from Gall Celtike, where they tooke land within the dominion of a king called Goffarius, surnamed Pictus, by reason he was descended of the people [Sidenote: Goffarius surnamed Pictus Les annales d'Aquitaine.] [Sidenote: Agathyrsi, otherwise called Picts, of painting their bodies.] [Sidenote: Marcellus Plinie.] [Sidenote: Herodotus li. 4.] Agathyrsi, otherwise named Picts, bicause they used to paint their faces and bodies, insomuch that the richer a man was amongst them, the more cost he bestowed in painting himselfe; and commonlie the haire of their head was red, or (as probable writers say) of skie colour. Herodotus calleth them [Greek: chrysothorous] bicause they did weare much gold about them. They vsed their wives in common, and bicause they are all supposed to be brethren, there is no strife nor discord among them. Of these Agathyrsi, it is recorded by the said Herodotus, that they refused to succour the Scythians against Darius, giving this reason of their refusall; bicause they would not make warre against him who had doone them no wrong. And of this people dooth the poet make mention, saieng,

[Sidenote: Virg. Aeneid. 4.]

Cretésq; Dryopésq; fremunt pictíq; Agathyrsi.

[Sidenote: Cæsar com. li. 5.] To paint their faces not for amiablenesse, but for terriblenesse, the Britons in old time vsed, and that with a kind of herbe like vnto plantine. In which respect I sée no reason why they also should not be called Picts, as well as the Agathyrsi; séeing the denomination sprang [Sidenote: P. Mart. com. part. 2. sect. 60.] of a vaine custome in them both. And here by the way, sithens we have touched this follie in two severall people, let it not séeme tedious to read this one tricke of the Indians, among whom there is great plentie of pretious stones, wherewith they adorne themselves in this maner; namelie, in certein hollow places which they make in their flesh, they inclose and riuet in precious stones, and that as well in their forheads as their chéekes, to none other purpose, than the Agathyrsi in the vse of their painting.

The countrie of Poictou (as some hold) where the said Goffarius reigned, tooke name of this people: & likewise a part of this our Ile of Britaine now conteined within Scotland, which in ancient time [Sidenote: Pightland or Pictland.] was called Pightland or Pictland, as elsewhere both in this historie of England, and also of Scotland may further appeare. But to our purpose.

[Sidenote: Goffarius sendeth vnto Brute.] When Goffarius the king of Poictou was aduertised of the landing of these strangers within his countrie, he sent first certeine of his people to vnderstand what they ment by their comming a land within his dominion, without licence or leaue of him obteined. They that were thus sent, came by chance to a place where Corineus with two hundred of the companie were come from the ships into a forrest néere the sea side, to kill some veneson for their sustenance: and being rebuked [Sidenote: Corineus answereth the messengers.] [Sidenote: Imbert.] with some disdainfull speach of those Poictouins, he shaped them a round answer: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let driue an arrow at Corineus: but he auoiding the danger thereof, shot [Sidenote: Imbert is slaine by Corineus.] againe at Imbert, in reuenge of that iniurie offered, and claue his head in sunder. The rest of the Poictouins fled therevpon, and brought word to Goffarius what had happened: who immediatlie with a mightie [Sidenote: Goffarius raiseth an armie.] armie made forward to encounter with the Troians, and comming to ioine with them in battell, after a sharpe and sore conflict, in the end [Sidenote: Goffarius is discomfited.] Brute with his armie obteined a triumphant victorie, speciallie through the noble prowesse of Corineus.

[Sidenote: Goffarius séeketh aid against Brute.] Goffarius escaping from the field, fled into the inner parts of Gallia, making sute for assistance vnto such kings as in those daies reigned in diuers prouinces of that land, who promised to aid him with all their forces, and to expell out of the coasts of Aquitaine, such strangers as without his licence were thus entred the countrie. But [Sidenote: Brute spoileth the countrie.] Brute in the meane time passed forward, and with fire and sword made hauocke in places where he came: and gathering great spoiles, fraught his ships with plentie of riches. At length he came to the place, [Sidenote: Turonium or Tours built by Brute.] where afterwards he built a citie named Turonium, that is, Tours.

[Sidenote: Goffarius hauing renewed his forces, fighteth eftsoones with Brute.] Here Goffarius with such Galles as were assembled to his aid, gaue battell againe vnto the Troians that were incamped to abide his comming. Where after they had fought a long time with singular manhood on both parties: the Troians in fine oppressed with multitudes of aduersaries (euen thirtie times as manie mo as the Troians) were constreined to retire into their campe, within the which the Galles kept them as besieged, lodging round about them, and purposing by famine to compell them to yéeld themselues vnto their mercie. But Corineus taking counsell with Brute, deuised to depart in the darke of the night out of the campe, to lodge himselfe with thrée thousand chosen souldiers secretlie in a wood, and there to remaine in couert till the morning that Brute should come foorth and giue a charge vpon the enimies, wherewith Corineus should breake foorth and assaile the Galles on the backes.

This policie was put in practise, and tooke such effect as the deuisers themselues wished: for the Galles being sharplie assailed on the front by Brute and his companie, were now with the sudden comming of Corineus (who set vpon them behind on their backes) brought into such a feare, that incontinentlie they tooke them to flight, whom the Troians egerlie pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they did ouertake them. In this battell Brute lost manie of his men, and amongst other one of his nephues named Turinus, after he had shewed maruellous proofe of his manhood. Of him (as some haue written) the foresaid citie of Tours tooke the name, and was called Turonium, bicause the said Turinus was there buried.

[Sidenote: Theuet.] Andrew Theuet affirmeth the contrarie, and mainteineth that one Taurus the nephue of Haniball was the first that inclosed it about with a pale of wood (as the maner of those daies was of fensing their townes) [Sidenote: 3374.] in the yeare of the world 3374. and before the birth of our sauiour 197.

But to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obteined so famous a victorie, albeit there was good cause for him to reioise, yet it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers dailie decaied, and his enimies still increased, and grew stronger: wherevpon resting [Sidenote: Brute in dout what to doo.] doubtfull what to doo, whether to procéed against the Galles, or returne to his ships to séeke the Ile that was appointed him by oracle, at length he chose the surest and best way, as he tooke it, and as it proued. For whilest the greater part of his armie was yet left aliue, and that the victorie remained on his side, he drew to his nauie, and lading his ships with excéeding great store of riches which his people had got abroad in the countrie, he tooke the seas againe. [Sidenote: Brute with his remnant of Troians arriue in this ile.] [Sidenote: Anno mundi. 2850.] [Sidenote: 1116. (B.C.)] After a few daies sailing they landed at the hauen now called Totnesse, the yeare of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy 66, after the deliuerance of the Israelites from the captiuitie of Babylon 397, almost ended; in the 18 yeare of the reigne of Tineas king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus king of Athens, before the building of Rome 368, which was before the natiuitie of our Sauior Christ 1116, almost ended, and before the reigne of Alexander the great 783.

* * * * *

Brute discouereth the commodities of this Iland, mightie giants withstand him, Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle together at a place beside Douer: he buildeth the citie of Trinouant now termed London, calleth this Iland by the name of Britaine, and diuideth it into three parts among his three sonnes.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

When Brute had entred this land, immediatlie after his arriuall (as writers doo record) he searched the countrie from side to side, and from end to end, finding it in most places verie fertile and plentious of wood and grasse, and full of pleasant springs and faire riuers. As [Sidenote: Brute encountered by the giants.] he thus trauelled to discouer the state and commodities of the Iland, he was encountred by diuers strong and mightie giants, whome he destroied and slue, or rather subdued, with all such other people as he found in the Iland, which were more in number than by report of some authors it should appeare there were. Among these giants (as Geffrey of Monmouth writeth) there was one of passing strength and [Sidenote: Cornieus wrestleth with Gogmagog.] great estimation, named Gogmagog, whome Brute caused Corineus to wrestle at a place beside Douer, where it chanced that the giant brake a rib in the side of Corineus while they stroue to claspe, and the one to ouerthrow the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chafed and stirred to wrath, did so double his force that he got the vpper hand of the giant, and cast him downe headlong from one of the rocks there, [Sidenote: Gogmagog is slaine.] not farre from Douer, and so dispatched him: by reason whereof the place was named long after, The fall or leape of Gogmagog, but afterward it was called The fall of Douer. For this valiant déed, [Sidenote: Cornwall giuen to Cornineus.] and other the like seruices first and last atchiued, Brute gaue vnto Corineus the whole countrie of Cornwall. To be briefe, after that Brute had destroied such as stood against him, and brought such people vnder his subiection as he found in the Ile, and searched the land from the one end to the other: he was desirous to build a citie, that the same might be the seate roiall of his empire or kingdome. Wherevpon he chose a plot of ground lieng on the north side of the riuer of Thames, which by good consideration séemed to be most pleasant and conuenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswell for holsomnesse of aire, goodnesse of soile, plentie of woods, and commoditie of the riuer, seruing as well to bring in as to carrie out all kinds of merchandize and things necessarie for the gaine, store, and vse of them that there should inhabit.

Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a citie, in the tenth or (as other thinke) in the second yeare after his arriuall, which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troinouant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith) Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble citie of Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part descended.

When Brutus had builded this citie, and brought the Iland fullie vnder his subiection, he by the aduise of his nobles commanded this Ile (which before hight Albion) to be called Britaine, and the inhabitants Britons after his name, for a perpetuall memorie that he was the first bringer of them into the land. In this meane while also he had by his wife. iii. sonnes, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the time of his death drew néere, to the first he betooke the gouernment of that part of the land nowe knowne by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said Locrinus. To the second he appointed the countrie of Wales, which of him was first named Cambria, diuided from Loegria by the riuer of Seuerne. To his third sonne Albanact he deliuered all the north part of the Ile, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said Albanact: which portion of the said He lieth beyond the Humber northward. Thus when Brutus had diuided the Ile of Britaine (as before [Sidenote: In the daies of this our Brute Saule and Samuell gouerned Israell.] is mentioned) into 3. parts, and had gouerned the same by the space of 15. yeares, he died in the 24 yeare after his arriuall (as Harison noteth) and was buried at Troinouant or London: although the place of his said buriall there be now be growne out of memorie.

* * * * *

Of Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, of Albanact his yoongest sonne, and his death: of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britaine successiuelie after Brute.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: LOCRINE THE SECOND RULER OF BRITAIN.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Mat. West.] [Sidenote: Fa. out of G. de Co.] LOCRINUS or Locrine the first begotten sonne of Brute began to reigne ouer the countrie called Logiers, in the yeare of the world 1874, and held to his part the countrie that reached from the south sea vnto the riuer of Humber. While this Locrinus gouerned Logiers, his brother Albanact ruled in Albania, where in fine he was slaine in a battell by a king of the Hunnes or Scythians, called Humber, who inuaded that part of Britaine, and got possession thereof, till Locrinus with his [Sidenote: Gal Mon.] [Sidenote: Mat. West.] brother Camber, in reuenge of their other brothers death, and for the recouerie of the kingdome, gathered their powers togither, and comming against the said king of the Hunnes, by the valiancie of their people they discomfited him in battell, and chased him so egerlie, that he [Sidenote: It should séeme that he was come over the Humber.] himselfe and a great number of his men were drowned in the gulfe that then parted Loegria and Albania, which after tooke name of the said king, and was called Humber, and so continueth vnto this daie.

[Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] Moreouer in this battell against the Hunnes were thrée yong damsels taken of excellent beautie, specially one of them, whose name was Estrild, daughter to a certeine king of Scythia. With this Estrild king Locrine fell so farre in loue, notwithstanding a former contract made betwixt him and the ladie Guendoloena, daughter to Corineus duke of Cornwall, that he meant yet with all spéed to marie the same Estrild. But being earnestlie called vpon, and in manner forced thereto by Corineus, hée changed his purpose, and married Guendoloena, kéeping neuertheles the aforesaid Estrild as paramour still after a secret sort, during the life of Corineus his father in law.

Now after that Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsooke Guendoloena, and maried Estrild. Guendoloena therefore being cast off by hir husband, got hir into Cornewall to hir friends and kinred, and there procured them to make warre against the said Locrine hir husband, in the which warres hée was slaine, and a battell fought [Sidenote: Mat. West.] néere to the riuer of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers affirme) twentie yeares, & was buried by his father in the citie of Troinouant, leauing behind him a yoong sonne (begotten of his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, as yet vnméete to gouerne.

[Sidenote: Shée is not numbred amongst those that reigned as rulers in this land by Mat. West.] Guendoloena or Guendoline the wife of Locrinus, and daughter of Corineus duke of Cornewall, for so much as hir sonne Madan was not of yeeres sufficient to gouerne, was by common consent of the Britons made ruler of the Ile, in the yéere of the world 2894, and so hauing the administration in hir hands, she did right discreetlie vse hir selfe therein, to the comfort of all hir subiects, till hir sonne [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] Madan came to lawfull age, and then she gaue ouer the rule and dominion to him, after she had gouerned by the space of fifteene yeares.

[Sidenote: MADAN THE THIRD RULER.] MADAN the sonne of Locrine and Guendoline entred into the gouernement of Britaine in the 2909, of the world. There is little left in writing of his doings, sauing that he vsed great tyrannie amongst his Britons: and therefore after he had ruled this land the tearme of 40. yeares, he was deuoured of wild beastes, as he was abroad in hunting. He left behind him two sonnes, Mempricius and Manlius. He builded (as is reported) Madancaistre, now Dancastre, which reteineth still the later part of his name.

[Sidenote: MEMPRICIUS THE FOURTH RULER.] MEMPRICIUS the eldest sonne of Madan began his reigne ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2949, he continued not long in peace. For his brother Manlius vpon an ambitious mind prouoked the Britons to rebell against him, so that sore and deadly warre continued long [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Manlius is slaine.] betweene them. But finallie, vnder colour of a treatie, Manlius was slaine by his brother Mempricius, so that then he liued in more tranquillitie and rest. Howbeit, being deliuered thus from trouble of [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Slouth engendred lecherie.] warres, he fell into slouth, and so into vnlawfull lust of lecherie, and thereby into the hatred of his people, by forcing of their wiues and daughters: and finallie became so beastlie, that he forsooke his lawfull wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abhominable sinne of Sodomie. And thus from one vice he fell into another, till he became odious to God and man, and at length, going on hunting, was [Sidenote: Mempricius is deuoured of beastes.] lost of his people, and destroied of wild beastes, when he had reigned twentie yeares, leauing behind him a noble yoong sonne named Ebranke, begotten of his lawfull wife.

[Sidenote: EBRANKE THE FIFT RULER.] [Sidenote: Ebranke had 21. wiues: his thirtie daughters sent into Italie.] [Sidenote: Bergomas lib. 6.] EBRANKE the sonne of Mempricius began to rule ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2969. He had as writers doo of him record, one and twentie wiues, on whom he begot 20. sonnes and 30. daughters, of the which the eldest hight Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to Alba Syluius, which was the eleuenth king of Italie, or the sixt king of the Latines, to the end they might be married to his noble men of the bloud of Troians, because the Sabines refused to ioine their daughters with them in marriage. Furthermore, he was the first prince of his land that euer inuaded France after Brute, and is commended as author and originall builder of many cities, both in his owne kingdome, and else where. His sonnes also vnder the conduct of Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italie, after they had conducted their sisters thither, inuaded Germanie, being first molested by the people of that countrie in their rage, and by the helpe of the said Alba subdued a great part of that countrie, & there planted themselues. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father married them in their returne, and aided them in their conquests, and [Sidenote: The citie of Caerbranke builded.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] that he builded the citie of Caerbranke, now called Yorke, about the 14, yeare of his reigne. He builded also in Albania now called Scotland, the castle of Maidens, afterward called Edenburgh of Adian one of their kings. The citie of Alclud was builded likewise by him (as some write) now decaied. After which cities thus builded, he sailed ouer into Gallia, now called France, with a great armie, and subduing the Galles as is aforesaid, he returned home with great riches and triumph. Now when he had guided the land of Britaine in [Sidenote: Fortie yeares hath Math. West. and Gal. Monuine.] noble wise by the tearme of fortie yeares, he died, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: BRUTE GREENESHIELD THE SIXT RULER.] [Sidenote: Iacobus Lef.] BRUTE GREENESHIELD, the sonne of Ebranke, was made gouernor of this land in the yeare of the world 3009, Asa reigning in Iuda, and Baasa in Israell. This prince bare alwaies in the field a gréene shield, whereof he tooke his surname, and of him some forraine authors affirme, that he made an attempt to bring the whole realme of France vnder his subiection, which he performed, because his father susteined some dishonor and losse in his last voiage into that countrie. Howbeit they say, that when he came into Henaud, Brinchild a prince of that quarter gaue him also a great ouerthrow, and compelled him to retire home againe into his countrie. This I borrow out of William Harison, who in his chronologie toucheth the same at large, concluding in the end, that the said passage of this prince into France is verie likelie to be true, and that he named a parcell of Armorica lieng on the south, and in manner vpon the verie loine after his owne name, and also a citie which he builded there Britaine. For (saith he) it should [Sidenote: Strabo lib. 4.] séeme by Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble citie of that name long before his time in the said countrie, whereof Plinie also speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it vnto France after a disordered maner. More I find not of this foresaid Brute, sauing that he ruled the land a certeine time, his father yet liuing, and after his decease the tearme of twelue yeares, and then died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called Yorke.

[Sidenote: LEILL THE SEVENTH RULER.] [Sidenote: Carleil builded.] [Sidenote: Chester repaired.] LEILL the sonne of Brute Greeneshield, began to reigne in the yeare of the world 3021, the same time that Asa was reigning in Iuda, and Ambri in Israell. He built the citie now called Carleil, which then after his owne name was called Caerleil, that is, Leill his citie, or the citie of Leill. He repaired also (as Henrie Bradshaw saith) the citie of Caerleon now called Chester, which (as in the same Bradshaw appeareth) was built before Brutus entrie into this land by a giant named Leon Gauer. But what authoritie he had to auouch this, it may be doubted, for Ranulfe Higden in his woorke intituled "Polychronicon," saith in plaine wordes, that it is vnknowen who was the first founder of Chester, but that it tooke the name of the soiourning there of some Romaine legions, by whome also it is not vnlike that it might be first built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued Caratacus king of the Ordouices that inhabited the countries now called Lancashire, Cheshire, and Salopshire, built in those parts, and among the Silures, certeine places of defense, for the better harbrough of his men of warre, and kéeping downe of such Britaines as were still readie to moue rebellion.

But now to the purpose concerning K. Leill. We find it recorded that he was in the beginning of his reigne verie vpright, and desirous to sée iustice executed, and aboue all thinges loued peace & quietnesse; but as yeares increased with him, so his vertues began to diminish, in so much that abandoning the care for the bodie of the commonwealth, he suffered his owne bodie to welter in all vice and voluptuousnesse, and so procuring the hatred of his subiects, caused malice and discord to rise amongst them, which during his life he was neuer able to appease. But leauing them so at variance, he departed this life, & was buried at Carleil, which as ye haue heard he had builded while he liued.

[Sidenote: LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS THE EIGHT RULER.] [Sidenote: Kaerkin or Canterburie is builded.] [Sidenote: Caerguent is builded.] [Sidenote: Paladour is builded.] LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS the sonne of Leill began to gouerne in the yeare of the world 3046. In the beginning of his reigne, hée sought to appease the debate that was raised in his fathers daies, and bring the realme to hir former quietnesse, and after that he had brought it to good end, he builded the towne of Kaerkin now called Canterburie: also the towne of Caerguent now cleped Winchester, and mount Paladour now called Shaftsburie. About the building of which towne of Shaftsburie, Aquila a prophet of the British nation wrote his prophesies, of which some fragments remaine yet to be seene, translated into the Latine by some ancient writers. When this Lud had reigned 29 yeares, he died, and left a sonne behind him named Baldud.

[Sidenote: BALDUD OR BLADUD THE NINTH RULER.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: The king was learned.] [Sidenote: Hot bathes.] BALDUD the sonne of Ludhurdibras began to rule ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3085. This man was well séene in the sciences of astronomie and nigromancie, by which (as the common report saith) he made the hot bathes in the citie of Caerbran now called Bath. But William of Malmesburie is of a contrarie opinion, affirming that Iulius Cesar made those bathes, or rather repaired them when he was here in England: which is not like to be true: for Iulius Cesar, as by good coniecture we haue to thinke, neuer came so farre within the land that way forward. But of these bathes more shall be said in the description. Now to procéed. This Baldud tooke such pleasure in artificiall practises & magike, that he taught this art throughout all his realme. And to shew his cunning in other points, vpon a [Sidenote: Mat. West.] [Sidenote: The prince did flie.] presumptuous pleasure which he had therein, he tooke vpon him to flie in the aire, but he fell vpon the temple of Apollo, which stood in the citie of Troinouant, and there was torne in péeces after he had ruled the Britaines by the space of 20 yeares.

[Sidenote: LEIR THE 10. RULER.] [Sidenote: Mat. West.] [Sidenote: Leicester is builded.] LEIR the sonne of Baldud was admitted ruler ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3105, at what time Ioas reigned in Iuda. This Leir was a prince of right noble demeanor, gouerning his land and subiects in great wealth. He made the towne of Caerleir now called Leicester, which standeth vpon the riuer of Sore. It is written that he had by his wife three daughters without other issue, whose names were Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla, which daughters he greatly loued, but specially Cordeilla the yoongest farre aboue the two elder. When this [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] Leir therefore was come to great yeres, & began to waxe vnweldie through age, he thought to vnderstand the affections of his daughters towards him, and preferre hir whome he best loued, to the succession ouer the kingdome. Whervpon he first asked Gonorilla the eldest, how [Sidenote: A triall of loue.] well she loued him: who calling hir gods to record, protested that she "loued him more than hir owne life, which by right and reason should be most déere vnto hir. With which answer the father being well pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of hir how well she loued him: who answered (confirming hir saiengs with great othes) that she loued him more than toong could expresse, and farre aboue all other creatures of the world."

Then called he his yoongest daughter Cordeilla before him, and asked of hir what account she made of him, vnto whome she made this answer [Sidenote: The answer of the yoongest daughter.] as followeth: "Knowing the great loue and fatherlie zeale that you haue alwaies borne towards me (for the which I maie not answere you otherwise than I thinke, and as my conscience leadeth me) I protest vnto you, that I haue loued you euer, and will continuallie (while I liue) loue you as my naturall father. And if you would more vnderstand of the loue that I beare you, assertaine your selfe, that so much as you haue, so much you are woorth, and so much I loue you, and no more. [Sidenote: The two eldest daughters are maried.] [Sidenote: The realme is promised to his two daughters.] The father being nothing content with this answer, married his two eldest daughters, the one vnto Henninus the duke of Cornewall, and the other vnto Maglanus the duke of Albania, betwixt whome he willed and ordeined that his land should be diuided after his death, and the one halfe thereof immediatlie should be assigned to them in hand: but for the third daughter Cordeilla he reserued nothing."

Neuertheles it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beautie, womanhood, and good conditions of the said Cordeilla, desired to haue hir in mariage, and sent ouer to hir father, requiring that he might haue hir to wife: to whome answer was made, that he might haue his daughter, but as for anie dower he could haue none, for all was promised and assured to hir other sisters alreadie. Aganippus notwithstanding this answer of deniall to receiue anie thing by way of dower with Cordeilla, tooke hir to wife, onlie moued thereto (I saie) for respect of hir person and amiable vertues. This Aganippus was one [Sidenote: He gouerned the third part of Gallia as Gal. Mon. saith.] of the twelue kings that ruled Gallia in those daies, as in the British historie it is recorded. But to proceed.

After that Leir was fallen into age, the two dukes that had married his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the gouernment of the land did come to their hands, arose against him in armour, and reft from him the gouernance of the land, vpon conditions to be continued for terme of life: by the which he was put to his portion, that is, to liue after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate, which in processe of time was diminished as well by Maglanus as by Henninus. But the greatest griefe that Leir tooke, was to see the vnkindnesse of his daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too much which their father had, the same being neuer so little: in so much that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that miserie, that scarslie they would allow him one seruant to wait vpon him.

In the end, such was the vnkindnesse, or (as I maie saie) the vnnaturalnesse which he found in his two daughters, notwithstanding their faire and pleasant words vttered in time past, that being constreined of necessitie, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia, there to seeke some comfort of his yongest daughter Cordeilla, whom before time he hated. The ladie Cordeilla hearing that he was arriued in poore estate, she first sent to him priuilie a certeine summe of monie to apparell himselfe withall, and to reteine a certeine number of seruants that might attend vpon him in honorable wise, as apperteined to the estate which he had borne: and then so accompanied, she appointed him to come to the court, which he did, and was so ioifullie, honorablie, and louinglie receiued, both by his sonne in law Aganippus, and also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was greatlie comforted: for he was no lesse honored, than if he had beene king of the whole countrie himselfe.

Now when he had informed his sonne in law and his daughter in what sort he had béene vsed by his other daughters, Aganippus caused a mightie armie to be put in a readinesse, and likewise a great nauie of ships to be rigged, to passe ouer into Britaine with Leir his father in law, to sée him againe restored to his kingdome. It was accorded, that Cordeilla should also go with him to take possession of the land, the which he promised to leaue vnto hir, as the rightfull inheritour after his decesse, notwithstanding any former grant made to hir sisters or to their husbands in anie maner of wise.

Herevpon, when this armie and nauie of ships were readie, Leir and his daughter Cordeilla with hir husband tooke the sea, and arriuing in Britaine, fought with their enimies, and discomfited them in battell, in the which Maglanus and Henninus were slaine: and then was Leir restored to his kingdome, which he ruled after this by the space of [Sidenote: Matth. West.] two yéeres, and then died, fortie yeeres after he first began to reigne. His bodie was buried at Leicester in a vaut vnder the chanell of the riuer of Sore beneath the towne.

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The gunarchie of queene Cordeilla, how she was vanquished, of hir imprisonment and selfe-murther: the contention betweene Cunedag and Margan nephewes for gouernement, and the euill end thereof.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: QUEENE CORDEILLA.] CORDEILLA the yoongest daughter of Leir was admitted Q. and supreme gouernesse of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3155, before the bylding of Rome 54, Vzia then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam ouer Israell. This Cordeilla after hir fathers deceasse ruled the land of Britaine right worthilie during the space of fiue yéeres, in which meane time hir husband died, and then about the end of those fiue yéeres, hir two nephewes Margan and Cunedag, sonnes to hir aforesaid sisters, disdaining to be vnder the gouernment of a woman, leuied warre against hir, and destroied a great part of the land, and finallie tooke hir prisoner, and laid hir fast in ward, wherewith she tooke such griefe, being a woman of a manlie courage, and despairing to recouer libertie, there she slue hirselfe, when she had reigned (as before is mentioned) the tearme of fiue yéeres.

[Sidenote: CUNEDAG AND MARGAN.] CUNEDAGIUS and MARGANUS nephewes to Cordeilla, hauing recouered the land out of hir hands, diuided the same betwixt them, that is to saie, the countrie ouer and beyond Humber fell to Margan, as it stretcheth euen to Catnesse, and the other part lieng south and by-west, was assigned to Cunedagius. This partition chanced in the yéere of the world 3170, before the building of Rome 47, Uzia as then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. Afterwards, these two cousins, Cunedag and Margan, had not reigned thus past a two yéeres, but thorough some seditious persons, Margan was persuaded to raise warre against Cunedag, telling him in his eare, how it was a shame for him being come of the elder sister, not to haue the rule of the whole Ile in his hand. Herevpon ouercome with pride, ambition, and couetousnesse, he [Sidenote: Margan inuadeth his cousine Cunedag.] raised an armie, and entring into the land of Cunedag, he burned and destroied the countrie before him in miserable maner.

Cunedag in all hast to resist his aduersarie, assembled also all the power he could make, and comming with the same against Margan, gaue him battell, in the which he slue a great number of Margans people, and put the residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from countrie to countrie, till he came into Cambria, now called Wales, where the said Margan gaue him eftsoones a new battell: but being too [Sidenote: Margan is slaine.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] weake in number of men, he was there ouercome and slaine in the field, by reason whereof that countrie tooke name of him, being there slaine, and so is called to this daie Glau Margan, which is to meane in our English toong, Margans land. This was the end of that Margan, after he had reigned with his brother two yéeres, or thereabouts.

[Sidenote: CUNEDAGUS ALONE.] After the death of Margan, Cunedag the sonne of Hennius and Ragaie (middlemost daughter of Leir before mentioned) became ruler of all the whole land of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3172, before the building of Rome 45, Vzia still reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. He gouerned this Ile well and honourablie for the tearme of 33 yeares, and then dieng, his bodie was buried at Troinouant or London. Moreouer, our writers doo report, that he builded thrée temples, one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercurie at Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornewall.

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Of Riuallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, Iago, and Kinimacus, rulers of Britaine by succession, and of the accidents coincident with their times.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: RIUALLUS THE 13. RULER.] RIUALLUS, the sonne of Cunedag, began to reigne ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3203, before the building of Rome 15, Ioathan as then being king of Iuda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Riuall gouerned the Iland in great welth and prosperitie. In his time it [Sidenote: It rained blood.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] rained bloud by the space of thrée daies togither; after which raine ensued such an excéeding number and multitude of flies, so noisome and contagious, that much people died by reason thereof. When he had reigned 46 yeares he died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called [Sidenote: Rome builded.] Yorke. In the time of this Riuals reigne was the citie of Rome builded, after concordance of most part of writers. Perdix also a wizard, and a learned astrologian florished and writ his prophesies, and Herene also.

[Sidenote: GURGUSTIUS THE 14. RULER.] GURGUSTIUS, the son of the before named Riuall, began to gouerne the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3249, and after the first foundation of Rome 33, Ezechias reigning in Iuda. This Gurgustius in the chronicle of England, is called Gorbodian the sonne of Reignold, he reigned 37 yeares, then departing this life, was buried at Caerbranke (now called Yorke) by his father.

[Sidenote: SYSILLIUS THE 15. RULER.] SYSILLIUS, or after some writers SYLUIUS, the brother of Gurgustius, was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britaine, in the yere of the world 3287, and after the building of Rome 71, Manasses still reigning in Iuda. This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill. He reigned 49 yeares, and then died, and was buried at Carbadon, now called Bath.

[Sidenote: JAGO THE 16. RULER.] IAGO or LAGO, the cousin of Gurgustius, as next inheritor to Sysillius, tooke vpon him the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3386, and after the building of Rome 120, in whose time the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of Iuda, Mathania, otherwise called Zedechias, being slaine. This Iago or Lago died without issue, when he had reigned 28 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: KINIMACUS THE 17. RULER.] KINIMACUS or KINMARUS the sonne of Sysillius as some write, or rather the brother of Iago, began to gouerne the land of Britain, in the yere of the world 3364, and after the building of Rome 148, the Iewes as then being in the third yeare of their captiuitie of Babylon. This Kinimacus departed this life, after he had reigned 54 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

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Of Gorbodug and his two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, one brother killeth another, the mother sluieth hir sonne, and how Britaine by ciuill warres (for lacke of issue legitimate to the government) of a monarchie became a pentarchie: the end of Brutes line.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GORBODUG THE 18. RULER.] GORBODUG the sonne of Kinimacus began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare after the creation of the world 3418, from the building of the citie of Rome 202, the 58 of the Iews captiuitie at Babylon. This Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord, should reigne about the tearme of 62 yeares, and then departing this world, was buried at London, leauing after him two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

[Sidenote: FERREX THE 19. RULER.] FERREX with PORREX his brother began iointlie to rule ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3476, after the building of Rome 260, at which time, the people of Rome forsooke their citie in their rebellious mood. These two brethren continued for a time in good friendship and amitie, till at length through couetousnesse, and desire of greater dominion, prouoked by flatterers, they fell at [Sidenote: Ferrex fled into Gallia.] variance and discord, wherby Ferrex was constreined to flée into Gallia, and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or Suardus, and so returned into Britaine, thinking to preuaile and obteine the dominion of the whole Iland. But his brother Porrex was readie to receiue him with battell after he was landed, in the which battell Ferrex was slaine, with the more part of his people. The English chronicle saith, that Porrex was he that fled into France, & at his returne, was slaine, and that Ferrex suruiued. But Geffrey of [Sidenote: Matth. West.] Monmouth & Polychronicon are of a contrarie opinion. Matthew Westmonasteriensis writeth, that Porrex deuising waies to kill Ferrex, atchiued his purpose and slue him. But whether of them so euer suruiued, the mother of them was so highlie offended for the death of him that was slaine, whom she most intierlie loued, that setting apart all motherlie affection, she found the meanes to enter the chamber of him that suruiued in the night season, and as he slept, she with the [Sidenote: The mother killeth hir son.] helpe of hir maidens slue him, and cut him into small péeces, as the writers doo affirme. Such was the end of these two brethren, after they had reigned by the space of foure or fiue yeares.

After this followed a troublous season, full of cruell warre, and seditious discord, whereby in the end, and for the space of fiftie yeares, the monarchie or sole gouernement of the Lland became a pentarchie, that is, it was diuided betwixt fiue kings or rulers, till Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all. Thus the line of Brute [Sidenote: Robert Record.] (according to the report of most writers) tooke an end: for after the death of the two foresaid brethren, no rightfull inheritor was left aliue to succéed them in the kingdome. The names of these fiue kings are found in certeine old pedegrées: and although the same be much corrupted in diuers copies, yet these vndernamed are the most agréeable.

But of these fiue kings or dukes, the English chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Cornewall for most rightfull heire. There appeareth not any time certeine by report of ancient authors, how long this variance [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Ciuill warres 51. yeares.] continued amongst the Britains: but (as some say) it lasted for the space of 51 yeres, coniecturing so much by that which is recorded in Polychron, who saith, who it endured euen till the beginning of the reigne of Mulmucius Dunwallon, who began to gouerne from the time that Brute first entred Britaine, about the space of 703 thrée yeares.

¶ Here ye must note, that there is difference amongst writers about the supputation and account of these yeares, insomuch that some making their reckoning after certeine writers, and finding the same to varie aboue thrée C. yeares, are brought into further doubt of the truth of the whole historie: but whereas other haue by diligent search tried out the continuance of euerie gouernors reigne, and reduced the same to a likelihood of some conformitie, I haue thought best to follow the same, leauing the credit thereof with the first authors.

THE PENTARCHIE.

1 Rudacus king of Wales. 2 Clotenus king of Cornewall. 3 Pinnor king of Loegria. 4 Staterus king of Albania. 5 Yewan king of Northumberland.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOKE.

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THE THIRD BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

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Of Mulmucius the first king of Britaine, who was crowned with a golden crowne, his lawes, his foundations, with other his acts and deeds.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MULMUCIUS.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] [Sidenote: Polyd.] Now to proceede with the aforesaid authors, Mulmucius Dunwall[=o], or as other saie Dunuallo Mulmucius, the sonne of Cloton (as testifieth th'english chronicle and also Geffrey of Monmouth) got the vpper hand of the other dukes or rulers: and after his fathers deceasse began his reigne ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 97, and about the 26 yéere of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fift king of the Persians. This Mulmucius Dunuallo is named in the english chronicle Donebant, and prooued a right worthie prince. He builded within the citie of London then [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: See more in the description.] called Troinouant, a temple, and named it the temple of peace: the which (as some hold opinion, I wote not vpon what ground) was the same which now is called Blackwell hall, where the market for buieng and selling of cloths is kept. The chronicle of England affirmeth, that [Sidenote: Malmesburie and the Vies built.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] [Sidenote: Lawes made.] Mulmucius (whome the old booke nameth Molle) builded the two townes Malmesburie and the Vies. He also made manie good lawes, which were long after vsed, called Mulmucius lawes, turned out of the British spéech into the Latine by Gildas Priscus, and long time after translated out of latine into english by Alfred king of England, and mingled in his statutes. He moreouer gaue priuileges to temples, to plowes, to cities, and to high waies leading to the same, so that whosoeuer fled to them, should be in safegard from bodilie harme, and from thence he might depart into what

[Sidenote: Caxton and Polychron.] countrie he would, with indemnitie of his person. Some authors write, that he began to make the foure great high waies of Britaine, the which were finished by his sonne Blinus, as after shall be declared.

[Sidenote: The first king that was crowned with a golden crowne.] After he had established his land, and set his Britains in good and conuenient order, he ordeined him by the aduise of his lords a crowne of gold, & caused himselfe with great solemnitie to be crowned, according to the custome of the pagan lawes then in vse: & bicause he was the first that bare a crowne héere in Britaine, after the opinion of some writers, he is named the first king of Britaine, and all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or gouernors.

[Sidenote: Polyd.] [Sidenote: Weights and measures.] Amongst other of his ordinances, he appointed weights and measures, with the which men should buy and sell. And further he deuised sore [Sidenote: Theft punished.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] and streight orders for the punishing of theft. Finallie, after he had guided the land by the space of fortie yéeres, he died, and was buried in the foresaid temple of peace which he had erected within the citie of Troinouant now called London, as before ye haue heard, appointing in his life time, that his kingdome should be diuided betwixt his two sonnes, Brennus and Belinus (as some men doo coniecture.)

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The ioint-gouernment of Belinus and Brennus the two sonnes of Mulmucius, their discontentment, the stratagems of the one against the other, the expulsion of Brennus out of Britaine.

SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Belinus and Brennus.] [Sidenote: 3574.] BRENNUS and Belinus began to reigne iointlie as kings in Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3574, after the building of the citie of Rome 355, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 142, which was about the seuenth yéere of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon, [Sidenote: Matth. West.] the seuenth king of the Persians. Belinus held vnder his gouernment Loegria, Wales, and Cornwall: and Brennus all those countries ouer and beyond Humber. And with this partition were they contented by the [Sidenote: Polyd. saith 5.] [Sidenote: Brennus not content with his portion.] tearme of six or seuen yéeres, after which time expired, Brennus coueting to haue more than his portion came to, first thought to purchase himselfe aid in forreine parties, & therefore by the prouocation and counsell of yong vnquiet heads, sailed ouer into [Sidenote: Elsingius.] Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, as then duke or ruler of that countrie. Beline, offended with his brother, that he should thus without his aduice marrie with a stranger, now in his absence seized all his lands, townes, and fortresses into his owne hands, placing garisons of men of warre where he thought conuenient.

In the meane time, Brenne aduertised hereof, assembled a great nauie of ships, well furnished with people and souldiers of the Norwegians, with the which he tooke his course homewards, but in the waie he was [Sidenote: Guilthdacus king of Denmarke.] encountred by Guilthdacus king of Denmarke, the which had laid long in wait for him, bicause of the yoong ladie which Brenne had maried, for whome he had béene a sutor to hir father Elsing of long time. When these two fléetes of the Danes and Norwegians met, there was a sore battell betwixt them, but finallie the Danes ouercame them of Norway, and tooke the ship wherein the new bride was conueied, and then was she brought aboord the ship of Guilthdacus. Brenne escaped by flight as well as he might. But when Guilthdacus had thus obtained the [Sidenote: A tempest.] victorie and prey, suddenlie therevpon arose a sore tempest of wind and weather, which scattered the Danish fleete, and put the king in danger to haue béene lost: but finallie within fiue daies after, being [Sidenote: Guilthdacus landed in the north.] driuen by force of wind, he landed in Northumberland, with a few such ships as kept togither with him.

Beline being then in that countrie, prouiding for defense against his brother, vpon knowledge of the king of Denmarks arriuall, caused him to be staied. Shortlie after, Brenne hauing recouered and gotten togither the most part of his ships that were dispersed by the discomfiture, and then newlie rigged and furnished of all things necessarie, sent word to his brother Beline, both to restore vnto him his wife wrongfullie rauished by Guilthdacus, and also his lands iniuriouslie by him seized into his possession. These requests being plainlie and shortlie denied, Brenne made no long delaie, but spéedilie made toward Albania, and landing with his armie in a part thereof, incountred with his brother Beline néere vnto a wood named as [Sidenote: Calater wood is in Scotland.] then Calater, where (after cruell fight, and mortall battell betwixt them) at length the victorie abode with the Britains, and the discomfiture did light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them were wounded, slaine, and left dead vpon the ground.

Hereby Brenne being forced to flée, made shift, and got ouer into Gallia, where after he had sued to this prince, at length he abode, [Sidenote: Seguinus or Seginus duke of the Allobrogs, now the Delphinat of Sauoy.] and was well receiued of one Seguinus or Seginus duke of the people called then Allobrogs (as Galfrid of Monmouth saith) or rather Armorica, which now is called Britaine, as Polychronicon, and the english historie printed by Caxton, more trulie maie seeme to affirme. But Beline hauing got the vpper hand of his enimies, assembling his councell at Caerbranke, now called York, tooke aduise what he should doo with the king of Denmarke: where it was ordeined, that he should be set at libertie, with condition and vnder couenant, to acknowledge [Sidenote: The Danes tributarie of the Britains.] himselfe by dooing homage, to hold his land of the king of Britaine, and to paie him a yéerelie tribute. These couenants being agréed vpon, and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at libertie, and so returned into his countrie. The tribute that he couenanted to paie, was a thousand pounds, as the English chronicle saith.

[Sidenote: The foure high waies finished.] When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of all the land of Britaine, he first confirmed the lawes made by his father: and for so much as the foure waies begun by his father were not brought to perfection, he therefore caused workmen to be called foorth and assembled, whom he set in hand to paue the said waies with stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should trauell through the countries from place to place, as occasion should require.

[Sidenote: The Fosse.] The first of these foure waies is named Fosse, and stretcheth from the south into the north, beginning at the corner of Totnesse in Cornewall, and so passing foorth by Deuonshire, and Somersetshire, by Tutherie, on Cotteswold, and then forward beside Couentrie vnto Leicester, and from thence by wild plaines towards Newarke, and endeth [Sidenote: Watling stréet.] at the citie of Lincolne. The second waie was named Watling stréete, the which stretcheth ouerthwart the Fosse, out of the southeast into the northeast, beginning at Douer, and passing by the middle of Kent ouer Thames beside London, by-west of Westminster, as some haue thought, and so foorth by S. Albons, and by the west side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by-south of Lilleborne, by Atherston, Gilberts hill, that now is called the Wreken, and so foorth by Seuerne, passing beside Worcester, vnto Stratton to the middle of Wales, and so vnto a place called Cardigan, at the Irish sea. The [Sidenote: Erming stréet.] third way was named Ermingstréet, which stretched out of the west northwest, vnto the east southeast, and beginneth at Meneuia, the which is in Saint Dauids land in west Wales, and so vnto Southampton. [Sidenote: Hiknelstréet.] The fourth and last waie hight Hiknelstréete, which leadeth by Worcester, Winchcombe, Birmingham, Lichfield, Darbie, Chesterfield, and by Yorke, and so foorth vnto Tinmouth. After he had caused these [Sidenote: Priuilegs granted to the waies.] waies to be well and sufficientlie raised and made, he confirmed vnto them all such priuileges as were granted by his father.

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Brennus marrieth with the duke of Alobrogs daughter, groweth into great honour, commeth into Britaine with an armie against his brother Beline, their mother reconcileth them, they ioine might & munition and haue great conquests, conflicts betweene the Galles and the Romans, the two brethren take Rome.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

In the meane time that Beline was thus occupied about the necessarie affaires of his realme and kingdome, his brother Brenne that was fled into Gallia onelie with 12. persons, bicause he was a goodlie gentleman, and séemed to vnderstand what apperteined to honour, grew shortlie into fauour with Seginus the duke afore mentioned, and declaring vnto him his aduersitie, and the whole circumstance of his mishap, at length was so highlie cherished of the said Seginus, deliting in such worthie qualities as he saw in him dailie appearing, [Sidenote: Brenne marieth the duke of Alobrogs daughter.] that he gaue to him his daughter in mariage, with condition, that if he died without issue male, should he inherit his estate & dukedome: and if it happened him to leaue anie heire male behind him, then should he yet helpe him to recouer his land and dominion in Britaine, béereft from him by his brother.

These conditions well and surelie vpon the dukes part by the assent of the nobles of his land concluded, ratified, and assured, the said duke within the space of one yéere after died. And then after a certeine time, being knowne that the duches was not with child, all the lords of that countrie did homage to Brenne, receiuing him as their lord and supreme gouernour, vpon whome he likewise for his part in recompense of their curtesie, bestowed a great portion of his treasure.

[Sidenote: Brenne with an armie returneth into Britaine.] Shortlie after also, with their assent he gathered an armie, and with the same eftsoones came ouer into Britaine, to make new warre vpon his brother Beline. Of whose landing when Beline was informed, he assembled his people, and made himselfe readie to méete him: but as they were at point to haue ioined battell, by the intercession of [Sidenote: Brenne and Beline made friends by intercession of their mother.] their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned hirselfe in all motherlie order, and most louing maner towards them both, they fell to an agréement, and were made friends or euer they parted asunder.

After this they repaired to London, and there taking aduice togither with their peeres and councellors, for the good order and quieting of the land, at length they accorded to passe with both their armies into Gallia, to subdue that whole countrie, and so following this determination, they tooke shipping and sailed ouer into Gallia, where beginning the warre with fire and sword, they wrought such maisteries, that within a short time (as saith Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered [Sidenote: They inuade Gallia and Italie.] a great part of Gallia, Italie, and Germanie, and brought it to their subiection. In the end they tooke Rome by this occasion (as writers report) if these be the same that had the leading of those Galles, which in this season did so much hurt in Italie and other parts of the world.

After they had passed the mountaines, & were entred into Tuscan, they [Sidenote: Now Clusi.] besieged the citie of Clusium, the citizens whereof being in great danger, sent to Rome for aid against their enimies. Wherevpon the Romanes, considering with themselues that although they were not in anie league of societie with the Clusians, yet if they were ouercome the danger of the next brunt were like to be theirs: with all spéed [Sidenote: Ambassadours sent from Rome.] they sent ambassadours to intreat betwixt the parties for some peace to be had.

They that were sent, required the capteines of the Galles, in the name of the senat and citizens of Rome, not to molest the friends of the

[Sidenote: Brennus answere.] Romans. Wherevnto answere was made by Brennus, that for his part he could be content to haue peace, if it were so that the Clusians would be agréeable that the Galles might haue part of the countrie which they held, being more than they did alreadie well occupie, for otherwise (said he) there could be no peace granted.

The Romane ambassadours being offended with these wordes, demanded what the Galles had to doo in Tuscan, by reason of which and other the like ouerthwart wordes, the parties began to kindle in displeasure so [Sidenote: The treatie of peace breaketh off.] farre, that their communication brake off, and so they from treating fell againe to trie the matter by dint of sword.

The Romane ambassadours also to shew of what prowesse the Romans were, contrarie to the law of nations (forbidding such as came in ambassage about anie treatie of peace to take either one part or other) tooke weapon in hand, and ioined themselues with the Clusians, wherewith the Galles were so much displeased, that incontinentlie with one voice, they required to haue the siege raised from Clusium, that they might go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send messengers thither, to require the deliuerie of such as had broken the law, that punishment might be done on them accordinglie as they had deserued. This was done, and knowledge brought againe, that the ambassadors were not onelie not punished, but also chosen to be tribunes for the next yeare.

The Galles then became in such a rage (because they saw there was nothing to be looked for at the hands of the Romans, but warre, injurious wrongs, and deceitfull traines) that they turned all their [Sidenote: The Galles make towards Rome.] [Sidenote: The Romans incountring with the Galles are overthrown.] force against them, marching streight towardes Rome, and by the waie destroied all that stood before them. The Romans aduertised thereof, assembled themselues togither to the number of 40. thousand, and encountring with Beline and Brenne, neare to the riuer Allia, about 11. miles on this side Rome, were slaine and quite discomfited.

The Galles could scarse beléeue that they had got the victorie with so small resistance: but when they perceiued that the Romans were quite ouerthrowne and that the field was clearelie rid of them, they got togither the spoile, and made towards Rome it selfe, where such feare [Sidenote: The Romans in despaire withdraw into the capitoll.] and terror was striken into the heartes of the people, that all men were in despaire to defend the citie: and therefore the senate with all the warlike youth of the citizens got them into the capitoll, which they furnished with victuals and all things necessarie for the maintenance of the same against a long siege. The honorable fathers and all the multitude of other people not apt for warres, remained still in the citie, as it were to perish with their countrie if hap so befell.

[Sidenote: The Galles enter into Rome.] In the meane time came the Galles to the citie, and entring by the gate Collina, they passed forth the right way vnto the market place, maruelling to sée the houses of the poorer sort to be shut against them, and those of the richer to remaine wide open; wherefore being doubtfull of some deceitfull traines, they were not ouer rash to enter the same; but after they had espied the ancient fathers sit in their [Sidenote: The Reuerend aspect of the senators.] chaires apparelled in their rich robes, as if they had bin in the senat, they reuerenced them as gods, so honorable was their port, grauenesse in countenance, and shew of apparell.

[Sidenote: Marcus Papirius.] In the meane time it chanced, that Marcus Papirius stroke one of the Galles on the head with his staffe, because he presumed to stroke his beard: with which iniurie the Gall being prouoked, slue Papirius (as he sat) with his sword, and therewith the slaughter being begun with one, all the residue of those ancient fatherlie men as they sat in their chaires were slaine and cruellie murthered. After this all the people found in the citie without respect or difference at all, were [Sidenote: Rome sacked.] put to the sword, and their houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by [Sidenote: 365.] the two brethren, Beline and Brenne, 365 yeares after the first building thereof. Besides this, the Galles attempted in the night season to haue entred the capitoll: and in déed ordered their [Sidenote: The capitoll defended.] enterprise so secretlie, that they had atchieued their purpose, if a sort of ganders had not with their crie and noise disclosed them, in wakening the Romans that were asléepe: & so by that meanes were the Galles beaten backe and repelled.

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Camillus reuoked from exile, made dictator, and receiueth peremptorie authoritie, he ouerthroweth the Galles in a pitcht field, controuersie betweene writers touching Brennus and Belinus left vndetermined; of diuers foundations, erections and reparations doone and atchiued by Belinus, the burning of his bodie in stead of his burieng.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

The Romans being thus put to their extreame shift, deuised among themselues how to reuoke Furius Camillus from exile, whom not long before they had vniustlie banished out of the citie. In the end they did not onelie send for him home, but also created him dictator, committing into his handes (so long as his office lasted) an absolute power ouer all men, both of life and death. Camillus forgetfull of the iniurie done to him, and mindfull of his dutie towards his countrie, and lamenting the state thereof, without delay gathered such an armie as the present time permitted.

In the meane time those that kept the capitoll (being almost famished [Sidenote: A composition.] for lacke of vittels) compounded with Brenne and Beline, that for a thousand pounds weight in gold, the Romans should redéeme their liberties, and the said Brenne and Beline depart with their armie out of the citie and all the territories of Rome. But at the deliuerie of the monie, and by a certeine kind of hap, the Romans name was preserued at that time from such dishonor and ignominie as was likelie to haue insued. For some of the couetous sort of the Galles, not contented with the iust weight of the gold, did cast their swords also into the balance where the weights lay, thereby to haue ouer weight: wherevpon the Romans refused to make paiment after that weight.

And thus whilest they were in altercation about this matter, the one importunnate to haue, the other not willing to grant, the time passed, till in the meane season Camillus came in amongst them with his power, [Sidenote: Camillus disappointeth the Galles of their paiment.] commanding that the gold should be had away, and affirming that without consent of the dictator, no composition or agréement might be concluded by the meaner magistrate. He gaue a signe to the Galles to prepare themselues to battell, whervnto they lightlie agréed, and togither they went. The battell being once begun, the Galles that [Sidenote: The Galles overthrowne.] looked earst for gold, and not for battell, were easilie ouercome, such as stood to the brunt were slaine, and the rest by flight constreined to depart the citie.

Polybius writeth, that the Galles were turned from the siege of the citie, through wars which chanced amongst their owne people at home, and therefore they concluded a peace with the Romans, and leauing them in libertie returned home againe.

But howsoeuer the matter passed, thus much haue we stept from our purpose, to shew somwhat of that noble and most famous capteine Brennus, who (as not onelie our histories, but also Giouan Villani the Florentine dooth report) was a Britaine, and brother to Beline (as before is mentioned) although I know that manie other writers are not of that mind, affirming him to be a Gall, and likewise that after this present time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110 yeares, or there abouts, there was another Brennus a Gall by nation (say they) vnder whose conduct an other armie of the Gals inuaded Grecia, which Brennus had a brother that hight Belgius, although Humfrey Llhoyd and sir Iohn Prise doo flatlie denie the same, by reason of some discordance in writers, & namelie in the computation of the yeares set downe by them that haue recorded the dooings of those times, whereof the error is growen. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this matter shall be more fullie sifted out in time by the learned and studious of such antiquities. But now to our purpose.

This is also to be noted, that where our histories make mention, that Beline was abroad with Brennus in the most part of his victories, both [Sidenote: Titus Liu.] [Sidenote: Polydor.] in Gallia, Germanie, and Italie; Titus Liuius speaketh but onlie of Brennus: wherevpon some write, that after the two brethren were by their mothers intreatance made friends, Brennus onlie went ouer to Gallia, and there through proofe of his woorthie prowesse, atteined to such estimation amongst the people called Galli Senones, that he was chosen to be their generall capteine at their going ouer the [Sidenote: Matth. West.] mountaines into Italie. But whether Beline went ouer with his brother, and finallie returned backe againe, leauing Brennus behind him, as some write, or that he went not at all, but remained still at home whilest his brother was abroad, we can affirme no certeintie.

Most part of all our writers make report of manie woorthie deeds accomplished by Beline, in repairing of cities decaied, & erecting of [Sidenote: Polychr.] [Sidenote: Gal. M.] [Sidenote: Caerleon Wiske built by Belline.] other new buildings, to the adorning and beautifieng of his realme and kingdome. And amongst other works which were by him erected, he builded a citie in the south part of Wales, neare to the place where the riuer of Vske falleth into Seuerne, fast by Glamorgan, which citie hight Caerleon, or Caerlegion Ar Wiske. This Caerleon was the principall citie in time past of all Demetia, now called Southwales. Manie notable monuments are remaining there till this day, testifieng the great magnificence and roiall buildings of that citie in old time. In which citie also sith the time of Christ were thrée churches, one of saint Iulius the martyr, an other of saint Aron, and the third was the mother church of all Demetia, and the chiefe sée: but after, the same sée was translated vnto Meneuia, (that is to say) saint Dauid in Westwales. In this Caerleon was Amphibulus borne, who taught and instructed saint Albon.

[Sidenote: Fabian.] This Beline also builded an hauen, with a gate ouer the same, within the citie of Troinouant now called London, in the summitie or highest part wherof afterwards was set a vessell of brasse, in the which were put the ashes of his bodie, which bodie after his deceasse was burnt, [Sidenote: Iohn Leland.] as the maner of burieng in those daies did require. This gate was long after called Belins gate, and at length by corruption of language Billings gate. He builded also a castell eastward from this gate (as [Sidenote: The Tower of London built by Beline.] some haue written) which was long time after likewise called Belins castell, and is the same which now we call the tower of London. Thus Beline studieng dailie to beautifie this land with goodlie buildings and famous workes, at length departed this life, after he had reigned with his brother iointlie and alone the space of 26 yeres.

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Of Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britaine succeeding ech other by lineall descent in the regiment, and of their acts and deeds, with a notable commendation of Queene Martia.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GURGUINTUS.] GURGUINTUS the sonne of Beline began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare of the world 1596, after the building of Rome 380, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 164 complet, which was about the 33 yeare of Artaxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the seuenth king of the Persians. This Gurguint in the English chronicle is named [Sidenote: Matth. West.] Corinbratus, and by Matthew Westmin. he is surnamed Barbiruc, the which bicause the tribute granted by Guilthdag king of Denmarke in perpetuitie vnto the kings of Britaine was denied, he sailed with a mightie nauie and armie of men into Denmarke, where he made such warre [Sidenote: Gal. M. Gurguint c[=o]strained the Danes by force to pay their tribute.] with fire and sword, that the king of Denmarke with the assent of his barons was constreined to grant eftsoones to continue the paiment of the aforesaid tribute.

After he had thus atchiued his desire in Denmarke, as he returned backe towards Britaine, he encountred with a nauie of 30 ships beside the Iles of Orkenies. These ships were fraught with men and women, and [Sidenote: Matth. West.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] had to their capteine one called Bartholin or Partholin, who being brought to the presence of king Gurguint, declared that he with his [Sidenote: Basques.] people were banished out of Spaine, and were named Balenses or Baselenses, and had sailed long on the sea, to the end to find some prince that would assigne them a place to inhabit, to whom they would become subiects, & hold of him as of their souereigne gouernor. [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in Ireland.] Therefore he besought the king to consider their estate, and of his great benignitie to appoint some void quarter where they might settle. The king with the aduice of his barons granted to them the Ile of [Sidenote: Polychron.] Ireland, which as then (by report of some authors) lay waste and without habitation. But it should appeare by other writers, that it was inhabited long before those daies, by the people called Hibernenses, of Hiberus their capteine that brought them also out of Spaine.

After that Gurguintus was returned into his countrie, he ordeined that the laws made by his ancestors should be dulie kept and obserued. And thus administring iustice to his subiects for the tearme of 19 yeares, he finallie departed this life, and was buried at London, or as some [Sidenote: Caius.] haue at Caerleon. In his daies was the towne of Cambridge with the vniuersitie first founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforesaid Bartholin (according to some writers) as after shall appeare.

[Sidenote: GUINTOLINUS.] GUINTOLINUS or GUINTELLIUS the sonne of Gurguintus was admitted king of Britaine in the yere of the world 3614, after the building of the citie of Rome 399, and second yere of the 206 Olimpiad. This Guintoline was a wise prince, graue in counsell, and sober in behauior. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beautie, & wisedome incomparable, as by hir prudent gouernement and equall administration of iustice after hir husbands deceasse, during hir sonnes minoritie, it most manifestlie appeared.

It is thought that in an happie time this Guintoline came to the gouernement of this kingdome, being shaken and brought out of order with ciuill dissentions, to the end he might reduce it to the former estate, which he earnestlie accomplished: for hauing once got the place, he studied with great diligence to reforme anew, and to adorne with iustice, lawes and good orders, the British common wealth, by other kings not so framed as stood with the quietnesse thereof. But afore all things he vtterlie remooued and appeased such ciuill discord, as séemed yet to remaine after the maner of a remnant of those seditious factions and partakings, which had so long time reigned in this land. But as he was busie in hand herewith, death tooke him out of this life, after he had reigned 27 yeares, and then was he buried at London.

[Sidenote: SICILIUS.] SICILIUS the sonne of Guintoline, being not past seuen yeares of age when his father died, was admitted king, in the yeare 3659, after the building of Rome 430, & after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 218, & in the sixt after the death of Alexander. By reason [Sidenote: Queene Martia gouerneth in hir sonnes roome.] that Sicilius was not of age sufficient of himselfe to guide the kingdoms of the Britains, his mother that worthie ladie called Martia, had the gouernance both of his realme and person committed to hir charge.

She was a woman expert and skilfull in diuers sciences, but chiefelie being admitted to the gouernance of the realme, she studied to preserue the common wealth in good quiet and wholsome order, and [Sidenote: She maketh lawes.] therefore deuised and established profitable and conuenient lawes, the which after were called Martian lawes, of hir name that first made them. These lawes, as those that were thought good and necessarie for the preseruation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was long after king of England, translated also out of the British toong, into the English Saxon speech, and then were they called after that [Sidenote: Matt. West.] translation Marchenelagh, that is to meane, the lawes of Martia. To conclude, this worthie woman guided the land during the minoritie of hir sonne right politikelie; and highlie to hir perpetuall renowme and commendation. And when hir sonne came to lawfull age, she deliuered [Sidenote: Matt. Westm.] vp the gouernance into his handes. How long he reigned writers varie, some auouch but seuen yeares, though other affirme 15. which agréeth not so well with the accord of other histories and times. He was buried at London.

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Of Kimarus and his sudden end, of Elanius and his short regiment, of Morindus and his beastlie crueltie, all thrée immediatlie succeeding each other in the monarchie of Britaine, with the exploits of the last.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: KIMARUS.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] KIMARUS the sonne of Sicilius began to reigne ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3657, and after the building of Rome 442, & in the first yeare of the 117. Olimpiad. This Kimarus being a wild yoong man, and giuen to follow his lusts and pleasures, was slaine by some that were his enimies, as he was abroad in hunting, when he had reigned scarselie three yeares.

[Sidenote: ELANIUS.] ELANIUS the sonne of Kimarus, or (as other haue) his brother, began to rule the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3361, [Sidenote: Matth. West.] after the building of Rome 445, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 229, and in the fourth yeare of the Seleuciens, after which account the bookes of Machabees doo reckon, which began in the 14, after the death of Alexander. This Elanius in the English Chronicle is named also Haran; by Mat. Westm. Danius; and by an old chronicle which Fabian much followed, Elanius and Kimarus should seeme to be one person: but other hold the contrarie, and saie that he reigned fullie 8. yeares.

[Sidenote: MORINDUS.] MORINDUS the bastard sonne of Elanius was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3667, after the building of Rome 451, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 236, and in the tenth yeare of Cassander K. of Macedonia, which hauing dispatched Olimpias the mother of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexanders sonne into his hands, vsurped the kingdome of the Macedonians, and held it 15 yéeres. This Morindus in the English chronicle is called Morwith, and was a man of worthie fame in chiualrie and martiall dooings, but so cruell withall, that his vnmercifull nature could scarse be satisfied with the torments of them that had offended him, although oftentimes with his owne hands he cruellie put them to torture and execution. He was also beautifull and comelie of personage, liberall and bounteous, and of a maruellous strength.

[Sidenote: G. Mon.] In his daies, a certeine king of the people called Moriani, with a great armie landed in Northumberland, and began to make cruell warre vpon the inhabitants. But Morindus aduertised héerof, assembled his Britains, came against the enimies, and in battell putting them to flight, chased them to their ships, and tooke a great number of them prisoners, whome to the satisfieng of his cruell nature he caused to be slaine euen in his presence. Some of them were headed, some strangled, some panched, and some he caused to be slaine quicke.

[Sidenote: The like may be thought of those Murreis or Morauians of whom H.B. speaketh.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] ¶ These people (whome Gal. Mon. nameth Moriani) I take to be either those that inhabited about Terrouane and Calice, called Morini, or some other people of the Galles or Germaines, and not as some estéeme them, Morauians, or Merhenners, which were not known to the world (as Humfrey Llhoyd hath verie well noted) till about the daies of the emperour Mauricius, which misconstruction of names hath brought the British historie further out of credit than reason requireth, if the circumstances be dulie considered.

But now to end with Morindus. At length this bloudie prince heard of a monster that was come a land out of the Irish sea, with the which when he would néeds fight, he was deuoured of the same, after he had reigned the terme of 8 yeeres, leauing behind him fiue sonnes, Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, or Nigenius, and Peredurus.

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Of Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the fiue sons of Morindius, the building of Cambridge, the restitution of Archigallus to the regiment after his depriuation, Elidurus three times admitted king, his death and place of interrement.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GORBOMEN OR GORBONIANUS.] GORBONIANUS the first son of Morindus succéeded his father in the kingdome of Britain, in the yéere of the world 3676, after the building of Rome 461, and fourth yéere of the 121. Olimpiad. This Gorbonianus in the English chronicle is named Granbodian, and was a [Sidenote: A righteous and religious prince.] righteous prince in his gouernment, and verie deuout (according to such deuotion as he had) towards the aduancing of the religion of his gods: and thervpon he repaired all the old temples through his kingdome, and erected some new.

He also builded the townes of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton writeth) and was beloued both of the rich and poore, for he honoured the rich, and relieued the poore in time of their necessities. In his time was more plentie of all things necessarie for the wealthfull state of man, than had béene before in anie of his predecessors daies. He died without issue, after he had reigned (by the accord of most writers) about the terme of ten yeares.

[Sidenote: Cambridge by whome it was built.] Some write that this Gorbonian built the townes of Cairgrant, now called Cambridge, & also Grantham, but some thinke that those which haue so written are deceiued, in mistaking the name; for that Cambridge was at the first called Granta: and by that meanes it might be that Gorbonian built onlie Grantham, and not Cambridge, namelie because other write how that Cambridge (as before is said) was built in the daies of Gurguntius the sonne of Beline, by one Cantaber a Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Partholoin by the aduice of the same Gurguntius, got seates for himselfe and his companie in Ireland (as before ye haue heard.)

The said Cantaber also obteining licence of Gurguntius, builded a towne vpon the side of the riuer called Canta, which he closed with walles, and fortified with a strong tower or castell, and after procuring philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth he had bene a student) he placed them there, and so euen then was that place furnished (as they saie) with learned men, and such as were readie to instruct others in knowledge of letters and philosophicall doctrine. But by whome or in what time soeuer it was built, certeine it is that there was a citie or towne walled in that place before the comming of the Saxons, called by the Britaines Caergrant, and by the Saxons Granchester.

This towne fell so to ruine by the inuasion of the Saxons, that at length it was in maner left desolate, and at this day remaineth as a village. But néere therevnto vnder the Saxon kings, an other towne was built, now called Cambridge, where by the fauour of king Sigebert and Felix a Burgundian, that was bishop of Dunwich, a schoole was erected, as in place conuenient shall appeare.

[Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS.] ARCHIGALLUS, the second sonne of Morindus, and brother vnto Gorbonianus, was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare 3686, after the building of the citie of Rome 470, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 255, and in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Archigallus (in the English chronicle called Artogaill) followed not the steppes of his brother, but giuing [Sidenote: He is giuen to nourish dissention.] himselfe to dissention and strife, imagined causes against his nobles, that he might displace them, and set such in their roomes as were men of base birth and of euill conditions. Also he sought by vnlawfull meanes to bereaue his wealthie subiects of their goods and riches, so to inrich himselfe and impouerish his people. For the which his inordinate dooings, his nobles conspired against him, and finallie depriued him of all his honor and kinglie dignitie, after he had reigned about the space of one yeare.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS.] ELIDURUS the third sonne of Morindus, and brother to Archigallus, was by one consent of the Britains chosen to reigne ouer them in his brothers stead, after the creation of the world 3687, and after the building of the citie of Rome 471, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 256, & in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Elidurus in the English chronicle named Hesider, or Esoder, prooued a most righteous prince, and doubting least he should doo otherwise than became him, if he did not take care for his brother Archigallus estate, a man might woonder what diligence he shewed in trauelling with the nobles of the realme to haue his brother restored to the crowne againe.

Now as it chanced one day (being abroad on hunting in the wood called Calater) neare vnto Yorke, he found his brother Archigall wandering there in the thickest of that wildernesse, whom in most louing maner he secretlie conueied home to his house, being as then the citie of [Sidenote: By this it should séeme that Acliud should not be in Scotland, contrarie to the Scotish authors.] Aldud, otherwise called Acliud. Shortlie after he feined himselfe sicke, and in all hast sent messengers about to assemble his barons, who being come at the day appointed, he called them one after another into his priuie chamber, and there handled them in such affectuous sort with wise and discréet words, that he got their good wils to further him to their powers, for the reducing of the kingdome eftsoones into the hands of his brother Archigallus.

After this he assembled a councell at Yorke, where he so vsed the matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the said Elidurus had gouerned the land well and honourablie the space of thrée yeares, he resigned wholie his crowne and kinglie title vnto his brother Archigallo, who was receiued of the Britaines againe as king by [Sidenote: An example of brotherlie loue.] mediation of his brother in manner as before is said. ¶ A rare example of brotherlie loue, if a man shall reuolue in his mind what an inordinate desire remaineth amongst mortall men to atteine to the supreme souereintie of ruling, and to kéepe the same when they haue it once in possession. He had well learned this lesson (as may appeare by his contentation and resignation) namelie, that

Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus, Nec appetendum,

[Sidenote: Sen. in Thiess.] otherwise he would not haue béene led with such an equabilitie of mind. For this great good will and brotherlie loue by him shewed thus toward his brother, he was surnamed the godlie and vertuous.

[Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS AGAIN.] When ARCHIGALLUS was thus restored to the kingdome, and hauing learned by due correction that he must turne the leafe, and take out a new lesson, by changing his former trade of liuing into better, if he would reigne in suertie: he became a new man, vsing himselfe vprightlie in the administration of iustice, and behauing himselfe so woorthilie in all his doings, both toward the nobles & commons of his realme, that he was both beloued and dread of all his subiects. And so continuing the whole tearme of his life, finallie departed out of this world, after he had reigned this second time the space of ten yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS AGAINE.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] ELIDURUS brother to this Archigallus was then againe admitted king by consent of all the Britaines, 3700 of the world. But his two yonger brethren, Vigenius and Peredurus, enuieng the happie state of this woorthie prince, so highlie for his vertue and good gouernance [Sidenote: Brother against brother.] esteemed of the Britains, of a grounded malice conspired against him, and assembling an armie, leuied warre against him, and in a pitcht field tooke him prisoner, and put him in the tower of London, there to [Sidenote: Elidure committed to prison.] be kept close prisoner, after he had reigned now this last time the space of one yeare.

[Sidenote: VIGENIUS AND PEREDURUS.] VIGENIUS and PEREDURUS, the yoongest sonnes of Morindus, and brethren to Elidurus, began to reigne iointlie as kings of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3701, after the building of Rome 485, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 266 complet, and in the 12 yeare of Antigonus Gonatas, the sonne of Demetrius king of the Macedonians. These two brethren in the English chronicles are named Higanius and [Sidenote: Britaine divided into two realmes.] Petitur, who (as Gal. Mon. testifieth) diuided the realme betwixt them, so that all the land from Humber westward fell to Vigenius, or Higanius, the other part beyond Humber northward Peredure held. But other affirme, that Peredurus onelie reigned, and held his brother Elidurus in prison by his owne consent, forsomuch as he was not willing to gouerne.

But Gal. Mon. saith, that Vigenius died after he had reigned 7 yeares, and then Peredurus seized all the land into his owne rule, and gouerned it with such sobrietie and wisedome, that he was praised aboue all his brethren, so that Elidurus was quite forgotten of the [Sidenote: Varitie in writers.] Britains. But others write that he was a verie tyrant, and vsed himselfe verie cruellie towards the lords of his land, wherevpon they rebelled and slue him. But whether by violent hand, or by naturall [Sidenote: Caxton.] sicknesse, he finallie departed this life, after the consent of most [Sidenote: Eth. Bur.] writers, when he had reigned eight yeares, leauing no issue behind him to succéed in the gouernance of the kingdome. He builded the towne of Pikering, where his bodie was buried.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS THE THIRD TIME.] ELIDURUS then, as soone as his brother Peredurus was dead, for as much as he was next heire to the crowne, was deliuered out of prison, and now the third time admitted king of Britaine, who vsed himselfe (as before) verie orderlie in ministring to all persons right and iustice all the daies of his life, and lastlie being growne to great age died, when he had reigned now this third time (after most concordance of [Sidenote: He is buried at Caerleill.] writers) the tearme of foure yeares: and was buried at Caerleill.

* * * * *

A Chapter of digression, shewing the diuersitie of writers in opinion, touching the computation of yeares from the beginning of the British kings of this Iland downewards; since Gurguintus time, till the death of Elidurus; and likewise till King Lud reigned in his roialtie, with the names of such kings as ruled betweene the last yeare of Elidurus, and the first of Lud.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

Here is to be noted, that euen from the beginning of the British kings, which reigned here in this land, there is great diuersitie amongest writers, both touching the names, and also the times of their reignes, speciallie till they come to the death of the last mentioned [Sidenote: Polydor.] king Elidurus. Insomuch that Polydor Virgil in his historie of England, finding a manifest error (as he taketh it) in those writers whome he followeth touching the account, from the comming of Brute, vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whome our histories affirme to be the brother of Beline, that to fill vp the number which is wanting in the reckoning of the yeares of those kings which reigned after Brute, till the daies of the same Brenne & Beline, he thought good to change the order, least one error should follow an other, and so of one error making manie, he hath placed those kings which after other writers should séeme to follow Brenne and Beline, betwixt Dunuallo and Mulmucius, father to the said Beline and Brenne, and those fiue kings which stroue for the gouernement after the deceasse of the two brethren, Ferrex and Porrex, putting Guintoline to succéed after the fiue kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia, during the minoritie of hir sonne, then hir said sonne named Sicilius.

After him succéeded these whose names follow in order, Chimarius, Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigallo, who being deposed, Elidurus was made king, and so continued till he restored the gouernement (as ye haue heard) to Archigallo againe, and after his death Elidurus was eftsoones admitted, and within awhile againe deposed by Vigenius and Peredurus, and after their deceasses the third time restored. Then after his deceasse followed successiuelie Veginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntius, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Vrianus and Eliud, after whom should follow Dunuallo Molmucius, as in his proper place, if the order of things doone, & the course of time should be obserued, as Polydor gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those authours whom (as I said) he followeth, if they will that Brennus which led the Galles to Rome be the same that was sonne to the said Dunuallo Mulmucius, and brother to Beline.

But sith other haue in better order brought out a perfect agréement in the account of yeares, and succession of those kings, which reigned and gouerned in this land before the sacking of Rome; and also another such as it is after the same, and before the Romans had anie perfect knowledge thereof; we haue thought good to follow them therein, leauing to euerie man his libertie to iudge as his knowledge shall serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncerteine, by reason of variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalfe.

And euen as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus, till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater after his deceasse, speciallie till king Lud atteined the kingdóme. [Sidenote: Fabian.] But as maie be gathered by that which Fabian and other whome he followeth doo write, there passed aboue 185 yeares betwixt the last yeare of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his reigne, in the which time there reigned 32, or 33, kings, as some writers haue mentioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are these immediatlie héere named; Regnie the sonne of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a worthie prince, who iustlie and mercifullie gouerned his people; Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble prince likewise, and guiding his subiects in good quiet; Emerian brother to the same Margan, but far vnlike to him in maners, so that he was deposed in the sixt yeare of his reigne; Ydwallo sonne to Vigenius; Rimo the sonne of Peredurus; Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus; Catell that was buried at Winchester; Coill that was buried at Nottingham; Porrex a vertuous and most gentle prince; Cherinus a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus; these thrée were sonnes to Chercinus, and reigned successiuelie one after [Sidenote: Vrianus.] another; after them a sonne of Androgeus; then Eliud, Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Bledgabredus an excellent musician: after him his brother Archemall; then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him his sonne Gligweil an vpright dealing prince, and a good iusticiarie; whom succeeded his sonne Helie, which reigned 60 yeares, as the forsaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where other affirme that he reigned 40 yeares, and some againe say that he reigned but 7 moneths.

There is great diuersitie in writers touching the reignes of these kings, and not onlie for the number of yéeres which they should continue in their reignes but also in their names: so that to shew the diuersitie of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the dooings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approoued author. But this maie suffice to aduertise you, that by conferring the yéeres attributed to the other kings which reigned before them, since the comming of Brute, who should enter this land (as by the best writers is gathered) about the yéere before the building of Rome 367, which was in the yéere after the creation of the world 2850 (as is said) with their time, there remaineth 182 yéeres to be dealt amongst these 33 kings, which reigned betwixt the said Elidure & Lud, which Lud also began his reigne after the building of the citie of Rome (as writers affirme) about 679 yéeres, and in the yéere of the world 3895, as some that will séeme the precisest calculators doo gather.

Polydor Virgil changing (as I haue shewed) the order of succession in the British kings, in bringing diuerse of those kings, which after other writers followed Beline and Brenne, to precéed them so successiuelie after Beline and Brenne, reherseth those that by his coniecture did by likelihood succéed, as thus. After the decesse of Beline, his sonne Gurguntius, being the second of that name, succeeded in gouernment of the land, and then these in order as they follow: Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Duinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had issue, Lud, Cassibellane, and Neurius.

* * * * *

Of king Helie who gaue the name to the Ile of Elie, of king Lud, and what memorable edifices he made, London sometimes called Luds towne, his bountifulnes, and buriall.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Here note by the waie a thing not to be forgotten, that of the [Sidenote: Whereof the Ile of Elie tooke name.] foresaid Helie the last of the said 33 kings, the Ile of Elie tooke the name, bicause that he most commonlie did there inhabit, building in the same a goodly palace, and making great reparations of the sluces, ditches & causies about that Ile, for conueiance awaie of the water, that els would sore haue indamaged the countrie. There be that haue mainteined, that this Ile should rather take name of the great abundance of éeles that are found in these waters and fennes wherwith this Ile is inuironed. But Humfrey Llhoyd holdeth, that it tooke name of this British word Helig, which signifieth willowes, wherwith those fennes abound.

[Sidenote: LUD.] After the decesse of the same Helie, his eldest son Lud began his reigne, in the yéere after the creation of the world 3895, after the building of the citie of Rome 679, before the comming of Christ 72, [Sidenote: A worthie prince.] and before the Romanes entred Britaine 19 yéeres. This Lud proued a right worthie prince, amending the lawes of the realme that were defectiue, abolishing euill customs and maners vsed amongst his people, and repairing old cities and townes which were decaied: but speciallie he delited most to beautifie and inlarge with buildings the [Sidenote: London inclosed with a wal.] [Sidenote: Iohn Hard.] citie of Troinouant, which he compassed with a strong wall made of lime and stone, in the best maner fortified with diuerse faire towers: and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which he commanded to be called after his name, Luds gate, and so vnto this daie it is called Ludgate, (S) onelie drowned in pronuntiation of the word.

[Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] In the same citie also he soiorned for the more part, by reason whereof the inhabitants increased, and manie habitations were builded to receiue them, and he himselfe caused buildings to be made betwixt London stone and Ludgate, and builded for himselfe not farre from the [Sidenote: The bishops palace.] said gate a faire palace, which is the bishop of Londons palace beside Paules at this daie, as some thinke; yet Harison supposeth it to haue bin Bainards castell, where the blacke friers now standeth. He also builded a fairer temple néere to his said palace, which temple (as some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this daie called Paules. By reason that king Lud so much esteemed that citie before all other of his realme, inlarging it so greatlie as he did, and [Sidenote: The name of Troinouant changed and called London.] continuallie in manner remained there, the name was changed, so that it was called Caerlud, that is to saie, Luds towne: and after by corruption of spéech it was named London.

Beside the princelie dooings of this Lud touching the aduancement of the common wealth by studies apperteining to the time of peace, he was also strong & valiant in armes, in subduing his enimies, bountious and liberall both in gifts and kéeping a plentifull house, so that he was greatlie beloued of all the Britaines. Finallie, when he had reigned with great honour for the space of 11 yéeres, he died, and was buried néere Ludgate, leauing after him two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius or Tenancius.

* * * * *

Of Cassibellane and his noble mind, Iulius Cæsar sendeth Caius Volusenus to suruey the coasts of this Iland, he lieth with his fleet at Calice, purposing to inuade the countrie, his attempt is bewraied and withstood by the Britains.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CASSIBELLANE.] CASSIBELLANE, the brother of Lud was admitted king of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3908, after the building of Rome 692, and before the comming of Christ 58 complet. For sith the two sonnes of Lud were not of age able to gouerne, the rule of the land was committed to [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] Cassibellane: but yet (as some haue written) he was not created king, but rather appointed ruler & protector of the land, during the nonage [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] of his nephewes. Now after he was admitted (by whatsoeuer order) to the administration of the common wealth, he became so noble a prince and so bountious, that his name spred farre and néere, and by his vpright dealing in seeing iustice executed he grew in such estimation, that the Britaines made small account of his nephewes, in comparison of the fauour which they bare towards him. But Cassibellane hauing respect to his honour, least it might be thought that his nephewes were expelled by him out of their rightfull possessions, brought them [Sidenote: Matt. West.] vp verie honourablie; assigning to Androgeus, London and Kent; and to Theomantius the countrie of Cornwall. Thus farre out of the British histories, whereby it maie be gathered, that the yéeres assigned to these kings that reigned before Cassibellane, amount to the summe of 1058.

[Sidenote: Polydor.] But whether these gouernors (whose names we haue recited) were kings, or rather rulers of the common wealth, or tyrants and vsurpers of the gouernment by force, it is vncerteine: for not one ancient writer of anie approued authoritie maketh anie remembrance of them: and by that which Iulius Cesar writeth, it maie and dooth appéere, that diuerse cities in his daies were gouerned of themselues, as héereafter it shall more plainlie appéere. Neither doth he make mention of those townes which the British historie affirmeth to be built by the same kings. In déed both he and other Latine writers speake of diuerse people that inhabited diuers portions of this land, as of the Brigantes, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in what parts most of the said people did certeinlie inhabit, it is hard to auouch for certeine truth.

But what Iohn Leland thinketh héereof, being one in our time that curiouslie searched out old antiquities, you shall after heare as [Sidenote: Hector Boetius his fault.] occasion serueth: and likewise the opinions of other, as of Hector Boetius, who coueting to haue all such valiant acts as were atchiued by the Britains to be ascribed to his countriemen the Scots, draweth both the Silures and Brigantes, with other of the Britains so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of the Scotish countries. And what particular names soeuer they had, yet were they all Scots with him, and knowne by that generall name (as he would persuade vs to beléeue) saieng that they entred into Britaine out of Ireland 330 yéeres before the incarnation of our Sauiour.

Neuerthelesse, how generall soeuer the name of Scots then was, sure it is, that no speciall mention of them is made by anie writer, till about 300 yeares after the birth of our sauiour. And yet the Romans, which ruled this land, and had so much adoo with the people thereof, make mention of diuerse other people, nothing so famous as Boetius would make his Scotish men euen then to be. But to leaue to the Scots the antiquitie of their originall beginning, as they and other must doo vnto vs our descent from Brute and the other Troians, sith the [Sidenote: More certeintie from hence forth appeareth in the historie.] contrarie dooth not plainelie appeare, vnlesse we shall leane vnto presumptions: now are we come to the time in the which what actes were atchiued, there remaineth more certeine record, and therefore may we the more boldlie procéed in this our historie.

[Sidenote: Iulius Cesar.] In this season that Cassibellane had roiall gouernment héere in Britaine, Caius Iulius Cesar being appointed by the senat of Rome to conquer Gallia, was for that purpose created consull, and sent with a mightie army into the countrie, where after he had brought the Galles [Sidenote: Cesar de bello Gal. lib. 4.] [Sidenote: Britains unknowne to the Romans.] vnto some frame, he determined to assaie the winning of Britaine, which as yet the Romans knew not otherwise than by report. The chiefest cause that mooued him to take in hand that enterprise, was for that he did vnderstand, that there dailie came great succours out of that Ile to those Galles that were enimies vnto the Romans. And [Sidenote: Cesar de bello Gall. lib. 4.] [Sidenote: Causes of the warre.] [Sidenote: Cesars purpose.] though the season of that yéere to make warre was farre spent (for summer was almost at an end) yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he might but passe ouer thither, and learne what maner of people did inhabit there, and discouer the places, hauens, and entries apperteining to that Ile.

Héerevpon calling togither such merchants as he knew to haue had traffike thither with some trade of wares, he diligentlie inquired of them the state of the Ile: but he could not be throughlie satisfied in anie of those things that he coueted to know. Therefore thinking it good to vnderstand all things by view that might apperteine to the vse of that warre which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the [Sidenote: Caius Volusenus sent ouer into Britaine.] same, he sent one Caius Volusenus with a gallie or light pinesse to surueie the coasts of the Ile, commanding him (after diligent search made) to returne with spéed to him againe. He him selfe also drew downewards towards Bullenois, from whence the shortest cut lieth to passe ouer into Britaine.

[Sidenote: Iohn Leland.] [Sidenote: Polydor.] In that part of Gallia there was in those daies an hauen called Itius Portus (which some take to be Calice) and so the word importeth, an harbourgh as then able to receiue a great number of ships. Vnto this hauen got Cesar all the ships he could out of the next borders & parties, and those speciallie which he had prouided and put in a readinesse the last yeare for the warres (against them of Vannes in Armorica, now called Britaine in France) he caused to be brought thither, there to lie till they should heare further. In the meane [Sidenote: Vannes in Britane.] time (his indeuour being knowne, and by merchants reported in Britaine) all such as were able to beare armour, were commanded and appointed to repaire to the sea side, that they might be readie to defend their countrie in time of so great danger of inuasion.

¶ Cesar in his commentaries agréeth not with our historiographers: for he writeth that immediatlie vpon knowledge had that he would inuade Britaine, there came to him ambassadours from diuers cities of the Ile to offer themselues to be subiects to the Romans, and to deliuer hostages. Whome after he had exhorted to continue in their good mind, [Sidenote: Comius.] he sent home againe, and with them also one Comius gouernor of Artois, commanding him to repaire vnto as manie cities in Britaine as he might, and to exhort them to submit themselues to the Romans. He maketh no mention of Cassibellane, till the second iournie that he made into the Ile, at what time the said Cassibelane was chosen (as ye shall heare) to be the generall capteine of the Britains, and to haue the whole administration of the warre for defense of the countrie: but he nameth him not to be a king. Howbeit in the British historie it is [Sidenote: Which is more likelie in this behalfe, as appeared by the sequel.] contained, that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelane, and that he answered how he had not learned as yet to liue in seruage, but to defend the libertie of his countrie, and that with weapon in hand (if néede were) as he should well perceiue, if (blinded through couetousnesse) he should aduenture to séeke to disquiet the Britains.

* * * * *

Caius Volusenus discouereth to Cæsar his observations in the Ile of Britaine, he maketh haste to conquere it, the Britains defend their countrie against him, Cæsar after consultation had changeth his landing place, the Romans are put to hard shifts, the Britains begin to giue backe, the courage of a Roman ensigne-bearer, a sharpe encounter betweene both armies.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Volusenus returneth.] CAIUS VOLUSENUS within fiue daies after his departure from Cesar, returned vnto him with his gallie, and declared what he had séene touching the view which he had taken of the coasts of Britan. Cesar hauing got togither so manie saile as he thought sufficient for the [Sidenote: Cesar with two legions of souldiers passeth ouer into Britain.] transporting of two legions of souldiers, after he had ordered his businesse as he thought expedient, and gotten a conuenient wind for his purpose, did embarke himselfe and his people, and departed from Calice in the night about the third watch (which is about three or foure of the clocke after midnight) giuing order that the horssemen should take ship at an other place 8 miles aboue Calice, and follow him. Howbeit when they somewhat slacked the time, about ten of the clocke in the next day, hauing the wind at will, he touched on the coast of Britaine, where he might behold all the shore set and couered [Sidenote: The Britans readie to defend their countrie.] with men of warre. For the Britains hearing that Cesar ment verie shortlie to come against them, were assembled in armour to resist him: and now being aduertised of his approch to the land, they prepared themselues to withstand him.

[Sidenote: Cesar calleth a councell.] Cesar perceiuing this, determined to staie till the other ships were come, and so he lay at anchor till about 11 of the clocke, and then called a councell of the marshals and chiefe capteines, vnto whome he declared both what he had learned of Volusenus, and also further what he would haue doone, willing them that all things might be ordered as the reason of warre required. And because he perceiued that this place where he first cast anchor was not méete for the landing of his people, sith (from the heigth of the cliffes that closed on ech side the narrow créeke into the which he had thrust) the Britains might annoy his people with their bowes and dartes, before they could set foote on land, hauing now the wind and tide with him, he disanchored [Sidenote: This was about day.] from thence, and drew alongst the coast vnder the downes, the space of 7 or 8 miles, and there finding the shore more flat and plaine, he approched néere to the land, determining to come to the shore.

The Britains perceiuing Cesars intent, with all spéed caused their horssemen and charets or wagons, which Cesar calleth Esseda, out of the which in those daies they vsed to fight, to march forth toward the place whither they saw Cesar drew, and after followed with their maine armie. Wherefore Cesar being thus preuented, inforced yet to land with his people, though he saw that he should haue much a doo. For as the Britains were in redinesse to resist him, so his great and huge ships could not come néere the shore, but were forced to kéepe the déepe, so [Sidenote: The Romans put to their shifts.] that the Romane soldiers were put to verie hard shift; to wit, both to leape forth of their ships, and being pestered with their heauie armour and weapons, to fight in the water with their enimies, who knowing the flats and shelues, stood either vpon the drie ground, or else but a little waie in the shallow places of the water; and being not otherwise encumbred either with armour or weapon, but so as they might bestir themselues at will, they laid load vpon the Romans with their arrowes and darts, and forced their horsses (being thereto inured) to enter the water the more easilie, so to annoy and distresse the Romans, who wanting experience in such kind of fight, were not well able to helpe themselues, nor to keepe order as they vsed to doo on land: wherfore they fought nothing so lustilie as they were woont to doo. Cesar perceiuing this, commanded the gallies to depart from the great ships, and to row hard to the shore, that being placed ouer against the open sides of the Britains, they might with their shot of arrows, darts, and slings, remoue the Britains, and cause them to withdraw further off from the water side.

[Sidenote: The Britans astonied.] This thing being put in execution (according to his commandement) the Britains were not a little astonied at the strange sight of those gallies, for that they were driuen with ores, which earst they had not séene, and shrewdlie were they galled also with the artillerie which the Romans discharged vpon them, so that they began to shrinke and retire somewhat backe. Herewith one that bare the ensigne of the [Sidenote: The valiant courage of an ensigne bearer.] legion surnamed Decima, wherein the eagle was figured, as in that which was the chiefe ensigne of the legion, when he saw his fellowes nothing eager to make forward, first beséeching the gods that his enterprise might turne to the weale, profit, and honor of the legion, he spake with a lowd voice these words to his fellowes that were about him; "Leape forth now euen you woorthie souldiers (saith he) if you will not betraie your ensigne to the enimies: for surelie I will acquit my selfe according to my duetie both towards the common wealth, and my generall:" and therewith leaping forth into the water, he marched with his ensigne streight vpon the enimies. The Romans douting to lose their ensigne, which should haue turned them to great reproch, leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their standard, so that there ensued a sore re-encounter: and that which troubled the Romans most, was because they could not keepe their order, neither find anie sure footing, nor yet follow euerie man his owne ensigne, but to put themselues vnder that ensigne which he first met withall after their first comming forth of the ship.

The Britains that were inured with the shelues and shallow places of the water, when they saw the Romans thus disorderlie come out of their [Sidenote: The fiercenesse of the Britains.] ships, ran vpon them with their horsses, and fiercelie assailed them, and now and then a great multitude of the Britains would compasse in and inclose some one companie of them: and other also from the most open places of the shore bestowed great plentie of darts vpon the whole number of the Romans, and so troubled them verie sore.

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The Romans get to land on the English coast, the Britains send to Cæsar for a treatie of peace, they staie the Romane ambassadour as prisoner, Cæsar demandeth hostages of the Britains, the Romane nauie is driuen diuers waies in a great tempest, the British princes steale out of Cæsars campe and gather a fresh power against the Romans, their two armies haue a sharpe encounter.

THE TWELFT CHAPTER.

CAESAR perceiuing the maner of this fight, caused his men of warre to enter into boates and other small vessels, which he commanded to go to such places where most néed appeared. And relieuing them that fought [Sidenote: The Romans get to land.] with new supplies, at length the Romans got to land, and assembling togither, they assailed the Britains a fresh, and so at last did put [Sidenote: The want of horssemen.] them all to flight. But the Romans could not follow the Britains farre, because they wanted their horssemen which were yet behind, & through slacking of time could not come to land. And this one thing séemed onelie to disappoint the luckie fortune that was accustomed to follow Cesar in all his other enterprises.

[Sidenote: The Britans send to Cesar.] The Britains after this flight were no sooner got togither, but that with all speed they sent ambassadours vnto Cesar to treat with him of peace, offering to deliuer hostages, and further to stand vnto that order that Cesar should take with them in anie reasonable sort. With [Sidenote: Comius of Arras.] these ambassadours came also Comius, whome Cesar (as you haue heard) had sent before into Britaine, whome notwithstanding that he was an ambassadour, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions sufficientlie furnished, yet had they staied him as a prisoner. But now after the battell was ended, they set him at libertie, and sent him backe with their ambassadours, who excused the matter, laieng the blame on the people of the countrie; which had imprisoned him through lacke of vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes and nations in that behalfe.

Cesar found great fault with their misdemenor, not onelie for imprisoning his ambassador, but also for that contrarie to their promise made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to deliuer hostages, in lieu thereof they had receiued him with warre: yet in the end he said he would pardon them, and not séeke anie further reuenge [Sidenote: Cesar demandeth hostages.] of their follies. And herewith required of them hostages, of which, part were deliuered out of hand, and made promise that the residue should likewise be sent after, crauing some respit for performance of the same, bicause they were to be fetched farre off within the countrie.

Peace being thus established after the fourth day of the Romans arriuall in Britaine, the 18 ships which (as ye haue heard) were appointed to conuey the horssemen ouer, loosed from the further hauen with a soft wind. Which when they approched so néere the shore of Britaine, that the Romans which were in Cesars campe might see them, suddenlie there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to kéepe his course, so that they were not onelie driuen in sunder (some being caried againe into Gallia, and some westward) but also the other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought ouer the armie, were so pitifullie beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them did not onelie lose their tackle, but also were caried by force of wind into the high sea; the rest being likewise so filled with water, that they were in danger by sinking to perish and to be quite lost. For the moone in the same night was at the full, & therefore caused a spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater perill of those ships and gallies that lay at anchor. There was no way for the Romans to helpe the matter: wherefore a great number of those ships were so bruised, rent and weather-beaten, that without new reparation they would serue to no vse of sailing. This was a great discomfort to the Romans that had brought ouer no prouision to liue by in the winter season, nor saw anie hope how they should repasse againe into Gallia.

In the meane time the British princes that were in the Romane armie, perceiuing how greatlie this mishap had discouraged the Romans, and again by the small circuit of their campe, gessing that they could be no great number, and that lacke of vittels sore oppressed them, they stale priuilie away one after another out of the campe, purposing to assemble their powers againe, and to forestall the Romans from vittels, and so to driue the matter off till winter: which if they might doo (vanquishing these or closing them from returning) they trusted that none of the Romans from thencefoorth would attempt eftsoones to come into Britaine. Cesar mistrusting their dealings, because they staid to deliuer the residue of their hostages, commanded vittels to be brought out of the parties adioining, and not hauing other stuffe to repaire his ships, he caused 12 of those that were vtterlie past recouerie by the hurts receiued through violence of the tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other (in which some recouerie was perceiued) might be repaired and amended.

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The maner of the Britains fighting in charets, the Romans giue a fresh sallie to the Britains and put them to flight, they sue to Cæsar for peace; what kings and their powers were assistants to Cassibellane in the battell against Cæsar, and the maner of both peoples encounters by the report of diuers Chronologers.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

Whilest these things were a dooing, it chanced that as one of the Romane legions named the seuenth, was sent to fetch in corne out of the countrie adioining (as their custome was) no warre at that time being suspected, or once looked for, when part of the people remained abroad in the field, and part repaired to the campe: those that warded before the campe, informed Cesar, that there appeared a dust greater than was accustomed from that quarter, into the which the legion was gone to fetch in corne. Cesar iudging therof what the matter might meane, commanded those bands that warded to go with him that way foorth, and appointed other two bands to come into their roomes, and the residue of his people to get them to armor, and to follow quicklie after him.

He was not gone anie great way from the campe, when he might sée where his people were ouermatched by the enimies, and had much a doo to beare out the brunt: for the legion being thronged together, the Britains pelted them sore with arrowes and darts on ech side: for sithens there was no forrage left in anie part of the countrie about, but onelie in this place, the Britains iudged that the Romans would come thither for it: therefore hauing lodged themselues within the woods in ambushes the night before; on the morrowe after when they saw the Romans dispersed here & there, and busie to cut downe the corne, they set vpon them on a sudden, and sleaing some few of them, brought the residue out of order, compassing them about with their horssemen and charets, so that they were in great distresse.

The maner of fight with these charets was such, that in the beginning of a battell they would ride about the sides and skirts of the enimies host, and bestow their darts as they sate in those charets, so that oftentimes with the braieng of the horsses, and craking noise of the charet whéeles they disordered their enimies, and after that they had woond themselues in amongst the troops of horssemen, they would leape out of the charets and fight on foot. In the meane time those that guided the charets would withdraw them selues out of the battell, placing themselues so, that if their people were ouermatched with the multitude of enimies, they might easilie withdraw to their charets, and mount vpon the same againe, by meanes wherof they were as readie to remooue as the horssemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell as the footmen, and so to supplie both duties in one. And those charetmen by exercise and custome were so cunning in their feat, that although their horsses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay them and hold them backe at their pleasures, and turne and wind them to and fro in a moment, notwithstanding that the place were verie stéepe and dangerous: and againe they would run vp and downe verie nimblie vpon the cops, and stand vpon the beame, and conuey themselues quicklie againe into the charet.

Cesar thus finding his people in great distresse and readie to be destroied, came in good time, and deliuered them out of that danger: for the Britains vpon his approch with new succors, gaue ouer to assaile their enimies any further, & the Romans were deliuered out of the feare wherein they stood before his comming. Furthermore, Cesar considering the time serued not to assaile his enimies, kept his ground, and shortlie after brought backe his legions into the campe.

While these things were thus a dooing, & all the Romans occupied, the rest that were abroad in the fields got them away. After this there followed a sore season of raine and fowle weather, which kept the Romans within their campe, and staid the Britains from offering battell. But in the meane time they sent messengers abroad into all parts of the countrie, to giue knowledge of the small number of the Romans, and what hope there was both of great spoile to be gotten, and occasion to deliuer themselues from further danger for euer, if they might once expell the Romans out of their campe. Herevpon a great multitude both of horssemen and footmen of the Britains were spéedilie got togither, and approched the Romane campe.

Cesar although he saw that the same would come to passe which had chanced before, that if the enimies were put to the repulse, they would easilie escape the danger with swiftnesse of foot; yet hauing now with him thirtie horssemen (which Comius of Arras had brought ouer with him, when he was sent from Cesar as an ambassador vnto the Britains) he placed his legions in order of battell before his campe, and so comming to ioine with the Britains, they were not able to susteine the violent impression of the armed men, and so fled. The Romans pursued them so farre as they were able to ouertake anie of them, and so slaieng manie of them, & burning vp all their houses all about, came backe againe to their campe. Immediatlie wherevpon, euen the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to sue for peace, who gladlie accepting their offer, commanded them to send ouer into Gallia, after he should be returned thither, hostages in number duble to those that were agréed vpon at the first. After that these things were thus ordered, Cesar because the moneth of September was well-neare halfe spent, and that winter hasted on (a season not méet for his weake and bruised ships to brooke the seas) determined not to staie anie longer, but hauing wind and weather for his purpose, got himselfe aboord with his people, and returned into Gallia.

[Sidenote: Cæsar de bello Gallico. lib. 4.] ¶ Thus writeth Cesar touching his first iournie made into Britaine. But the British historie (which Polydor calleth the new historie) declareth that Cesar in a pitcht field was vanquished at the first encounter, and so withdrew backe into France. Beda also writeth, that Cesar comming into the countrie of Gallia, where the people then called Morini inhabited (which are at this day the same that inhabit the diocesse of Terwine) from whence lieth the shortest passage ouer into Britaine, now called England, got togither 80 saile of great ships and row gallies, wherewith he passed ouer into Britaine, & there at the first being wearied with sharpe and sore fight, and after taken with a grieuous tempest, he lost the greater part of his nauie, with no small number of his souldiers, and almost all his horssemen: and therwith being returned into Gallia, placed his souldiers in stéeds to soiourne there for the winter season. Thus saith Bede. The British historie moreouer maketh mention of thrée vnder-kings that aided Cassibellane in this first battell fought with Cesar, as Cridiorus alias Ederus, king of Albania, now called Scotland: Guitethus king of Venedocia, that is Northwales: and Britaell king of Demetia, at this day called Southwales.

The same historie also maketh mention of one Belinus that was generall of Cassibellanes armie, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Cesars swoord fastened in his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also and Tenancius were at the battell in aid of Cassibellane. But Nenius died within 15 daies after the battell of the hurt receiued at Cesars hand, although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of the Romane tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the best of things for his owne honour, or else coueting to write but commentaries, maketh no account to declare the néedeles circumstances, or anie more of the matter, than the chiefe points of his dealing.

[Sidenote: Hector Boet.] Againe, the Scotish historiographers write, that when it was first knowne to the Britains, that Cesar would inuade them, there came from Cassibellane king of Britaine an ambassador vnto Ederus king of Scots, who in the name of king Cassibellane required aid against the common enimies the Romains, which request was granted, and 10 thousand Scots sent to the aid of Cassibellane. At their comming to London, they were most ioifullie receiued of Cassibellane, who at the same time had knowledge that the Romans were come on land, and had beaten such Britains backe as were appointed to resist their landing. Wherevpon Cassibellane with all his whole puissance mightilie augmented, not onlie with the succours of the Scots, but also of the Picts (which in that common cause had sent also of their people to aid the Britains) set forward towards the place where he vnderstood the enimies to be.

At their first approch togither, Cassibellane sent foorth his horssemen and charets called Esseda, by the which he thought to disorder the araie of the enimies. Twice they incountred togither with doubtfull victorie. At length they ioined puissance against puissance, and fought a verie sore and cruell battell, till finally at the sudden comming of the Welshmen and Cornishmen, so huge a noise was raised by the sound of bels hanging at their trappers and charets, that the Romans astonied therewith, were more easilie put to flight. The Britains, Scots, and Picts following the chase without order or araie, so that by reason the Romans kept themselues close togither, the Britains, Scots, & Picts did scarse so much harme to the enimies as they themselues receiued. But yet they followed on still vpon the Romans till it was darke night.

Cesar after he had perceiued them once withdrawne, did what he could to assemble his companies togither, minding the next morning to séeke his reuenge of the former daies disaduantage. But forsomuch as knowledge was giuen him that his ships (by reason of a sore tempest) were so beaten and rent, that manie of them were past seruice, he doubted least such newes would incourage his enimies, and bring his people into despaire. Wherfore he determined not to fight till time more conuenient, sending all his wounded folks vnto the ships, which he commanded to be newlie rigged and trimmed. After this, kéeping his armie for a time within the place where he was incamped without issuing foorth, he shortlie drew to the sea side, where his ships laie at anchor, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose he lodged his host, and finallie without hope to atchieue anie other exploit auaileable for that time, he tooke the sea with such ships as were apt for sailing, and so repassed into Gallia, leauing behind him all the spoile and baggage for want of vessels and leisure to conueie it ouer. ¶ Thus haue the Scots in their chronicles framed the matter, more to the conformitie of the Romane histories, than according to the report of our British and English writers: and therefore we haue thought good to shew it héere, that the diuersitie of writers and their affections may the better appéere.

Of this sudden departing also, or rather fléeing of Iulius Cesar out of Britaine, Lucanus the poet maketh mention, reciting the saieng of Pompeius in an oration made by him vnto his souldiers, wherin he reprochfullie and disdainfullie reprooued the dooings of Cesar in Britaine, saieng:

Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

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Cæsar taketh a new occasion to make warre against the Britains, he arriueth on the coast without resistance, the number of his ships, both armies incounter, why Cæsar forbad the Romans to pursue the discomfited Britains, he repaireth his nauie, the Britains choose Cassibellane their cheefe gouernour, and skirmish afresh with their enimies, but haue the repulse in the end.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

Now will we returne to the sequele of the matter, as Cesar himselfe reporteth. After his comming into Gallia, there were but two cities of all Britaine that sent ouer their hostages according to their [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] couenant, which gaue occasion to Cesar to picke a new quarrell against them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) haue found some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of that Ile. Therefore purposing to passe againe thither, as he that had a great desire to bring the Britains vnder the obedience of the Romane estate, he caused a great number of ships to be prouided in the winter season and put in a readinesse, so that against the next spring there were found to be readie rigged six hundred ships, beside 28 gallies. [Sidenote: Cæsar de bello Gal. lib. 5.] Héerevpon hauing taken order for the gouernance of Gallia in his absence, about the beginning of the spring he came to the hauen of Calice, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships were come, except 40 which by tempest were driuen backe, and could not as yet come to him.

After he had staied at Calice (as well for a conuenient wind, as for other incidents) certeine daies, at length when the weather so changed that it serued his purpose, he tooke the sea, & hauing with him fiue legions of souldiers, and about two thousand horssemen, he departed out of Calice hauen about sun setting with a soft southwest wind, directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, & so by a calme he was carried alongst with the tide, so that in the morning when the day appéered, he might behold Britaine vpon his left hand. Then following the streame as the course of the tide changed, he forced with oares to fetch the shore vpon that part of the coast, which he had discouered, and tried the last yeere to be the best landing place for the armie. The diligence of the souldiers was shewed héere to be great, who with continuall toile droue foorth the heauie ships, to kéepe course with the gallies, & so at length they landed in Britaine about noone on the next day, finding not one to resist his comming ashore: for as he learned by certeine prisoners which were taken after his comming to land, the Britains being assembled in purpose to haue resisted him, through feare striken into their harts, at the discouering of such an huge number of ships, they forsooke the shore and got them vnto the mountaines. There were in deed of vessels one and other, what with vittellers, & those which priuat men had prouided and furnished foorth for their owne vse, being ioined to the ordinarie number, at the least eight hundred saile, which appeering in sight all at one time, made a wonderfull muster, and right terrible in the eies of the Britains.

But to procéed: Cesar being got to land, incamped his armie in a place conuenient: and after learning by the prisoners, into what part the enimies were withdrawne, he appointed one Quintus Atrius to remaine vpon the safegard of the nauie, with ten companies or cohorts of footmen, and thrée hundred horssemen: and anon after midnight marched foorth himselfe with the residue of his people toward the Britains, and hauing made 12 miles of way, he got sight of his enimies host, who sending downe their horssemen and charets vnto the riuer side, skirmished with the Romans, meaning to beate them backe from the higher ground: but being assailed of the Romane horssemen, they were repelled, & tooke the woods for their refuge, wherein they had got a place verie strong, both by nature and helpe of hand, which (as was to be thought) had béene fortified before, in time of some ciuill warre amongst them: for all the entries were closed with trées which had béene cut downe for that purpose. Howbeit the souldiers of the 7 legion casting a trench before them, found meanes to put backe the Britains from their defenses, and so entring vpon them, droue them out of the woods. But Cesar would not suffer the Romans to follow the Britains, bicause the nature of the countrie was not knowne vnto them: and againe the day was farre spent, so that he would haue the residue thereof bestowed in fortifieng his campe.

The next day, as he had sent foorth such as should haue pursued the Britains, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his nauie by rigour of a sore and hideous tempest was gréeuouslie molested, and throwne vpon the shore, so that the cabels and tackle being broken and destroied with force of the vnmercifull rage of wind, the maisters and mariners were not able to helpe the matter. Cesar calling backe those which he had sent foorth, returned to his ships, and finding them in such state as he had heard, tooke order for the repairing of those that were not vtterlie destroied, and caused them so to be drawne vp to the land, that with a trench he might so compasse in a plot of ground, that might serue both for defense of his ships, and also for the incamping of those men of warre, which he should leaue to attend vpon the safegard of the same. And bicause there were at the least a fortie ships lost by violence of this tempest, so as there was no hope of recouerie in them, he saw yet how the rest with great labour and cost might be repaired: wherefore he chose out wrights among the legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote ouer to such as he had left there in charge with the gouernment of the countrie, to prouide so manie ships as they could, and to send them ouer vnto him. He spent a ten daies about the repairing of his nauie, and in fortifieng the campe for defense thereof, which done, he left those within it that were appointed there before, and then returned towards his enimies.

At his comming backe to the place where he had before incamped, he found them there readie to resist him, hauing their numbers hugelie increased: for the Britains hearing that he was returned with such a mightie number of ships assembled out of all parts of the land, and had by general consent appointed the whole rule and order of all things touching the warre vnto Cassiuellane or Cassibelane, whose dominion was diuided from the cities situat néere to the sea coast, by [Sidenote: Cassibellane as should séeme, ruled in the parties of Oxfordshire, Barkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire.] the riuer of Thames, 80 miles distant from the sea coast. This Cassibellane before time had bin at continuall warre with other rulers, and cities of the land: but now the Britains moued with the comming of the Romans, chose him to be chiefe gouernour of all their armie, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the defense of their countrie against the Romans onelie to him. Their horssemen and charets skirmished by the waie with the Romans, but so as they were put backe oftentimes into the woods and hills adioining: yet the Britains slue diuers of the Romans as they followed anie thing egerlie in the pursute.

Also within a while after, as the Romans were busie in fortifieng their campe, the Britains suddenlie issued out of the woods, and fierselie assailed these that warded before the campe, vnto whose aid Cesar sent two of the chiefest cohorts of two legions, the which being placed but a little distance one from another, when the Romans began to be discouraged with this kind of fight, the Britains therewith burst through their enimies, and came backe from thence in safetie. That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune was slaine. At length Cesar sending sundrie other cohorts to the succour of his people that were in fight, and shrewdlie handled as it appéered, the Britains in the end were put backe. Neuerthelesse, that repulse was but at the pleasure of fortune; for they quited themselues afterwards like men, defending their territories with such munition as they had, vntill such time as either by policie or inequalitie of power they were vanquished; as you shall sée after in the course of the historie. Howbeit in fine they were ouer-run and vtterlie subdued, but not without much bloudshed and slaughter.

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The Romans heauie armor their great hinderance, the maner of the Britains fighting in warre, their incounter with their enimies, their discomfiture, the worthie stratagems or martiall exploits of Cassibellane, the Troinouants submission to Cæsar, and their sute touching Mandubratius, manie of the Britains are taken and slaine of the Romans.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

In all this maner of skirmishing and fight which chanced before the campe, euen in the sight and view of all men, it was perceiued that [Sidenote: The Romans heauie armor.] the Romans, by reason of their heauie armour (being not able either to follow the Britains as they retired, or so bold as to depart from their ensignes, except they would runne into danger of casting themselues awaie) were nothing méete to match with such kind of enimies: and as for their horssemen, they fought likewise in great hazard, bicause the Britains would oftentimes of purpose retire, and when they had trained the Romane horssemen a litle from their legions of footmen, they would leape out of their charrets and incounter with them on foot. And so the battell of horssemen was dangerous, and like in all points whether they pursued or retired.

[Sidenote: The manner of Britains in the warres.] This also was the maner of the Britains: they fought not close togither, but in sunder, and diuided into companies one separated from another by a good distance, and had their the troopes standing in places conuenient, to the which they might retire, and so reléeue one another with sending new fresh men to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt or wearie. The next day after they had thus fought before the campe of the Romans, they shewed themselues aloft on the hills, and began to skirmish with the Romane horssemen, but not so hotlie as they had doone the day before. But about noone, when Cesar had sent foorth thrée legions of footemen and all his horssemen vnder the [Sidenote: Caius Trebonius.] leading of his lieutenant Caius Trebonius to fetch in forrage, they suddenlie brake out on euerie side, and vpon the forragers. The Romans so far foorth as they might, not breaking their arraie, nor going from [Sidenote: Dion Cassius saith, that the Britains vanquished the Roman footmen at this time, but were put to the worst by the horssemen.] their ensignes or guidons, gaue the charge on them, and fiercelie repelled them, so that the horssemen hauing the legions of footemen at their backs, followed the Britains so long as they might haue the said legions in sight readie to succour them of néed were: by reason whereof, they slue a great number of the Britains, not giuing them leasure to recouer themselues, nor to staie that they might haue time to get out of their charrets. After this chase and discomfiture, all such as were come from other parties to the aid of their fellowes departed home, & after that day the Britains aduentured to fight against Cesar with their maine power; and withdrawing beyond the riuer of *Thames, determined to stop the enimies from passing the same, if [Sidenote: *(which is to be supposed was at Kingston) or not far from thence.] by anie meanes they might: and whereas there was but one foord by the which they might come ouer, Cassibellane caused the same to be set full of sharpe stakes, not onlie in the middest of the water, but also at the comming foorth on that side where he was lodged with his armie in good order, readie to defend the passage. Cesar learning by relation of prisoners which he tooke, what the Britains intended to doo, marched foorth to the riuer side, where the foord was, by the which his armie might passe the same on foot though verie hardlie. At his comming thither, he might perceiue how the Britains were readie on the further side to impeach his passage, and how that the banke at the comming foorth of the water was pight full of sharpe stakes, and so likewise was the chanell of the riuer set with piles which were couered with the water.

These things yet staied not Cesar, who appointing his horssemen to passe on before, commanded the footemen to follow. The souldiers entring the water, waded through with such spéed and violence (nothing appéering of them aboue water but their heads) that the Britains were constreined to giue place, being not able to susteine the brunt of the Romane horssemen, and the legions of their footemen, and so abandoning the place betooke them to flight. Cassibellane not minding to trie the matter anie more by battell, sent awaie the most part of his people, but yet kept with him about a foure thousand charretmen or wagoners, and still watched what waie the Romans tooke, coasting them euer as they marched, and kept somewhat aside within the couert of woods, and other combersome places. And out of those quarters through which he vnderstood the Romans wold passe, he gathered both men and cattell into the woods & thicke forrests, leauing nothing of value abroad in the champion countrie. And when the Roman horssemen did come abroad into the countrie to séeke booties, he sent out his charrets vnto the knowne waies and passages to skirmish with the same horssemen, so much to the disaduantage of the Romans, that they durst not straie farre from their maine armie. Neither would Cesar permit them (least they might haue béene vtterlie distressed by the Britains) to depart further than the maine battels of the footemen kept pace with them, by reason whereof the countrie was not indamaged by fire and spoile, but onlie where the armie marched.

[Sidenote: Troinouants where they inhabited.] In the meane time, the Troinouants which some take to be Middlesex & Essex men, whose citie was the best fensed of all those parties, and thought to be the same that now is called London, sent ambassadours vnto Cesar, offering to submit themselues vnto him, and to obeie his ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mandubratius from the iniuries of K. Cassibellane, which Mandubratius had fled vnto Cesar into France, after that Cassibellane had slaine his father named [Sidenote: Imanuentius.] Imanuentius, that was chiefe lord and king of the Troinouants, and so now by their ambassadors the same Troinouants requested Cesar, not onelie to receiue Mandubratius into his protection, but also to send him vnto them, that he might take the gouernment and rule of their citie into his hands. Cesar commanded them to deliuer vnto him 40 hostages, and graine for his armie, and therewith sent Mandubratius [Sidenote: Some take the Troinouants to be Londoners.] vnto them. The Troinouants accomplished his commandements with all spéed, sending both the appointed number of hostages, and also graine for the armie. And being thus defended and preserued from iniurie of the souldiers, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted themselues vnto Cesar, by whom he vnderstood that the towne of Cassibellane was not far from the place where he was then incamped fensed with wooddes and marishes, into the which a great number of people with their cattell and other substance was withdrawne. The Britains in those daies (as Cesar writeth) called that a towne or hold, which they had fortified with anie thicke combersome wood, with trench and rampire, into the which they vsed to get themselues for the auoiding of inuasion.

Cesar with his legions of souldiers therfore marched thither, and finding the place verie strong both by nature and helpe of hand, assaulted it on two partes. The Britains defending their strength a while, at length not able longer to endure the impression of the Romans, fled out on the contrarie side of the towne where the enimies were not. Within this place a great number of cattell was found, and manie of the Romans taken by the Britains that followed them in chase, and manie also slaine.

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Cassibellane dooth send vnto the foure kings of Kent for aid against Cæsars host, he offereth submission to Cæsar, the Britains become his tributaries, he returneth into Gallia with the remnant of his armie: the differing report of Cæsars commentaries and our historiographers touching these warlike affaires; of a sore fray with bloudshed and manslaughter vpon a light occasion; Cæsar taketh opportunitie to get the conquest of the land by the division betweene Cassibellane and Androgeus, the time of the Britains subiection to the Romans.

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Foure kings in Kent] Now whilest these thinges passed on this sort in those parts, Cassibellane sent messengers into Kent vnto foure kings (which ruled that side of the land in those daies) Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, commanding them, that assembling togither their whole puissance, they should assaile the campe of the Romans by the sea side where certeine bands lay (as ye haue heard) for safegard of the nauie. They according to his appointment came suddenlie thither, and by the Romans that sailed forth vpon them were sharplie fought with, and lost diuers of their men that were slaine and taken, and amongst the prisoners that the Romans tooke, Cingetorix was one. When Cassibellane heard these newes, being sore troubled for these losses thus chancing one in the necke of an other, but namelie most discouraged, for that diuers cities had yéelded vnto the Romans: he sent ambassadours by means of Romius of Arras vnto Cesar, offering to submit himselfe.

Cesar meaning to winter in Gallia, and therefore because summer drew towards an end, willing to dispatch in Britaine, commanded that hostages should be deliuered, and appointed what tribute the Britains should yéerelie send vnto the Romans. He also forbad and commanded Cassibellane, that he should not in anie wise trouble or indamage Madubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had receiued the hostages, he brought his armie to the sea, and there found his ships well repaired, decked, and in good point: therefore he commanded that they should be had downe to the sea. And because he had a great number of prisoners, and diuers of his ships were lost in the tempest, he appointed to transport his armie ouer into Gallia at two conueies, which was doone with good successe about the middest of September, though the ships returning for the residue of the armie, after the first conueie, were driuen so with force of weather, that a great number of them could not come to land at the place appointed: so that Cesar was constreined to fraught those that he could get with a greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britaine, and safelie landed with the remnant of his people in Gallia with as good [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] spéed as he could haue desired. He thought not good to leaue anie of his people behind him, knowing that if he should so doo, they were in danger to be cast awaie. And so because he could not well remaine there all the winter season for doubt of rebellion in Gallia, he was contented to take vp, and returne thither, sith he had doone sufficientlie for the time, least in coueting the more, he might haue come in perill to lose that which he had alreadie obteined.

Thus according to that which Cesar himselfe and other autentike authors haue written, was Britaine made tributarie to the Romans by [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] the conduct of the same Cesar. ¶ But our histores farre differ from this, affirming that Cesar comming the second time, was by the Britains with valiancie and martiall prowesse beaten and repelled, as he was at the first, and speciallie by meanes that Cassibellane had pight in the Thames great piles of trées piked with yron, through which his ships being entred the riuer, were perished and lost. And after his comming a land, he was vanquished in battell, and constrained to flee into Gallia with those ships that remained. For ioy of this second victorie (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, and there did sacrifice to the gods.

At this feast there fell variance betwixt two yoong gentlemen, the one named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or Eweline, being of aliance to Androgeus earle of London. They fell at discord about wrestling, and after multiplieng of words, they came to dealing of blowes, by meanes whereof parts were taken, so that there ensued a sore fraie, in the which diuerse were wounded and hurt, and amongst other Hirilda the kings nephew was slaine by the hands of Eweline. The king sore displeased herewith, meant to punish Eweline according to the order of his lawes, so that he was summoned to appeare in due forme to make answer to the murder: but Eweline by the comfort of Androgeus disobeied the summons, & departed the court with Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his lawes. The king to be reuenged vpon Androgeus, gathered a power, and began to make warre vpon him.

Androgeus perceiuing himselfe not able to withstand the kings puissance, sent letters to Iulius Cesar, exhorting him to returne into Britaine, and declaring the whole matter concerning the variance betwixt him and the king, promising to aid the Romans in all that he might. Iulius Cesar ioifull of this message, prepared his nauie, and with all spéed with a mightie host imbarked in the same, came toward Britaine: but yer he would land, doubting some treason in Androgeus, he receiued from him in hostage his sonne named Scena, and thirtie other of the best and most noble personages of all his dominion. After this he landed, and ioining with Androgeus, came into a vallie néere to Canturburie, and there incamped. Shortlie after came Cassibellane with all his power of Britains, and gaue battell to the Romans. But after the Britains had long fought and knightlie borne themselues in that battell, Androgeus came with his people on a wing, and so sharplie assailed them, that the Britains were constrained to forsake the field, and tooke themselues to flight. The which flight so discomforted them, that finallie they all fled, and gaue place to the Romans, the which pursued and slue them without mercie, so that Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrew to a place of suertie, but being enuironed about with the puissance of the Romans, and of Androgeus, who had with him seuen thousand men there in the aid [Sidenote: So saith Campion, but Galfrid Monu. saith fiue thousand.] of the Romans, Cassibellane in the end was forced to fall to a composition, in couenanting to paie a yearelie tribute of thrée thousand pounds. When Cesar had ordered his businesse as he thought conuenient, he returned and with him went Androgeus, fearing the displeasure of Cassibellane.

The reuerend father Bede writing of this matter, saith thus: After that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his souldiors abroad in the countrie to soiorne for the winter season, he caused ships to be made readie, to the number of 600, with the which repassing into Britaine, whilest he marched foorth with a mightie armie against the enimies, his ships that lay at anchor being taken with a sore tempest, were either beaten one against another, or else cast vpon the flats and sands, and so broken; so that fortie of them were vtterlie perished, and the residue with great difficultie were repaired. The horssemen of the Romans at the first encounter were put to the worsse, and Labienus the tribune slaine. In the second conflict he vanquished the Britains, not without great danger of his people. After this, he marched to the riuer of Thames, which as then was passable by foord onelie in one place and not else, as the report goeth. On the further banke of that riuer, Cassibellane was incamped with an huge multitude of enimies, and had pitcht and set the banke, and almost all the foord [Sidenote: The stakes remained to be séene in Bedes daies.] vnder the water full of sharpe stakes, the tokens of which vnto this day are to be séene, and it séemeth to the beholders that euerie of these stakes are as big as a mans thigh, sticking fast in the bottome of the riuer closed with lead. This being perceiued of the Romans, and auoided, the Britains not able to susteine the violent impression of the Roman legions, hid themselues in the woods, out of the which by often issues, they gréeuouslie and manie times assailed the Romans, and did them great damage. In the meane time the strong citie of Troinouant with hir duke Androgeus deliuering fortie hostages, yéelded vnto Cesar, whose example manie other cities following, allied themselues with the Romans, by whose information Cesar with sore fight tooke at length the towne of Cassibellane, situat betwixt two marches, fensed also with the couert of woods, & hauing within it great plentie of all things. After this Cesar returned into France, and bestowed his armie in places to soiorne there for the winter season.

The Scotish writers report, that the Britains, after the Romans were the first time repelled (as before ye haue heard) refused to receiue the aid of the Scotish men the second time, and so were vanquished, as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at length expressed. Thus much touching the war which Iulius Cesar made against the Britains, in bringing them vnder tribute to the Romans. But this tributarie subiection was hardlie mainteined for a season.

¶ Now here is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish all the Britains: for he came not amongst the northerne men, onlie discouering and subduing that part which lieth towards the French seas: so that sith other of the Roman emperors did most earnestlie trauell to bring [Sidenote: Cornelius Tacitus.] [Sidenote: In uit. Agr.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] the Britains vnder their subiection (which were euer redie to rebell so manie sundrie times) Cesar might séeme rather to haue shewed Britaine to the Romans, than to haue deliuered the possession of the same. This subiection, to the which he brought this Ile (what maner of one soeuer it was) chanced about the yeare of the world 3913, after the building of Rome 698, before the birth of our sauior 53, the first and second yeare of the 181 Olympiad, after the comming of Brute 1060, before the conquest made by William duke of Normandie 1120, and 1638 yeres before this present yere of our Lord 1585, after Harisons account.

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The state of Britaine when Cæsar offered to conquer it, and the maner of their gouernement, as diuerse authors report the same in their bookes: where the contrarietie of their opinions is to be obserued.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

After that Iulius Cesar had thus made the Britains tributaries to the Romans, and was returned into Gallia, Cassibellane reigned 7 yeares, and was vanquished in the ninth or tenth yeare after he began first to reigne so that he reigned in the whole about 15 or as some haue 17 yeares, and then died, leauing no issue behind him. There hath bin an [Sidenote: Fabian.] old chronicle (as Fabian recordeth) which he saw and followeth much in his booke, wherein is conteined, that this Cassibellane was not brother to Lud, but eldest sonne to him: for otherwise as may be thought (saith he) Cesar hauing the vpper hand, would haue displaced him from the gouernement, and set vp Androgeus the right heire to the crowne, as sonne to the said Lud. But whatsoeuer our chronicles or the British histories report of this matter, it should appere by that which Cesar writeth (as partlie ye haue heard) that Britaine in those [Sidenote: Cæsar.] daies was not gouerned by one sole prince, but by diuers, and that diuers cities were estates of themselues, so that the land was diuided into sundrie gouernements, much after the forme and maner as Germanie and Italie are in our time, where some cities are gouerned by one onelie prince, some by the nobilitie, and some by the people. And whereas diuers of the rulers in those daies here in this land were called kings, those had more large seigniories than the other, as [Sidenote: Cassibellane a King.] Cassibellane, who was therefore called a king.

And though we doo admit this to be true, yet may it be, that in the beginning, after Brute entered the land, there was ordeined by him a monarchie, as before is mentioned, which might continue in his posteritie manie yeares after, and yet at length before the comming of Cesar, through ciuil dissention, might happilie be broken, and diuided into parts, and so remained not onelie in the time of this Cassibellane, but also long after, whilest they liued as tributaries to the Romans, till finallie they were subdued by the Saxons. In which meane time, through the discord, negligence, or rather vnaduised rashnes of writers, hard it is to iudge what may be affirmed and receiued in their writings for a truth; namelie, concerning the succession of the kings that are said to haue reigned betwixt the [Sidenote: Cor. Tacit. in uita. lib. Agr.] daies of Cassibellane, and the comming of the Saxons. The Roman writers (and namelie Tacitus) report, that the Britains in times past were vnder the rule of kings, and after being made tributaries, were drawne so by princes into sundrie factions, that to defend and kéepe off a common ieopardie, scarselie would two or thrée cities agrée togither, and take weapon in hand with one accord, so that while they fought by parts, the whole was ouercome. And after this sort they say that Britaine was brought into the forme of a prouince by the Romans, from whom gouernors vnder the name of legats and procurators were sent that had the rule of it.

But yet the same authors make mention of certeine kings (as hereafter shall appeare) who while the Romane emperors had the most part of the [Sidenote: Gildas in epist.] earth in subiection, reigned in Britaine. The same witnesseth Gildas, saieng: Britaine hath kings, but they are tyrants: iudges it hath, but the same are wicked, oftentimes spoiling and tormenting the innocent people. And Cesar (as ye haue heard) speaketh of foure kings that ruled in Kent, and thereabouts. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of [Sidenote: Some take Prasutagus and Aruiragus to be one man.] Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, that were kings in Britaine: and Iuuenal speaketh of Aruiragus: and all the late writers, of Lucius. Hereby it appeareth, that whether one or mo, yet kings there were in Britain, bearing rule vnder the Romane emperors.

[Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] On the other part, the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is, that the chiefe gouernment remained euer with the Britains, & that the Romane senat receiuing a yearelie tribute, sent at certeine times (Ex officio) their emperors and lieutenants into this Ile, to represse the rebellious tumults therein begun, or to beat backe the inuasion of the enimies that went about to inuade it. And thus would these writers inferre, that the Britains euer obeied their king, till at length they were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons. But whereas in the common historie of England, the succession of kings ought to be kept, so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not anie to fill the place, then one while the Romane emperors are placed in their steads, and another while their lieutenants, and are said to be created kings of the Britains, as though the emperors were inferiors vnto the kings of Britaine, and that the Romane lieutenants at their appointments, and not by prescript of the senat or emperours, administred the prouince.

This may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers. Now we will go foorth in following our historie, as we haue doone heretofore, sauing that where the Romane histories write of things done here by emperors, or their lieutenants, it shall be shewed as reason requireth, sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned.

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Of Theomantius, the tearme of yeares that he reigned, and where he was interred; of Kymbeline, within the time of whose gouernment Christ Iesus our sauiour was borne, all nations content to obeie the Romane emperors and consequentlie Britaine, the customes that the Britaines paie the Romans as Strabo reporteth.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: THEOM[=A]DEUS ] After the death of Cassibellane, Theomantius or Tenantius the yoongest sonne of Lud was made king of Britaine in the yéere of the world 3921, [Sidenote: Fabian.] after the building of Rome 706, & before the comming of Christ 45. He is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace: in the same chronicle it is conteined, that not he, but his brother Androgeus was [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] king, where Geffrey of Monmouth & others testifie, that Androgeus abandoned the land clerelie, & continued still at Rome, because he knew the Britains hated him for treason he had committed in aiding Iulius Cesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet, and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had granted, and finallie departed this life after he had reigned 22 yeares, and was buried at London.

[Sidenote: KYMBELINE.] KYMBELINE or CIMBELINE the sonne of Theomantius was of the Britains made king after the deceasse of his father, in the yeare of the world 3944, after the building of Rome 728, and before the birth of our [Sidenote: Fabian out of Guido de Columna.] Sauiour 33. This man (as some write) was brought vp at Rome, and there made knight by Augustus Cesar, vnder whome he serued in the warres, and was in such fauour with him, that he was at libertie to pay his tribute or not. Little other mention is made of his dooings, except [Sidenote: Christ our saviour borne.] that during his reigne, the Sauiour of the world our Lord Iesus Christ the onelie sonne of God was borne of a virgine, about the 23 yeare of the reigne of this Kymbeline, & in the 42 yeare of the emperour [Sidenote: 3966.] Octauius Augustus, that is to wit, in the yeare of the world 3966, in the second yeare of the 194 Olympiad, after the building of the citie of Rome 750 nigh at an end, after the vniuersall floud 2311, from the birth of Abraham 2019, after the departure of the Israelits out of Egypt 1513, after the captiuitie of Babylon 535, from the building of the temple by Salomon 1034, & from the arriuall of Brute 1116, complet. Touching the continuance of the yeares of Kymbelines reigne, some writers doo varie, but the best approoued affirme, that he reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried at London, leauing behind him two sonnes, Guiderius and Aruiragus.

¶ But here is to be noted, that although our histories doo affirme, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius liued in quiet with the Romans, and continuallie to them paied the tributes which the Britains had couenanted with Iulius Cesar to pay, yet we find in the Romane writers, that after Iulius Cesars death, when Augustus had taken vpon him the rule of the empire, the Britains [Sidenote: Cor. Tacitus.] [Sidenote: in uita lib. Agr.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] refused to paie that tribute: whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth, Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was contented to winke; howbeit, through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were desirous to sée the vttermost of the British kingdome; at length, to wit, in the tenth yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar, which was about the thirtéenth yeare of the said Theomantius, Augustus made [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] prouision to passe with an armie ouer into Britaine, & was come forward vpon his iournie into Gallia Celtica: or as we maie saie, into these hither parts of France.

But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians, which inhabited the countrie now called Hungarie, and the Dalmatians whome now we call Slauons had rebelled, he thought it best first to subdue those rebells neere home, rather than to séeke new countries, and leaue such in hazard whereof he had present possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the warres of Britaine, whereby the land remained without feare of anie inuasion to be made by the Romans, till the yeare after the building of the citie of Rome 725, and about the 19 yeare of king Theomantius reigne, that Augustus with an armie departed once againe from Rome to passe ouer into Britaine, there to make warre. But after his comming into Gallia, when the Britains sent to him certeine ambassadours to treat with him of peace, he staied there to settle the state of things among the Galles, for that they were not in verie good order. And hauing finished there, he went into Spaine, and so his iournie into Britaine was put off till the next yeare, that is, the 726 after the building of Rome, which fell before the birth of our sauiour 25, about which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to haue made a [Sidenote: He kept not promise with the Romans.] [Sidenote: Those of Calice and Biskaie.] voiage into Britaine, because they could not agrée vpon couenants. But as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime staied him, when (as before is said) he meant to haue gone against the Britans: so euen now the Salassians (a people inhabiting about Italie and Switserland) the Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised, withdrew him from his purposed iournie. But whether this controuersie which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britains and Augustus, was occasioned by Kymbeline, or some other prince of the Britains, I haue not to auouch: for that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline being brought vp in Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, euer shewed himselfe a friend to the Romans, & chieflie was loth to breake with them, because the youth of the Britaine nation should not be depriued of the benefit to be trained and brought vp among the Romans, whereby they might learne both to behaue themselues like ciuill men, and to atteine to the knowledge of feats of warre.

But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the almightie God so to dispose the minds of men at that present, not onlie the Britains, but in manner all other nations were contented to be obedient to the Romane empire. That this was true in the Britains, it [Sidenote: Strab. Geog.] is euident enough by Strabos words, which are in effect as followeth. "At this present (saith he) certeine princes of Britaine, procuring by ambassadors and dutifull demeanors the amitie of the emperour Augustus, haue offered in the capitoll vnto the gods presents or gifts, and haue ordeined the whole Ile in a manner to be appertinent, proper, and familiar to the Romans. They are burdened with sore customs which they paie for wares, either to be sent foorth into Gallia, or brought from thence, which are commonlie yuorie vessels, shéeres, ouches, or earerings, and other conceits made of amber & glasses, and such like manner of merchandize: so that now there is no néed of anie armie or garrison of men of warre to kéepe the Ile, for there néedeth not past one legion of footmen, or some wing of horssemen, to gather vp and receiue the tribute: for the charges are rated according to the quantitie of the tributes: for otherwise it should be néedfull to abate the customs, if the tributes were also raised: and if anie violence should be vsed, it were dangerous least they might be prouoked to rebellion." Thus farre Strabo.

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Of Guiderius, who denied to paie tribute to the Romans, preparation for war on both sides, of the ridiculous voiage of the Emperour Caligula against the Britains, his vanitie and delight in mischiefe: Aulus Plautius a Romane senator accompanied with souldiers arrive on the British coasts without resistance, the Britains take flight and hide themselues.

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GUIDERIUS.] GUIDERIUs the first sonne of Kymbeline (of whom Harison saieth nothing) began his reigne in the seuententh yeere after th' incarnation of Christ. This Guiderius being a man of stout courage, gaue occasion of breach of peace betwixt the Britains and Romans, denieng to paie them tribute, and procuring the people to new insurrections, which by one meane or other made open rebellion, as [Sidenote: Caligula.] Gyldas saith. Wherevpon the emperour Caligula (as some thinke) tooke occasion to leauie a power, and as one vtterlie misliking the negligence (as he called it) of Augustus and Tiberius his predecessors, he ment not onlie to reduce the Iland vnto the former subiection, but also to search out the vttermost bounds thereof, to the behoofe of himselfe, and of the Romane monarchie.

Great prouision therefore was made by the said Caligula to performe that noble enterprise, and this was in the fourth yeere of his reigne. The like preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to resist the forren enimies, so that hauing all things in a readinesse, he ceassed not dailie to looke for the comming of the emperour, whome [Sidenote: Dion Cassius. lib. 59.] he ment to receiue with hard enterteinment if he durst aduenture to set toward Britaine. But see the sequele: the maine armie being thus in a readinesse, departed from Rome in the 79 yeere after the building of the citie, and marching foorth, at length came vnto the Belgike shore, from whence they might looke ouer, and behold the cliffes and coast of Britaine, which Caligula and his men stood gazing vpon with great admiration and woonder.

Furthermore he caused them to stand in battell arraie vpon the coast, where he heard how the Britains were in a redinesse to withstand his entrance. But entring into his gallie, as nothing discouraged with these newes, he rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and forthwith returned, and then going vp into an high place like a pulpit, framed and set vp there for the nonce, he gaue the token to fight vnto his souldiers by sound of trumpet, and therewith was ech [Sidenote: The spoile of the Ocean.] man charged to gather cockle shells vpon the shore, which he called the spoile of the Ocean, and caused them to be laid vp vntill a time conuenient. With the atchiuing of this exploit (as hauing none other wherewith to beautifie his triumph) he séemed greatlie exalted, thinking that now he had subdued the whole Ocean, and therefore highlie rewarded his souldiers for their paines susteined in that collection of cockle shells, as if they had doone him some notable péece of seruice. He also caried of the same shells with him to Rome, to the end he might there boast of his voyage, and brag how well he [Sidenote: * sic.] had sped: and required therefore verie earnestlie haue of * a triumph decreed vnto him for the accomplishment of this enterprise.

But when he saw the senat grudge at the free & liberall granting of a grace in that behalfe, and perceiued how they refused to attribute diuine honors vnto him, in recompense of so foolish an enterprise, it wanted little that he had not slaine them euerie one. From thence therefore he went vp into a throne or royall seate, and calling therewith the common people about him, he told them a long tale what aduentures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean. And when he had perceiued them to shout and crie, as if they had consented that he should haue béene a god for this his great trauell and valiant prowesse, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of gold & siluer to be scattered amongst them, in the gathering whereof, manie were pressed to death, and diuers also slaine with the inuenomed caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the same monie, of purpose to doo mischiefe, the same caltrops being in forme small & sharp, so that by reason of the prease of people, much hurt was doone by them yer they were perceiued. And this was the end of the ridiculous voiage of Caligula attempted against the Britains.

[Sidenote: Suetonius.] But after the death of this Caligula, the emperour Claudius (as Suetonius saith) moued warre against the Britains, because of a sturre and rebellion raised in that land, for that such fugitiues as were fled from thence, were not againe restored when request was made for the same.

[Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] Dion Cassius writeth, that one Bericus, being expelled out of Britaine, persuaded the emperour Claudius to take the warre in hand at this time against the Britains, so that one Aulus Plautius a senatour, and as then pretor, was appointed to take the armie that soiourned in France then called Gallia, and to passe ouer with the same into Britaine. The souldiers hearing of this voiage, were loth to go with him, as men not willing to make warre in another world: and therefore delaied time, till at length one Narcissus was sent from Claudius, as it were to appease the souldiers, & procure them to set forward. But when this Narcissus went vp into the tribunall throne of Plautius, to declare the cause of his comming, the souldiers taking great indignation therewith cried, O Saturnalia, as if they should haue celebrated their feast daie so called.

When the seruants apparelled in their maisters robes, represented the roome of their maisters, and were serued by them, as if they had béene their seruants, and thus at length constreined, through verie shame, they agréed to follow Plautius. Herevpon being embarked, he diuided his nauie into thrée parts, to the end that if they were kept off from arriuing in one place, yet they might take land in another. The ships suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrarie wind that droue them backe againe: but yet the marriners and men of warre taking good courage vnto them, the rather because there was séene a fierie leame to shoot out of the east towards the west, which way their course lay, made forwards againe with their ships, and landed without finding anie resistance. For the Britains looked not for their comming: wherefore, when they heard how their enimies were on land, they got them into the woods and marishes, trusting that by lingering of time the Romans would be constreined to depart, as it had chanced in time past to Iulius Cesar aforesaid.

THE END OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

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THE FOVRTH BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

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The Britains discomfited, sore wounded, slaine, and disabled by Plautius and his power, Claudius the Romane taketh the chiefe citie of Cymbeline the king of Britaine, he bereaueth the Britains of their armour, and by vertue of his conquest ouer part of the land is surnamed Britannicus.

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Now Plautius had much adoo to find out the Britains in their lurking holes and couerts; howbeit when he had traced them out, first he vanquished Cataratacus, and after Togodumnus the sonnes of Cynobellinus: for their father was dead not verie long before. These therefore fléeing their waies, Plautus receiued part of the people [Sidenote: Bodumni.] [Sidenote: Catuellani.] called Bodumni (which were subiects vnto them that were called Catuellani) into the obeisance of the Romans: and so leauing there a garrison of souldiors, passed further till he came to a riuer which could not well be passed without a bridge: wherevpon the Britains tooke small regard to defend the passage, as though they had béene sure inough. But Plautius appointed a certeine number of Germans which he had there with him (being vsed to swim ouer riuers although neuer so swift) to get ouer, which they did, sleaing and wounding the Britains horsses, which were fastened to their wagons or chariots, so that the Britains were not able to doo anie péece of their accustomed seruice with the same.

Herewithall was Flauius Vespasianus (that afterwards was emperour) with his brother Sabinus sent ouer that riuer, which being got to the further side, slue a great number of the enimies. The residue of the Britains fled, but the next day proffered a new battell, in the which they fought so stoutlie, that the victorie depended long in doubtfull balance, till Caius Sidius Geta being almost at point to be taken, did so handle the matter, that the Britains finallie were put to flight: for the which his valiant dooings, triumphant honors were bestowed vpon him, although he was no consull.

The Britains after this battell, withdrew to the riuer of Thames, néere to the place where it falleth into the sea, and knowing the shallowes and firme places thereof, easilie passed ouer to the further side, whom the Romans following, through lacke of knowledge in the nature of the places, they fell into the marish grounds, and so came to lose manie of their men, namelie of the Germans, which were the first that passed ouer the riuer to follow the Britains, partlie by a bridge which lay within the countrie ouer the said riuer, and partlie by swimming, and other such shift as they presentlie made.

[Sidenote: Togodumnus.] The Britains hauing lost one of their rulers, namelie Togodumnus (of whom ye haue heard before) were nothing discouraged, but rather more egerlie set on reuenge. Plautius perceiuing their fiercenesse, went no further, but staid and placed garrisons in steeds where néed required, to keepe those places which he had gotten, and with all spéed sent aduertisement vnto Claudius, according to that he had in commandement, if anie vrgent necessitie should so mooue him. Claudius therefore hauing all things before hand in a readinesse, straightwaies vpon the receiuing of the aduertisement, departed from Rome, and came by water vnto Ostia, and from thence vnto Massilia, and so through France sped his iournies till he came to the side of the Ocean sea, and then imbarking himselfe with his people, passed ouer into Britaine, and came to his armie which abode his comming néere the Thames side, where being ioined, they passed the riuer againe, fought with the Britains in a pitcht field, and getting the victorie, tooke the towne of Camelodunum (which some count to be Colchester) being the chiefest citie apperteining vnto Cynobelinus. He reduced also manie other people into his subiection, some by force, and some by surrender, whereof he was called oftentimes by the name of emperour, which was against the ordinance of the Romans: for it was not lawfull for anie to take that name vpon him oftener than once in anie one voiage. Moreouer, Claudius tooke from the Britains their armor and weapons, and committed the gouernment of them vnto Plautius, commanding him to endeuour himselfe to subdue the residue.

[Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] Thus hauing brought vnder a part of Britaine, and hauing made his abode therin not past a sixtene daies, he departed and came backe againe to Rome with victorie in the sixt month after his setting foorth from thence, giuing after his returne, to his sonne, the [Sidenote: Suetonius.] surname of Britannicus. This warre he finished in maner as before is said, in the fourth yéere of his reigne, which fell in the yéere of the world 4011, after the birth of our Sauiour 44, and after the building of Rome 797.

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The diuerse opinions and variable reports of writers touching the partile conquest of this Iland by the Romans, the death of Guiderius.

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

There be that write, how Claudius subdued and added to the Romane empire, the Iles of Orknie situate in the north Ocean beyond Britaine: which might well be accomplished either by Plautius, or some other his lieutenant: for Plautius indéed for his noble prowesse and valiant acts atchieued in Britaine, afterwards triumphed. Titus the sonne of Vespasian also wan no small praise for deliuering his father out of danger in his time, being beset with a companie of Britains, which the said Titus bare downe, and put to flight with great slaughter. Beda following the authoritie of Suetonius, writeth bréeflie of this matter, and saith, that Claudius passing ouer into this Ile, to the which neither before Iulius Cesar, neither after him anie stranger durst come, within few daies receiued the most part of the countrie into his subiection without battell or bloudshed.

Gyldas also writing of this reuolting of the Britains, saith thus: "When information thereof was giuen to the senate, and that hast was made with a spéedie armie to reuenge the same, there was no warlike nauie prepared in the sea to fight valiantlie for the defense of the countrie, no square battell, no right wing, nor anie other prouision appointed on the shore to be séene, but the backes of the Britains in stead of a shield are shewed to the persecutors, and their necks readie to be cut off with the sword through cold feare running through their bones, which stretched foorth their hands to be bound like womanlie creatures; so that a common prouerbe followed thereof, to wit, That the Britains were neither valiant in warre, nor faithfull in peace: and so the Romans sleaing manie of the rebels, reseruing some, and bringing them to bondage, that the land should not lie altogither vntilled and desert, returned into Italie out of that land which was void of wine and oile, leauing some of their men there for gouernors to chastise the people, not so much with an armie of men, as with scourge and whip, and if the matter so required, to applie the naked sword vnto their sides: so that it might be accounted Rome and not Britaine. And what coine either of brasse, siluer or gold there was, the same to be stamped with the image of the emperour." Thus farre Gildas.

[Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] In the British historie we find other report as thus, that Claudius at his comming aland at Porchester, besieged that towne, to the rescue whereof came Guiderius, and giuing battell to the Romans, put them to the woorse, till at length one Hamo, being on the Romans side, changed his shield and armour, apparelling himselfe like a Britaine, and so entring into the thickest prease of the British host, came at length where the king was, and there slue him. But Aruiragus perceiuing this mischiefe, to the end the Britains should not be discouraged therewith, caused himselfe to be adorned with the kings cote-armor, and other abiliments, and so as king continued the fight with such manhood, that the Romans were put to flight. Claudius retired backe to his ships, and Hamo to the next woods, whom Aruiragus pursued, and at length droue him vnto the sea side, and there slue him yer he could take the hauen which was there at hand; so that the same tooke name of him, and was called a long time after, Hamons hauen, and at length by [Sidenote: Hampton, why so called.] corruption of speach it was called Hampton, and so continueth vnto this day, commonlie called by the name of Southhampton. Thus haue you heard how Guiderius or Guinderius (whether you will) came to his end, which chanced (as some write) in the 28 yéere of his reigne.

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Aruiragus the Britaine & Claudius the Romane with their armies doo incounter, a composition concerning mariage concluded betweene them, Claudius returneth to Rome.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: ARUIRAGUS. Hector Boet.] ARUIRAGUS the yoongest son of Kymbeline, and brother to Guinderius (bicause the same Guinderius left no issue to succéed him) was admitted king of Britaine in the yeere of our Lord 45, or rather 46.

This Aruiragus, otherwise called by the Britains Meuricus or Mauus, of [Sidenote: Caxton.] Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle, by which chronicle (as appéereth) he bare himselfe right manfullie [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] against Claudius and his Romans in the war which they made against him: in so much that when Claudius had renewed his force and woone Porchester, and after came to besiege Winchester (in the which Aruiragus as then was inclosed) Aruiragus assembling his power, was readie to come foorth and giue Claudius battell: wherevpon Claudius doubting the sequele of the thing, sent messengers vnto Aruiragus to treat of concord, and so by composition the matter was taken vp, with condition, that Claudius should giue his daughter Genissa in marriage vnto Aruiragus, & Aruiragus should acknowledge to hold his kingdome of the Romans.

[Sidenote: Ranulfus Cestrensis.] Some write that Claudius in fauour of the valiant prowesse which he saw & found in Aruiragus, honored not onlie him with the mariage of his daughter the said Genissa, but also to the end to make the towne more famous where this marriage was solemnized, he therefore called it Claudiocestria, after his name, the which in the British toong was called before that daie Caerleon, and after Glouernia, of a duke that ruled in Demetia that hight Glunie, but now it is called Glocester.

Other there be that write, how Claudius being vanquished in battell by Aruiragus, was compelled by the said Aruiragus to giue vnto him his said daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that [Sidenote: Sueton.] then Aruiragus was crowned king of Britaine. But Suetonius maie séeme to reprooue this part of the British historie, which in the life of Claudius witnesseth, that he had by thrée wiues onlie three daughters, that is to saie, Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia: and further, that reputing Claudia not to be his, caused hir to be cast downe at the doore of his wife Herculanilla, whome he had forsaken by waie of diuorcement: & that he bestowed his daughter Antonia first on C. Pompeius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, verie noble yoong gentlemen; and Octauia he matched with Nero his wiues son. Whereby it should appéere, that this supposed marriage betwixt Aruiragus and the daughter of Claudius is but a feined tale.

¶ And héere to speake my fansie also what I thinke of this Aruiragus, and other the kings (whome Galfrid and such as haue followed him doo register in order, to succéed one after another) I will not denie but such persons there were, and the same happilie bearing verie great rule in the land, but that they reigned as absolute kings ouer the whole, or that they succéeded one after another in manner as is auouched by the same writers, it seemeth most vnlike to be true: for rather it maie be gessed by that, which as well Gyldas as the old approoued Romane writers haue written, that diuerse of these kings liued about one time, or in times greatlie differing from those times which in our writers we find noted. As for example, Iuuenal maketh this Aruiragus, of whom we now intreat, to reigne about Domitians time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kinglie succession in this place is more easie to be flatlie denied and vtterlie reprooued, than either wiselie defended or trulie amended, I will referre the reforming therof vnto those that haue perhaps séene more than I haue, or more déepelie considered the thing, to trie out an vndoubted truth: in the meane time, I haue thought good, both to shew what I find in our histories, and likewise in forren writers, to the which we thinke (namelie in this behalfe, whilest the Romans gouerned there) we maie safelie giue most credit, doo we otherwise neuer so much content our selues with other vaine and fond conceits.

To procéed yet with the historie as we find it by our writers set foorth: it is reported, that after the solemnization of this marriage, which was doone with all honour that might be deuised, Claudius sent [Sidenote: Legions of souldiers sent into Ireland.] certeine legions of souldiers foorth to go into Ireland to subdue that countrie, and returned himselfe to Rome.

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Aruiragus denieth subiection to the Romans, Vespasian is sent to represse him and his power, the Romane host is kept backe from landing, queene Genissa pacifieth them after a sharpe conflict: & what the Romane writers say of Vespasians being in Britaine, the end of Aruiragus.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

Then did king Aruiragus ride about to view the state of his realme, repairing cities and townes decaied by the warre of the Romans, and saw his people gouerned with such iustice and good order, that he was both feared and greatlie beloued: so that in tract of time he grew verie welthie, and by reason thereof fell into pride, so that he [Sidenote: Vespasian in Britaine.] [Sidenote: Cornel. Tacit. in uit. Agr. lib. 3 & li. 6.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Rutupium.] denied his subiection to the Romans. Wherevpon Claudius appointed Vespasian with an armie to go as lieutenant into Britaine. This iournie was to him the beginning of his advancement to that honour, which after to him most luckilie befell. But if we shall credit our Britaine writers, he gained not much at Aruiragus hands, for where he would haue landed at Sandwich or Richborough, Aruiragus was readie to resist him, so as he durst not once enter the hauen: for Aruiragus had there such a puissant number of armed men, that the Romans were afraid to approach the land.

Vespasian therefore withdrew from thence, and coasting westward, landed at Totnesse, and comming to Excester, besieged that citie: but about the seuenth day after he had planted his siege, came Aruiragus, and gaue him battell, in the which both the armies sustained great losse of men, and neither part got anie aduantage of the other. On the morrow after quéene Genissa made them friends, and so the warres ceassed for that time, by hir good mediation.

¶ But séeing (as before I haue said) the truth of this historie maie be greatlie mistrusted, ye shall heare what the Romane writers saie of Vespasianus being héere in Britaine, beside that which we haue alreadie recited out of Dion in the life of Guiderius.

In the daies of the emperor Claudius, through fauour of Narcissus (one [Sidenote: Vespasian.] [Sidenote: Suetonius.] [Sidenote: Salcellicus.] that might doo all with Claudius) the said Vespasian was sent as coronell or lieutenant of a legion of souldiers into Germanie, and being remooued from thence into Britaine, he fought thirtie seuerall times with the enimies, and brought vnto the Romane obeisance two most mightie nations, and aboue twentie townes, togither with the Ile of Wight; and these exploits he atchiued, partlie vnder the conduct of Aulus Plautius ruler of Britaine for the emperor Claudius, and partlie vnder the same emperor himselfe. For as it is euident by writers of good credit, he came first ouer into Britaine with the said Aulus Plautius, and serued verie valiantlie vnder him, as before in place we haue partlie touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to be partener in the gouernment of things in Britaine with Claudius, and had such successe, as it appéered to what estate of honour he was predestinate, hauing conquered nations, and taken kings prisoners. But now to make an end with Aruiragus: when he perceiued that his force was too weake to preuaile against the Romane empire, and that he [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] should striue but in vaine to shake the yoke of subiection from the necks of the Britains, he made a finall peace with them in his old age, and so continued in quiet the residue of his reigne, which he lastlie ended by death, after he had gouerned the land by the space of thirtie yéeres, or but eight and twentie, as some other imagine. He [Sidenote: 73.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] died in the yéere of Grace 73, as one author affirmeth, and was buried at Glocester.

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Ioseph of Aramathia came into Britaine and Simon Zelotes, the antiquitie of christian religion, Britaine gouerned by Lieutenants and treasurers of the Romane emperors, the exploits of Ostorius Scapula and the men of Oxfordshire, he vanquisheth the Welshmen, appeaseth the Yorkshiremen, and brideleth the rage of the Silures.

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

In the daies of the said Aruiragus, about the yeare of Christ 53, Ioseph of Arimathia, who buried the bodie of our sauiour, being sent by Philip the Apostle (as Iohn Bale following the authoritie of Gildas and other British writers reciteth) after that the Christians were dispersed out of Gallia, came into Britaine with diuers other godlie [Sidenote: Polydorus.] christian men, & preaching the gospell there amongst the Britains, & instructing them in the faith and lawes of Christ, conuerted manie to the true beliefe, and baptised them in the wholsome water of regeneration, & there continued all the residue of his life, obteining of the king a plot of ground where to inhabit, not past a foure miles from Wells, and there with his fellowes began to laie the first foundation of the true and perfect religion, in which place (or néere thereinto) was afterward erected the abbeie of Glastenburie.

Nicephorus writeth in his second booke and fourth chapter, that one Simon Zelotes came likewise into Britaine. And Theodoretus in his 9. booke "De curandis Græcorum affectibus," sheweth that Paule being released of his second imprisonment, and suffered to depart from Rome, preached the gospell to the Britains and to other nations in the west. The same thing in manner dooth Sophronius the patriarch of Ierusalem witnesse, Tertullian also maie be a witnesse of the ancientnes of the faith receiued here in Britaine, where he writing of these times saith: Those places of the Britains, to the which the Romans could not approch, were subiect vnto Christ, as were also the countries of Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scithia, and others. ¶ Thus it maie appeare, that the christian religion was planted here in this land shortlie after Christes time, although it certeinlie appeareth not who were the first that preached the gospell to the Britains, nor whether they were Gréeks or Latins.

Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Romane emperours in this season [Sidenote: Treasurers or receiuers.] gouerned this land by lieutenants and treasurers, the which were called by the name of legats and procurators, thereby to kéepe the vnrulie inhabitants the better in order.

[Sidenote: Aulus Plautius.] [Sidenote: Ostorius Scapula.] And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of consuls, was sent hither as the first legat or lieutenant (in maner as before ye haue heard) & after him Ostorius Scapula, who at his comming found the Ile in trouble, the enimies hauing made inuasion into the countrie of those that were friends to the Romans, the more presumptuouslie, for [Sidenote: Cor. Tacitus lib. 12.] that they thought a new lieutenant, with an armie to him vnacquainted and come ouer now in the beginning of winter, would not be hastie to march foorth against them. But Ostorius vnderstanding that by the first successe and chance of warre, feare or hope is bred and augmented, hasted forward to encounter with them, and such as he found abroad in the countrie he slue out right on euerie side, and pursued such as fled, to the end they should not come togither againe. Now for that a displeasing and a doubtfull peace was not like to bring quietnesse either to him or to his armie, he tooke from such as he suspected, their armour. And after this, he went about to defend the riuers of Auon & Seuerne, with placing his souldiers in camps fortified néere to the same. But the Oxfordshire men and other of those parties would not suffer him to accomplish his purpose in anie quiet sort, being a puissant kind of people, and not hitherto weakened by warres: for they willinglie at the first had ioined in amitie with [Sidenote: Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12.] the Romans. The countries adjoining also being induced by their procurement, came to them, & so they chose forth a plot of ground, fensed with a mightie ditch, vnto the which there was no waie to enter but one, & the same verie narrow, so as the horssemen could not haue anie easie passage to breake in vpon them. Ostorius, although he had no legionarie souldiers, but certeine bands of aids, marched foorth towards the place within the which the Britains were lodged, and assaulting them in the same, brake through into their campe, where the Britains being impeached with their owne inclosures which they had raised for defense of the place, knowing how that for their rebellion they were like to find small mercie at the Romans hands, when they saw now no waie to escape, laid about them manfullie, and shewed great proofe of their valiant stomachs.

In this battell, the sonne of Ostorius the lieutenant deserued the price and commendation of preseruing a citizen out of the cruell [Sidenote: which was a certaine crowne, to be set on his head called ciuica corona.] enimies hands. But now with this slaughter of the Oxfordshire men, diuers of the Britains that stood doubtfull what waie to take, either to rest in quiet, or to moue warres, were contented to be conformable vnto a reasonable order of peace, in so much that Ostorius lead his [Sidenote: Cangi.] armie against the people called Cangi, who inhabited that part of Wales now called Denbighshire, which countrie he spoiled on euerie side, no enimie once daring to encounter him: & if anie of them aduentured priuilie to set vpon those which they found behind, or on the outsids of his armie, they were cut short yer they could escape out of danger. Wherevpon he marched straight to their campe and giuing them battell, vanquished them: and vsing the victorie as reason moued him, he lead his armie against those that inhabited the inner parts of Wales, spoiling the countrie on euerie side. And thus sharplie pursuing the rebels, he approched néere vnto the sea side, which lieth ouer against Ireland. While this Romane capteine was thus occupied, he was called backe by the rebellion of the Yorkshire men, whome forthwith vpon his comming vnto them, he appeased, punishing the first authors of that tumult with death.

[Sidenote: Cor. Tacitus. lib. 12.] In the meane time, the people called Silures, being a verie fierce kind of men, and valiant, prepared to make warre against the Romans, for they might not be bowed neither with roughnesse, nor yet with any courteous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an armie of legionarie souldiers to be brought among them.

Therefore to restraine the furious rage of those people and their neighbours, Ostorious peopled a towne néere to their borders, called Camelodunum with certeine bands of old souldiers, there to inhabit with their wiues and children, according to such maner as was vsed in like cases of placing naturall Romans in anie towne or citie, for the more suertie and defense of the same. Here also was a temple builded in the honor of Claudius the emperour, where were two images erected, one of the goddesse Victoria, and an other of Claudius himselfe.

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The coniectures of writers touching the situation of Camelodunum supposed to be Colchester, of the Silures a people spoken of in the former chapter, a foughten field betwene Caratacus the British prince, and Ostorius the Romaine, in the confines of Shropshire; the Britains go miserablie to wracke, Caratacus is deliuered to the Romans, his wife and daughter are taken prisoners, his brethren yeeld themselues to their enimies.

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

But now there resteth a great doubt among writers, where this citie or towne called Camelodunum did stand, of some (and not without good ground of probable coniectures gathered vpon the aduised consideration of the circumstances of that which in old authors is found written of [Sidenote: Camelodunum, Colchester.] this place) it is thought to be Colchester. But verelie by this place of Tacitus it maie rather seeme to be some other towne, situat more westward than Colchester, sith a colonie of Romane souldiers were [Sidenote: Silures where they inhabited.] planted there to be at hand, for the repressing of the vnquiet Silures, which by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or néere the Welsh marshes.

There was a castell of great fame in times past that hight Camaletum, or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Summersetshire; but sith there is none that hath so written before this time, I will not saie that happilie some error hath growne by mistaking the name of Camelodunum for this Camaletum, by such as haue copied out the booke of Cornelius Tacitus; and yet so it might be doon by such as found it short or vnperfectlie written, namelie, by such strangers or others, to whom onelie the name of Camelodunum was onelie knowne, and Camaletum peraduenture neuer séene nor heard of. As for example, an Englishman that hath heard of Waterford in Ireland, and not of Wexford, might in taking foorth a copie of some writing easilie commit a fault in noting the one for the other. We find in Ptolomie Camedolon to be a citie belonging to the Trinobants, and he maketh mention also of Camelodunum, but Humfrey Lhoyd thinketh that he meaneth all one citie.

Notwithstanding Polydor Virgil is of a contrarie opinion, supposing the one to be Colchester in déed, and the other that is Camelodunum to be Doncaster or Pontfret. Leland esteeming it to be certeinelie Colchester taketh the Iceni men also to be the Northfolke men. But howsoeuer we shall take this place of Tacitus, it is euident inough that Camelodunum stood not farre from the Thames. And therefore to séeke it with Hector Boetius in Scotland, or with Polydor Virgil so far as Doncaster or Pontfret, it maie be thought a plaine error.

But to leaue each man to his owne iudgement in a matter so doubtfull, we will procéed with the historie as touching the warres betwixt the Romans and the Silurians, against whome (trusting not onelie vpon their owne manhood, but also vpon the high prowesse & valiancie of [Sidenote: Cornelius Tacitus lib. Anna. 12.] Caratacus) Ostorius set forward. Caratacus excelled in fame aboue all other the princes of Britaine, aduanced thereto by manie doubtfull aduentures and manie prosperous exploits, which in his time he had atchiued: but as he was in policie and aduantage of place better prouided than the Romans: so in power of souldiers he was ouermatched. [Sidenote: Hu. Lhoyd.] And therefore he remoued the battell into the parts of that countrie where the Ordouices inhabited, which are thought to haue dwelled in the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, which people together with other that misliked of the Romane gouernment, he ioined in one, and chose a plot of ground for his aduantage, determining there to trie the vttermost hazard of battell.

The place which he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwaies, and the whole situation thereof made for the Britains aduantage, and cleane contrarie to the Romans, as inclosed among high hils. And if there were anie easie passage to enter it vpon anie side, the same was shut vp with mightie huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it there ran a riuer without anie certeine foord to passe ouer it. This place is supposed to lie in the confines of Shropshire aloft vpon the top of an high hill there, enuironed with a triple rampire and ditch of great depth, hauing thrée entries into it, not directlie one against an other, but aslope. It is also (they saie) compassed about with two riuers, to wit, on the left hand with the riuer called Clun, & on the right hand with an other called Teuid. On thrée sides thereof the clime is verie stéepe and headlong, and no waie easie to come or reach vnto it, but onelie one.

Caratac hauing thus fortified himselfe within this place, and brought his armie into it: to encourage his people, he exhorted them to shew their manhood, affirming that to be the day, and that armie to be the same wherein should appeare the beginning either of libertie then to be recouered, or else of perpetuall bondage for euer to be susteined. He rehersed also speciallie by name those their elders, which had resisted Iulius Cesar, by whose high valiancie they liued free from the bloudie thraldome and tributes of the Romans, and enioied their wiues and children safe and vndefiled. Thus discoursing of manie things with them, in such hope of assured victorie, that they began to raise their cries, each one for him selfe, declaring that he was bound by the dutie he owght to the gods of his countrie, not to shrinke for feare of anie wounds or hurts that might chance vnto them by the enimies weapon.

This chéerefulnesse of the Britains greatlie astonished the Romane lieutenant. The hideous course also of the riuer before his face, the fortifications and craggie higth of the hils, all set full of enimies readie to beat him backe, put him in great feare: for nothing he saw afore him, but that which séemed dreadfull to those that should assaile. But the souldiers yet séemed to be verie desirous of battell, requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothing was able to resist the force of noble prowes. Herewith the capteins and tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forward the earnest willes which their souldiers had to fight.

Ostorius perceiuing such courage and readie wils in the men of warre, as well souldiers as capteins, began to bestirre himselfe, and left nothing vndone that might serue to set forward their earnest desire to battell. And hauing aduisedlie considered which waies were hard and [Sidenote: Cornelius Tacitus Annal. lib. 12.] vnpossible to be entered vpon, and which were most easie for his people to find passage by, he led them foorth, being most earnestlie bent to cope with the enimie.

Now hauing passed the water without any great difficultie, but comming to the rampire, he lost manie of his people, so long as the fight was continued with shot and casting of darts: but after that the Romans couering themselues with their targets, came once close togither, and approched vnder the rampire, they remooued away the stones which the Britains had roughlie couched togither, and so came to ioine with them at handblowes. The Britains being vnarmed, and not able to abide the force of the armed men, withdrew to the top of the hilles, but as well their enimies that were light armed, as the other with heauie armour, followed and brake in among them, so as the Britains could not turne them anie way to escape, for the light armed men with shot a farre off, and the heauie armed with weapons at hand, sought to make slaughter and wracke of them on ech side, so that this was a verie dolefull day to the Britains.

The wife and daughter of Caratake were taken prisoners, and his brethren also yéelded themselues. He himselfe escaped, and committing his person vnto the assurance & trust of Cartemandua queene of the Brigants, was by hir deliuered into the hands of the Romans. All this happened about nine yeres after the warres in Britaine first began.

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The name of Caratacus famous in Italie, the maner how he and his alies were led captiues by the Romans in triumph, his courage and manlie speech to the emperour Claudius, whereby he and his obteine mercie and pardon: the Britains vndertake a new reuenge against the Romans; the cause why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula dieth, the citie of Chester builded.

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12.] [Sidenote: Carataks name renowmed.] The name of Caratacus being brought out of the Iles was alreadie spred ouer the prouinces adioining, and began now to grow famous through Italie. Men therefore were desirous to sée what maner of man he was that had so manie yéeres set at naught the puissant force of the empire. For in Rome the name of Caratacus was much spoken of, insomuch that the emperour whilest he went about to preferre his owne honour, aduanced the glorie of him also that was vanquished: for the people were called foorth as vnto some great notable sight or spectacle. The pretorian bands stood in order of battell armed in the field that laie before their lodgings, through which field Caratake shuld come. Then passed by the traine of his friends and seruants; and such armor, riches, iewels, and other things as had béene gotten in those warres, were borne forward, and openlie shewed, that all men might behold the same.

After these followed his brethren, wife, and daughters: and last of all came Caratacus himselfe, whose countenance was nothing like to theirs that went afore him. For whereas they fearing punishment for their rebellion with wailefull countenance craued mercie, he neither by countenance nor words shewd anie token of a discouraged mind, but being presented before the emperour Claudius sitting in his tribunall seat, he vttered this speach as followeth.

"If there had béene in me so much moderation in time of prosperitie, as there was nobilitie of birth and puissance, I had come to this citie rather as a friend than as a capteine: neither should I haue thought scorne, being borne of most noble parents, and ruling ouer many people, to haue accepted peace by waie of ioining with you in league. My present estate as it is to me reprochfull, so to you it is honorable. I had at commandement, horsses, men, armor, and great riches; what maruell is it if I were loth to forgo the same? For if you shall looke to gouerne all men, it must néeds follow that all men must be your slaues. If I had at the first yéelded my selfe, neither my power nor your glorie had béene set foorth to the world, & vpon mine execution I should straight haue béene forgotten. But if you now grant me life, I shall be a witnesse for euer of your mercifull clemencie."

The emperour with these words being pacified, granted life both to Caratake, and also to his wife and brethren, who being loosed from their bands, went also to the place where the empresse Agrippina sat (not farre off) in a chaire of estate, whom they reuerenced with the like praise and thanks as they had doone before to the emperour. After this the senat was called togither, who discoursed of manie things touching this honourable victorie atchiued by the taking of Caratake, estéeming the same no lesse glorious, than when P. Scipio shewed in [Sidenote: Siphax.] [Sidenote: L. Paulus.] triumph Siphax king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Macedonian king Perses, or other Romane capteins anie such king whom they had vanquished.

Héerevpon it was determined, that Ostorius should enter the citie of Rome with triumph like a conqueror, for such prosperous successe as hitherto had followed him: but afterwards his procéedings were not so luckie, either for that after Caratake was remooued out of the waie, or bicause the Romans (as though the warre had béene finished) looked negligentlie to themselues, either else for that the Britains taking compassion of the miserable state of Caratake, being so worthie a prince, through fortunes froward aspect cast into miserie, were more earnestlie set to reuenge his quarrell. Héerevpon they incompassed the maister of the campe, and those legionarie bands of souldiers which were left amongst the Silures to fortifie a place there for the armie to lodge in: and if succour had not come out of the next towns and castels, the Romans had béene destroied by siege. The head capteine yet, and eight centurions, and euerie one else of the companies being most forward, were slaine. Shortlie after they set vpon the Romane forragers, and put them to flight, and also such companies of horssemen as were appointed to gard them. Héerevpon Ostorius set foorth certeine bands of light horssemen, but neither could he staie the flight by that meanes, till finallie the legions entred the battell, by whose force they were staid, and at length the Romans obteined the better: but the Britains escaped by flight without great losse, by reason the daie was spent.

After this, manie bickerings chanced betwixt the Britains and Romans, & oftentimes they wrought their feats more like the trade of them that vse to rob by the high waies, than of those that make open warre, taking their enimies at some aduantage in woods and bogs, as hap or force ministred occasion vpon malice conceiued, or in hope of prey, sometimes by commandement, and sometimes without either commandement or knowledge of capteine or officer.

At one time the Britains surprised two bands of footmen that were with the Romans in aid, and sent foorth to forreie abroad vnaduisedlie, through couetousnesse of the capteins. This feat was atchiued by the Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoile vpon other of their neighbours, procured them likewise to rebell against the Romans, and to take part with them. The Silures were the more earnestlie set against the Romans, by occasion of words which the emperor Claudius had vttered in their disfauour, as thus: that euen as the Sicambres were destroied and remooued into Gallia, so likewise must the Silures be dealt with, and the whole nation of them extinguished. These words being blowne abroad, and knowne ouer all, caused the Silures to conceiue a woonderfull hatred against the Romans, so that they were fullie bent, either to reteine their libertie, or to die in defense thereof vpon the enimies swoord.

In the meane time Ostorius Scapula departed this life, a right noble warrior, and one who by litle & litle insuing the steps of Aulus Plautius his predecessor, did what he could to bring the Ile into the forme of a prouince, which in part he accomplished.

[Sidenote: W.H. in his chronologie.] There be some led by coniecture grounded vpon good aduised considerations, that suppose this Ostorius Scapula began to build the citie of Chester after the ouerthrow of Caratacus: for in those parties he fortified sundrie holds, and placed a number of old souldiers either there in that selfe place, or in some other néere therevnto by waie of a colonie. And for somuch (saie they) as we read of none other of anie name thereabouts, it is to be thought that he planted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwards vse to harbour their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest from iournies which they haue to make against their common enimies.

In déed it is a common opinion among the people there vnto this daie, that the Romans built those vaults or tauerns (which in that citie are [Sidenote: Ran. Hig. alias Cestrensis.] vnder the ground) with some part of the castell. And verelie as Ranulfe Higden saith, a man that shall view and well consider those buildings, maie thinke the same to be the woorke of Romans rather than of anie other people. That the Romane legions did make their abode there, no man séene in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the ancient name Caer leon ardour deuy, that is, The citie of legions vpon the water of Dée, proueth it sufficientlie enough.

[Sidenote: Corn. Tacit.] But to returne vnto Ostorius Scapula, we find in Corn. Tacitus, that during his time of being lieutenant in this Ile, there were certeine [Sidenote: Cogidune a king in Britane.] cities giuen vnto one Cogidune a king of the Britains, who continued faithfull to the Romans vnto the daies of the remembrance of men liuing in the time of the said Cornelius Tacitus, who liued and wrote in the emperor Domitianus time. This was doone after an old receiued custom of the people of Rome, to haue both subiects and kings vnder their rule and dominion, as who so shall note the acts and déeds of the Roman emperours from C. Iulius Cesar (who chased Pompeie out of Italie, and was the first that obteined the Romane empire to himselfe; of whom also the princes and emperours succéeding him were called Cesars) to Octauian, Tiberius, Caligula, &c: maie easilie marke and obserue. For they were a people of singular magnanimitie, of an ambitious spirit, gréedie of honour and renowme, and not vnaptlie termed "Romani rerum domini, &c."

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A. Didius is sent to supplie Ostorius his roome in Britaine, the trecherie and lecherie of queene Cartimanda, Venutius keepeth the kingdome in spite of the Romans, by what meanes their confines in this Ile were inlarged; the error of Hector Boetius and others touching the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants notified, the Britains giue the Romans a shamefull ouerthrow.

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: A. Didius lieutenant.] After the deceasse of Ostorius Scapula, one A. Didius was sent to supplie his roome, but yer he could come, things were brought out of order, and the Britains had vanquished the legion whereof Manlius Valens had the conduct: this victorie was set foorth by the Britains to the vttermost, that with the bruit thereof they might strike a feare into the lieutenants hart, now vpon his first comming ouer. And he himselfe reported it by letters to the emperour after the largest manner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might win the more praise; or if he were put to the woorst, and should not preuaile, that then his excuse might séeme the more reasonable and woorthie of pardon. The Silures were they that had atchiued this victorie, and kept a fowle stur ouer all the countries about them, till by the comming of Didius against them, they were driuen backe and repelled.

But héerewith began trouble to be raised in another part: for after that Caratac was taken, the chiefest and most skillfull capteine which [Sidenote: Venutius ruler of the Iugants.] the Britains had, was one Venutius, a ruler of the people named Iugants, a man that remained a long time faithfull to the Romans, and by their power was defended from his enimies, who had married with [Sidenote: Cartimanda.] Cartimanda queene of the Brigants or Yorkeshire men. This Cartimanda (as ye haue heard) had deliuered Catarac into the Romans hands, thereby ministring matter for the emperour Claudius to triumph, by which pleasure shewed to the Romans, she increased thorough their friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to satisfie hir wanton appetite, so as she falling at square with hir [Sidenote: Vellocatus.] husband, married Vellocatus, one of his esquires, to whom she gaue hir kingdome, and so dishonoured hir selfe. Héerevpon insued cruell warre, in so much that in the end Venutius became enimie also to the Romans. But first they tugged togither betwixt themselues, & the quéene by a craftie policie found meanes to catch the brother and coosens of Venutius, but hir enimies nothing therewith discouraged, but kindled the more in wrath against hir, ceassed not to go forward with their purpose.

Manie of the Brigants disdaining to be subiect vnto a womans rule that had so reiected hir husband, reuolted vnto Venutius: but yet the quéenes sensuall lust mixed with crueltie, mainteined the adulterer. Venutius therefore calling to him such aid as he could get, and strengthened now by the reuolting of the Brigants, brought Cartimanda to such a narrow point, that she was in great danger to fall into the hands of hir enimies: which the Romans forséeing, vpon suit made, sent certeine bands of horssemen and footmen to helpe hir. They had diuerse incounters with the enimies at the first, with doubtfull successe: but [Sidenote: Venutius kéepeth the kingdome in despite of the Romans.] at length they preuailed, and so deliuered the quéene out of perill, but the kingdome remained to Venutius: against whom the Romans were constreined still to mainteine warre.

About the same time, the legion also which Cesius Nasica led, got the vpper hand of those Britains against whom he was sent. For Didius being aged, and by victories past inough renowmed, thought it sufficient for him to make warre by his capteins, so to staie and kéepe off the enimie. Certeine castels and holds in déed he caused to be built and fortified, further within the countrie than had béene afore attempted by anie of his predecessors, and so thereby were the confines of the Romans in this Ile somewhat inlarged. Thus haue ye heard with what successe the Britains mainteined warre in defense of their libertie against the Romans, whilest Claudius ruled the empire (according to the report of the Romane writers.)

[Sidenote: The error of Hector Boetius.] ¶ But here you must note, that Hector Boetius, following the authoritie of one Veremond a Spaniard, of Cornelius Hibernicus, & also of Campbell, remooueth the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants, so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of those countries which the Scots haue now in possession, and were euen then inhabited (as he affirmeth) partlie by the Scots, and partlie by the Picts (as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at large) so that what notable feat soeuer was atchiued by the old Britains against the Romans, the same by him is ascribed to the Scots and Picts throughout his whole historie, whereas (in verie truth) forsomuch as may be gathered by coniecture und presumption of that which is left in writing by ancient authors, the Brigants inhabited Yorkshire, the Silures Wales and the Marches, and the Nouants the countrie of Cumberland.

But forsomuch as he hath diligentlie gathered in what maner the warres were mainteined by those people against the Romans, and what valiant exploits were taken in hand and finished thorough their stoutnesse and valiancie, ye may there read the same, and iudge at your pleasure what [Sidenote: A note to be considered in the reading of Hect. Boetius.] people they were whome he so much praiseth: aduertising you hereof by the way, that as we haue before expressed, none of the Romane writers mentioneth any thing of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the Romane empire began to decay, about the time of the emperor Constantius, father of Constantine the great: so that if they had béene in this Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are reported by the same Boetius; maruell might it séeme, that the Romane writers would so passe them ouer with silence.

[Sidenote: Cor. Tac. lib. annal. 15.] After the death of Claudius the emperor of Rome, Claudius Domitianus Nero succéeded him in gouernement of the empire. In the seuenth yéere of whose reigne, which was after the incarnation 53, the Romans receiued a great ouerthrow in Britaine, where neither the lieutenant A. Didius Gallus (whom in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus) could during the time of his rule doo no more but hold that which was alreadie gotten, beside the building of certeine castels (as before ye haue heard) neither his successor Verannius, beating and forreieng the woods, could atchiue anie further enterprise, for he was by death preuented, so as he could not procéed forward with his purpose touching the warres which he had ment to haue folowed, whose last words (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition: for adding manie things by way of flatterie to content Neros mind, he wished to haue liued but two yéeres longer, in which space he might haue subdued prouinces vnto his dominion, meaning therby the whole Ile of Britaine. But this was a Romans brag, sauouring rather of ambition than of truth or likelihood.

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The gouernment of P. Suetonius in this Iland, he inuadeth Anglesey, and winneth it, a strange kind of women, of the Druides, the Britains lament their miserie and seruitude, and take aduise by weapon to redresse it against the Romans their enimies.

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: P. Suetonius lieutenant.] But now when this great losse chanced to the Romans Paulinus Suetonius did gouerne here as lieutenant, a man most plentifullie furnished with all gifts of fortune and vertue, and therewith a right skilfull warrior. This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Britains [Sidenote: Anglesey inuaded.] as kept out, prepared to assaile the Ile of Anglesey, a countrie full of inhabitants, and a place of refuge for all outlawes and rebels. He builded certeine brigantins with flat kéeles to serue for the ebbes and shallow shelues here and there, lieng vncerteinlie in the straits which he had to passe. The footmen ferried ouer in those vessels, the horssemen following by the foords, and swimming when they came into the deepe, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battell and huge number of armed men close togither, redie to beat backe the Romans, and to staie them from comming to land. Amongst the men, a [Sidenote: A strange maner of women.] number of women were also running vp and downe as they had béene out of their wits, in garments like to wild roges, with their haire hanging downe about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their hands. There was also a companie of their priests or philosophers [Sidenote: The Druids.] called Druides, who with stretched forth hands towards heauen, thundered out curssings against the Romans in most bitter wise.

The souldiers were so amazed with the strangenesse of this sight, that (as men benummed of their lims and senses) they suffred themselues to be wounded and slaine like senselesse creatures, till by the calling vpon of their generall, and ech one incouraging other in no wise to feare a sort of mad & distract women, they preassed forward vnder their ensignes, bearing downe such as stood in their way, and with their owne fire smooldered and burnt them to ashes.

[Sidenote: Anglesey won by the Romans.] To conclude, the Romane lieutenant got possession of the whole Ile, wherein he placed garisons of men of warre to kéepe the people there [Sidenote: Woods cut downe.] in subiection. He also caused their woods to be cut downe, that were consecrated to their gods, within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners, and by the view of their intrailes, in dismembring them, to learne of their gods some oracles and such other things as should come to passe.

But now in the meane time, whilest Paulinus was abroad about this enterprise, the Britains began to conferre togither of they great and importable miseries, of their grieuous state of seruitude, of their iniuries and wrongs, which they dailie susteined: how that by sufferance they profited nothing, but still were oppressed with more heauie burthens. Ech countrie in times past had onelie one king to [Sidenote: Lieutenant & procurator.] rule them: now had they two, the lieutenant by his capteins and souldiers spilling their bloud, and the procurator or receiuer (as we may call him) bereauing them of their goods and substance. The concord or discord betwixt those that were appointed to rule ouer them, was all alike hurtfull vnto the subiects, the lieutenant oppressing them by his capteins and men of warre, and the procurator or receiuer by force and reprochfull demeanours, polling them by insufferable exactions.

There was nothing frée from the couetous extortion and filthie concupiscence of these vnsatiable persons, for in these daies (say they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, and most commonlie our houses are robbed and ransacked by a sort of cowardlie raskals that haue no knowledge of anie warlike feats at all. Our children are taken from us, we are forced to go to the musters, and are set foorth to serue in forren parties, as those that are ignorant which way to spend our liues in the quarell of our owne countrie. What a number of souldiers haue beene transported ouer from hence to serue in other lands, if a iust account were taken thereof: The Germans by manhood haue cast (said they) from their shoulders the heauie yoke of bondage, and are not defended as we are with the maine Ocean sea, but onelie with a riuer. Where the Britains haue their countrie, their wiues and parents, as iust causes of war to fight for: the Romans haue none at all, but a couetous desire to gaine by rapine, and to satisfie their excessiue lusts.

They might easilie be compelled to depart the countrie, as Iulius Cesar was, if the Britains would shew some proofe of the noble prowesse that was euidentlie found in their woorthie ancestors, and not shrinke or quaile in courage for the misaduenture that should happilie chance by fighting one battell or two. Greatest force and constancie alwaies remaineth with those that séek to deliuer themselues from miserie. Now appeared it that the gods had taken some pitie of the poore Britains, who by their diuine power did withhold the chiefe capteine of the Romans with his armie, as it were banished [Sidenote: Occasion not be neglected.] in an other Iland. Let vs then (said they) take the oportunitie of time and good occasion offered, and foorthwith procéed in our businesse: for lesse danger it is manfullie to aduenture, and to go forward with our purpose, than to be bewraied and taken in these our consultations. Thus hauing taken aduise togither, and wholie misliking their present state, they determined to take weapon in hand, and so by force to seeke for reformation.

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A catalog of causes or greeuances inciting the Britains to rebell against the Romans, wherein is shewed what iniuries they susteined: of diuers strange wonders and apparitions; the chiefe cause of the Britains insurging against the Romans, they admitted as well women as men to publike gouernement. A description of queene Voadicia, hir personage and maner of attire.

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Cor. Tac. lib. 14.] The Britains indeed were occasioned to doo as they purposed, thorough manie euill parts practised by the Romans greatlie to their griefs and [Sidenote: Prasutagus.] displeasures. For whereas Prasutagus (who is supposed by Hector [Sidenote: The Oxfordshire and Glocestershire men.] Boetius to be Aruiragus, king of the people called Iceni) had made the emperour and two of his owne daughters his heires, supposing by that meane to haue his kingdome and familie preserued from all iniurie: it happened quite contrarie to that his expectation. For his kingdome was [Sidenote: Voadicia alias Bunduica.] spoiled by the Romane capteins, his wife named Voadicia beaten by the souldiers, his daughters rauished, the péeres of the realme bereft of their goods, and the kings friends made and reputed as bondslaues.

[Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] There was also an other great cause that stirred the Britains to this rebellion, which was the confiscating of their goods: for whereas Claudius himselfe had pardoned the chiefest persons of the forfeitures, Decianus Catus the procurator of that Ile mainteined that [Sidenote: Vsurie.] the same ought to be renewed againe. To this an other griefe was added, that where Seneca had lent to the nobilitie of the Ile, foure hundred sestercies, ech hundred being 500000 pounds starling, or thereabout, vpon great interest, he required the whole summe togither by great rigor and violence, although he forced them at the first to take this monie to vsurie.

Also such old souldiers as were placed by waie of a colonie, to inhabit the towne of Camelodunum, expelled manie of the Britains out of their houses, droue them out of their possessions and lands, and accounted the Britains as slaues, and as though they had bene captiue prisoners or bondmen. Besides this, the temple there that was built in honor of Claudius, as an altar of eternall rule and gouernment, was serued with préests, the which vnder colour of religion did spoile, consume and deuoure the goods of all men.

Moreouer, such strange sights and woonders as chanced about the same time, pricked the Britains the rather forward. For the image of the goddesse Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum, slipping downe, turned hir backe (as who should saie she gaue place as vanquished) to the [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] enimies. Also in the hall where the courts of iustice were kept, there was a maruellous great noise heard, with much laughing, and a sturre [Sidenote: Strange woonders.] in the theatre, with great wéeping and lamentable howling, at such time as it was certeinlie knowne that there was no creature there to make anie noise. The sea at a spring tide appeared of a bloudie colour, and when the tide was gone backe, there were séene on the [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] sands the shapes & figures of mens bodies. Women also as rauished of their wits, and being as it were in a furie, prophesied that destruction was at hand, so that the Britains were put greatlie in hope, and the Romans in feare.

[Sidenote: Polydor.] But those things, whether they chanced by the craft of man, or illusion of the diuell; or whether they procéeded of some naturall cause, which the common people oftentimes taketh superstitiouslie, in place of strange woonders signifieng things to follow, we would let passe, least we might be thought to offend religion; the which teaching all things to be doone by the prouidence of God, despiseth the vaine predictions of haps to come, if the order of an historie (saith Polydor Virgil) would so permit, the which requireth all things to be written in maner as they fall out and come to passe.

[Sidenote: Cor. Tac. li. 15.] [Sidenote: Voadicia by Dion Cassius is called Bunuica.] But the Britains were chiefelie mooued to rebellion by the iust complaint of Voadicia, declaring how vnséemelie she had beene vsed and intreated at the hands of the Romans: and because she was most earnestlie bent to séeke reuenge of their iniuries, and hated the name of the Romans most of all other, they chose hir to be capteine (for [Sidenote: The ancient Britains admitted as well women as men to publike gouernment.] they in rule and gouvernment made no difference then of sex, whether they committed the same to man or woman) and so by a generall conspiracie, the more part of the people hauing also allured the Essex men vnto rebellion, rose and assembled themselues togither to make warre against the Romans. There were of them a hundred and twentie thousand got togither in one armie vnder the leading of the said Voadicia, or Bunduica (as some name hir.)

She therefore to encourage hir people against the enimies, mounted vp into an high place raised vp of turfes & sods made for the nonce, out of the which she made a long & verie pithie oration. Hir mightie tall personage, comelie shape, seuere countenance, and sharpe voice, with hir long and yellow tresses of heare reaching downe to hir thighes, hir braue and gorgeous apparell also caused the people to haue hir in great reuerence. She ware a chaine of gold, great and verie massie, and was clad in a lose kirtle of sundrie colours, and aloft therevpon she had a thicke Irish mantell: hereto in hir hand (as hir custome was) she bare a speare, to shew hirselfe the more dreadfull.

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The oration of quéene Voadicia full of prudence and spirit to the Britains, for their encouragement against the Romans, wherein she rippeth vp the vile seruitude and shamefull wrongs which their enimies inflicted vpon them, with other matters verie motiue, both concerning themselues and their enimies, hir supplication and praier for victorie.

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now Voadicia being prepared (as you heare) set foorth with such maiestie, that she greatlie incouraged the Britains; vnto whome for their better animating and emboldening, she vttered this gallant oration in manner and forme following.

[Sidenote: The oration of Voadicia.] "I doo suppose (my louers and friends) that there is no man here but dooth well vnderstand how much libertie and fréedome is to be preferred before thraldome and bondage. But if there haue bene anie of you so deceiued with the Romane persuasions, that ye did not for a time see a difference betwéene them, and iudged whether of both is most to be desired: now I hope that hauing tried what it is to be vnder both, ye will with me reforme your iudgement, and by the harmes alreadie taken, acknowledge your ouersight, and forsake your former error. Againe, in that a number of you haue rashlie preferred an externall souereigntie before the customes and lawes of your owne countrie, you doo at this time (I doubt not) perfectlie vnderstand how much free pouertie is to be preferred before great riches, wherevnto seruitude is annexed; and much wealth in respect of captiuitie vnder forren magistrats, wherevpon slauerie attendeth. For what thing (I beséech you) can there be so vile & grieuous vnto the nature of man, that hath not happened vnto vs, sithens the time that the Romans haue bene acquainted with this Iland?

"Are we not all in manner bereaued of our riches & possessions? Doo not we (beside other things that we giue, and the land that we till for their onelie profit) paie them all kinds of tributs, yea for our owne carcases? How much better is it to be once aloft and fortunate in deed, than vnder the forged and false title of libertie, continuallie to paie for our redemption a fréedome? How much is it more commendable to lose our liues in defense of our countrie, than to carie about not so much as our heads toll frée, but dailie oppressed & laden with innumerable exactions? But to what end doo I remember and speake of these things, since they will not suffer by death to become frée? For what and how much we paie for them that are dead, there is not one here but he dooth well vnderstand. Among other nations such as are brought into seruitude, are alwaies by death discharged of their bondage: onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to increase their commoditie and gaine.

"If anie of vs be without monie (as I know not well how and which way we should come by anie) then are we left naked, & spoiled of that which remaineth in our houses, & we our selues as men left desolate & dead. How shall we looke for better dealing at their hands hereafter, that in the beginning deale so vncourteouslie with vs: since there is no man that taketh so much as a wild beast, but at the first he will cherish it, and with some gentlenesse win it to familiaritie? But we ourselues (to saie the trueth) are authors of our owne mischiefe, which suffered them at the first to set foot within our Iland, and did not by and by driue them backe as we did Cesar, or slue them with our swords when they were yet farre off, and that the aduenturing hither was dangerous: as we did sometime to Augustus and Caligula.

"We therefore that inhabit this Iland, which for the quantitie thereof maie well be called a maine, although it be inuironed about with the Ocean sea, diuiding vs from other nations, so that we séeme to liue vpon an other earth, & vnder a seuerall heauen: we, euen we (I saie) whose name hath béene long kept hid from the wisest of them all, are now contemned and troden vnder foot, of them who studie nothings else but how to become lords & haue rule of other men. Wherefore my welbeloued citizens, friendes, and kinsfolkes (for I thinke we are all of kin, since we were borne and dwell in this Ile, and haue one name common to vs all) let vs now, euen now (I saie, because we haue not doone it heretofore, and whilest the remembrance of our ancient libertie remaineth) sticke togither, and performe that thing which dooth perteine to valiant and hardie courages, to the end we maie inioie, not onelie the name of libertie, but also fréedome it selfe, and thereby leaue our force and valiant acts for an example to our posteritie: for if we which haue béene liberallie and in honest maner brought vp, should vtterlie forget our pristinate felicitie: what may we hope for in those that shall sucéed vs, and are like to be brought vp in miserie and thraldome?

"I doo not make rehearsall of these things vnto you, to the end I would prouoke you to mislike of this present estate of things (for well I know you abhorre it sufficientlie alreadie) neither to put you in feare of those things that are likelie to fall hereafter (because you doo feare and sée them verie well before hand) but to the end I maie giue you heartie thankes and woorthie commendations, for that of your owne accord and meanes you determine so well to prouide for things necessarie (thereby to helpe both me and your selues with willing minds) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Romane puissance.

"If you consider the number of your enimies, it is not greater than yours: if you regard their strength, they are no stronger than you: and all this dooth easilie appéere by the bassinets, habergeons, & greiues wherewith you be armed; and also by the walls, ditches and trenches that you haue made for your own defense, to kéepe off their excursions, who had rather fight with vs a farre off, than cope & deale with vs at hand strokes, as our custome of the warres and martiall discipline dooth require. Wherefore we doo so farre exceed them in force, that in mine opinion, our armie is more strong than stone walls, and one of our targets woorth all the armour that they doo beare vpon them: by meanes whereof, if the victorie be ours, we shall soone make them captiues: or if we lose the field, we shall easilie escape the danger.

"Furthermore, if after the flight we shall indeuour to méet anie where, we haue the marishes héere beneath to hide vs in, and the hils round about to kéepe them off, so that by no meanes they shall haue their purpose of vs, whereas they being ouercharged with heavie armour, shall neither be able to follow, if we flée; nor escape out of our danger, if they be put to flight: if they happen to breake out at anie time as desirous to make a rode, they returne by and by to their appointed places, where we maie take them as birds alreadie in cage. In all which things, as they are farre inferior to vs, so most of all in this, that they can not indure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and sunneshine, as we can doo.

"In their houses also and tents, they make much account of their baked meates, wine, oile, and abroad of the shadow, that if anie of these doo faile them, they either die foorthwith, or else in time they languish and consume: whereas to vs euerie hearbe and root is meat, euerie iuice an oile, all water pleasant wine, and euerie trée an house. Beside this, there is no place of the land vnknowne to vs, neither yet vnfriendlie to succour vs at néed; whereas to the Romans they are for the most part vnknowne and altogither dangerous, if they should stand in néed: we can with ease swim ouer euerie riuer both naked and clad, which they with their great ships are scarse able to performe. Wherefore with hope and good lucke let vs set vpon them couragiouslie, and teach them to vnderstand, that since they are no better than hares and foxes, they attempt a wrong match, when they indeuour to subdue the grehounds and the woolues." With which words the quéene let an hare go out of hir lap, as it were thereby to giue prognostication of hir successe, which comming well to passe, all the companie showted, and cried out vpon such as not long before had doone such violence to so noble a personage. Presentlie vpon this action, Voadicia calling them togither againe, procéeded forward with hir praier, which she made before them all, holding vp hir hands after this manner:

"I giue thée thanks O Adraste, and call vpon thee thou woman of women, which reignest not ouer the burthen-bearing Aegyptians, as Nitocris; neither ouer their merchants, as dooth Semiramis, for these trifles we haue learned latelie of the Romans: neither ouer the people of Rome, as a little héeretofore Messalina, then Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man, but is in déed a verie woman, as dooth appéere by his voice, his harpe, and his womans attire: but I call vpon thee as a goddesse which gouernest the Britains, that haue learned not to till the field, nor to be handicrafts men, but to lead their liues in the warres after the best manner: who also as they haue all other things, so haue they likewise their wiues and children common, whereby the women haue the like audacitie with the men, and no lesse boldnesse in the warres than they.

"Therefore sithens I haue obteined a kingdome among such a mightie people, I beséech thée to grant them victorie, health, and libertie, against these contentious, wicked, and vnsatiable men (if they maie be called men, which vse warme bathings, delicate fare, hot wines, swéet oiles, soft beds, fine musicke, and so vnkindlie lusts) who are altogither giuen to couetousnesse and crueltie, as their dooings doo declare. Let not I beséech thée, the Neronian or Domitian tyrannie anie more preuaile vpon me, or (to saie truth) vpon thée, but let them rather serue thée, whose heauie oppression thou hast borne withall a long season, and that thou wilt still be our helper onlie, our defender, our fauourer, and our furtherer, O noble ladie, I hartilie beséech thée."

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Queene Voadicia marcheth against the Romans, to whom she giueth a shamefull and bloudie ouerthrow without anie motion of mercie, dredfull examples of the Britains crueltie indifferentlie executed without exception of age or sex.

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

When Voadicia had made an end of hir praier, she set forward against hir enimies, who at that time were destitute in déed of their lieutenant Paulinus Suetonius, being as then in Anglesey (as before ye haue heard.) Wherefore the Romans that were in Camelodunum sent for [Sidenote: Corn. Tacit.] [Sidenote: Catus Decianus procurator.] aid vnto Catus Decianus the procurator, that is, the emperours agent, treasurer, or receiuer, for in that citie (although it were inhabited by Romans) there was no great garrison of able men. Wherevpon the procurator sent them such aid as he thought he might well spare, which was not past two hundred men, and those not sufficientlie furnished either with weapon or armour.

The citie was not compassed with anie rampire or ditch for defense, such as happilie were priuie to the conspiracie, hauing put into the heads of the Romans that no fortification néeded: neither were the aged men nor women sent awaie, whereby the yoong able personages might without trouble of them the better attend to the defense of the citie: but euen as they had béene in all suertie of peace, and frée from suspicion of anie warre, they were suddenlie beset with the huge armie of the Britains, and so all went to spoile and fire that could be found without the inclosure of the temple, into the which the Romane souldiers (striken with sudden feare by this sudden comming of the enimies) had thronged themselues. Where being assieged by the Britains, within the space of two daies the place was woonne, and they that were found within it, slaine euerie mothers sonne.

After this, the Britains incouraged with this victorie, went to méet with Petus Cerealis lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and boldlie incountering with the same legion, gaue the Romans the ouerthrow and slue all the footmen, so that Cerealis with much adoo escaped with his horssemen, and got him backe to the campe, and saued himselfe within the trenches. Catus the procurator being put in feare with this ouerthrow, and perceiuing what hatred the Britains bare towards him, hauing with his couetousnesse thus brought the warre vpon the head of the Romans, got him ouer into Gallia.

But Suetonius aduertised of these dooings, came backe out of Anglesey, and with maruellous constancie marched through the middest of his enimies to London, being as then not greatlie peopled with Romans, though there was a colonie of them, but full of merchants, and well prouided of vittels: he was in great doubt at his comming thither, whether he might best staie there as in a place most conuenient, or rather séeke some other more easie to be defended. At length considering the small number of his men of warre, and remembring how Cerealis had sped by his too much rashnesse, he thought better with the losing of one towne to saue the whole, than to put all in danger of irrecouerable losse. And therewith nothing mooued at the praier & teares of them which besought him of aid and succour, he departed, and those that would go with him he receiued into his armie, those that taried behind were oppressed by the enimies: and the like destruction happened to them of Verolanium, a towne in those daies of great fame, situat néere to the place where the towne of Saint Albons now standeth.

The Britains leauing the castels and fortresses vnassaulted, followed their game in spoiling of those places which were easie to get, and where great plentie of riches was to be found, vsing their victorie with such crueltie, that they slue (as the report went) to the number [Sidenote: 80000, saith Dion.] of 70 thousand Romans, and such as tooke their part in the said places by the Britains thus woon and conquered. For there was nothing with the Britains but slaughter, fire, gallowes, and such like, so earnestlie were they set on reuenge. They spared neither age nor sex: women of great nobilitie and woorthie fame they tooke and hanged vp naked, and cutting off their paps, sowed them to their mouthes, that they might séeme as if they sucked and fed on them, and some of their bodies they stretched out in length, and thrust them on sharpe stakes. All these things they did in great despite whilest they sacrificed in their temples, and made feasts, namelie in the wood consecrated to the honour of Andates, for so they called the goddesse of victorie whom they worshipped most reuerentlie.

* * * * *

P. Suetonius the Romane with a fresh power assalteth the Britains, whose armie consisted as well of women as men: queene Voadicia incourageth hir souldiers, so dooth Suetonius his warriors, both armies haue a sharpe conflict, the Britains are discomfited and miserablie slaine, the queene dieth, Penius Posthumus killeth himselfe, the Britains are persecuted with fire, swoord, and famine, the grudge betweene Cassicianus and Suetonius, whome Polycletus is sent to reconcile, of his traine, and how the Britains repined at him.

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

In this meane time there came ouer to the aid of Suetonius, the legion surnamed the 14, and other bands of souldiers and men of warre, to the number of ten thousand in the whole, wherevpon (chieflie bicause vittels began to faile him) he prepared to giue battell to his enimies, and chose out a plot of ground verie strong within straits, and backed with a wood, so that the enimies could not assault his campe but on the front: yet by reason of their great multitude and [Sidenote: The Britains were at that time 230000 men, (as Dion writeth.)] hope of victorie conceiued by their late prosperous successe, the Britains vnder the conduct of quéene Voadicia aduentured to giue battell, hauing their women there to be witnesses of the victorie, whome they placed in charrets at the vttermost side of their field.

[Sidenote: Corn. Tacit. li. 15.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] Voadicia, or Boudicia (for so we find hir written by some copies, and Bonuica also by Dion) hauing hir daughters afore hir, being mounted into a charret, as she passed by the souldiers of ech sundrie countrie, told them "it was a thing accustomed among the Britains to go to the warres vnder the leading of women; but she was not now come foorth as one borne of such noble ancestors as she was descended from, to fight for hir kingdome and riches; but as one of the meaner sort, rather to defend hir lost libertie, and to reuenge hir selfe of the enimie, for their crueltie shewed in scourging hir like a vagabond, and shamefull deflouring of hir daughters: for the licentious lust of the Romans was so farre spred and increased, that they spared neither the bodies of old nor yoong, but were readie most shamefullie to abuse them, hauing whipped hir naked being an aged woman, and forced hir daughters to satisfie their filthie concupiscence: but (saith she) the gods are at hand readie to take iust reuenge.

"The legion that presumed to incounter with vs is slaine and beaten downe. The residue kéepe them close within their holds, or else séeke waies how to flée out of the countrie: they shall not be once able so much as to abide the noise and clamor of so manie thousands as we are héere assembled, much lesse the force of our great puissance and dreadfull hands. If ye therefore (said she) would wey and consider with your selues your huge numbers of men of warre, and the causes why ye haue mooued this warre, ye would surelie determine either in this battell to die with honour, or else to vanquish the enimie by plaine force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fullie resolued, as for you men ye maie (if ye list) liue and be brought into bondage."

"Neither did Suetonius ceasse to exhort his people: for though he trusted in their manhood, yet as he had diuided his armie into three battels, so did he make vnto ech of them a seuerall oration, willing them not to feare the shrill and vaine menacing threats of the Britains, sith there was among them more women than men, they hauing no skill in warrelike discipline, and heereto being naked without furniture of armour, would foorthwith giue place when they should féele the sharpe points of the Romans weapons, and the force of them by whom they had so often béene put to flight. In manie legions (saith he) the number is small of them that win the battell. Their glorie therefore should be the more, for that they being a small number should win the fame due to the whole armie, if they would (thronging togither) bestow their weapons fréelie, and with their swoords and targets preasse forward vpon their enimies, continuing the slaughter without regard to the spoile, they might assure themselues when the victorie was once atchiued to haue all at their pleasures."

Such forwardnesse in the souldiers followed vpon this exhortation of the couragious generall, that euerie one prepared himselfe so readilie to doo his dutie, and that with such a shew of skill and experience, that Suetonius hauing conceiued an assured hope of good lucke to follow, caused the trumpets to sound to the battell. The onset was giuen in the straits, greatlie to the aduantage of the Romans, being but a handfull in comparison to their enimies. The fight in the beginning was verie sharpe and cruell, but in the end the Britains being a let one to another (by reason of the narrownesse of the place) were not able to susteine the violent force of the Romans their enimies, so that they were constreind to giue backe, and so being disordered were put to flight, and vtterlie discomfited.

[Sidenote: 80000 Britains slaine.] There were slaine of the Britains that day few lesse than 80000 [Sidenote: [*sic]] thousand*, as Tacitus writeth. For the straits being stopped with the charrets, staied the flight of the Britains, so as they could not easilie escape: and the Romans were so set on reuenge, that they spared neither man nor woman, so that manie were slaine in the battell, manie amongst the charrets, and a great number at the woods side, which way they made their flight, and manie were taken prisoners. Those that escaped, would haue fought a new battell, but in the meane time Voadicia, or Bonuica deceassed of a naturall infirmitie, as Dion Cassius writeth, but other say that she poisoned hir selfe, and so died, because she would not come into the hands of hir bloodthirstie enimies. There died of the Romans part in this most notable battell 400, and about the like number were grieuouslie hurt and most pitifullie wounded.

[Sidenote: Penius Posthumous sleieth himselfe.] Penius Posthumous maister of the campe of the second legion, vnderstanding the prosperous successe of the other Romane capteins, because he had defrauded his legion of the like glorie, and had refused to obeie the commandements of the generall, contrarie to the vse of warre, slue himselfe.

After this all the Romane armie was brought into the field to make an end of the residue of the warre. And the emperour caused a supplie to be sent out of Germanie being 2000 legionarie souldiers, and 8 bands of aids, with 1000 horssemen, by whose comming the bands of the ninth legion were supplied with legionarie souldiers, and those bands and wings of horssemen were appointed to places where they might winter, and such people of the Britains as were either enimies, or else stood in doubt whether to be friends or enimies in déed, were persecuted with fire and sword.

But nothing more afflicted them than famine, for whilest euerie man gaue himselfe to the warre, and purposed to haue liued vpon the prouision of the Romans and other their enimies, they applied not themselues to tillage, nor to anie husbanding of the ground, and long [Sidenote: Julius Cassickinus procurator.] it was yer they (being a fierce kind of people) fell to embrace peace, by reason that Iulius Cassicianus, who was sent into Britaine as successor to Catus, fell at square with Suetonius, and by his priuat grudge hindered the prosperous successe of publike affaires. He sticked not to write to Rome, that except an other were sent to succéed in the roome that Suetonius did beare, there would be no end of the warres. Herevpon one Polycletus, which sometime had béene a bondman, was sent into Britaine, as a commissioner to surueie the state of the countrie, to reconcile the legat and procurator, & also to pacifie all troubles within the Ile.

The port which Polycletus bare was great, for he was furnished with no small traine that attended vpon him, so that his presence seemed verie dreadfull to the Romans. But the Britains that were not yet pacified, thought great scorne to see such honorable capteins and men of warre as the Romans were, to submit themselues to the order of such a one as had béene a bondslaue.

* * * * *

In what state the Iland stood whiles Aruiragus reigned; the dissolute and loose gouernement of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus, and Victius Volanus, thrée lieutenants in Britaine for the Romane emperours, of Iulius Frontinus who vanquished the Silures.

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS LIEUTENANT.] In place of Suetonius, was Petronius Turpilianus (who had latelie béene consull) appointed to haue gouernance of the armie in Britaine, the which neither troubling the enimie, nor being of the enimie in anie wise troubled or prouoked, did colour slouthfull rest with the honest name of peace and quietnesse, and so sat still without exploiting anie notable enterprise.

[Sidenote: TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS LIEUTENANT.] After Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus was made lieutenant of Britaine, who likewise with courteous demeanour sought to kéepe the Britains in rest rather than by force to compell them. And now began the people of the Ile to beare with pleasant faults and flattering vices, so that the ciuill warres that chanced in those daies after the death of the emperour Nero at home, might easilie excuse the slouthfulnesse of the Romane lieutenants.

Moreouer, there rose dissention amongest their men of warre, which being vsed to lie abroad in the field, could not agrée with the idle life; so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide himselfe from the sight of the souldiers being in an vprore against him, till at length humbling himselfe vnto them further than became his estate, he gouerned by waie of intreatie, or rather at their courtesie. And so was the commotion staied without bloudshed, the armie as it were hauing by couenant obtained to liue licentiouslie, and the capteine suertie to liue without danger to be murthered.

[Sidenote: VICTIUS VOLANUS LIEUTENAT.] Neither Victius Volanus that succéeded Maximus whilest the time of the ciuill warres as yet endured, did trouble the Britains, vsing the same slacknesse and slouth that the other lieutenants had vsed before him, and permitted the like licence to the presumptuous souldiers: but yet was Volanus innocent as touching himselfe, and not hated for anie notable crime or vice: so that he purchased fauour, although authoritie wanted.

But after that the emperour Vsepasianus had subdued his aduersaries, and atteined the imperiall gouernment, as well ouer Britaine as ouer [Sidenote: Cor. Tacitus.] other parts of the world, there were sent hither right noble capteins, with diuers notable bands of souldiers, and Petilius Cerialis being appointed lieutenant, put the Britains in great feare, by inuading the Brigants the mightiest nation of all the whole Iland: and fighting manie battels, and some right bloudie with those people, he subdued a great part of the countrie at the last.

[Sidenote: IULIUS FRONTINUS LIEUTENAT.] After him succéeded as lieutenant of Britaine, one Iulius Frontinus, who vanquished and brought to the Romane subiection by force of armes the people called Silures, striuing not onelie against the stout resistance of the men, but also with the hardnesse & combersome troubles of the places.

¶ Thus may you perceiue in what state this Ile stood in the time that Aruiragus reigned in the same, as is supposed by the best histories of the old Britains: so that it may be thought that he gouerned rather a part of this land, than the whole, and bare the name of a king, the Romans not hauing so reduced the countrie into the forme of a prouince, but that the Britains bare rule in diuerse parts thereof, and that by the permission of the Romans, which neuerthelesse had their lieutenants and procuratours here, that bare the greatest rule vnder the aforesaid emperours.

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The state of this Iland under Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, the comming in of the Picts with Roderike their king, his death in the field, the Picts and Scots enter into mutuall aliance, the monument of Marius, his victorie ouer the Picts, his death and interrement.

THE XV. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MARIUS.] [Sidenote: Hector Boetius saith that his Marius was a Romane. 73.] After the decease of Aruiragus, his sonne Marius succeeded him in the estate, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 73. In the old English chronicle he is fondlie called Westmer, & was a verie wise man, gouerning the Britains in great prosperitie, honour and wealth.

In the time of this mans reigne, the people called Picts inuaded this land, who are iudged to be descended of the nation of the Scithians, [Sidenote: Of these you maie reade more in pag. 9. (441-2 = Book 2, Ch. 3.)] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] neare kinsmen to the Goths, both by countrie and maners, a cruell kind of men and much giuen to the warres. This people with their ringleader Roderike, or (as some name him) Londorike, entering the Ocean sea after the maner of rouers, arriued on the coasts of Ireland, where they required of the Scots new seats to inhabit in: for the Scots which (as some thinke) were also descended of the Scithians, did as then inhabit in Ireland: but doubting that it should not be for their profit to receiue so warlike a nation into that Ile, feining as it were a friendship, and excusing the matter by the narrownesse of the countrie, declared to the Picts, that the Ile of Britaine was not farre from thence, being a large countrie and a plentifull, and not greatly inhabited: wherefore they counselled them to go thither, promising vnto them all the aid that might be.

The Picts more desirous of spoile than of rule or gouernment without delaie returned to the sea, and sailed towards Britaine, where being arriued, they first inuaded the north parts thereof, and finding there but few inhabiters, they began to wast and forrey the countrie: whereof when king Marius was aduertised, with all speed he assembled his people, and made towards his enimies, and giuing them battell, [Sidenote: Roderike king of Picts slaine.] obtained the victorie, so that Roderike was there slaine in the field, and his people vanquished.

Vnto those that escaped with life, Marius granted licence that they might inhabit in the north part of Scotland called Catnesse, being as then a countrie in maner desolate without habitation: wherevpon they withdrew thither, and setled themselues in those parties. And bicause the Britains disdained to grant vnto them their daughters in mariage, they sent vnto the Scots into Ireland, requiring to haue wiues of their nation. The Scots agréed to their request, with this condition, that where there wanted lawfull issue of the kings linage to succéed in the kingdome of the Picts, then should they name one of the womans side to be their king: which ordinance was receiued and obserued euer after amongst the Picts, so long as their kingdome endured.

Thus the Picts next after the Romans were the first of anie strangers that came into this land to inhabit as most writers affirme, although the Scotish chronicles auouch the Picts to be inhabiters here before [Sidenote: Polydor.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] the incarnation of our sauiour. But the victorie which Marius obteined against their king Roderike, chanced in the yéere after the incarnation 87. In remembrance of which victorie, Marius caused a stone to be erected in the same place where the battell was fought, in which stone was grauen these words, Marij victoria. The English chronicle saith that this stone was set vp on Stanesmoore, and that the whole countrie thereabout taking name of this Marius, was Westmaria, now called Westmerland.

King Marius hauing thus subdued his enimies, and escaped the danger of their dreadfull inuasion, gaue his mind to the good gouernement of his people, and the aduancement of the common wealth of the realme, continuing the residue of his life in great tranquillitie, and [Sidenote: Matt. West.] [Sidenote: Thus find we in the British and English histories touching this Marius.] finallie departed this life, after he had reigned (as most writers say) 52, or 53 yéeres. Howbeit there be that write, that he died in the yéere of our Lord 78, and so reigned not past fiue or six yéeres at the most. He was buried at Caerleill, leauing a sonne behind him called Coill.

Humfrey Lhoyd séemeth to take this man and his father Aruiragus to be all one person, whether mooued thereto by some catalog of kings which he saw, or otherwise, I cannot affirme: but speaking of the time when the Picts and Scots should first come to settle themselues in this land, he hath these words; Neither was there anie writers of name, that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Vespasianus time, about the yeere of the incarnation 72: at what time Meurig or Maw, or Aruiragus reigned in Britaine, in which time our annales doo report, that a certeine kind of people liuing by pirasie and rouing on the sea, came foorth of Sueden, or Norwaie, vnder the guiding of one Rhithercus, who landed in Albania, wasting all the countrie with robbing and spoiling so farre as Caerleill, where he was vanquished in battell, and slaine by Muragus, with a great part of his people; the residue that escaped by flight, fled to their ships, and so conueied themselues into the Iles of Orkney and Scotland, where they abode quietlie a great while after.

Thus farre haue I thought good to shew of the foresaid Lhoyds booke, for that it seemeth to carie a great likelihood of truth with it, for the historie of the Picts, which vndoubtedlie I thinke were not as yet inhabiting in Britaine, but rather first placing themselues in the Iles of Orkney, made inuasion into the maine Ile of Britaine afterwards, as occasion was offred. In the British toong they are called Pightiaid, that is Pightians, and so likewise were they called in the Scotish, and in their owne toong. Now will we shew what chanced in this Ile, during the time of the foresaid Marius his supposed reigne, as is found in the Romane histories.

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Iulius Agricola is deputed by Vespasian to gouerne Britaine, he inuadeth the Ile of Anglesey, the inhabitants yeeld vp them selues, the commendable gouernement of Agricola, his worthie practises to traine the Britains to ciuilitie, his exploits fortunatelie atchiued against diuerse people, as the Irish, &c.

THE 16. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Iulius Agricola lieutenant.] [Sidenote: Cor. Tacit. in uit. Agr.] [Sidenote: The first yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] After Iulius Frontinus, the emperor Vespasian sent Iulius Agricola to succéed in the gouernement of Britaine, who comming ouer about the midst of summer, found the men of warre thorough want of a lieutenant negligent inough, so those that looking for no trouble, thought themselues out of all danger, where the enimies neuerthelesse watched vpon the next occasion to worke some displeasure, and were readie on ech hand to mooue rebellion. For the people called Ordouices, that inhabited in the countrie of Chesshire, Lancashire and part of Shropshire, had latelie before ouerthrowne, and in maner vtterlie destroied a wing of such horssemen as soiourned in their parties, by reason whereof all the prouince was brought almost into an assured hope to recouer libertie.

Agricola vpon his comming ouer, though summer was now halfe past, and that the souldiers lodging here & there abroad in the countrie, were more disposed to take rest, than to set forward into the field against the enimies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and therewith assembling the men of warre of the Romans, and such other aids as he might make, he inuaded their countrie that had done this foresaid displeasure, and slue the most part of all the inhabitants thereof. Not thus contented (for that he thought good to follow the steps of fauourable fortune, and knowing that as the begining proued, so would the whole sequele of his affaires by likelihood come to [Sidenote: The Ile of Anglesey.] passe) he purposed to make a full conquest of the Ile of Anglesey, from the conquest wherof the Romane lieutenant Paulinus was called backe by the rebellion of other of the Britains, as before ye haue heard.

But whereas he wanted ships for the furnishing of his enterprise, his wit and policie found a shift to supplie that defect: for choosing out a piked number of such Britains as he had there with him in aid, which knew the foords and shallow places of the streames there, and withall were verie skilfull in swimming (as the maner of the countrie then was) he appointed them to passe ouer on the sudden into the Ile, onelie with their horsses, armor, and weapon: which enterprise they so spéedilie, and with so good successe atchiued, that the inhabitants much amazed with that dooing (which looked for a nauie of ships to haue transported ouer their enimies by sea, and therefore watched on the coast) began to thinke that nothing was able to be defended against such kind of warriors that got ouer into the Ile after such sort and maner.

[Sidenote: Anglesey yéelded to Agricola.] And therefore making sute for peace, they deliuered the Ile into the hands of Agricola, whose fame by these victories dailie much increased, as of one that tooke pleasure in trauell, and attempting to atchiue dangerous enterprises, in stead whereof his predecessors had delighted, to shew the maiesties of their office by vaine brags, statelie ports, and ambitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the prosperous successe of his procéedings into vanitie, but rather with neglecting his fame, increased it to the vttermost, among them that iudged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be atchiued, which with silence kept secret these his so woorthie dooings.

Moreouer, perceiuing the nature of the people in this Ile of Britaine, and sufficientlie taught by other mens example, that armor should little auaile where iniuries followed to the disquieting of the people, he thought best to take away and remooue all occasions of [Sidenote: Agricola his good gouernment.] warre. And first beginning with himselfe and his souldiers, tooke order for a reformation to be had in his owne houshold, yéelding nothing to fauor, but altogither in respect of vertue, accounting them most faithfull which therein most excelled. He sought to know all things, but not to doo otherwise than reason mooued, pardoning small faults, and sharpelie punishing great and heinous offenses, neither yet deliting alwaies in punishment, but oftentimes in repentance of the offendor. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualifieng the same by reasonable equitie. And thus in reforming the state of things, he wan him great praise in time of peace, the which either by negligence or sufferance of the former lieutenants, was euer feared, and accounted woorse than open warre. This was his practise in the winter time of his first yéere.

[Sidenote: His diligence.] But when summer was come, he assembled his armie, and leading foorth the same, trained his souldiers in all honest warlike discipline, commending the good, and reforming the bad and vnrulie. He himselfe to giue example, tooke vpon him all dangers that came to hand, and suffered not the enimies to liue in rest, but wasted their countries with sudden inuasions. And when he had sufficientlie chastised them, and put them in feare by such manner of dealing, he spared them, that they might againe conceiue some hope of peace. By which meanes manie countries which vnto those daies had kept themselues out of bondage, laid rancor aside, and deliuered pledges, and further were contented to suffer castels to be builded within them, and to be kept with garrisons, so that no part of Britaine was frée from the Romane power, but stood still in danger to be brought vnder more and more.

[Sidenote: The second yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] [Sidenote: The woorthie practises of Agricola to traine the Britains to ciuilitie.] In the winter following, Agricola tooke paines to reduce the Britains from their rude manners and customs, vnto a more ciuill sort and trade of liuing, that changing their naturall fiercenesse and apt disposition to warre, they might through tasting pleasures be so inured therewith, that they should desire to liue in rest and quietnesse: and therefore he exhorted them priuilie, and holpe them publikelie to build temples, common halls where plées of law might be kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such dooings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessitie they were driuen to striue who should preuent ech other in ciuilitie. He also procured that noble mens sonnes should learne the liberall sciences, and praised the nature of the Britains more than the people of Gallia, bicause they studied to atteine to the knowledge of the Romane eloquence. By which meanes the Britains in short time were brought to the vse of good and commendable manners, and sorted themselues to go in comelie apparell after the Romane fashion, and by little and little fell to accustome themselues to fine fare and delicate pleasures, the readie prouokers of vices, as to walke in galleries, to wash themselues in bathes, to vse banketting, and such like, which amongst the vnskilfull was called humanitie or courtesie, but in verie deed it might be accounted a part of thraldome and seruitude, namelie being too excessiuelie vsed.

[Sidenote: The third yéere.] In the third yéere of Agricola his gouernment in Britaine, he inuaded the north parts thereof (vnknowne till those daies of the Romans) being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the countrie [Sidenote: The water of Tay.] vnto the water of Tay, in such wise putting the inhabitants in feare, that they durst not once set vpon his armie, though it were so that the same was verie sore disquieted and vexed by tempest and rage of weather. Wherevpon finding no great let or hinderance by the enimies, he builded certeine castels and fortresses, which he placed in such conuenient stéeds, that they greatlie annoied his aduersaries, and were so able to be defended, that there was none of those castels which he builded, either woon by force out of the Romans hands, or giuen ouer by composition, for feare to be taken: so that the same beeing furnished with competent numbers of men of warre, were safelie kept from the enimies, the which were dailie vexed by the often issues made foorth by the souldiers that laie thus in garrison within them: so that where in times past the said enimies would recouer their losses susteined in summer by the winters aduantage, now they were put to the woorse, and kept backe as well in the winter as in the summer.

[Sidenote: The fourth yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] [Sidenote: Clota Bodotria.] In the fourth summer, after that Agricola was appointed vnto the rule of this land, he went about to bring vnder subiection those people, the which before time he had by incursions and forreies sore vexed and disquieted: and therevpon comming to the waters of Clide and Loughleuen, he built certeine fortresses to defend the passages and entries there, driuing the enimies beyond the same waters, as it had béene into a new Iland.

[Sidenote: The fift yéere.] In the fift summer, Agricola causing his ships to be brought about, and appointing them to arriue on the north coasts of Scotland, he passed with his armie ouer the riuer of Clide; and subdued such people as inhabited those further parts of Scotland, which till those daies had not beene discouered by the Romans. And bicause he thought it should serue well to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland, if that part of Scotland which bordereth on the Irish seas might be kept in due obedience, he placed garrisons of souldiers in those parties, in hope verelie vpon occasion to passe ouer into Ireland, and for the more easie aduancement of his purpose therein, he interteined [Sidenote: An Irish king expelled out of his countrie.] with honourable prouision one of the kings of Ireland, which by ciuill discord was expelled and driuen out of his countrie. In déed Agricola perceiued, that with one legion of souldiers, and a small aid of other men of warre it should be an easie matter to conquer Ireland, and to bring it vnder the dominion of the Romans: which enterprise he iudged verie necessarie to be exploited, for better kéeping of the Britains in obedience, if they should sée the iurisdiction of the Romans euerie where extended, and the libertie of their neighbours suppressed.

[Sidenote: The sixt yéere of Agricola his government.] In the sixt summer of Agricola his gouernment, he proceeded in subduing the furthermost parts of Scotland northwards, causing his nauie to kéepe course against him by the coast as he marched foorth by land, so that the Britains perceiuing how the secret hauens and créekes of their countries were now discouered, and that all hope of refuge was in maner cut off from them, were in maruellous feare. On the other part the Romans were sore troubled with the rough mounteins and craggie rocks, by the which they were constreined to passe beside the dangerous riuers, lakes, woods, streicts, and other combersome waies and passages.

The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea was not small, by reason of winds and tempests, and high spring tides, which tossed and turmoiled their vessels verie cruellie: but by the painfull diligence of them that had béene brought vp and inured with continuall trauell and hardnesse, all those discommodities were ouercome to their great reioising, when they met and fell in talke of their passed perils. For oftentimes the armie by land incamped so by the shore, that those which kept the sea came on land to make merrie in the campe, and then ech one would recount to others the aduentures that had happened, as the manner is in semblable cases.

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The Britains of Calenderwood assalt the Romans upon aduantage, bloudie battels fought betwixt them, great numbers slaine on both sides, the villanous dealing of certeine Dutch souldiers against their capteins and fellowes in armes, the miserie that they were driven vnto by famine to eate one another, a sharpe conflict betweene the Romans and Britains, with the losse of manie a mans life, and effusion of much bloud.

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Calenderwood.] The Britains that inhabited in those daies about the parts of Calenderwood, perceiuing in what danger they were to be vtterlie subdued, assembled themselues togither, in purpose to trie the fortune of battell: whereof Agricola being aduertised, marched foorth with his armie diuided in three battels, so that the enimies doubting to trie the matter in open field, espied their time in the night, and with all their whole puissance set vpon one of the Romane legions, which they knew to be most féeble and weake, trusting by a camisado to distresse the same: and first sleaing the watch, they entred the campe, where the said legion laie, and finding the souldiers in great disorder, betwixt sléepe and feare, began the fight euen within the campe.

Agricola had knowledge of their purposed intent, and therefore with all speed hasted foorth to come to the succours of his people, sending first his light horssemen, and certeine light armed footmen to assaile the enimies on their backs, and shortlie after approched with his whole puissance, so that the Romane standards beginning to appéere in sight by the light of the daie that then began to spring, the Britains were sore discouraged, and the Romans renewing their force, fiercelie preassed vpon them, so that euen in the entrie of the campe, there was a sore conflict, till at length the Britains were put to flight and chased, so that if the mareshes and woods had not saued them from the pursute of the Romans, there had beene an end made of the whole warre euen by that one daies worke. But the Britains escaping as well as they might, and reputing the victorie to haue chanced not by the valiancie of the Romane soldiers, but by occasion, and the prudent policie of their capteine, were nothing abashed with that their present losse, but prepared to put their youth againe into armour: and therevpon they remooued their wiues and children into safe places, and then assembling the chiefest gouernours togither, concluded a league amongst themselues, ech to aid other, confirming their articles with dooing of sacrifice (as the manner in those daies was.)

[Sidenote: The seuenth yéere.] The same summer, a band of such Dutch or Germaine souldiers as had béene leuied in Germanie & sent ouer into Britaine to the aid of the Romans, attempted a great and woonderfull act, in sleaing their capteine, and such other of the Romane souldiers which were appointed to haue the training and leading of them, as officers and instructors to them in the feats of warre: and when they had committed that murther, they got into thrée pinesses, and became rouers on the coasts of Britaine, and incountring with diuerse of the Britains that were readie to defend their countrie from spoile, oftentimes they got the vpper hand of them, and now and then they were chased awaie, insomuch that in the end they were brought to such extremitie for want of vittels, that they did eate such amongst them as were the weakest, and after, such as the lot touched, being indifferentlie cast amongst them: and so being caried about the coasts of Britaine, & losing their vessels through want of skill to gouerne them, they were reputed for robbers, and therevpon were apprehended, first by the Suabeners, and shortlie after by the Frizers, the which sold diuerse of them to the Romans and other, whereby the true vnderstanding of their aduentures came certeinlie to light.

[Sidenote: The eight yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] In summer next following, Agricola with his armie came to the mounteine of Granziben, where he vnderstood that his enimies were incamped, to the number of 30 thousand and aboue, and dailie there came to them more companie of the British youth, and such aged persons also as were lustie and in strength, able to weld weapon and beare [Sidenote: Galgagus whome the Scots name Gald and will néeds haue him a Scotish man.] armour. Amongst the capteins the chiefest was one Galgagus whom the Scotish chronicles name Gald. This man as chiefteine and head capteine of all the Britains there assembled, made to them a pithie oration, to incourage them to fight manfullie, and likewise did Agricola to his people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order of battell. Agricola placed 8 thousand footmen of strangers which he had there in aid with him in the midst, appointing thrée thousand horssemen to stand on the sides of them as wings. The Romane legions stood at their backs in stéed of a bulworke. The Britains were imbattelled in such order, that their fore ward stood in the plaine ground, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen [Sidenote: Corn. Tacit.] on heigth one ranke aboue another. The midst of the field was couered with their charrets and horssemen. Agricola doubting by the huge multitude of enimies, least his people should be assailed not onlie afront, but also vpon euerie side the battels, he caused the ranks so to place themselues, as their battels might stretch farre further in bredth than otherwise the order of warre required: but he tooke this to be a good remedie against such inconuenience as might haue followed, if the enimie by the narrownesse of the fronts of his battels should haue hemmed them in on ech side.

This done, and hauing conceiued good hope of victorie, he alighted on foot, and putting his horsse from him, he stood before the standards as one not caring for anie danger that might happen. At the first they bestowed their shot and darts fréelie on both sides. The Britains aswell with constant manhood, as skilfull practise, with broad swords and little round bucklers auoided and beat from them the arrowes and darts that came from their enimies, and therewithall paid them home againe with their shot and darts, so that the Romans were néere hand oppressed therewith, bicause they came so thicke in their faces, till [Sidenote: Betaui.] [Sidenote: Congri.] at length Agricola caused thrée cohorts of Hollanders, & two of Lukeners to presse forward, & ioine with them at hand-strokes, so as the matter might come to be tried with the edge of the swoord, which thing as to them (being inured with that kind of fight) it stood greatlie with their aduantage, so to the Britains it was verie dangerous, that were to defend themselues with their mightie huge swoords and small bucklers. Also by reason their swoords were broad at the ends, and pointlesse, they auailed little to hurt the armed enimie. Wherevpon when the Hollanders came to ioine with them, they made fowle worke in sleaing and wounding them in most horrible wise.

The horssemen also that made resistance they pulled from their horsses, and began to clime the hill vpon the Britains. The other bands desirous to match their fellowes in helping to atchiue the [Sidenote: Hollanders.] victorie, followed the Hollanders, and beat downe the Britains where they might approch to them: manie were ouerrun and left halfe dead, and some not once touched with anie weapon, were likewise ouerpressed, such hast the Romans made to follow vpon the Britains. Whilest the British horssemen fled, their charets ioined themselues with their footmen, and restoring the battell, put the Romans in such feare, that they were at a sudden stay: but the charets being troubled with prease of enimies, & vnéeuennesse of the ground, they could not worke their feat to anie purpose, neither had that fight anie resemblance of a battell of horssemen, when ech one so encumbred other, that they had no roome to stirre themselues. The charets oftentimes wanting their guiders were caried awaie with the horsses, that being put in feare with the noise and stur, ran hither and thither, bearing downe one another, and whomsoeuer else they met withall.

Now the Britains that kept the top of the hils, and had not yet fought at all, despising the small number of the Romans, began to come downewards and to cast about, that they might set vpon the backs of their enimies, in hope so to make an end of the battell, and to win the victorie: but Agricola doubting no lesse, but that some such thing would come to passe, had aforehand foreséene the danger, and hauing reserued foure wings of horssemen for such sudden chances, sent them foorth against those Britains, the which horssemen with full randon charging vpon them as they rashlie came forwards, quicklie disordered them and put them all to flight, and so that purposed deuise and policie of the Britains turned to their owne hinderance. For their horssemen by their capteins appointment trauersing ouerthwart by the fronts of them that fought, set vpon that battell of the Britains which they found before them. Then in those open and plaine places a greeuous & heauie sight it was to behold, how they pursued, wounded, and tooke their enimies: and as they were aduised of other to slea those that they had before taken, to the end they might ouertake the other, there was nothing but fléeing, taking, and chasing, slaughter, spilling of bloud, scattering of weapons, grunting and groning of men and horsses that lay on the ground, gasping for breath, & readie to die.

The Britains now and then as they saw their aduantage, namelie when they approched néere to the woods, gathered themselues togither, and set vpon the Romans as they followed vnaduisedlie, and further (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their suertie, insomuch that if Agricola had not prouided remedie, and sent foorth mightie bands of light armed men both on foot and horssebacke to close in the enimies, and also to beat the wood, some greater losse would haue followed through too much boldnes of them that too rashlie pursued vpon the Britains: who when they beheld the Romans thus to follow them in whole troops and good order of battell, they slipt awaie and tooke them to flight, ech one seeking to saue himselfe, and kept not togither in plumps as before they had doone. The night made an end of the chase which the Romans had followed till they were [Sidenote: Ten thousand Britains slaine.] [Sidenote: Aulus Atticus slaine.] throughlie wearied. There were slaine of the Britains that day 10000, and of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atticus a capteine of one of the cohorts or bands of footmen was one, who being mounted on horssebacke (through his owne too much youthfull courage, and fierce vnrulines of his horsse) was caried into the middle throng of his enimies, and there slaine.

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The lamentable distresse and pitifull perplexitie of the Britains after their ouerthrow, Domitian enuieth Agricola the glorie of his victories, he is subtilie depriued of his deputiship, and Cneus Trebellius surrogated in his roome.

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

The night insuing the foresaid ouerthrow of the Britains was spent of the Romans in great ioy & gladnes for the victorie atchiued. But among [Sidenote: Britains, not Scots, neither yet Picts.] the Britains there was nothing else heard but mourning and lamentation, both of men and women that were mingled togither, some busie to beare away the wounded, to bind and dresse their hurts; other calling for their sonnes, kinsfolkes and friends that were wanting. Manie of them forsooke their houses, and in their desperate mood set them on fire, and choosing foorth places for their better refuge and safegard, foorthwith misliking of the same, left them and sought others: herewith diuerse of them tooke counsell togither what they were best to doo, one while they were in hope, an other while they fainted, as people cast into vtter despaire: the beholding of their wiues and children oftentimes mooued them to attempt some new enterprise for the preseruation of their countrie and liberties. And certeine it is that some of them slue their wiues and children, as mooued thereto with a certeine fond regard of pitie to rid them out of further miserie and danger of thraldome.

The next day the certeintie of the victorie more plainlie was disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noise heard anie where: the houses appeared burning on ech side, and such as were sent foorth to discouer the countrie into euerie part thereof, saw not a creature stirring, for all the people were auoided and withdrawne a farre off.

When Agricola had thus ouerthrowne his enimies in a pitcht field at the mountaine of Granziben, and that the countrie was quite rid of all appearance of enimies: bicause the summer of this eight yéere of his gouernement was now almost spent, he brought his armie into the [Sidenote: Hector Boet.] confines of the Horrestians, which inhabited the countries now called [Sidenote: Cor. Tacitus.] Angus & Merne, and there intended to winter, and tooke hostages of the people for assurance of their loialtie and subiection. This doone, he appointed the admirall of the nauie to saile about the Ile, which accordinglie to his commission in that point receiued, luckilie accomplished his enterprise, and brought the nauie about againe into [Sidenote: An hauen called Trutulensis, peraduenture Rutupensis.] an hauen called Trutulensis.

In this meane time, whiles Iulius Agricola was thus occupied in Britaine, both the emperour Vespasianus, and also his brother Titus that succéeded him, departed this life, and Domitianus was elected emperor, who hearing of such prosperous successe as Agricola had against the Britains, did not so much reioise for the thing well doone, as he enuied to consider what glorie and renowme should redound to Agricola thereby, which he perceiued should much darken the glasse of his fame, hauing a priuate person vnder him, who in woorthinesse of noble exploits atchiued, farre excelled his dooings.

To find remedie therefore herein, he thought not good to vtter his malice as yet, whilest Agricola remained in Britaine with an armie, which so much fauoured him, and that with so good cause, sith by his policie and noble conduct the same had obteined so manie victories, so much honor, and such plentie of spoiles and booties. Wherevpon to dissemble his intent, he appointed to reuoke him foorth of Britaine, as it were to honor him, not onelie with deserued triumphs, but also with the lieutenantship of Syria, which as then was void by the death of Aulius Rufus. Thus Agricola being countermanded home to Rome, [Sidenote: Cneus Trebellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some thinke.] deliuered his prouince vnto his successor Cneus Trebellius, appointed thereto by the emperour Domitianus, in good quiet and safegard.

¶ Thus may you sée in what state Britaine stood in the daies of king Marius, of whome Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some haue written, that the citie of Chester was builded by this Marius, though other (as before I haue said) thinke rather that it was the worke of Ostorius [Sidenote: Fabian.] Scapula their legat. Touching other the dooings of Agricola, in the Scotish chronicle you maie find more at large set foorth: for that which I haue written héere, is but to shew what in effect Cornelius Tacitus writeth of that which Agricola did here in Britaine, without making mention either of Scots or Picts, onelie naming them Britains, Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited in those daies a part of this Ile which now we call Scotland, the originall of which countrie, and the inhabitants of the same, is greatlie controuersed among writers; diuerse diuerslie descanting therevpon, some fetching their reason from the etymon of the word which is Gréeke, some from the opening of their ancestors as they find the same remaining in records; other some from comparing antiquities togither, and aptlie collecting the truth as néere as they can. But to omit them, and returne to the continuation of our owne historie.

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Of Coillus the sonne of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he reigned: of Lucius his sonne and successor, what time he assumed the gouernment of this land, he was an open professor of christian religion, he and his familie are baptised, Britaine receiueth the faith, 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time in this Iland, Westminster church and S. Peters in Cornehill builded, diuers opinions touching the time of Lucius his reigne, of his death, and when the christian faith was receiued in this Iland.

THE 19. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: COILLUS.] [Sidenote: 125.] COILLUS the sonne of Marius was after his fathers deceasse made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 125. This Coillus or Coill was brought vp in his youth amongst the Romans at Rome, where he spent his time not vnprofitablie, but applied himselfe to learning & seruice in the warres, by reason whereof he was much honored of the Romans, and he likewise honored and loued them, so that he paied his tribute truelie all the time of his reigne, and therefore liued in peace and good quiet. He was also a prince of much bountie, and verie liberall, whereby he obteined great loue both of his nobles and commons. Some [Sidenote: Colchester built.] saie, that he made the towne of Colchester in Essex, but others write, that Coill which reigned next after Asclepiodotus was the first founder of that towne, but by other it should séeme to be built long before, being called Camelodunum. Finallie when this Coill had reigned the space of 54 yeares, he departed this life at Yorke, leauing after him a sonne named Lucius, which succéeded in the kingdome.

[Sidenote: LUCIUS.] LUCIUS the sonne of Coillus, whose surname (as saith William Harison) is not extant, began his reigne ouer the Britains about the yeare of our Lord 180, as Fabian following the authoritie of Peter Pictauiensis saith, although other writers seeme to disagrée in that account, as by the same Fabian in the table before his booke partlie appeareth, wherevnto Matthæus Westmonasteriensis affirmeth, that this Lucius was borne in the yeare of our Lord 115, and was crowned king in the yeare 124, as successor to his father Coillus, which died the same yeare, being of great age yer the said Lucius was borne. It is noted by antiquaries, that his entrance was in the 4132 of the world, 916 after the building of Rome, 220 after the comming of Cesar into Britaine, [Sidenote: 165.] and 165 after Christ, whose accounts I follow in this treatise.

This Lucius is highlie renowmed of the writers, for that he was the first king of the Britains that receiued the faith of Iesus Christ: for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth, euen from the beginning of his reigne, he somewhat leaned to the fauoring of Christian religion, being moued with the manifest miracles which the Christians dailie wrought in witnesse and proofe of their sound and perfect doctrine. For euen from the daies of Ioseph of Arimathia and his fellowes, or what other godlie men first taught the Britains the gospell of our Sauiour there remained amongest the same Britains some christians which ceased not to teach and preach the word of God most sincerelie vnto them: but yet no king amongst them openlie professed that religion, till at length this Lucius perceiuing not onelie some of the Romane lieutenants in Britaine as Trebellius and Pertinax, with others, to haue submitted themselues to that profession, but also the emperour himselfe to begin to be fauorable to them that professed it, he tooke occasion by their good example to giue eare more attentiuelie vnto the gospell, and at length sent vnto Eleutherius bishop of Rome two learned men of the British nation, Eluane and Meduine, requiring him to send some such ministers as might instruct him and his people in the true faith more plentifullie, and to baptise them according to the rules of christian religion.

[Sidenote: Fol. 119.] ¶ The reuerend father Iohn Iewell, sometime bishop of Salisburie, writeth in his * replie vnto Hardings answer, that the said Eleutherius, for generall order to be taken in the realme and churches héere, wrote his aduice to Lucius in maner and forme following. "You haue receiued in the kingdome of Britaine, by Gods mercie, both the law and faith of Christ; ye haue both the new and the old testament, out of the same through Gods grace, by the aduise of your realme make a law, and by the same through Gods sufferance rule you your kingdome of Britaine, for in that kingdome you are Gods vicar."

Herevpon were sent from the said Eleutherius two godlie learned men, the one named Fugatius, and the other Damianus, the which baptised the king with all his familie and people, and therewith remoued the [Sidenote: Britaine receiueth the faith.] worshipping of idols and false gods, and taught the right meane and waie how to worship the true and immortall God. There were in those daies within the bounds of Britaine 28 Flamines, & thrée Archflamines, which were as bishops and archbishops, or superintendents of the pagan or heathen religion, in whose place (they being remoued) were instituted 28 bishops & thrée archbishops of the christian religion. One of the which archbishops held his sée at London, another at Yorke, [Sidenote: Matth. West.] and the third at Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorganshire. Vnto the archbishop of London was subiect Cornewall, and all the middle part of England, euen vnto Humber. To the archbishop of Yorke all the north parts of Britaine from the riuer of Humber vnto the furthest partes of Scotland. And to the archbishop of Caerleon was subiect all Wales, within which countrie as then were seuen bishops, where now there are but foure. The riuer of Seuern in those daies diuided Wales (then called Cambria) from the other parts of Britaine. Thus Britaine [Sidenote: Iosephus of Arimathia.] partlie by the meanes of Ioseph of Arimathia (of whome ye haue heard before) & partlie by the wholesome instructions & doctrines of Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all other regions that openlie receiued the gospell, and continued most stedfast in that profession, till the cruell furie of Dioclesian persecuted the same, in such sort, that as well in Britaine as in all other places of the world, the christian religion was in manner extinguished, and vtterlie destroied.

[Sidenote: Polydor.] [Sidenote: Westminster Church built.] There be that affirme, how this Lucius should build the church of saint Peter at Westminster, though manie attribute that act vnto Sibert king of the east Saxons, and write how the place was then ouergrowne with thornes and bushes, and thereof tooke the name, and was called Thorney. They ad moreouer that Thomas archbishop of London preached, read, and ministred the sacraments there to such as made resort vnto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the reuestrie of saint Paules at London, and also a table sometime hanging in saint Peters church in Cornehill, it should séeme that the said church of saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein (saith Harison anno mundi 4174) dooth lie a scruple. Sure Cornell might soone be mistaken for Thorney, speciallie in such old records, as time, age, & euill handling haue oftentimes defaced.

But howsoeuer the case standeth, truth it is, that Lucius reioising much, in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and vnderstanding of the true God, that they néeded not to be deceiued anie longer with the craftie temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spirits, he abolished all prophane worshippings of false gods, and conuerted all such temples as had béene dedicated to their seruice, vnto the vse of christian religion: and thus studieng onlie how to aduance the glorie of the immortall God, and the knowledge of his word, without seeking the vaine glorie of worldlie triumph, which is got with slaughter and bloudshed of manie a giltlesse person, he left his kingdome; though not inlarged with broder dominion than he receiued it, yet greatlie augmented and inriched with quiet rest, good ordinances, and (that which is more to be estéemed than all the rest) adorned with Christes religion, and perfectlie instructed with his [Sidenote: Polydor.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Iohn Hard.] most holie word and doctrine. He reigned (as some write) 21 yeares, though other affirme but twelue yeares. Againe, some testifie that he reigned 77, others 54, and 43.

Moreouer here is to be noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ to be planted within this realme in the time of Eleutherius the Romane bishop, the same chanced in the daies of the emperour Marcus Aurelius Antonius; and about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was ioined and made partaker of the empire with his father, which was seuen yéere after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Verus, and in the 177 after the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, as by some chronologies is easie to be collected. For Eleutherius began to gouerne the sée of Rome in the yéere 169, according to the opinion of the most diligent chronographers of our time, and gouerned fiftéene yeeres and thirtéene [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] daies. And yet there are that affirme, how Lucius died at Glocester in the yéere of our Lord 156. Other say that he died in the yere 201, and other 208. So that the truth of this historie is brought into doubt by the discord of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances, although they all agrée that in this kings daies the christian faith was first by publike consent openlie receiued and professed in this [Sidenote: Polydor.] land, which as some affirme, should chance in the twelfe yéere of his reigne, and in the yéere of our Lord 177. Other iudge that it came to passe in the eight yeere of his regiment, and in the yéere of our Lord 188, where other (as before is said) alledge that it was in the yéere [Sidenote: Nauclerus.] of the Lord 179. Nauclerus saith, that this happened about the yeare [Sidenote: Hen. Herf.] of our Lord 156. And Henricus de Herfordea supposeth, that it was in the yéere of our Lord 169, and in the nintéenth yéere of the emperor Marcus Antonius Verus; and after other, about the sixt yéere of the emperor Commodus.

But to conclude, king Lucius died without issue, by reason whereof after his deceasse the Britains fell at variance, which continued [Sidenote: Fabian.] about the space of fiftéene yéeres (as Fabian thinketh) howbeit the old English chronicle affirmeth, that the contention betwixt them [Sidenote: Caxton.] [Sidenote: Iohn Hard.] remained fiftie yéeres, though Harding affirmeth but foure yéeres. And thus much of the Britains, and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now it resteth to speake somewhat of the Romans which gouerned here in the meane while. After that Agricola was called backe to Rome, the Britains (and namelie those that inhabited beyond Tweed) partlie being weakned of their former strength, and partlie in consideration of their pledges, which they had deliuered to the Romans, remained in peace certeine yéeres.

* * * * *

The Britains after the deceasse of Lucius (who died without issue) rebell against the Romans, the emperor Adrian comming in his owne person into Britaine appeaseth the broile, they go about to recouer their libertie against the Romans, but are suppressed by Lollius the Romane lieutenant; the vigilantnesse or wakefulnesie of Marcellus, and his policie to keepe the souldiers waking, the Britains being ruled by certeine meane gentlemen of Perhennis appointing doo falselie accuse him to the emperor Commodus, he is mangled and murthered of his souldiers.

THE XX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CNEUS TREBELLIUS LIEUTENANT.] In the meane time the Romane lieutenant Cneus Trebellius that succéeded Iulius Agricola, could not foresee all things so preciselie but that the souldiers waxing vnrulie by reason of long rest, fell at variance among themselues, and would not in the end obey the lieutenant, but disquieted the Britains beyond measure. Wherefore the Britains perceiuing themselues sore oppressed with intollerable bondage, and that dailie the same incresed, they conspired togither, vpon hope to recouer libertie, and to defend their countrie by all meanes possible, and herewith they tooke weapon in hand against the Romans, and boldlie assailed them: but this they did yet warilie, and so, that they might flie vnto the woods and bogs for refuge vpon necessitie, according to the maner of their countrie. Herevpon diuers slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the countrie was now readie to rebell: whereof when the emperour Adrian was aduertised from Trebellius the lieutenant, with all conuenient speed he passed ouer into Britaine, and quieted all the Ile, vsing great humanitie towards the inhabitants; and making small account of that part where the Scots now inhabit, either bicause of the barrennesse thereof, or for that by reason of the nature of the countrie he thought it would [Sidenote: The wall of Adrian built.] [Sidenote: Spartianus.] be hard to be kept vnder subiection, he deuised to diuide it from the residue of Britaine, and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of Tine vnto the water of Eske, which wall contained in length 30 miles.

After this, the Britains bearing a malicious hatred towards the Romane souldiers, and repining to be kept vnder the bond of seruitude, eftsoones went about to recouer libertie againe. Whereof aduertisement [Sidenote: Lollius Vrbicus lieutenant.] being giuen, the emperour Pius Antoninus sent ouer Lollius Vrbicus as lieutenant into Britaine, who by sundrie battels striken, constreined the Britains to remaine in quiet, and causing those that inhabited in the north parts to remooue further off from the confines of the Romane [Sidenote: Julius Capitol.] [Sidenote: An other wall built.] prouince, raised another wall beyond that which the emperor Adrian had made, as is to be supposed, for the more suertie of the Romane subiects against the inuasion of the enimies. But yet Lollius did not so make an end of the warrs, but that the Britains shortlie after attempted afresh, either to reduce their state into libertie, or to bring the same into further danger.

[Sidenote: CALPHURNIUS AGRICOLA. Of the doings of this Calphurnius in Britaine ye may read more in the Scotish chronicle.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] Wherevpon Marcus Antonius that succéeded Pius, sent Calphurnius Agricola to succéed Lollius in the gouernement of Britaine, the which easilie ouercame and subdued all his enimies. After this there chanced some trouble in the daies of the emperour Commodus the son of Marcus Antonius and his successor in the empire: for the Britans that dwelled northwards, beyond Adrians wall, brake through the same, and spoiled a great part of the countrie, against whom the Romane lieutenant for that time being come foorth, gaue them battell: but both he and the Romane souldiers that were with him, were beaten downe and slaine.

[Sidenote: Vlpius Marcellus lieutenant.] With which newes Commodus being sore amazed, sent against the Britains one Vlpius Marcellus, a man of great diligence and temperance, but therewith rough and nothing gentle. He vsed the same kind of diet that the common souldiers did vse. He was a capteine much watchfull, as one contented with verie little sléepe, and desirous to haue his souldiers also vigilant and carefull to kéepe sure watch in the night season. Euerie euening he would write twelue tables, such as they vsed to make on the lind trée, and deliuering them to one of his seruants, appointed him to beare them at seuerall houres of the night to sundrie souldiers, whereby supposing that their generall was still watching and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sléepe.

And although of nature he could well absteine from sléepe, yet to be the better able to forbeare it, he vsed a maruellous spare kind of diet: for to the end that he would not fill himselfe too much with bread, he would eat none but such as was brought to him from Rome, so that more than necessitie compelled him he could not eat, by reason that the stalenesse tooke awaie the pleasant tast thereof, and lesse prouoked his appetite. He was a maruellous contemner of monie, so that bribes might not mooue him to doo otherwise than dutie required. This Marcellus being of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britains, and put them oftentimes to great losses: through fame wherof, C[=o]modus enuieng his renowme was after in mind to make him away, but yet spared him for a further purpose, and suffered him to depart.

[Sidenote: Perhennis capteine of the emperours gard.] After he was remooued from the gouernment of Britaine, one Perhennis capteine of the emperors gard (or pretorian souldiers as they were then called) bearing all the rule vnder the emperor Commodus, appointed certeine gentlemen of meane calling to gouerne the armie in Britaine. Which fond substituting of such petie officers to ouersée and ouerrule the people, was to them an occasion of hartgrudge, and to him a meanes of finall mischéefe: both which it is likelie he might haue auoided, had he béene prouident in his deputation. For the [Sidenote: Aelius Lampridius.] souldiers in the same armie grudging and repining to be gouerned by men of base degree, in respect of those that had borne rule ouer them before, being honorable personages, as senators, and of the consular dignitie, they fell at square among themselues, and about fiftéene hundred of them departed towards Rome to exhibit their complaint against Perhennis: for whatsoeuer was amisse, the blame was still laid to him. They passed foorth without impeachment at all, and comming to Rome, the emperour himselfe came foorth to vnderstand what they meant by this their comming in such sort from the place where they were appointed to serue. Their answer was, that they were come to informe him of the treason which Perhennis had deuised to his destruction, that he might make his son emperor. To the which accusation when Commodus too lightlie gaue eare, & beléeued it to be true, namelie, through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Perhennis, for that he brideled him from dooing diuerse vnlawfull acts, which he went about vpon a wilfull mind (without all reason and modestie) to practise; the matter was so handled in the end, that Perhennis was deliuered to the souldiers, who cruellie mangled him, and presentlie put him to a pitifull death.

* * * * *

Pertinax is sent as lieutenant into Britaine, he is in danger to be slaine of the souldiers, he riddeth himselfe of that perilous office: Albinus with an armie of Britains fighteth against Seuerus and his power neere to Lions, Seuerus is slaine in a conflict against the Picts, Geta and Bassianus two brethren make mutuall warre for the regiment of the land, the one is slaine, the other ruleth.

THE XXJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Pertinax lieutenant of Britaine.] Now will we saie somewhat of the tumults in Britaine. It was thought néedfull to send some sufficient capteine of autoritie thither; and therefore was one Pertinax that had béene consull and ruler ouer foure seuerall consular prouinces, appointed by Commodus to go as lieutenant into that Ile, both for that he was thought a man most méet for such a charge, and also to satisfie his credit, for that he had béene discharged by Perhennis of bearing anie rule, and sent home into Liguria where he was borne, and there appointed to remaine. This Pertinax comming into Britaine, pacified the armie, but not without [Sidenote: The lieutenant in danger.] danger to haue béene slaine by a mutinie raised by one of the legions: for he was stricken downe, and left for dead among the slaine carcasses. But he woorthilie reuenged himselfe of this iniurie. At length, hauing chastised the rebels, and brought the Ile into méetelie good quiet, he sued and obteined to be discharged of that roome, because as he alledged, the souldiers could not brooke him, for that he kept them in dutifull obedience, by correcting such as offended the lawes of armes.

[Sidenote: CLODIUS ALBINUS LIEUTENAT.] Then was Clodius Albinus appointed to haue the rule of the Romane armie in Britaine: whose destruction when Seuerus the emperour sought, Albinus perceiued it quicklie: and therefore choosing foorth a great power of Britains, passed with the same ouer into France to encounter with Seuerus, who was come thither towards him, so that néere to the citie of Lions they ioined in battell and fought right sore, in so much that Seuerus was at point to haue receiued the ouerthrow by the high prowesse and manhood of the Britains: but yet in the end Albinus lost the field, and was slaine. Then Heraclitus as lieutenant began to gouerne Britaine (as writeth Spartianus) being sent thither by Seuerus for that purpose before. And such was the state of this Ile about the yeare of our Lord 195. In which season, because that king Lucius was dead, and had left no issue to succéed him, the Britains (as before ye haue heard) were at variance amongst themselues, and so continued till the comming of Seuerus, whome the British chronographers affirme to reigne as king in this Ile, & that by right of succession in bloud, as descended of Androgeus the Britaine, which went to Rome with Iulius Cesar, as before ye haue heard.

[Sidenote: SEUERUS.] This Seuerus as then emperour of Rome, began to rule this Ile (as authors affirme) in the yeare of our Lord 207, and gouerned the same 4 yeares and od moneths. At length hearing that one Fulgentius as then a leader of the Picts was entred into the borders of his countrie on this side Durham, he raised an host of Britains and Romans, with the which he marched towards his enimies: and méeting with the said Fulgentius in a place néere vnto Yorke, in the end after sore fight Seuerus was slaine, when he had ruled this land for the space almost of fiue yeares, as before is said, and was after buried at Yorke, leauing behind him two sonnes, the one named Geta, and the other Bassianus. This Bassianus being borne of a British woman, succéeded his father in the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the incarnation of our Lord 211. The Romans would haue had Geta created king of Britaine, bearing more fauour to him because he had a Romane ladie to his mother: but the Britains moued with the like respect, held with Bassianus. And thervpon warre was raised betwixt the two brethren, who comming to trie their quarrell by battell, Geta was slaine, and Bassianus with aid of the Britains remained victor, and so continued king, till at length he was slaine by one Carausius a Britaine, borne but of low birth, howbeit right valiant in armes, and therefore well estéemed. In somuch that obteining of the senat of Rome the kéeping of the coasts of Britaine, that he might defend the same from the malice of strangers, as Picts and others, he drew to him a great number of souldiers and speciallie of Britains, to whome he promised that if they would make him king, he would cléerelie deliuer them from the oppression of the Roman seruitude. Wherevpon the Britains rebelling against Bassianus, ioined themselues to Carausius, who by their support vanquished and slue the said Bassianus, after he had reigned 6 or (as some affirme) 30 yeares.

¶ Thus farre out of the English and British writers, the which how farre they varie from likelihood of truth, you shall heare in the next [Sidenote: Herodianus.] chapter what the approued historiographers, Gréekes and Latines, writing of these matters, haue recorded.

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The ambitious mind of the old emperour Seuerus, he arriueth in Britaine with a mightie power to suppresse the rebellious Britains, the emperours politike prouision for his souldiers in the fens and bogs: the agilitie of the Britains, their nimblenesse, the painting of their bodies with diuerse colours, their furniture, their great sufferance of hunger, cold, &c: diuerse conflicts betweene the Romans and the Britains, their subtile traines to deceiue their enimies, the Romans pitifullie distressed, Seuerus constreineth the Caledonians to conclude a league with him; he falleth sicke, his owne sonne practiseth to make him away: the Britains begin a new rebellion, the cruell commandement of Seuerus to kill and slea all that came to hand without exception, his age, his death, and sepulchre: Bassianus ambitiouslie vsurpeth the whole regiment, he killeth his brother Geta, and is slaine himselfe by one of his owne souldiers.

THE XXIJ CHAPTER.

The emperour Seuerus receiuing aduertisment from the lieutenant of Britaine, that the people there mooued rebellion, & wasted the countrie with roads and forraies, so that it was néedful to haue the prince himselfe to come thither with a great power to resist the enimies, he of an ambitious mind reioised not a little for those newes, bicause he saw occasion offered to aduance his renowme and fame with increase of new victories now in the west, after so manie triumphs purchased and got by him in the east and north parts of the world. Héerevpon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he had still to win honour, caused him to take in hand to make a iournie into this land, and so being furnished of all things necessarie, he set forwards, being carried for the more part in a litter for his more ease: for that beside his féeblenesse of age, he was also troubled [Sidenote: Antoninus and Geta.] with the gout. He tooke with him his two sonnes, Antoninus Bassianus and Geta, vpon purpose as was thought, to auoid occasions of such inconuenience as he perceiued might grow by discord mooued betwixt them through flatterers and malicious sycophants, which sought to set them at variance: which to bring to passe, he perceiued there should want no meane whilest they continued in Rome, amidst such pleasures & idle pastimes as were dailie there frequented: and therefore he caused them to attend him in this iournie into Britaine, that they might learne to liue soberlie, and after the manner of men of warre.

[Sidenote: The emperor Seuerus arriueth in Britaine.] Seuerus being thus on his iournie towards Britaine, staied not by the waie, but with all diligence sped him foorth, and passing the sea verie swiftlie, entred this Ile, and assembled a mightie power togither, meaning to assaile his enimies, and to pursue the warre against them to the vttermost. The Britains greatlie amazed with this sudden arriuall of the emperour, and hearing that such preparation was made against them, sent ambassadours to him to intreat of peace, and to excuse their rebellious dooings. But Seuerus delaieng time for answere, as he that was desirous to atchiue some high enterprise against the Britains, for the which he might deserue the surname of Britannicus, which he greatlie coueted, still was busie to prepare all things necessarie for the warre; and namelie, caused a great number of bridges to be made to lay ouer the bogs and mareshes, so that his souldiers might haue place to stand vpon, and not to be incumbered for lacke of firme ground when they should cope with their enimies: for [Sidenote: Herodianus.] the more part of Britaine in those daies (as Herodianus writeth) was full of fens & maresh ground, by reason of the often flowings and [Sidenote: He meaneth of the north Britains or sauage Britains as we may call them.] washings of the sea tides: by the which maresh grounds the enimies being thereto accustomed, would run and swim in the waters, and wade vp to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more part naked, so that they passed not on the mud and mires, for they knew not the vse or wearing cloths, but ware hoopes of iron about their middles and necks, esteeming the same as an ornament token of riches, as other barbarous people did gold.

Moreouer they marked, or (as it were) painted their bodies in diuerse sorts and with sundrie shapes and figures of beasts and fowles, and therefore they vsed not to weare anie garments, that such painting of their bodies might the more apparantlie be séene, which they estéemed a great brauerie.

They were as the same Herodianus writeth, a people giuen much to war, and delighted in slaughter and bloudshed, vsing none other weapons or [Sidenote: The furniture of the sauage Britains.] armour but a slender buckler, a iaueline, and a swoord tied to their naked bodies: as for headpéece or habergeon, they estéemed not, bicause they thought the same should be an hinderance to them when they should passe ouer anie maresh, or be driuen to swim anie waters, or flée to the bogs.

Moreouer, to suffer hunger, cold, and trauell, they were so vsed and inured therewith, that they would not passe to lie in the bogs and mires couered vp to the chin, without caring for meate for the space of diuerse daies togither: and in the woods they would liue vpon roots and barks of trées. Also they vsed to prepare for themselues a certeine kind of meate, of the which if they receiued but so much as amounted to the quantitie of a beane, they would thinke themselues satisfied, and féele neither hunger nor thirst. The one halfe of the Ile or little lesse was subiect vnto the Romans, the other was gouerned of themselues, the people for the most part hauing the rule in their hands.

Seuerus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and vnderstanding their nature, and the manner of their making warre, prouided him selfe of all things expedient for the annoiance of them and helpe of his owne souldiers, and appointing his sonne Geta to remaine in that part of the Ile which was subiect to the Romans, he tooke with him his other sonne Antoninus, and with his armie marched foorth, and entred into the confines of the enimies, and there began to waste and forrey the countrie, whereby there insued diuerse conflicts and skirmishes betwixt the Romans and the inhabitants, the victorie still remaining on the Romans side: but the enimies easilie escaped without anie great losse vnto the woods, mountains, bogs, and such other places of refuge as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romans durst not follow, nor once approch, for feare to be intrapped and inclosed by the Britains that were readie to returne and assaile their enimies vpon euerie occasion of aduantage that might be offered.

This maner of dealing sore troubled the Romans, and so hindered them in their procéedings, that no spéedie end could be made of that warre. [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] The Britains would oftentimes of purpose laie their cattell, as oxen, kine, shéepe, and such like, in places conuenient, to be as a stale to the Romans; and when the Romans should make to them to fetch the same awaie, being distant from the residue of the armie a good space, they would fall vpon them and distresse them. Beside this, the Romans were much annoied with the vnwholesomnesse of the waters which they were forced to drinke, and if they chanced to straie abroad, they were snapped vp by ambushes which the Caledonians laid for them, and when they were so féeble that they could not through want of strength kéepe pace with their fellowes as they marched in order of battell, they were slaine by their owne fellowes, least they should be left behind for a prey to the enimies. Héereby there died in this iournie of the Romane armie, at the point of fiftie thousand men: but yet would not Seuerus returne, till he had gone through the whole Ile, and so came to the vttermost parts of all the countrie now called Scotland, and at last backe againe to the other part of the Ile subiect to the Romans, the inhabitants whereof are named (by Dion Cassius) Meatæ. But first he forced the other, whom the same Dion nameth Caledonij, to conclude a league with him, vpon such conditons, as they were compelled to depart with no small portion of the countrie, and to deliuer vnto him their armour and weapons.

In the meane time, the emperour Seuerus being worne with age fell sicke, so that he was constreined to abide at home within that part of the Ile which obeied the Romans, and to appoint his sonne Antoninus to take charge of the armie abroad. But Antoninus not regarding the enimies, attempted little or nothing against them, but sought waies how to win the fauour of the souldiers and men of warre, that after his fathers death (for which he dailie looked) he might haue their aid and assistance to be admitted emperour in his place. Now when he saw that his father bare out his sicknesse longer time than he would haue wished, he practised with physicians and other of his fathers seruants to dispatch him by one meane or other.

Whilest Antoninus thus negligentlie looked to his charge, the Britains began a new rebellion, not onlie those that were latelie ioined in league with the emperour, but the other also which were subjects to the Romane empire. Seuerus tooke such displeasure, that he called togither the souldiers, and commanded them to inuade the countrie, and to kill all such as they might méet within anie place without respect, and that his cruell commandement he expressed in these verses taken out of Homer:

[Sidenote: Iliados. 3.]

Nemo manus fugiat vestras, cædémque cruentam, Non foetus grauida mater quern gessit in aluo Horrendam effugiat cædem.

But while he was thus disquieted with the rebellion of the Britains, and the disloiall practises of his sonne Antoninus, which to him were not vnknowne, (for the wicked sonne had by diuers attempts discouered his traitorous and vnnaturall meanings) at length, rather through [Sidenote: Heriodianus.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] sorrow and griefe, than by force of sicknesse, he wasted awaie, and departed this life at Yorke, the third daie before the nones of Februarie, after he had gouerned the empire by the space of 17 yeares, 8 moneths, & 33 daies. He liued 65 yeres, 9 moneths, & 13 daies: he was borne the third ides of April. By that which before is recited out of Herodian and Dion Cassius, of the maners & vsages of those people, against whome Seuerus held warre here in Britaine, it maie be coniectured, that they were the Picts, the which possessed in those daies a great part of Scotland, and with continuall incursions and rodes wasted and destroyed the borders of those countries which were [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Orosius.] subiect to the Romans. To kéepe them backe therefore and to represse their inuasions, Seuerus (as some write) either restored the former [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] wall made by Adrian, or else newlie built an other ouerthwart the Ile, from the east sea to the west, conteining in length 232 miles. This [Sidenote: Beda.] wall was not made of stone, but of turfe and earth supported with stakes and piles of wood, and defended on the backe with a déepe [Sidenote: Hector Boetius.] trench or ditch, and also fortified with diuerse towers and turrets built & erected vpon the same wall or rampire so néere togither, that the sound of trumpets being placed in the same, might be heard betwixt, and so warning giuen from one to another vpon the first descrieng of the enimies.

[Sidenote: Polydorus.] [Sidenote: Herodianus.] [Sidenote: 211.] Seuerus being departed out of this life in the yere of our Lord 211, his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, would faine haue vsurped the whole gouernment into his owne hands, attempting with bribes and large promises to corrupt the minds of the souldiers: but when he perceiued that his purpose would not forward as he wished in that behalfe, he concluded a league with the enimies, and making peace with them, returned backe towards Yorke, and came to his mother and brother Geta, with whome he tooke order for the buriall of his father. And first his bodie being burnt (as the maner was) the ashes were put into a vessell of gold, and so conueied to Rome by the two brethren and the empresse Iulia, who was mother to Geta the yonger brother, and mother in law to the elder, Antoninus Bassianus, & by all meanes possible sought to maintaine loue and concord betwixt the brethren, which now at the first tooke vpon them to rule the empire equallie togither. But the ambition of Bassianus was such, that finallie vpon desire to haue the whole rule himselfe, he found meanes to dispatch his brother Geta, breaking one daie into his chamber, and slaieng him euen in his mothers lap, and so possessed the gouernment alone, till at length he was slaine at Edessa a citie in Mesopotamia by one of his owne souldiers, as he was about to vntrusse his points to doo the office of nature, after he had reigned the space of 6 yeares, as is [Sidenote: Sextus Aurelius.] aforesaid. Where we are to note Gods judgment, prouiding that he which had shed mans bloud, should also die by the sword.

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Of Carausius an obscure Britaine, what countries he gaue the Picts, and wherevpon, his death by Alectus his successor, the Romans foiled by Asclepiodotus duke of Cornewall, whereof Walbrooke had the name, the couetous practise of Carausius the usurper.

THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CARAUSIUS.] CARAUSIUS a Britan of vnknowne birth, as witnesseth the British histories, after he had vanquisht & slaine Bassianus (as the same histories make mention) was of the Britains made king and ruler ouer [Sidenote: 218.] them, in the yeare of our Lord 218, as Galfridus saith: but W.H. noteth it to be in the yeare 286. This Carausius either to haue the [Sidenote: Galfrid.] [Sidenote: Polychron.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] aid & support of the Picts, as in the British historic is conteined, either else to be at quietnesse with them, being not otherwise able to resist them, gaue to them the countries in the south parts of Scotland, which ioine to England on the east marshes, as Mers, Louthian, and others.

[Sidenote: Galfridus.] ¶ But here is to be noted, that the British writers affirme, that these Picts which were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at this time, were brought ouer out of Scithia by Fulgentius, to aid him against Seuerus, and that after the death of Seuerus, and Fulgentius, which both died of hurts receiued in the batell fought betwixt them at Yorke: the Picts tooke part with Bassianus, and at length betraied him in the battell which he fought against Carausius: for he corrupting them by such subtile practises as he vsed, they turned to his side, to the ouerthrow and vtter destruction of Bassianus: for the which traitorous part they had those south countries of Scotland giuen vnto them for their habitation. But by the Scotish writers it should appeare, that those Picts which aided Fulgentius and also Carausius, were the same that long before had inhabited the north parts of Britaine, now called Scotland. But whatsoeuer they were, truth it is (as the British histories record) that at length one Alectus was sent from Rome by the senat with 3 legions of souldiers to subdue Carausius, which he did, and slue him in the field, as the same histories make mention, after he had reigned the space of 7, or 8, yeares: and in the yeare of our saluation two hundred, ninetie, three.

[Sidenote: ALECTUS.] [Sidenote: Of whom our British histories doo write after their maner.] [Sidenote: 293.] ALECTUS in hauing vanquished and slaine Carausius tooke vpon him the rule and gouernment of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 293. This Alectus, when he had restored the land to the subiection of the Romans, did vse great crueltie against such Britains as had maintained the part of Carausius, by reason whereof he purchased much euill will of the Britains, the which at length conspired against him, and purposing to chase the Romans altogither out of their countrie, they procured one Asclepiodotus (whome the British chronicles name duke of Cornewall) to take vpon him as chiefe captaine that enterprise. Wherevpon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great armie, made such sharpe warres on the Romans, that they being chased from place to place, at length withdrew to the citie of London, and there held them till Asclepiodotus came thither, and prouoked Alectus and his Romans so much, that in the end they issued foorth of the citie, and gaue battell to the Britans, in the which much people on both parts were slaine, but the greatest number died on the Romans side: and amongst others, Alectus himselfe was slaine, the residue of the Romans that were left aliue, retired backe into the citie with a capteine of theirs named Liuius Gallus, and defended themselues within the walles [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] for a time right valiantlie. Thus was Alectus slaine of the Britains, after he had reigned (as some suppose) about the terme of six yeares, or (as some other write) thrée yeares.

[Sidenote: ASCLEPIODOTUS.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] ASCLEPIODOTUS, duke of Cornewall, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the yeare of our Lord 232. After he had vanquished the Romans in battell, as before is recited, he laid his siege about the citie of London, and finallie by knightlie force entred the same, and slue the forenamed Liuius Gallus néere vnto a brooke, which in those daies ran through the citie, & threw him into the same brooke: by reason whereof [Sidenote: Walbrooke.] long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brooke. And at this present the streete where the same brooke did run, is called Walbrooke.

Then after Asclepiodotus had ouercome all his enimies, he held this land a certeine space in good rest and quiet, and ministred iustice vprightlie, in rewarding the good, and punishing the euill. Till at length, through slanderous toongs of malicious persons, discord was raised betwixt the king and one Coill or Coilus, that was gouernour of Colchester: the occasion whereof appeareth not by writers. But whatsoeuer the matter was, there insued such hatred betwixt them, that on both parts great armies were raised, and meeting in the field, they fought a sore and mightie battell, in the which Asclepiodotus was [Sidenote: Asclepiodotus slaine.] [Sidenote: Matt. West. hath x. years.] slaine, after he had reigned 30 yeares. Thus haue Geffrey of Monmouth and our common chroniclers written of Carausius, Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, which gouerned héere in Britaine.

[Sidenote: Eutropius.] But Eutropius the famous writer of the Romane histories, in the acts [Sidenote: The couetous practising of Carausius.] of Dioclesian hath in effect these woords. "About the same time Carausius, the which being borne of most base ofspring, attained to high honour and dignitie by order of renowmed chiualrie & seruice in the warres, receiued charge at Bolein, to kéepe the seas quiet alongst the coasts of Britaine, France, and Flanders, and other countries thereabouts, bicause the Frenchmen, which yet inhabited within the bounds of Germanie, and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Carausius taking oftentimes manie of the enimies, neither restored the goods to them of the countrie from whome the enimies had bereft the same, nor yet sent anie part therof to the emperours, but kept the whole to his owne use. Whervpon when suspicion arose, that he should of purpose suffer the enimies to passe by him, till they had taken some prises, that in their returne with the same he might incounter with them, and take that from them which they had gotten (by which subtile practise he was thought greatly to haue inriched him selfe) Maximianus that was fellow in gouernment of the empire with Dioclesianus, remaining then [Sidenote: Maximianus purposeth to slea Carusius.] in Gallia, and aduertised of these dooings, commanded that Carausius should be slaine, but he hauing warning thereof rebelled, and vsurping the imperiall ornaments and title, got possession of Britaine, against whom (being a man of great experience in all warlike knowledge) when [Sidenote: Polydor.] warres had béene attempted and folowed in vaine, at length a peace was concluded with him, and so he enioied the possession of Britaine by [Sidenote: Eutropius.] the space of seuen yéeres, & then was slaine by his companion Alectus, the which after him ruled Britaine for the space of thrée yéeres, and was in the end oppressed by the guile of Asclepiodotus gouernour of the pretorie, or (as I maie call him) lord lieutenant of some precinct and iurisdiction perteining to the Romane empire." And so was Britaine recouered by the foresaid Asclepiodotus about ten yeeres after that Carausius had first vsurped the gouernment there, and about the yéere

[Sidenote: 300.] of our Lord 300, as Polydor iudgeth, wherein he varieth much from Fabian and others.

¶ But to shew what we find further written of the subduing of Alectus, [Sidenote: Mamertinus.] I thinke it not amisse to set downe what Mamertinus in his oration written in praise of Maximianus dooth report of this matter, which shall be performed in the chapter following.

* * * * *

The substance of that which is written touching Britaine in a panegyrike oration ascribed to Mamertinus, which he set foorth in praise of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is intituled onelie to Maximian, whereas neuerthelesse both the emperors are praised; and likewise (as ye may perceiue) Constantius who was father to Constantine the great is here spoken of, being chosen by the two foresaid emperors, to assist them by the name of Cæsar in rule of the empire: of whom hereafter more shall be said.

THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.

"All the compasse of the earth (most victorious emperor) being now recouered through your noble prowesse, not onelie so farre as the limits of the Romane empire had before extended, but also the enimies borders beeing subdued, when Almaine had beene so often vanquished, and Sarmatia so often restrained & brought vnder, the people called [Sidenote: Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and people of Germanie and Polonie.] Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi so often put to flight, the Goth submitting himselfe, the king of Persia by offering gifts suing for peace: one despitefull reproch of so mightie an empire and gouernement ouer the whole greeued vs to the heart, as now at length we will not sticke to confesse, and to vs it seemed the more intollerable, bicause it onlie remained to the accomplishing of your perfect renowme and glorie. And verilie as there is but one name of Britaine, so was the losse to be esteemed smal to the common wealth of a land so plentifull of corne, so abundant with store of pastures, so flowing with veines of mettall, so gainfull with reuenues rising of customs and tributes, so enuironed with hauens, so huge in circuit, the which when Cesar, the founder of this your honourable title, being the first that entered into it, writ that he had found an other world, supposing it to be so big, that it was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblance the great Ocean was compassed with it. Now at that time Britaine was nothing furnished with ships of warre; so that the Romans, soone after the warres of Carthage and Asia, had latelie beene exercised by sea against pirats, and afterwards by reason of the warres against Mithridates, were practised as well to fight by sea as land; besides this, the British nation then alone was accustomed but onelie to the [Sidenote: Picts and Irishmen.] Picts and Irishmen, enimies halfe naked as yet & not vsed to weare armor, so that the Britains for lacke of skill, easilie gaue place to the Romane puissance, insomuch that Cesar might by that voiage onelie glorie in this, that he had sailed and passed ouer the Ocean sea.

"But in this wicked rebellious robberie, first the nauie that in times past defended the coasts of Gallia, was led away by the pirat when he fled his waies: and beside this, a great number of other ships were built after the mould of ours, the legion of Romane souldiers was woon, and brought to take part with the enimie, and diuers bands of strangers that were also souldiers were shut vp in the ships to serue also against vs. The merchants of the parties of Gallia were assembled and brought togither to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous nations procured to come in aid of the rebels, trusting to inrich themselues by the spoile of the prouinces: and all these were trained in the wars by sea, through the instruction of the first attemptors of this mischieuous practise.

"And although our armies were inuincible in force and manhood, yet were they raw and not accustomed to the seas, so that the fame of a greeuous and great trouble by warre that was toward by this shamefull rebellious robberie was blowne and sounded in ech mans eare, although [Sidenote: Long sufferance of euill increaseth boldnesse in the authors.] we hoped well of the end. Vnto the enimies forces was added a long sufferance of their wicked practises without punishment, which had puffed vp the presumptuous boldnesse of desperate people, that they bragged of our stay, as it had bene for feare of them, whereas the disaduantage which we had by sea, seemed as it were by a fatall necessitie to deferre our victorie: neither did they beleeue that the warre was put off for a time by aduise and counsell, but rather to be omitted through despaire of dooing anie good against them, insomuch [Sidenote: Carausius slaine.] that now the feare of common punishment being laid aside, one of the mates slue the archpirat or capteine rouer as I may call him, hoping in reward of so great an exploit, to obteine the whole gouernement into his hands.

"This warre then being both so necessarie, so hard to enter vpon, so growne in time to a stubborne stiffenesse, and so well prouided for of the enimies part, you noble emperour did so take it in hand, that so soone as you bent the thundering force of your imperiall maiestie against that enimie, ech man made account that the enterprise was alreadie atchiued. For first of all, to the end that your diuine power being absent, the barbarous nations should not attempt anie new trouble (a thing chieflie to be foreseene) it was prouided for aforehand by intercession made vnto your maiestie: for you your selfe, you (I say) mightie lord Maximian eternall emperour, vouchedsafe to aduance the comming of your diuine excellence by the neerest way that might be, which to you was not vnknowne. You therefore suddenlie came to the Rhine, and not with anie armie of horssemen or footmen, but with the terrour of your presence did preserue and defend all that frontire: for Maximian once being there vpon the riuage, counteruailed anie the greatest armies that were to be found. For you (most inuincible emperour) furnishing and arming diuers nauies, made the enimie so vncerteine of his owne dooing and void of counsell, that then at length he might perceiue that he was not defended, but rather inclosed with the Ocean sea.

"Here commeth to mind how pleasant and easefull the good lucke of those princes in gouerning the common wealth with praise was, which sitting still in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such [Sidenote: Fronto counted Ciceros match.] nations as their capteins did vanquish. Fronto therefore, not the second, but match with the first honor of the Romane eloquence, when he yeelded vnto the emperor Antoninus the renowme of the warre brought to end in Britaine, although he sitting at home in his palace within the citie, had committed the conduct and successe of that warre ouer vnto the same Fronto, it was confessed by him, that the emperour sitting as it were at the helme of the ship, deserued the praise, by giuing of perfect order to the full accomplishing of the enterprise. But you (most inuincible emperour) haue bene not onlie the appointer foorth how all this voiage by sea, and prosecuting the warre by land should bee demeaned, as apperteined to you by vertue of your imperiall rule and dignitie, but also you haue beene an exhorter and setter forward in the things themselues, and through example of your assured constancie, the victorie was atchiued. For you taking the sea at Sluice, did put an irreuocable desire into their hearts that were readie to take ship at the same time in the mouth of the riuer of Saine, insomuch that when the capteins of that armie did linger out the time, by reason the seas and aire was troubled, they cried to haue the sailes hoised vp, and signe giuen to lanch foorth, that they might passe forward on their iournie, despising certeine tokens which threatened their wrecke, and so set forward on a rainie and tempestuous day, sailing with a crosse wind, for no forewind might serue their turne.

"But what was he that durst not commit himselfe vnto the sea, were the same neuer so vnquiet, when you were once vnder saile, and set forward? One voice and exhortation was among them all (as report hath gone thereof) when they heard that you were once got forth vpon the water, What doo we dout? what mean we to staie? He is now loosed from land, he is forward on his waie, and peraduenture is alreadie got ouer: Let vs put all things in proofe, let vs venter through anie dangers of sea whatsoeuer. What is there that we may stand in feare of? we follow the emperour. Neither did the opinion of your good hap deceiue them: for as by report of them selues we doo vnderstand, at that selfe time there fell such a mist and thicke fog vpon the seas, that the enimies nauie laid at the Ile of wight watching for their aduersaries, and lurking as it were in await, these your ships passed by, and were not once perceiued, neither did the enimie then staie although he could not resist.

"But now as concerning that the same vnuanquishable army fighting vnder your ensignes and name, streightwaies after it came to land, set fire on their ships; what mooued them so to doo, except the admonitions of your diuine motion? Or what other reason persuaded them to reserue no furtherance for their flight, if need were, nor to feare the doubtfull chances of war, nor (as the prouerbe saith) to thinke the hazard of martiall dealings to be common, but that by contemplation of your prosperous hap, it was verie certeine that there needed no doubt to be cast for victorie to be obteined? There were no sufficient forces at that present among them, no mightie or puissant strength of the Romans, but they had onelie consideration of your vnspeakable fortunate successe comming from the heauens aboue. For whatsoeuer battell dooth chance to be offered, to make full account of [Sidenote: The good lucke in a capteine.] victorie, resteth not so much in the assurance of the souldiers, as in the good lucke and felicitie of the capteine generall.

"That same ringleader of the vngratious faction, what ment he to depart from that shore which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his nauie and the hauen? But that (most inuincible emperour) he stood in feare of your comming, whose sailes he beheld readie to approch towards him, how soeuer the matter should fall out, he chose rather to trie his fortune with your capteins, than to abide the present force of your highnes. Ah mad man! that vnderstood not, that whither so euer he fled, the power of your diuine maiestie to be present in all places where your countenance & banners are had in reuerence. But he fleeing from your presence, fell into the hands of your people, of you was he ouercome, of your armies was he oppressed.

"To be short, he was brought into such feare, and as it were still looking behind him, for doubt of your comming after him, that as one out of his wits and amazed, he wist not what to doo, he hasted forward to his death, so that he neither set his men in order of battell, nor marshalled such power as he had about him, but onlie with the old authors of that conspiracie, and the hired bands of the barbarous nations, as one forgetfull of so great preparation which he had made, ran headlong forwards to his destruction, insomuch (noble emperour) your felicitie yeeldeth this good hap to the common wealth, that the victorie being atchiued in the behalfe of the Romane empire, there almost died not one Romane: for as I heare, all those fields and hills lay couered with none but onelie with the bodies of most wicked enimies, the same being of the barbarous nations, or at the leastwise apparelled in the counterfet shapes of barbarous garments, glistering with their long yellow haires, but now with gashes of wounds and bloud all deformed, and lieng in sundrie manners, as the pangs of death occasioned by their wounds had caused them to stretch foorth or draw in their maimed lims and mangled parts of their dieng bodies. And [Sidenote: Alectus found dead.] among these, the chiefe ringleader of the theeues was found, who had [Sidenote: He had despoiled himselfe of the imperiall robes, bicause he would not be knowne if he chanced to be slaine.] put off those robes which in his life time he had vsurped and dishonoured, so as scarse was he couered with one peece of apparell whereby he might be knowne, so neere were his words true, vttered at the houre of his death, which he saw at hand, that he would not haue it vnderstood how he was slaine.

"Thus verelie (most inuincible emperour) so great a victorie was appointed to you by consent of the immortall gods ouer all the [Sidenote: Francones siue Franci.] enimies whome you assailed, but namelie the slaughter of the Frankeners and those your souldiers also, which (as before I haue said) through missing their course by reason of the mist that lay on the seas, were now come to the citie of London, where they slue downe right in ech part of the same citie, what multitude soeuer remained of those hired barbarous people, which escaping from the battell, ment (after they had spoiled the citie) to haue got awaie by flight. But now being thus slaine by your souldiers, the subiects of your prouince were both preserued from further danger, and tooke pleasure to behold the slaughter of such cruell enimies. O what a manifold victorie was this, worthie vndoubtedlie of innumerable triumphes! by which victorie Britaine is restored to the empire, by which victorie the nation of the Frankeners is vtterlie destroied, & by which manie other nations found accessaries in the conspiracie of that wicked practise, are compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and brought to perpetuall quietnesse.

"Glorie you therefore, inuincible emperour, for that you haue as it were got an other world, & in restoring to the Romane puissance the glory of conquest by sea, haue added to the Romane empire an element greater than all the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie maine ocean. You haue made an end of the warre (inuincible emperour) that seemed as present to threaten all prouinces, and might haue spred abroad and burst out in a flame, euen so largelie as the ocean seas stretch, and the mediterrane gulfs doo reach. Neither are we ignorant, although through feare of you that infection did fester within the bowels of Britaine onelie, and proceeded no further, with what furie it would haue aduanced it selfe else where, if it might haue beene assured of means to haue ranged abroad so far as it wished. For it was bounded in with no border of mounteine, nor riuer, which garrisons appointed were garded and defended but euen so as the ships, although we had your martiall prowes and prosperous fortune redie to releeue vs, & was still at our elbowes to put vs in feare, so farre as either sea reacheth or wind bloweth.

"For that incredible boldnesse and vnwoorthie good hap of a few sillie [Sidenote: The piracie of the Frankeners called Franci or Francones.] captiues of the Frankeners in time of the emperour Probus came to our remembrance, which Frankeners in that season, conueieng awaie certeine vessels from the coasts of Pontus, wasted both Grecia and Asia, and not without great hurt and damage, ariuing vpon diuers parts of the shore of Libia, at length tooke the citie of Saragose in Sicile (an hauen towne in times past highlie renowmed for victories gotten by sea:) & after this passing thorough the streicts of Giberalterra, came into the Ocean, and so with the fortunate successe of their rash presumptuous attempt, shewed how nothing is shut vp in safetie from the desperate boldnesse of pirats, where ships maie come and haue accesse. And so therefore by this your victorie, not Britaine alone is deliuered from bondage, but vnto all nations is safetie restored, which might by the vse of the seas come to as great perils in time of warre, as to gaine of commodities in time of peace.

"Now Spaine (to let passe the coasts of Gallia) with hir shores almost in sight is in suertie: now Italie, now Afrike, now all nations euen vnto the fens of Meotis are void of perpetuall cares. Neither are they lesse ioifull, the feare of danger being taken awaie, which to feele as yet the necessitie had not brought them: but they reioise so much the more for this, that both in the guiding of your prouidence, and also furtherance of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by seamen is calmed, vpon the entring into their borders, and Britaine it selfe which had giuen harbour to so long a mischiefe, is euidentlie knowne to haue tasted of your victorie, with hir onelie restitution to [Sidenote: Britains restored to quietnes.] quietnesse. Not without good cause therfore immediatlie, when you hir long wished reuenger and deliuerer were once arriued, your maiestie was met with great triumph, & the Britains replenished with all inward [Sidenote: The Britains receiue Maximian with great ioy and humblenesse.] gladnesse, came foorth and offered themselues to your presence, with their wiues and children, reuerencing not onlie your selfe (on whom they set their eies, as on one descended downe to them from heauen) but also euen the sailes and tackling of that ship which had brought your diuine presence vnto their coasts: and when you should set foot on land, they were readie to lie downe at your feet, that you might (as it were) march ouer them, so desirous were they of you.

"Neither was it anie maruell if they shewed them selues so ioifull, sith after their miserable captiuitie so manie yeeres continued, after so long abusing of their wiues, and filthie bondage of their children, at length yet were they now restored to libertie, at length made Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the imperiall rule and gouernement: for beside the fame of your clemencie and pitie, which was set forth by the report of all nations, in your countenance (Cesar) they perceiued the tokens of all vertues, in your face grauitie, in your eies mildnesse, in your ruddie cheekes bashfulnesse, in your words iustice: all which things as by regard they acknowledged, so with voices of gladnesse they signified on high. To you they bound themselues by vow, to you they bound their children: yea and to your children they vowed all the posteritie of their race and ofspring.

[Sidenote: Dioclesian and Maximian.] "We trulie (O perpetuall parents and lords of mankind) require this of the immortall gods with most earnest supplication and heartie praier, that our children and their children, and such other as shall come of them for euer hereafter, may be dedicated vnto you, and to those whom you now bring vp, or shall bring vp hereafter. For what better hap can we wish to them that shall succeed vs, than to be enioiers of that felicitie which now we our selues enioy? The Romane common wealth dooth now comprehend in one coniunction of peace, all whatsoeuer at sundrie times haue belonged to the Romans, and that huge power which with too great a burden was shroonke downe, and riuen in sunder, is now brought to ioine againe in the assured ioints of the imperiall gouernment. For there is no part of the earth nor region vnder heauen, but that either it remaineth quiet through feare, or subdued by force of armies, or at the lestwise bound by clemencie. And is there anie other thing else in other parts, which if will and reason should mooue men thereto, that might be obteined? Beyond the Ocean, what is there [Sidenote: Nations néere to Britaine obeie the emperours.] more than Britaine, which is so recouered by you, that those nations which are nere adioining to the bounds of that Ile, are obedient to your commandements? There is no occasion that may mooue you to passe further, except the ends of the Ocean sea, which nature forbiddeth should be sought for. All is yours (most inuincible princes) which are accounted woorthie of you, and thereof commeth it, that you may equallie prouide for euerie one, sith you haue the whole in your maiesties hands. And therefore as heretofore (most excellent emperour Dioclesian) by your commandement Asia did supplie the desert places of Thracia with inhabitants transported thither, as afterward (most excellent emperour Maximian) by your appointment, the Frankeners at length brought to a pleasant subiection, and admitted to liue vnder [Sidenote: The printed booke hath Heruij, but I take the H, to be thrust in for N.] lawes, hath peopled and manured the vacant fields of the Neruians, and those about the citie of Trier. And so now by your victories (inuincible Constantius Cesar) whatsoeuer did lie vacant about Amiens, Beauois, Trois, and Langres, beginneth to florish with inhabitants of sundrie nations: yea and moreouer that your most obedient citie of Autun, for whose sake I haue a peculiar cause to reioise, by meanes of this triumphant victorie in Britaine, it hath receiued manie & diuerse [Sidenote: Artificers foorth of Britaine.] artificers, of whom those prouinces were ful, and now by their workemanship the same citie riseth vp by repairing of ancient houses, and restoring of publike buildings and temples, so that now it accounteth that the old name of brotherlie incorporation to Rome, is againe to hir restored, when she hath you eftsoones for hir founder. I haue said (inuincible emperour) almost more than I haue beene able, & not so much as I ought, that I may haue most iust cause by your clemencies licence, both now to end, & often hereafter to speake: and thus I ceasse."

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What is to be observed and noted out of the panegyrike oration of Mamertinus afore remembred, with necessarie collections out of other Antiquaries.

THE XXV CHAPTER.

Now let vs consider what is to be noted out of this part of the foresaid oration. It should seeme that when the emperour Maximian was sent into Gallia by appointment taken betwixt him and Dioclesian, after he had quieted things there, he set his mind foorthwith to reduce Britaine vnder the obedience of the empire, which was at that present kept vnder subiection of such princes as mainteined their state, by the mightie forces of such number of ships as they had got togither, furnished with all things necessarie, & namelie of able [Sidenote: Franci, or Frankeneres, people of Germanie.] seamen, as well Britains as strangers, among whome the Frankeners were chiefe, a nation of Germanie, as then highly renowmed for their puissance by sea, néere to the which they inhabited, so that there were no rouers comparable to them.

But because none durst stirre on these our seas for feare of the British fléet that passed to and fro at pleasure, to the great annoiance of the Romane subiects inhabiting alongst the coasts of Gallia, Maximian both to recouer againe so wealthie and profitable a land vnto the obeisance of the empire, as Britaine then was, and also to deliuer the people of Gallia subiect to the Romans, from danger of being dailie spoiled by those rouers that were mainteined here in Britaine, he prouided with all diligence such numbers of ships as were thought requisite for so great an enterprise, and rigging them in sundrie places, tooke order for their setting forward to his most aduantage for the easie atchiuing of his enterprise. He appointed to passe himselfe from the coasts of Flanders, at what time other of capteines with their fleets from other parts should likewise make saile towards Britaine. By this meanes Alectus that had vsurped the title & dignitie of king or rather emperour ouer the Britains, knew not where to take héed, but yet vnderstanding of the nauie that was made readie in the mouth of Saine, he ment by that which maie be coniectured, to intercept that fléet, as it should come foorth and make saile forwards: and so for that purpose he laie with a great number of ships about the Ile of Wight.

But whether Asclepiodotus came ouer with that nauie which was rigged on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to affirme either to or fro, because in déed Mamertinus maketh no expresse mention either of Alectus or Asclepiodotus: but notwithstanding it is euident by that which is conteined in his oration, that not Maximian, but some other of his capteins gouerned the armie, which slue Alectus, so that we maie suppose that Asclepiodotus was chiefteine ouer some number of ships directed by Maximians appointment to passe ouer into this Ile against the same Alectus: and so maie this, which Mamertinus writeth, agrée with the [Sidenote: Eutropius.] truth of that which we doo find in Eutropius.

Héere is to be remembred, that after Maximians had thus recouered Britaine out of their hands that vsurped the rule thereof from the Romans, it should séeme that not onelie great numbers of artificers & other people were conueied ouer into Gallia, there to inhabit and furnish such cities as were run into decaie, but also a power of warlike youths was transported thither to defend the countrie from the inuasion of barbarous nations. For we find that in the daies of this Maximian, the Britains expelling the Neruians out of the citie of Mons in Henaud, held a castell there, which was called Bretaimons after them, wherevpon the citie was afterward called Mons, retaining the last syllable onlie, as in such cases it hath often happened.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that as Humfrey Lhoyd hath very well noted in his booke intituled "Fragmenta historiæ Britannicæ," Mamertinus in this parcell of his panegyrike oration dooth make first mention of the nation of Picts, of all other the ancient Romane writers: so that not one before his time once nameth Picts or Scots. But now to returne where we left.

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The state of this Iland vnder bloudie Dioclesian the persecuting tyrant, of Alban the first that suffered martyrdome in Britaine, what miracles were wrought at his death, whereof Lichfield tooke the name; of Coilus earle of Colchester, whose daughter Helen was maried to Constantius the emperour, as some authours suppose.

THE XXVJ CHAPTER.

After that Britaine was thus recouered by the Romans, Dioclesian and Maximian ruling the empire, the Iland tasted of the crueltie that Dioclesian exercised against the christians, in persecuting them with all extremities, continuallie for the space of ten yéeres. Amongst other, one Alban a citizen of Werlamchester, a towne now bearing his name, was the first that suffered here in Britaine in this persecution, being conuerted to the faith by the zealous christian Amphibalus, whom he receiued into his house: insomuch that when there [Sidenote: Beda and Gyldas.] came sergeants to séeke for the same Amphibalus, the foresaid Alban to preserue Amphibalus out of danger, presented himselfe in the apparell of the said Amphibalus, & so being apprehended in his stead, was brought before the iudge and examined: and for that he refused to doo sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on the top of an hill ouer against the towne of Werlamchester aforesaid where afterwards was builded a church and monasterie in remembrance of his martyrdome, insomuch that the towne there restored, after that Werlamchester was destroied, tooke name of him, and so is vnto this day called saint Albons.

It is reported by writers, that diuers miracles were wrought at the [Sidenote: Beda.] [Sidenote: Sée the booke of acts and monuments set forth by master Fox.] time of his death, insomuch that one which was appointed to doo the execution, was conuerted, and refusing to doo that office, suffered also with him: but he that tooke vpon him to doo it, reioised nothing thereat, for his eies fell out of his head downe to the ground, togither with the head of that holie man which he had then cut off. There were also martyred about the same time two constant witnesses of Christ his religion, Aaron and Iulius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske. [Sidenote: Iohn Rossus.] [Sidenote: Warwicens. in lib. de Wigorniens. epis.] Moreouer, a great number of Christians which were assembled togither to heare the word of life, preached by that vertuous man Amphibalus, [Sidenote: Lichfield whereof it tooke name.] were slaine by the wicked pagans at Lichfield, whereof that towne tooke name, as you would say, The field of dead corpses.

To be briefe, this persecution was so great and greeuous, and thereto [Sidenote: Gyldas.] so vniuersall, that in maner the Christian religion was thereby destroied. The faithfull people were slaine, their bookes burnt, and [Sidenote: Ran. Cestren.] churches ouerthrowne. It is recorded that in one moneths space in diuers places of the world there were 17000 godlie men and women put [Sidenote: Matth. West.] [Sidenote: Constantius.] to death, for professing the christian faith in the daies of that tyrant Dioclesian and his fellow Maximian.

[Sidenote: COELUS.] [Sidenote: 262.] COELUS earle of Colchester began his dominion ouer the Britains in the yeere of our Lord 262. This Coelus or Coell ruled the land for a certeine time, so as the Britains were well content with his gouernement, and liued the longer in rest from inuasion of the Romans, bicause they were occupied in other places: but finallie they finding [Sidenote: Fabian.] time for their purpose, appointed one Constantius to passe ouer into this Ile with an armie, the which Constantius put Coelus in such dread, that immediatlie vpon his arriuall Coelus sent to him an ambassage, and concluded a peace with him, couenanting to pay the [Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Caxton.] accustomed tribute, & gaue to Constantius his daughter in mariage called Helen, a noble ladie and a learned. Shortlie after king Coell died, when he had reigned (as some write) 27 yeeres or (as other haue) but 13 yeeres.

¶ But by the way touching this Coelus, I will not denie, but assuredly such a prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named Helen, whom he maried vnto Constantius the Romane lieutenant that was after emperor, I leaue that to be decided of the learned. For if the whole course of the liues, as well of the father and the sonne Constantius and Constantine, as likewise of the mother Helen, be consideratelie marked from time to time, and yeere to yéere, as out of authors both [Sidenote: Lib. 7. cap. 18.] Greeke and Latine the same may be gathered, I feare least such doubt maie rise in this matter, that it will be harder to prooue Helen a Britane, than Constantine to be borne in Bithynia (as Nicephorus auoucheth.) But forsomuch as I meane not to step from the course of our countrie writers in such points, where the receiued opinion may séeme to warrant the credit of the historie, I will with other admit both the mother and sonne to be Britains in the whole discourse of the historie following, as though I had forgot what in this place I haue said.

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A further discourse of the forenamed Constantius and Helen, his regiment ouer this Iland, his behauiour and talke to his sonne and councellors as he lay on his death-bed, a deuise that he put in practise to vnderstand what true Christians he had in his court, his commendable vertues, that the Britains in his time imbraced the christian faith is prooued.

THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTIUS.] [Sidenote: Matth. West. saith 302.] [Sidenote: 289.] CONSTANTIUS a senatour of Rome began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeere of our Lord 289, as our histories report. This Constantius (as before ye haue heard) had to wife Helen the daughter of the foresaid king Coel, of whome he begat a sonne named Constantinus, which after was emperour, and for his woorthie dooings surnamed Constantine the great. S. Ambrose following the common report, writeth [Sidenote: Orosius.] [Sidenote: Beda.] that this Helen was a maid in an inne: and some againe write, that she was concubine to Constantius, and not his wife.

[Sidenote: Cuspinian.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] But whatsoeuer she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Romane histories, that Constantius being the daughters sonne of one Crispus, that was brother to the emperour Claudius, came into Britaine, and quieted the troubles that were raised by the Britains, and there (as some write) maried the foresaid Helen, being a woman of an excellent beautie, whom yet [after] he was constreined to forsake, and to marrie Theodora the daughter in law of Herculeus Maximianus, by whome he had six sonnes, and finallie was created emperour, togither with the said Galerius Maximianus, at what time Dioclesianus and his fellow Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed the same vnto them. The empire was then diuided betwixt them, so that to Constantius the regions of Italie, Affrike, France Spaine and Britaine were assigned; & to Galerius, Illyricum, Grecia, and all the east parts. But Constantine being a man void of ambition, was contented to leaue Italie and Affrike, supposing his charge to be great inough to haue the gouernement in his hands of France, Spaine, and Britaine (as Eutropius saith.)

But as touching his reigne ouer the Britains, we haue not to say further than as we find in our owne writers recorded: as for his gouernement in the empire, it is to be considered, that first he was admitted to rule as an assistant to Maximian vnder the title of Cesar: and so from that time if you shall account his reigne, it maie comprehend 11, 12, or 13 yeeres, yea more or lesse, according to the diuersitie found in writers. Howbeit, if we shall reckon his reigne from the time onelie that Dioclesian and Maximian resigned their title vnto the empire, we shall find that he reigned not fullie thrée yéeres. For whereas betwéene the slaughter of Alectus, and the comming of Constantius, are accounted 8 yéeres and od moneths, not onelie those eight yéeres, but also some space of time before maie be ascribed vnto Constantius: for although before his comming ouer into Britaine now this last time (for he had béene here afore, as it well appéereth) Asclepiodotus gouerning as legat, albeit vnder Constantius, who had a great portion of the west parts of the empire vnder his regiment, by the title, as I haue said, of Cesar, yet he was not said to reigne absolutelie till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned. But now to conclude with the dooings of Constantius, at length he fell sicke [Sidenote: 306.] at Yorke, and there died, about the yéere of our Lord 306.

This is not to be forgotten, that whilest he laie on his death-bed, somewhat before he departed this life, hearing that his sonne Constantine was come, and escaped from the emperours Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge (as after shall be partlie touched) he receiued him with all ioy, and raising himselfe vp in his bed, in presence of his other sonnes & counsellours, with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, he set the crowne vpon his sonnes head, and adorned him with other imperiall robes and garments, executing as it were him selfe the [Sidenote: Niceph.] office of an herald, and withall spake these woords vnto his said [Sidenote: Tripartit. histo.] sonne, and to his counsellours there about him: "Now is my death to me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I haue héere a large epitaph and monument of buriall, to wit, mine owne sonne, and one whome in earth I leaue to be emperour in my place, which by Gods good helpe shall wipe away the teares of the Christians, and reuenge the crueltie exercised by tyrants. This I reckon to chance vnto me in stéed of most felicitie."

After this, turning himselfe to the multitude, he commanded them all to be of good comfort, meaning those that had not forsaken true vertue and godlinesse in Christ, which Christ he vndertooke should continue with his sonne Constantine in all enterprises, which in warres or otherwise he should take in hand. That deuise also is woorthie to be had in memorie, which he put in practise in his life time, to vnderstand what true and sincere Christians were remaining in his court. For whereas he had béene first a persecuter, and after was conuerted, it was a matter easie to persuade the world, that he was no earnest Christian: and so the policie which he thought to worke, was the sooner brought to passe, which was this.

He called togither all his officers and seruants, feining himselfe to choose out such as would doo sacrifice to diuels, and that those onelie should remaine with him and kéepe their office, and the rest that refused so to doo, should be thrust out, and banished the court. Héervpon all the courtiers diuided themselues into companies: and when some offered willinglie to doo sacrifice, and other some boldlie refused: the emperour marking their dealings, sharpelie rebuked those which were so readie to dishonour the liuing God, accounting them as treitours to his diuine maiestie, and not woorthie to remaine within the court gates: but those that constantlie stood in the profession of the christian faith, he greatlie commended, as men woorthie to be about a prince: and withall declared, that from thencefoorth they should be as chiefe counsellours and defenders both of his person and kingdome, estéeming more of them than of all the treasure he had in his coffers.

To conclude, he was a graue prince, sober, vpright, courteous and liberall, as he which kept his mind euer frée from couetous desire of great riches: insomuch that when he should make anie great feast to his friends, he was not ashamed to borow plate and siluer vessell to [Sidenote: Pomponius Lænis.] serue his turne, and to furnish his cupbord for the time, being contented for himselfe to be serued in cruses & earthen vessels. He was woont to haue this saieng in his mouth, that better it was that the subiects should haue store of monie and riches, than the prince to kéepe it close in his treasurie, where it serued to no vse. By such courteous dealing the prouinces which were in his charge flourished in [Sidenote: He died in the yéere 306. as Matt. West. hath noted, and reigned over the Britains but 11. yéeres as Galf. saith.] great wealth and quietnesse. He was a verie wise and politike prince in the ordering of all weightie matters, and verie skillfull in the practise of warres, so that he stood the Romane empire in great stéed, and was therefore highlie beloued of the souldiers, insomuch that immediatlie after his deceasse, they proclaimed his sonne Constantine emperour.

That the Christian faith was imbraced of the Britains in this season, it maie appéere, in that Hilarias bishop of Poictiers writeth to his brethren in Britaine, and Constantine in an epistle (as Theodoretus saith in his first booke and tenth chapter) maketh mention of the churches in Britaine: which also Sozomenus dooth affirme. For the Britains after they had receiued the faith, defended the same euen [Sidenote: 291.] [Sidenote: Iohn Bale.] with the shedding of their bloud, as Amphibalus, who in this Constantius daies being apprehended, suffered at Redburne neere to Werlamchester, about 15 yéeres after the martyrdome of his host S. Albane.

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Constantine created emperour in Britaine, he is sollicited to take vpon him the regiment of those countries that his father gouerned, he is requested to subdue Maxentius the vsurping tyrant, Maximianus his father seeketh to depose him, Constantines death is purposed by the said Maximianus the father & his sonne Maxentius, Fausta the daughter of Maximianus & wife to Constantine detecteth hir fathers trecherie to hir husband, Maximianus is strangled at Constantines commandement, lèague and alliance betweene him and Licinius, he is slaine, the empresse Helen commended, the crosse of Christ found with the inscription of the same, what miracles were wrought thereby, of the nailes wherewith Christ was crucified, Constantine commended, the state of Britaine in his time.

THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTINE.] CONSTANTINE being the son of the forenamed Constantius, begot of his first wife Helen, the daughter (as some affirme) of Coell late king of [Sidenote: 306.] the Britains, began to reigne in the yéere of our Lord 306. This worthie prince begotten of a British woman, & borne of hir in Britaine (as our writers doo affirme) and created certeinlie emperour in Britaine, did doubtlesse make his natiue countrie partaker of his high glorie and renowme, which by his great prowes, politike wisedome, woorthie gouernment, and other his princelie qualities most abundantlie planted in his noble person, he purchased and got thorough the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the high enterprises and noble acts by him happilie brought to passe and atchiued, he was surnamed (as before is said) the great Constantine. Whilest this Constantine remained at Rome in manner as he had béene a pledge with Galerius in his fathers life time, he being then but yoong, fled from thence, and with all post hast returned to his father into Britaine, killing or howghing by the waie all such horsses as were appointed to [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Sextus Aurelius Victor.] stand at innes readie for such as should ride in post, least being pursued, he should haue béene ouertaken, and brought backe againe by such as might be sent to pursue him.

At his comming into Britaine, he found his father sore vexed with sicknesse, whereof shortlie after he died, and then was he by helpe of such as were about him, incouraged to take vpon him as emperour: and [Sidenote: Erocus king of the Almains.] namelie one Erocus king of the Almains, which had accompanied his father thither, assisted him thereto, so that being proclaimed emperour, he tooke vpon him the rule of those countries which his father had in gouernment, that is to saie, France, Spaine, the Alpes, and Britaine, with other prouinces héere in the west: and ruling the same with great equitie and wisdome, he greatly wan the fauour of the people, insomuch that the fame of his politike gouernment and courteous dealing being spred abroad, when Maxentius the tyrant that [Sidenote: Maxentius the tyrant.] occupied the rule of the empire at Rome, and in Italie by wrongfull vsurping & abusing the same, was grown into the hatred of the Romans and other Italians, Constantine was earnestlie by them requested to come into Italie, and to helpe to subdue Maxentius, that he might reforme the state of things there.

This Maxentius was sonne to Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had married Fausta the daughter of the said Maximianus. Now so it was, that Maximianus, immediatlie after that his sonne Maxentius had taken the rule vpon him, sought meanes to haue deposed him, and to haue resumed and taken eftsoones into his owne hands the gouernment of the empire. But solliciting Dioclesian to doo the like, he was much reprooued of him for his vnreasonable and ambitious purpose: so that when he perceiued that neither Dioclesian would be thereto agreeable, nor induce the souldiers to admit him, they hauing alreadie established his sonne, began to deuise waies how to assure the state more stronglie to his said sonne. And hearing that his sonne in law Constantine was minded to come into Italie against him, he purposed to practise Constantines destruction, insomuch that it was iudged by this [Sidenote: Dissimulation.] which followed, that Herculeus Maximianus did but for a colour séeme to mislike that which his said son Maxentius had doone, to the end he might the sooner accomplish his intent for the dispatching of Constantine out of the waie.

[Sidenote: Ranulphus Cestrensis.] Heerevpon (as it were) fléeing out of Italie, he came to Constantine, who as then hauing appointed lieutenants vnder him in Britaine, remained in France, and with all ioy and honour that might be, receiued his father in law: the which being earnestlie bent to [Sidenote: Fausta the daughter of Maximianas and wife to Constantine.] compasse his purpose, made his daughter Fausta priuie thereto: which ladie (either for feare least the concealing thereof might turne hir to displeasure, either else for the entire loue which she bare to hir husband) reuealed hir fathers wicked purpose. Wherevpon whilest [Sidenote: Marsiles.] Constantine went about to be reuenged of such a traitorous practise, Herculeus fled to Marsiles, purposing there to take the sea, and so to retire to his sonne Maxentius into Italie. But yer he could get awaie from thence, he was strangled by commandement of his sonne in law [Sidenote: Maximianus slaine.] [Sidenote: Ann. Chri. 322.] Constantine, and so ended his life, which he had spotted with manie cruell acts, as well in persecuting the professours of the christian name, as others.

[Sidenote: Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire.] In this meane time had Maximianus adopted one Licinius to assist him in gouernance of the empire, proclaiming him Cesar. So that now at one selfe time Constantine gouerned France and the west parts of the empire, Maxentius held Italie, Affrike, and Aegypt: and Maximianus which likewise had beene elected Cesar, ruled the east parts, and Licinius Illyrium and Grecia. But shortlie after, the emperour Constantine ioined in league with Licinius, and gaue to him his sister in marriage, named Constantia, for more suertie of faithfull friendship to indure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maximianus who gouerning in the east part of the empire, purposed the destruction of Constantine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius at Tarsus, he shortlie after died, being eaten with lice. Constantine after this was called into Italie, to deliuer the Romans and Italians from the tyrannie of Maxentius, which occasion so offered, Constantine gladlie accepting, passed into Italie, and after certeine victories got against Maxentius, at length slue him.

After this, when Maximianus was dead, who prepared to make warre against Licinius, that had married Constantia the sister of Constantine, he finallie made warre against his brother in law the said Licinius, by reason of such quarrels as fell out betwixt them. In the which warre Licinius was put to the woorse, and at length comming into the hands of Constantine, was put to death, so that Constantine by this meanes got the whole empire vnder his rule and subiection. He was a great fauourer of the Christian religion, insomuch that to aduance the same, he tooke order for the conuerting of the temples dedicated to the honour of idols, vnto the seruice of the true and almightie God. He commanded also, that none should be admitted to [Sidenote: Christians honoured and cherished.] serue as a souldier in the warres, except he were a christian, nor yet to haue rule of anie countrie or armie. He also ordeined, the wéeke before Easter, and that which followed to be kept as holie, and no person to doo anie bodilie woorks during the same.

[Sidenote: Polydor.] [Sidenote: The praise of the empresse Helen.] [Sidenote: 328.] He was much counselled by that noble and most vertuous ladie his mother, the empresse Helen, who being a godlie and deuout woman, did what in hir laie, to mooue him to the setting foorth of Gods honour and increase of the christian faith, wherein as yet he was not fullie instructed. ¶ Some writers alledge, that she being at Ierusalem, made diligent search to find out the place of the sepulchre of our Lord, and at length found it, though with much adoo: for the infidels had stopped it vp, and couered it with a heape of filthie earth, and builded aloft vpon the place, a chappell dedicated to Venus, where yoong women vsed to sing songs in honour of that vnchast goddesse. Helen caused the same to be ouerthrowne, the earth to be remooued, and the place cleansed, so that at length the sepulchre appéered, and fast by were found there buried in the earth thrée crosses and the nailes. But the crosse wherevpon our Sauiour was crucified, was knowne by the title written vpon it, though almost worne out, in letters of Hebrew, Gréeke, and Latine: the inscription was this, Iesus Nazarenus rex Iudæorum. It was also perceiued which was that crosse by a miracle (as it is reported, but how trulie I can not tell) that should be wrought thereby: for being laid to a sicke woman, onlie with the touching thereof she was healed. It was also said, that a dead man was raised from death to life, his bodie onlie being touched therewith. Wherevpon Constantine mooued with these things, forbad that from thencefoorth anie should be put to death on the crosse, to the end that the thing which afore time was accounted infamous and reprochfull, might now be had in honour and reuerence.

The empresse Helen hauing thus found the crosse, builded a temple there, & taking with hir the nailes, returned with the same to hir [Sidenote: Polydor.] sonne Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of his helmet, an other in the bridle of his horsse, and the third he cast into the sea, to asswage and pacifie the furious tempests and rage thereof. She also [Sidenote: Polydor.] brought with hir a parcell of that holie crosse, and gaue it to hir sonne the said Constantine, the which he caused to be closed within an image that represented his person, standing vpon a piller in the market place of Constantine, or (as some late writers haue) he caused it to be inclosed in a coffer of gold, adorned with rich stones and pearls, placing it in a church called Sessoriana, the which church he indued with manie great gifts and precious ornaments. Manie works of great zeale and vertue are remembered by writers to haue béene doone by this Constantine and his mother Helen, to the setting foorth of Gods glorie, and the aduancing of the faith of Christ.

[Sidenote: The commendation of Constantine.] But to be briefe, he was a man in whome manie excellent vertues and good qualities both of mind and bodie manifestlie appéered, chieflie he was a prince of great knowledge and experience in warre, and therewith verie fortunate, an earnest louer of iustice, and to conclude, borne to all honour.

But now to speake somewhat of the state of Britaine in his time, ye shall vnderstand, that as before is recorded, at his going ouer into France, after that he was proclaimed emperour, he left behind him in Britaine certeine gouernours to rule the land, and amongst other one Maximinus a right valiant capteine. He tooke with him a great part of the youth of Britaine, and diuerse of the chiefe men amongst the nobilitie, in whose approoued manhood, loialtie, and constancie, he conceiued a great hope to go thorough with all his enterprises, as with the which being accompanied and compassed about, he passed ouer into Gallia, entred into Italie, and in euerie place ouercame his enimies.

[Sidenote: Gulielmus Malmes.] [Sidenote: Britains seruing in the warres vnder Constantine.] Some write that Constantine thus conueieng ouer sea with him a great armie of Britains, and by their industrie obteining victorie as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of wages, and licenced to giue ouer the warre, in a part of Gallia towards the west sea coast, where their posteritie remaine vnto this daie, maruellouslie increased afterwards, and somewhat differing from our Britains, the Welshmen, in manners and language. Amongst those noble men which he tooke with him when he departed out of this land [Sidenote: Galfridus.] [Sidenote: Matt. West.] (as our writers doo testifie) were thrée vncles of his mother Helen, that is to say Hoelmus, Trahernus, and Marius, whome he made senators of Rome.

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Of Octauius a British lord, his reigne ouer the Britains, he incountereth with Traherne first néere Winchester, and afterwards in Westmerland: Octauius being discomfited fléeth into Norway, Traherne is slaine, Octauius sendeth for Maximianus, on whom he bestoweth his daughter and the kingdome of Britaine: the death of Octauius, Helena builded the wals of Colchester and London, she dieth and is buried, Constantine departeth this life, Britaine reckoned among the prouinces that reteined the christian faith, Paulus a Spaniard is sent into Britaine, he dealeth roughlie with the people, Martinus the lieutenant excuseth them as innocent, his vnluckie end, Paulus returneth into Italie.

THE XXIX CHAPTER.

Now in the meane time that Constantine had obteined and ruled the whole empire, Britaine as it were hauing recouered libertie, in that one of hir children being hir king, had got the gouernment of the whole earth, remained in better quiet than afore time she had doone. [Sidenote: Octauius.] [Sidenote: Caxton.] But yet in the meane season, if we shall credit the British chronicle and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpretor thereof; there was a British lord, named Octauius or Octauian, as the old English chronicle nameth [Sidenote: Gewisses inhabited the countrie which the west Saxons after held.] [Sidenote: The name of Gewisses came in with the Saxons of Guuy, &c.] him, that was duke of the Gewisses, and appointed by Constantine to be ruler of the land in his absence, the which Octauius (after that Constantine had recouered Rome and Italie, and was so busied in the affaires of the empire in those parts, that as was thought, he could not returne backe into Britaine) seized into his hands the whole dominion of Britaine, and held himselfe for king.

[Sidenote: OCTAUIUS.] [Sidenote: Galfridus.] [Sidenote: 329.] This Octauius then beginning his reigne ouer the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 329, prouoked Constantine to send against him one of his mothers vncles, the foresaid Traherne. This Trahernus, or as some name him Traherne, entred this land with three legions of souldiers, & in a field néere vnto Winchester, was incountered by Octauius and his [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Galfridus.] [Sidenote: This agréeth not altogither with that which Hector Boetius writeth, as in the Scotish chronicle appéereth.] Britains, by whome after a sore battell there striken betwixt them, in the end Traherne was put to flight and chased, insomuch that he was constreined to forsake that part of the land, and to draw towards Scotland. Octauius hauing knowledge of his passage, followed him, & in the countrie of Westmerland eftsoones gaue him battell, but in that battell Octauius was put to the woorsse, and constreined to forsake the land, fled into Norway, there to purchase aid: and being readie with such power as he there gathered, what of Britains and Norwegians, to returne into Britaine. Before his landing he was aduertised that an earle of Britaine which bare him heartie good will, had by treason

[Sidenote: Traherne slaine.] [Sidenote: See in the Scotish chronicles more of these matters.] [Sidenote: Matth. West. saith 316.] slaine Traherne. Octauius then comming to land, eftsoones got possession of Britaine, which should be (as Fabian gathereth) about the yéere of our Lord 329, in the 20 yéere of the reigne of the emperour Constantine, and about two yéeres after that the said Octauius first tooke vpon him to rule as king.

After this (as the British chronicle affirmeth) Octauius gouerned the land right noblie, and greatlie to the contentation of the Britains. At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one daughter, he was counselled to send vnto Rome for one Maximianus, a noble yoong man, coosine to the emperour Constantine, on the part of his mother Helena, to come into Britaine, and to take to his wife the said daughter of Octauius, and so with hir to haue the kingdome. [Sidenote: Maximianus is sent for.] [Sidenote: Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall. This agréeth not with Octauius at the first that which is found in the Scotish chronicles.] meant to haue giuen hir in mariage vnto one Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, which was his nephue: but when the lords would not thereto agrée, at the length he appointed one Maurice sonne to the said Conan to go to Rome to fetch the forenamed Maximianus.

Maurice according to his commission and instruction in that behalfe receiued, came to Rome, and declared his message in such effectuall [Sidenote: Maximianus commeth into Britaine.] sort, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britaine, and so taking with him a conuenient number, set forward, and did so much by his iournies, that finallie he landed here in Britaine. And notwithstanding that Conan Meridoc past not so much to haue béene dooing with him, for malice that he conceiued towards him, because he saw that by his meanes he should be put beside the crowne, yet at length was Maximianus safelie brought to the kings presence, and of him honorablie receiued, and finallie the mariage was knit vp, and solemnized in all princelie maner. Shortlie after, Octauius departed [Sidenote: Octauius departeth this life.] out of this life, after he had reigned the terme of fiftie and foure yeares, as Fabian gathereth by that which diuers authors doo write, how he reigned till the daies that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the [Sidenote: 382.] Roman empire which began to gouerne in the yeare of our Lord (as he saith) 382, which is to be vnderstood of Gratian his reigne after the deceasse of his vncle Valens, for otherwise a doubt maie rise, because Valentine the father of Gratian admitted the said Gratian to the title of Augustus in the yeare of our Lord 351.

But to leaue the credit of the long reigne of Octauius, with all his and others gouernement and rule ouer the Britains since the time of Constantius, vnto our British and Scotish writers, let vs make an end with the gouernement of that noble emperour Constantine, and assured branch of the Britains race, as borne of that worthie ladie the empresse Helen, daughter to Coell earle of Colchester, and after king of Britaine (as our histories doo witnesse.) Vnto the which empresse Constantine bare such dutifull reuerence, that he did not onelie honour hir with the name of empresse, but also made hir as it were partaker with him of all his wealth, and in manie things was led and ruled by hir vertuous and godlie admonitions, to the aduancement of Gods honour, and maintenance of those that professed the true christian religion. For the loue that she bare vnto Colchester and London, she walled them about, and caused great bricke and huge tiles to be made for the performance of the same, whereof there is great store to be séene euen yet to this present, both in the walls of the towne and castell of Colchester, as a testimonie of the woorkemanship [Sidenote: Nicephorus.] [Sidenote: The empresse Helen departeth this life.] of those daies. She liued 79 yeares, and then departed this life about the 21 yeare of hir sonnes reigne. First she was buried at Rome without the walls of the citie with all funerall pompe, as to hir estate apperteined: but after hir corps was remoued and brought to Constantinople, where it was eftsoones interred. Hir sonne the [Sidenote: 340.] [Sidenote: The deceasse of the emperour Constantine.] emperour Constantine liued till about the yeare of Christ 340, and then deceassed at Nicomedia in Asia, after he had ruled the empire 32 yeares and od moneths.

We find not in the Romane writers of anie great stur here in Britaine during his reigne more than the British and Scotish writers haue recorded: so that after Traherne had reduced this land to quietnesse, it maie be supposed, that the Britains liued in rest vnder his gouernement, and likewise after vnder his sonnes that succéeded him in [Sidenote: 360.] the empire, till about the yeare 360, at what time the Picts and Scots inuaded the south parts of the land.

But now to end with Octauius, that the christian faith remained still in Britaine, during the supposed time of this pretended kings reigne, it maie appeare, in that amongst the 36 prouinces, out of the which there were assembled aboue 300 bishops in the citie of Sardica in [Sidenote: Synodus anno. 354] Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians, Britaine is numbred by Athanasius in his second apologie to be one. And againe, the said Athanasius in an epistle which he writeth to the emperour Iouinianus reciteth, that the churches in Britaine did consent with the churches of other nations in the confession of faith articuled in the Nicene councell. Also mention is made by writers of certeine godlie & learned men, which liued in offices in the church in those daies, as Restitutus bishop of London, which went ouer to the synod held at Arles in France, and also one Kibius Corinnius sonne to Salomon duke of Cornewall, and bishop of Anglesey, who instructed the people that inhabited the parts now called Northwales, and them of Anglesey aforesaid verie diligentlie.

But now to speake somewhat of things chancing in Britaine about this season (as we find recorded by the Romane writers) some trouble was likelie to haue growne vnto the Britains by receiuing certeine men of warre that fled out of Italie into Britaine, whome the emperour [Sidenote: Marcellinus.] [Sidenote: lib. 14.] Constantius would haue punished, because they had taken part with [Sidenote: Paulus a notarie.] Maxentius his aduersarie. Paulus a Spaniard and notarie was sent ouer by him, with commission to make inquirie of them, and to sée them brought to light to answere their transgressions: which Paulus began to deale roughlie in the matter, whereof he was called Catera, and to rage against the Britains and partakers with the fugitiues, in that they had receiued and mainteined them, as he alledged: but in the end [Sidenote: Martinus lieutenant.] being certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their innocencie, and fearing least his extreame rigour might alienate the hearts of the inhabitants altogither, and cause them to withdraw their obedience from the Romane empire, he turned the execution of his furie from them vnto the Romans, and made hauocke of those that he suspected, till the said Martinus fell at square with him, & thinking on a time to kill him, he drew his sword and smote at him. But such was his age and weakenesse, that he was not able to kill him or giue him anie deadlie wound: wherefore he turned the point of his sword against himselfe, and so ended his life, being contented rather to die than sée his countriemen and subiects of the empire so to be abused. After this the said Paulus returned backe againe into Italie from whence he came, after whose departure, it was not long yer he also was slaine, and then all the Scots and Picts sore disquieted the Romane subiects, for the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent ouer out of Gallia by Iulianus, as shall be declared out of Amianus Marcellinus, after we haue first shewed what we find written in our owne writers concerning the Scots and Picts, who now began to rob and spoile the British inhabitants within the Romane prouinces here in this Ile, and that euen in most outragious maner.

* * * * *

Maximianus or Maximus gouerneth this Ile, why writers speake ill of him, strife betwixt him and Conan duke of Cornewall, Maximus is proclaimed emperour in Britaine, he transporteth the British youth seruiceable for warres into France, little Britaine in France why so called, eleuen thousand maids sent thither to match with Conans people, whereof some were drowned, and other some murthered in the way by Guanius king of Hunnes and Melga king of Picts, they flie into Ireland, murther requited with murther, the words of Gyldas concerning Maximus.

THE XXX CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MAXIMIANUS OR MAXIMUS.] [Sidenote: 383.] After the deceasse of Octauius or Octauian (as the old English chronicle nameth him) Maximianus or Maximus (as the Romane writers call him) began to rule the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 383, he was the sonne of one Leonine, and coosen germane to Constantine the great, a valiant personage, & hardie of stomach: but yet because he was cruell of nature, and (as Fabian saith) somewhat persecuted the christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chiefe cause why he was euil reported, was for that he slue his souereigne lord the emperour Gratianus, as after shall appeare, for otherwise he is supposed woorthie to haue had the rule of the empire committed to his hands in ech respect. Betwixt him and the aboue-named Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, chanced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into Scotland, and there purchasing aid, returned, and comming ouer Humber, wasted the countrie on ech side. Maximianus thereof hauing aduertisement, raised his power and went against him, and so fighting with him diuers battels, sometime departed awaie with victorie, and sometime with losse. At length through mediation of friends, a peace was made betwixt them. Finallie this Maximianus, or (as the Romane histories say) Maximus, was by the souldiers chosen and proclaimed emperour here in Britaine: although some write that this was doone in Spaine.

[Sidenote: Gal. Mon.] [Sidenote: Fabian.] [Sidenote: Caxton.] [Sidenote: Matth. West.] [Sidenote: The British youth led forth of the realme by Maximianus.] [Sidenote: Britaine in France.] After he had taken vpon him the imperiall dignitie, vpon desire to haue inlarged his dominion, he assembled togither all the chosen youth of this land méet to doo seruice in the warres, with the which he passed ouer into France, & there (as our writers record) he first subdued the countrie ancientlie called Armorica, and slue in battell the king thereof called Imball. This doone he gaue the countrie vnto Conan Meridoc, which was there with him, to hold the same of him, and of the kings of great Britaine for euer. He also commanded that the said countrie from thencefoorth should be called litle Britaine, and so was the name changed. What people soeuer inhabited there before, the ancient name argueth that they were rather Britains than anie other: for Armorica in the British toong signifieth as much as a countrie lieng vpon the sea.

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Chapter I (part 4 of 6)

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Chapter I (part 4 of 6)