Chapter XX

Chapter XX

THE SEQUEL OF THE MASSACRE, TO THE DEATH OF CHARLES THE NINTH.

[Sidenote: Widespread terror.]

The blow had been struck by which the Huguenots were to be exterminated. If a single adherent of the reformed faith still lived in Paris, he dared not show his face. France had, as usual, copied the example of the capital, and there were few districts to which the fratricidal plot had not extended. Enough blood had been shed, it would seem, to satisfy the most sanguinary appetite. After the massacre in which the admiral and all the most noted leaders had perished--after the defection of Henry of Navarre and his more courageous cousin, it was confidently expected that the feeble remnants of the Huguenots, deprived of their head, could easily be reduced to submission. The stipulation of Charles the Ninth, when yielding a reluctant consent to the infamous project, would be fulfilled: not one of the hated sect would remain to reproach him with his crime. And, in point of fact, throughout the greater number of the cities of France, even where there had been no actual massacre, so widespread was the terror, that every Protestant had either fled from the country or sought safety in concealment, if he had not actually apostatized from the faith.[1253]

[Sidenote: La Rochelle and other cities in Protestant hands.]

But when the storm had spent its first fury, and it became once more possible to look around and measure its frightful effects, it was found that the devastation was not universal. A few cities held for the Huguenots. La Rochelle and Sancerre--the former on the western coast, the latter in the centre of France--with Montauban, Nismes, Milhau, Aubenas, Privas, and certain other places of minor importance in the south, closed their gates, and refused to receive the royal governors sent them from Paris.[1254] Not that there were wanting those, even among the Protestants, who interposed conscientious scruples, and denied the right of resistance to the authority of the king;[1255] but with the vast majority the dictates of self-preservation prevailed over the slavish doctrine of unquestioning submission. The right to worship God as He commands cannot, they argued, be abridged even by the legitimate sovereign; and in this case there is even the greatest probability that he acts under constraint, or that wily courtiers forge his name, since the most contradictory orders emanate ostensibly from him.

[Sidenote: Nismes.]

Such was the attitude assumed by the brave inhabitants of Nismes. Here the Roman Catholics had displayed a more charitable disposition than in many other places. The "juge mage," on receipt of secret orders to massacre the Protestants, instead of complying, gave directions for assembling the extraordinary council, consisting of the magistrates and most notable citizens. By this council, upon his recommendation, it was unanimously resolved to close all the gates of Nismes, with the exception of one. This was to be guarded in turn by the Roman Catholics and the Protestants. All the citizens were directed to take a common oath that they would assist each other without distinction of creed, and maintain order and security, in obedience to the king's authority, and according to the provisions of his edict of pacification. It was a solemn scene when all those present in the great municipal meeting, the vicar-general of the diocese among the number, with uplifted hands called upon God to witness their engagement.[1256] The oath was well observed. The Viscount of Joyeuse, acting as lieutenant-governor of Charles in Languedoc, at first approved the compact; for the king's early letters, as we have seen, expressed indignation at Coligny's murder, and ascribed it to the personal enmity of the Guises. But the viscount took a different view of the matter when the monarch, throwing off the mask, himself accepted the responsibility. Joyeuse now called on the citizens of Nismes to lay down their arms, to expel all the refugees, and to receive a garrison. But the Nismois firmly declined the summons, grounding their refusal partly on their duty to themselves, partly on the manifest inhumanity of surrendering their fellow-citizens to certain butchery. As was true in more than one instance, it was the people that, by their decision, saved the rich from the inevitable results of their own timid counsels. Most of the judges of the royal court of justice, and most of the opulent citizens, advocated a surrender of Nismes to Joyeuse, which must have been the prelude to a fresh and perhaps indiscriminate massacre.[1257]

[Sidenote: Montauban.]

Scarcely less important to the Protestants of southern France was the refuge they found in Montauban. Regnier, the same Huguenot gentleman who had himself been rescued from slaughter at Paris by the magnanimity of Vezins,[1258] was the instrument of its deliverance. On finding himself safe, his first impulse was to hasten to Montauban and urge his brethren to adopt instant measures for self-defence. But despair had taken possession of the inhabitants. They had heard that the dreaded black cavalry of the ferocious Montluc, the men-at-arms of Fontenille, and other troops, were on the march against them. Their enemies were already reported to be so near the city as Castel-Sarrasin. Not a gate, therefore, would the panic-stricken citizens close; not a sword would they draw. Nothing was left but for Regnier, with the little band of less than forty followers he had gathered, to abandon the devoted place. As he was wandering about the country, uncertain whither to betake himself, he unexpectedly fell in with the very enemy before whom Montauban was quailing. Neither Regnier nor his handful of followers hesitated. It was a glorious opportunity for the display of heroism in a good cause, for there were ten Roman Catholics to one Protestant. Happily the ground was favorable to the display of individual prowess; a river and a tributary brook rendered the field so contracted that only a few men could fight abreast. "Brethren and comrades," cried Regnier, "whether for life or for combat, there is no other road than this." Then putting forward a detachment of ten horsemen headed by an experienced leader, when he saw the enemy pause to put on their helmets, he seized the opportunity in true Huguenot fashion to act as the minister of his followers, and uttered a brief prayer, devout and courageous. Next came the charge, such as those men of iron determination knew well how to make. The van of the enemy made no attempt to resist them; the cavalry in the centre was driven back in confusion upon the mounted arquebusiers of the rear. The fight became in a few minutes a disgraceful rout, and for a whole league the handful of Huguenots continued the pursuit. Of nearly four hundred royalists, eighty were killed and fifty captured. When Regnier, returning to Montauban, brought the flags of the enemy and a body of prisoners outnumbering his own band, the citizens renounced their fears, accepted the omen as a pledge of Divine assistance, and cast in their lot with their brethren of La Rochelle.[1259]

[Sidenote: La Rochelle the centre of interest.]

For La Rochelle had now become the centre of interest, and Montauban, Nismes, and even Sancerre, whose brave and obstinate siege will soon occupy us, were for the time almost wholly dismissed from consideration. The strongly fortified Protestant town, the only point upon the shores of the ocean which during the former civil wars had defied every assault of the papal leaders, was now the safe and favorite refuge of the Huguenots, and the coveted prey of the enemy. Within a very short time after the massacre, a stream of fugitives set in toward La Rochelle. It was not long before her hospitable walls sheltered fifty of the Protestant nobles of the neighboring provinces, fifty-five ministers, and fifteen hundred soldiers, chiefly from Saintonge, Aunis, and Poitou. Among the new-comers were not a few who had with difficulty escaped from the bloody scenes at Paris.[1260] All were inspired with the same courage, all possessed by the same determination to sell their lives as dear as possible; for the successive accounts of the cruelties perpetrated in all parts of France left no doubt respecting the fate of the Rochellois should they too succumb.

[Sidenote: A spurious letter of Catharine de' Medici.]

And there were not wanting circumstances of an alarming nature. At Brouage, then a flourishing port some twenty-five miles south of La Rochelle, a considerable body of troops had been gathered under Philip Strozzi, the chief officer of the French infantry, while a fleet was in course of preparation under the well-known Baron de la Garde. This occurred previously to the massacre. The force, it was given out, was intended for a secret expedition against the Spaniards. While the Huguenots of Coligny, forming a junction with the troops of William of Orange, should attack Alva in Flanders, Strozzi and La Garde were to make a diversion upon the coasts of Spain itself. But the inhabitants of La Rochelle gave little credit to this explanation, and even the personal assurances of the admiral had not entirely removed their fears that their own destruction was intended. It is not strange, therefore, that they accepted the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day as a complete demonstration of the correctness of their suspicions, and at once took measures for protecting their city against surprise or open assault. Nor is it altogether easy to ascertain how far their apprehensions were unfounded. There were intelligent and well-informed contemporary writers, who felt no doubt that Strozzi was waiting with sealed orders for the coming of the fatal twenty-fourth of August. Two months before, they say, there had been sent him by Catharine de' Medici a packet which he was strictly forbidden to open until that day. It proved to be a letter of instruction couched in these words: "Strozzi, I notify you that this day, the twenty-fourth of August, the admiral and all the Huguenots who were with him here have been slain. Consequently, take diligent measures to make yourself master of La Rochelle, and do to the Huguenots who shall fall into your hands the same that we have done to those who were here. Take good heed that you fail not, insomuch as you fear to displease the king my son, and myself. CATHARINE."[1261]

If, as I can but believe, this letter be spurious, none the less may it serve to indicate how firmly the persuasion was fixed in the minds of the Protestants that insidious designs were cherished against La Rochelle.

[Sidenote: Designs upon the city.]

It was not long before those designs began to develop. Strozzi, to whom the inhabitants had sent a deputation, avowedly to obtain explanations respecting the circumstances of the massacre, but in reality to discover the plans of the government, graciously offered some companies of his soldiers for their protection. But the Rochellois with equal politeness declined to accept such help. Meanwhile, they set themselves vigorously at work, and not only organized the inhabitants and refugees into companies for military defence, but repaired and manned the fortifications, and introduced a great abundance of provisions and munitions of war into the city.[1262] A few days later, letters were received from Charles himself, which, while endeavoring to calm the minds of the inhabitants respecting recent occurrences, promised them full protection in their religious rights, proclaimed the king's unaltered determination to maintain his edict, and called upon them to receive with due submission M. de Biron, whom he sent them to be their governor. No better choice could have been made among the Roman Catholics; for Biron, it was currently reported, so far from approving of severity, had himself narrowly escaped being involved in the massacre, and had owed his safety mainly to the fact that he was in command at the arsenal.

The shrewd Rochellois, however, while they greeted the king's assurances with all outward show of credit, were not willing to be duped. They listened respectfully to the king's envoys, and professed themselves his most devoted subjects; but they begged to be excused from receiving Marshal Biron as their governor until the troops of Strozzi should have been removed from their dangerous proximity to the city, and until the fleet should have set sail from Brouage. Nor, indeed, could Biron himself obtain better conditions, when, having sought an interview with the deputies of La Rochelle outside of the walls, he entreated them, with sincere or well-feigned emotion, to forestall the ruin impending over them.[1263] In vain did he humor their claim, dating from regal concessions and long prescription, that La Rochelle need receive no garrison but of her own municipal militia.[1264] In vain did he offer to make his entry with but one or two followers, and promise that, when they had duly submitted, he would secure them from injury at the hands of the royal troops, and would relieve them of the presence of a fleet. The citizens were inflexible. The experience of Castres, where lately the credulous inhabitants had inconsiderately admitted a governor sent them by the king, and had paid for their folly with their lives, confirmed them in the resolution rather to die with sword in hand than to be slaughtered like sheep.[1265]

Two months (September and October) passed in fruitless negotiations--precious time, which the citizens put to good service in preparing for the inevitable struggle. It was not until the eighth of November that the first skirmish took place, in which one of two royal galleys sent to reconnoitre the situation of La Rochelle was captured and brought into harbor by some Huguenot boats that had sailed out intending to secure the neighboring Ile de Re for the Protestant cause.[1266]

[Sidenote: Mission of La Noue.]

Meantime the court, reluctant to undertake an enterprise so formidable as the regular siege of La Rochelle seemed likely to prove, resorted to pacific measures, and resolved to employ for the purpose a person the most unlikely to be selected by Roman Catholics. This was none other than the famous Francois de la Noue, a Protestant leader not less remarkable for generalship than for literary ability, of whose "Political and Military Discourses," written during a later captivity, it has been said with justice that, in perspicuity, force, and good judgment, they are not inferior to the most celebrated commentaries of antiquity.[1267] La Noue was with Louis of Nassau in the city of Mons when the news of Admiral Coligny's murder, and of the consequent failure of the promised support of France, reached him. Mons soon after surrendered to the Duke of Alva, and La Noue scarcely knew whither to turn for refuge, when he received from his old friend, the Duke of Longueville, Governor of Picardy, a cordial invitation to return to France. Not without many misgivings, he visited Paris, where, contrary to his expectations, Charles greeted him very graciously, and even restored to him the confiscated property of his wife's murdered brother, Teligny. Taking advantage of the moment, the king now requested La Noue to undertake the task of mediating between the government and La Rochelle, and thus preventing the outbreak of a new civil war and the effusion of more blood. At first La Noue positively declined the appointment; but the king was urgent, and the arguments which he adduced coincided with the Huguenot's own impressions of the hopelessness of a struggle undertaken by a single city against the united forces of the most powerful kingdom of Christendom. It was only after the most solemn protestations of Charles, that he would not make use of him as an instrument to deceive and ruin his Protestant brethren, that La Noue reluctantly consented to accept a commission from which he was more likely to reap embarrassment than glory.

[Sidenote: He is badly received by the Rochellois.]

And certainly his first reception by the Rochellois was far from flattering. In a conference with the deputies of the city, in the suburban village of Tadon[1268]--for La Noue was not permitted to enter the walls--the burghers clearly revealed the suspicion with which they viewed him. They bluntly told him, after listening to the propositions he brought from the king, "that they had come to confer with M. de la Noue, but that they did not recognize him in the person before them. The brave warrior so closely bound to them in former years, and who had lost an arm in their defence, had a different heart, never came to them with vain hopes, nor, under the guise of friendship, invited them to conferences destined only to betray them."[1269] But, in spite of this somewhat uncourteous reception, the well-known and trusted integrity of the great Huguenot captain soon broke through the thin crust of coolness, which, after all, was rather assumed than really felt. La Noue was suffered to enter the city, and at the echevinage, or city hall, was permitted to lay before the general assembly, or municipal government, as well as the other citizens, the full extent of the king's concessions. Amnesty for the past, confirmation of the city's privileges, passports for any who might wish to remove to England or Germany, safe return for those whom fear had banished, free exercise of the Protestant religion in two quarters of the city, with three ministers to be chosen by the people and approved by the governor--all this he offered. On the other hand, a new church must be built for the Roman Catholics, the strangers who had lately come must remove elsewhere, and, of course, the governor must be admitted, although the king kindly consented to let them designate any other sufficiently distinguished and capable person, if they preferred to do so.[1270]

[Sidenote: The royal proposals rejected.]

Neither the exposition of the terms of the royal clemency, nor the dark picture drawn of the ruin overhanging the city, shook the constancy of its brave advocates. They replied that they would consent to receive neither garrison nor royal governor, and they exhibited to La Noue their charters granted by Charles the Fifth, and ratified both by Louis the Eleventh and by the reigning monarch. They added, "that, with God's help, they hoped not to be caught in their beds as their brethren had been at the Parisian matins."[1271] Yet, even after this conference, the Rochellois were so far from losing their respect for La Noue, that they made him three propositions: either he might remain in La Rochelle as a private citizen; or he might assume the military command, as their commander-in-chief; or, if he should prefer so to do, he might pass over into England in one of their vessels. La Noue went to consult with Marshal Biron and others, and shortly returned. With their full concurrence he accepted the military command--the unparalleled anomaly being thus exhibited of a general of great experience and high reputation voluntarily given by the besiegers to the besieged, because of the confidence they entertained that by his moderation and pacific inclination he would restrain the excesses of the mob and hasten the return of peace.[1272]

[Sidenote: Marshal Biron appears before La Rochelle.]

[Sidenote: Beginning of the fourth religious war.]

And now the siege, which the court had long hesitated to undertake, began in earnest. On the fourth of December, Marshal Biron approached La Rochelle with seven ensigns of horse and eighteen companies of foot, and two larger cannon.[1273] Meantime the most strenuous efforts were put forth to collect an adequate besieging force. When milder measures failed to secure prompt obedience, recourse was had to threats, and the nobles were summoned on pain, in case of disobedience, of losing their privileges, and being reduced to the rank of "roturiers." The menace had its effect, and in the month of January, 1573, the force under Biron had swollen to sixty companies of foot, with not less than thirty-seven large cannon--a considerable provision of artillery for that period.[1274]

[Sidenote: Description of La Rochelle.]

The city of La Rochelle occupies the head of a deep bay, stretching in a north-easterly direction from the ocean, and serving at present as the large and convenient harbor for its extensive commerce. The old town, whose origin is lost in the mists of antiquity, covered only a small part of the area since inclosed by walls. A narrow peninsula, protected on the one side by a sheet of water and on the other by marshes, offered a tempting site, and was first occupied. The larger inlet on the west was the old, and probably for a long time the only haven; but long before the middle of the sixteenth century the action of the tide, which washes in great quantities of sand, combining with the gradual deposit of alluvium made by the neighboring springs, had converted this inlet into a marsh--"les Marais Salans"--intersected by ditches and used only in the manufacture of salt. The marsh itself has since been entirely reclaimed. The "new" harbor, as the smaller inlet was still called, at the period of which I am speaking, was of much inferior capacity, and was included within the circuit of the walls.[1275] A chain, extended between the two towers guarding its narrow entrance, effectually precluded the passage of hostile vessels.

For considerably more than one-half of their circuit, the walls of La Rochelle were inaccessible to the land forces; and the deep foss skirting them was full of water, except on the north and north-east. The fortifications, everywhere formidable, had, therefore, been constructed with extraordinary care in these directions; for it was here that the brunt of the attack must be borne. With Puritan simplicity and faith, the reformed inhabitants of La Rochelle had named the strong work at the northwestern angle of the circuit the "Bastion de l'Evangile," or the "Bastion of the Gospel." It was appropriately supported on the right by the "Cavalier de l'Epitre." Other forts, such as that of Cognes at the north-eastern angle, were but little inferior in importance; it was evident, however, that upon the ability of the Rochellois to defend the Bastion de l'Evangile must depend the salvation of the city.[1276]

[Sidenote: Resoluteness of the Rochellois.]

But the chief strength of the city was to be found in the manly resolution of the inhabitants to secure for themselves and their children the right to worship God according to the purer faith, or perish in the attempt. An incident occurring about this time served to illustrate and to confirm their courage. A short distance in advance of the Bastion de l'Evangile there stood a solitary windmill, which, on account of its advantageous position, the Rochellois were anxious to retain. The captain to whose guard it was intrusted, recognizing the ease with which he might be surprised and cut off, took the precaution to draw off at dusk the small detachment which he had placed there by day, leaving but a single soldier to act as sentry. Meantime, Strozzi had determined to capture the mill. This he attempted to do, taking advantage of a moonlight night. To the two culverines brought to play upon him, the solitary defender could answer only with his arquebuse; but so briskly did he fire, and so well did he counterfeit the voices of others, that the assailants believed an entire company to be present. At last, when he no longer could hold out, the soldier only surrendered after stipulating for the life of himself and his entire band. Notwithstanding his promise, Strozzi, when once his astonishment at the appearance of the single actor who had played so many parts had given place to anger at the deceit practised upon him, was in favor of hanging the Huguenot for his audacity. But Biron would only consent to have him sent to the galleys, a punishment which he escaped by finding means to slip away from the hands of the royalists.[1277]

[Sidenote: Their military strength.]

The entire military force of the besieged comprised about thirteen hundred regular troops, besides two thousand citizens, well armed and drilled, and under competent captains. There was an abundance of powder, of wine, biscuit, and other provisions, although of wheat there was but little.[1278] Meantime assistance was anxiously expected from England, and the courage of the common people, incited by the exhortations of the ministers, did not flag, notwithstanding the feebler spirit of the rich and the actual desertion of a few leaders.[1279]

The besiegers were not idle. Besides occupying positions north, east, and south of the city, which effectually cut off communication from the land side, they built forts on opposite sides of the outer harbor, and stranded at the entrance a large carack, which was made firm in its position with stones and sand. The work, when provided with guns and troops, commanded the passage, and was christened "le Fort de l'Aiguille." In vain did the Rochellois attempt to destroy or capture it; the carack, while it proved unavailing to prevent the entrance of an occasional vessel laden with grain or ammunition, remained the most formidable point in the possession of the enemy.

[Sidenote: Henry, Duke of Anjou, appointed to conduct the siege.]

In order to give her favorite son a new opportunity to acquire military distinction, the queen mother now persuaded Charles to permit the Duke of Anjou to conduct the siege. He arrived before La Rochelle about the middle of February,[1280] with a brilliant train of princes and nobles, among whom were Alencon, Guise, Aumale, and Montluc, besides Henry of Navarre and his cousin Conde, who, as they had to sustain the role of good Roman Catholics, could scarcely avoid taking part in the campaign against their former brethren. In the ordinances soon after published by Anjou, he seems to have hoped to weaken the Huguenots by copying their own strictness of moral discipline. The very Catholic practice of profane swearing, in which his Majesty was so proficient, was prohibited on pain of severe punishment; and it was prescribed that a sermon should daily be preached in the camp.[1281] A good round oath none the less continued to be received by the soldiers, in all doubtful cases, as a sufficient proof of loyalty to Mother Church, nor did they cease because of the ordinance from ridiculing the idea that such good Christians as they needed preaching, which was well enough for unevangelized pagans.[1282]

[Sidenote: The besieged pray and fight.]

In view of the impending peril, the Protestants had recourse, as their custom was, to prayer and fasting. The sixteenth and eighteenth of February were days of public humiliation. From their knees the Huguenots went with redoubled courage to the ramparts. The crisis had at length arrived. A series of furious assaults were given, directed principally against the northern wall and the Bastion de l'Evangile. It was in one of these attacks, on the third of March, that the Duke of Aumale was killed. By the besieged the death of so eminent a member of the house of Lorraine was interpreted as a signal judgment of God upon the most cruel member of a persecuting family--another presage that the sword should never depart from the princely stock which had begun the war, until it should be altogether destroyed. The royalists, on the other hand, found in it a great source of regret; while Catharine, terrified at the danger to which her son might be exposed, wrote one of her ill-spelt letters to Montpensier, entreating him and the other veterans not to suffer any of the princes to go imprudently near the walls.[1283]

[Sidenote: Bravery of the women.]

It does not enter into the plan of this history to detail the progress of the siege. Let it suffice to say that the enemy was met at every point and repulsed. Not content with simply defending their walls, the Huguenots made sorties, in which many of Anjou's followers were slain. Sometimes dressing in the uniform of those they had killed or taken prisoners, they returned and penetrated into the hostile camp, learned the plans of the assailants, and cut off more than one man of note. The presence of women among them became an element of strength; for these, surmounting the weakness of their sex, did good service in the mines, or, donning armor, defended the breach and drove the enemy into the ditch.[1284] It was remarked that, as the supply of fresh provisions diminished, the lack was in some degree compensated by such an abundance of cockles on the sands as had never before been known. If the Protestants regarded this incident as a providential interposition in their behalf,[1285] the Roman Catholics sought to account for it by supposing that the operations of the siege had permitted the fish to multiply undisturbed.[1286] However this might be, the women of La Rochelle sallied forth to husband this new resource; but their imprudence in straying beyond the range of the guns was rewarded with insolent outrage on the part of such of the enemy as were in the vicinity. Even this circumstance the Huguenots knew how to turn to advantage. Disguising themselves in feminine attire, a troop of Huguenot soldiers, a day or two later, issued from the city when the tide was out, apparently bent on the same errand. It was not long before the royalists undertook to repeat a diversion which seemed to offer little danger to them. Scarcely, however, had they approached when the clumsy costume was hastily thrown aside, and the assailants discovered too late the trap into which they had fallen. Many a hot-headed soldier of Anjou atoned for his temerity with his life.[1287]

[Sidenote: La Noue retires. Failure of diplomacy.]

The ordinary wiles of Catharine were not left untried; but she effected little or nothing by negotiation. The people were not so easily cajoled and duped as their leaders had often been, and would accept no terms except such as the court utterly refused to offer--the restoration of the privileges conferred by the edict, its confirmation by oath, and the interchange of hostages, to be kept in some neutral state in Germany, with entire liberty of worship and exemption from royal garrison in and around La Rochelle, Montauban, Nismes, and Sancerre.[1288] Even Francois de la Noue became impatient at the excessive caution which the Huguenots seemed to him to display, and, redeeming the promise he had given the king before he took command, retired from the city (on the eleventh of March) when all hope of reconciliation had apparently disappeared. With wonderful prudence he had managed to forfeit the confidence of neither party. Yet on some occasions, it must be admitted, his self-control was sorely tried. For example, at one time a minister--not long after deposed from the sacred office--so far forgot himself in the heat of angry discussion as to give La Noue a sound box upon the ear. Even then the great captain refused to order the offender's punishment, and confined himself to sending him, under guard, to his wife, with directions to keep him carefully until he should recover his reason.[1289]

[Sidenote: English aid miscarries.]

The assistance which La Rochelle had counted upon receiving from England never came. Count Montgomery was a skilful negotiator. If he was unable to prevail upon Elizabeth to give open countenance to the Huguenots, on account of the league recently entered into, which Retz had been specially sent by Charles to confirm, he at least succeeded in obtaining a sum of forty thousand francs from various English, French, and Flemish sympathizers, with which he was permitted, notwithstanding protests from Paris, to fit out a fleet. Elizabeth, indeed, so far overcame her scruples as to allow a large vessel of her own to follow. But when Montgomery's squadron reached the roads of La Rochelle, the fifty-three ships of which it was composed, and which carried eighteen hundred or two thousand men, were so small and badly-appointed--in short, so inferior in strength to the fewer vessels of the king standing off the entrance--that they avoided coming to close quarters, stood off to Belle Isle, and finally returned to England. Queen Elizabeth, at all times very doubtful respecting the propriety of assisting subjects against their monarch, had meantime disowned the enterprise as piratical, and expressed the hope the culprits might be destroyed. It was not, in this case, merely her customary dissimulation. The plundering by some French and Netherland sailors of the vessel on which the Earl of Worcester was proceeding, in the queen's name, to stand as sponsor at the baptism of Charles's infant daughter, had greatly incensed her.[1290] Not, however, that Elizabeth lost any of that remarkable interest which she had always taken in Count Montgomery, or felt at all inclined to give him up to the French government for his breach of the peace. For when, a little later, a demand was made for the culprit, she assured the ambassador of Charles that she could swear she was ignorant that the count was in her dominions. "But," she added, "were he to come, I would answer your master as his father answered my sister, Queen Mary, when he said, 'I will not consent to be the hangman of the Queen of England.' So his Majesty, the King of France, must excuse me if I can no more act as executioner of those of my religion than King Henry would discharge a similar office in the case of those that were not of his religion."[1291]

[Sidenote: Huguenot successes in the south.]

[Sidenote: Sommieres.]

[Sidenote: Villeneuve.]

In other parts of France it had fared no better with the attempt to crush the Huguenots. Montauban and Nismes still held out. Various places in the south-east fell into Huguenot hands. The siege of Sommieres, near Nismes, by the Roman Catholics, was so obstinate, and the garrison capitulated on such favorable terms, that the Protestants were rather elated than discouraged. Marshal Damville had assailed it only in order to save his credit, and the little town detained him nearly two months,--from the eleventh of February to the ninth of April. Every device was employed to retard his success. Streams of boiling oil were poured upon the heads of the assailants, and red-hot hoops of iron were dexterously tossed over their shoulders. In the end the garrison marched out with all the honors of war.[1292] The Huguenots surprised Villeneuve, near the Rhone, by effecting an entrance, much as they had entered Nismes in 1569, through the grated opening by which the waters of a sewer issued from the walls.[1293]

[Sidenote: Beginning of the siege of Sancerre.]

But it was Sancerre which, next to La Rochelle, occasioned the court the greatest annoyance, both because of its central position[1294] and because of its comparative proximity to Paris. Here the Protestants of Berry and the adjacent provinces had found a welcome refuge. Citizens and refugees refused to admit a royal garrison, and foiled the attempt to capture the place by escalade. Treachery was at work, and, as usual, it was most rife among the richer class. By their connivance the citadel or castle was surprised by the troops sent by the governor of the province, M. de la Chastre; but it was retaken on the same day.[1295] Notwithstanding this warning, the people of Sancerre took none of the precautions which their situation demanded, apparently unable to believe that, when such a city as La Rochelle was in revolt, the king would undertake to subdue so small a place as Sancerre. There were no stores of provisions, and the buildings in proximity to the walls, from which an enemy could incommode the city, had not been torn down, when, between the third and ninth of January, 1573, a force of five thousand foot and five hundred horse, under La Chastre, besides many nobles and gentlemen of the vicinage, made its appearance before the walls. The inhabitants now discovered their capital mistakes, but it was too late to remedy them. Hunger began almost immediately to make itself felt, while the places they had neglected to destroy or preoccupy proved very convenient to the royalists for the next two or three months, during which it was attempted to take Sancerre by assault. Yet the direct attack proved a failure, and, on the twentieth of March, the siege was changed to a blockade. Forts were erected in the most advantageous spots, and a wide trench was dug around the entire city.[1296] Sancerre was to be tried by the severe ordeal of hunger; and certainly the most frightful among ancient sieges can scarcely be said to have surpassed in horror that of this small city.[1297]

[Sidenote: The incipient famine.]

Did not the sufferings of the heroic inhabitants claim our sympathy, we might read with entertainment the singular devices they resorted to in grappling with a terrible foe whose insidious advances were more difficult to oppose than the open assaults of the enemy. For the famine of Sancerre boasts of a historian more copious and minute than Josephus or Livy. In reading the narrative of the famous Jean de Lery[1298]--the same writer to whom we are indebted for an authentic account of Villegagnon's unfortunate scheme of American colonization--we seem to be perusing a great pathological treatise. Never was physician more watchful of his patient's symptoms than Lery with his hand upon the pulse of famishing Sancerre. It would almost seem that the restless Huguenot, who united in his own person the opposite qualifications of clergyman and soldier, desired to make his little work a useful guide in similar circumstances, for a portion of it, at least, has been appropriately styled "a cookery book for the besieged."[1299]

Early in the siege, not without some qualms, the inhabitants made trial of the flesh of a horse accidentally killed. Next an ass, and then the mules, of which there was a considerable number, were brought to the shambles. The butchers were now ordered to sell this new kind of meat, and a maximum price was fixed. For a fortnight the supply of cats held out, after which rats and mice became the chief staple of food. Dog-flesh was next reluctantly tasted, and found, as our conscientious chronicler observes, to be somewhat sweet and insipid.[1300] And so the spring of 1573 passed away, and summer came; but no succor arrived for the beleaguered city. On the contrary, there came the disheartening tidings from the west that a peace had been concluded by the Huguenots of La Rochelle, in which no mention was made of Sancerre.

[Sidenote: Losses of the royal army before La Rochelle.]

[Sidenote: Roman Catholic processions.]

So successful had been the defence of the citadel of Protestantism on the shores of the ocean, so unexpectedly large the royal losses, that the court was only waiting for a decent pretext to abandon the unfortunate siege. Pestilence added its victims to those of the sword, and it was currently reported that forty thousand of the besiegers were swept away by their combined assaults.[1301] A more careful enumeration, however, shows that, while the Rochellois, out of thirty-one hundred soldiers, lost thirteen hundred, including twenty-eight "pairs," the king, out of a little more than forty thousand troops, had lost twenty-two thousand, ten thousand of whom died in the breach or in engagements elsewhere. Nor was the loss of officers trifling; two hundred had died, including fifty of great distinction, and five "maitres de camp."[1302] And, with all this expenditure of life, and with the heavy drafts upon the public treasure, little or nothing had been accomplished. Meanwhile, in other parts of France there existed a scarcity of food amounting almost to a famine; nor had the solemn processions to the shrines of the saints--processions for the most part rendered contemptible by the irreverent conduct both of the clergymen and the laity that took part in them[1303]--averted the wrath of heaven. The poor suffered extremely. Selfishness gained such ascendancy in some towns, that cruel ruses were adopted to remove the destitute that had taken refuge within their walls. It was not strange that the extraordinary mortality which soon fell upon the well-to-do burghers was viewed by many as a direct punishment sent by the Almighty.[1304]

[Sidenote: Election of Henry of Anjou to the crown of Poland.]

The event which came just in time to free the court from its embarrassment was the election of Henry of Anjou to the vacant throne of Poland. We have already witnessed the perplexity of Bishop Montluc when the tidings of the massacre first reached him.[1305] If he could have denied its reality, he would have done so. This being impossible, he was forced to content himself with misrepresenting the origin of the slaughter, slandering the admiral and the other victims, and circulating the calumnies of Charpentier and others who prated about a Huguenot conspiracy. A judicious distribution of French gold assisted his own eloquent sophistry; and the Duke of Anjou, portrayed as a chivalric prince and one who was not ill-affected to religious liberty, was chosen king over his formidable rivals. Charles and Catharine were alike delighted. The former could scarcely find words to express his joy[1306] at the prospect of being freed from the presence of a brother whom he feared, and perhaps hated; while the queen mother's gratification was even more intense at the peaceful solution of the prophecy of Nostradamus, than at the elevation of her favorite son.

[Sidenote: Edict of Pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573.]

The peace between the king and the Rochellois was concluded in June, and was formally promulgated in July, 1573, in a royal edict from Boulogne. The chief provision was that the Protestants in the cities of La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes should enjoy entire freedom of public worship, while their brethren throughout the kingdom should have liberty of conscience and the right to sell their property and remove wherever they might choose, whether within or without the realm. Only gentlemen and others enjoying high jurisdiction, who had remained constant in their faith, and had taken up arms with the three cities, were to be allowed to collect their friends to the number of ten to witness their marriages and baptisms, according to the custom of the Reformed Church. Even this privilege could not be exercised within the distance of two leagues from the royal court or from the city of Paris; nor did the edict confer the right to preach or celebrate the Lord's Supper.[1307] La Rochelle, Nismes, and Montauban gained their point, and were to be exempted from receiving garrisons or having citadels built, with the condition that they should for two years constantly keep four of their principal citizens at court as pledges of their fidelity. All promises of abjuration were declared null and void. Amnesty was proclaimed, and, to cap the climax of absurdity, the brave Huguenots who had defended their homes for months against Charles were solemnly declared to be held the king's "good, loyal, and faithful subjects and servants."

[Sidenote: Meagre results of the war.]

The results of the war on the king's side were certainly very meagre. To have fought for the greater part of a year with the miserable Huguenots that had escaped the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and then to conclude the war by such a peace, was certainly ignominious enough for Charles and his mother. For the Huguenot party was now, more than ever, a recognized power in the state, with three strongholds--one in the west and two in the south. Into no one of these could a royal garrison be introduced. La Rochelle, in particular, having repulsed every assault of the best army that could be brought against it, was acknowledged invincible by the exemptions accorded to it in common with Nismes and Montauban. It was hardly by such expectations that Charles had been prevailed upon to throw down the gage of war to his subjects of the reformed faith.

[Sidenote: The siege and famine of Sancerre continue.]

Meanwhile, the inhabitants of Sancerre, not even named in the edict,[1308] had been sustained under appalling difficulties by the confident hope of assistance from the south. But the hope was long deferred, and they grew sick at heart. The prospect was already dark enough, when, on the second of June, a Protestant soldier, who had made his way into the city through the enemy's lines, brought the depressing announcement that no aid must be expected from Languedoc for six weeks. As but little wheat remained in Sancerre, the immediate effect of the intelligence was that liberty was given to some seventy of the poor to leave the city walls. At the same time the daily ration was limited to half a pound of grain. A week later it was reduced to one-quarter of a pound. Not long after only a single pound was doled out once a week, and by the end of the month the supply entirely gave out. The beginning of July reduced the besieged to the necessity of tasking their ingenuity to make palatable food of the hides of cattle, next of the skins of horses, dogs, and asses. The stock of even this unsavory material soon became exhausted; whereupon, not very unnaturally, parchment was turned to good account. Manuscripts a good century old were eaten with relish. Soaked for a couple of days in water, and afterward boiled as much longer, when they became glutinous they were fried, like tripe, or prepared with herbs and spices, after the manner of a hodge-podge. The writer who is our authority for these culinary details, informs us that he had seen the dish devoured with eagerness while the original letters written upon the parchment were still legible.[1309] But the urgent necessities of their situation did not suffer the half-famished inhabitants to stop here. With the proverbial ingenuity of their nation, they turned their attention to the parchment on old drums, and subjected to the skilful hands of cooks the discarded hoofs, horns, and bones of animals, the harness of horses, and even refuse scraps of leather. There seemed to be nothing they could not lay under contribution to furnish at least a little nutriment.

And yet ghastly hunger little by little tightened her relentless embrace. Almost all the children under twelve years of age died. In the universal reign of famine there were at last found those who were ready to repeat the horrible crime of feeding upon the flesh of their own kindred. It was discovered that a husband and wife, with a neighboring crone, had endeavored to satisfy the gnawings of hunger by eating a newly dead child. Their guilt came speedily to light, and was punished according to the severe code of the sixteenth century. The father was sentenced by the council to be burned alive; his wife to be strangled and her body consigned to the flames; while the corpse of the old woman who had instigated the foul deed but had meanwhile died, was ordered to be dug up and burned. But the feeling of the great majority of the besieged was far removed from that despair which prompts to an inhuman disregard of natural decency and affection. Near the close of July a boy of barely ten years, as he lay on his death-bed, said to his weeping parents: "Why do you weep thus at seeing me die of hunger? I do not ask bread, mother; I know you have none. But since God wills that I die thus, we must accept it cheerfully. Was not that holy man Lazarus hungry? Have I not so read in the Bible?"[1310]

The catastrophe could not much longer be deferred. Within the city speedy death stared every man in the face. Permission had, we have seen, been accorded to the poor, early in June, to go forth from the city walls; but the besieging force had mercilessly driven them back when they attempted to gain the open country. Numbers, unwilling to accept a second time the fatal hospitality of the city, preferred to remain in their exposed situation, miserably dragging out a precarious existence by subsisting upon snails, buds of trees and shrubs--even to the very grass of the field.

[Sidenote: Sancerre capitulates.]

Happily for Sancerre, the political exigencies of the royal court insured for the besieged Protestants, in the inevitable capitulation, more favorable terms than they might otherwise have obtained. As early as the eighteenth of July, Lery had been informed at a parley, by a former acquaintance on the Roman Catholic side, that a general peace had been concluded, and that Henry of Anjou had been elected to the throne of Poland. This first intimation was discredited by the cautious Protestants, not unused to the wiles of the enemy. But when, some twenty days later (on the sixth of August), the statement was confirmed, and the Sancerrois received the additional assurance that they would be mildly treated, their surprise knew no bounds. The terms of surrender were easily arranged. A ransom of forty thousand livres was to be exacted from the city. On the thirty-first of August, M. de la Chastre made his solemn entry into Sancerre, accompanied by a band of Roman Catholic priests chanting a Te Deum over his success. As was too frequently the case, the promise of immunity to the inhabitants was but poorly kept. Scarcely had two weeks passed before the "bailli" Johanneau,[1311] summoned from his house by the archers of the prevot, on the plea that M. de la Chastre desired his presence, was treacherously murdered on the way to the governor's house. Besides assassination, other infractions of the capitulation were committed; the gates of the city were burned, the walls dismantled, many of the houses torn down. In fact, so unmercifully was Sancerre harried, partly by the troops, partly by the peasantry of the neighborhood, and by the "bailli" of Berry, that the reformed church of this place seems to have been, for the time, completely dispersed.[1312]

Thus ended a siege which had lasted some eight months. The besieged had lost only eighty-four men by the direct effects of warfare; but more than five hundred persons perished during the last six weeks of sheer starvation.[1313]

Sancerre owed its release from the horrors of the siege in great part to the same causes that had powerfully contributed to the conclusion of the peace. The Polish ambassadors, coming to proffer the crown to the king's brother, Henry of Anjou, were about to reach the French court. They were already not a little surprised at the discovery that the statements and promises made in the king's name by that not over-scrupulous negotiator, Montluc, Bishop of Valence, were impudent impostures, fabricated for no other purpose than to secure at all hazards the success of the French candidate for the Polish throne. To exhibit to them at this critical juncture the edifying spectacle of a royal governor of the province of Berry engaged in the reduction of a city the only crime of which was its desire to enjoy religious liberty--this would have been a dangerous venture. Consequently it was no fortuitous coincidence that Sancerre capitulated the very day the Polish ambassadors made their appearance.

[Sidenote: Reception of the Polish ambassadors.]

We shall not dwell upon the pomp attending their reception. The banquet held in the new palace of the Tuileries was brilliant. In the pageant succeeding it was displayed a massive rock of silver, with sixteen nymphs in as many niches, personating the provinces of the French kingdom. When, after some verses well sung but indifferently composed, these nymphs descended from their elevation, and took part in an intricate maze of dance, the Polish spectators remarked, in the excess of their admiration, that the French ballet was something that could be imitated by none of the kings of the earth. "I would rather," dryly adds a contemporary historian, "that they had said as much respecting our armies."[1314]

[Sidenote: Discontent of the south with the terms of peace.]

The Protestants of Southern France had been included in the Edict of Pacification. In fact, Nismes and Montauban were as distinctly referred to by name as La Rochelle.[1315] But the terms of peace were not to the taste of the enterprising and self-reliant Huguenots of Languedoc and Guyenne. They had learned, during the last ten years, to distrust all assurances emanating from the court, even when claiming the authority of the king's name. Experience had taught them that previous edicts were framed simply to secure the destruction of those whom open warfare had failed to destroy.[1316] Without, therefore, either definitely accepting or rejecting the terms offered them, the Protestants of Nismes applied to Marshal Damville, who, at the conclusion of the peace, found himself with the royal troops at the hamlet of Milhaud, a league or two from their gates,[1317] for a fortnight's suspension of hostilities. The request being granted, a truce was established which was extended by successive prolongations beyond the beginning of the next year.[1318]

[Sidenote: Assembly of Milhau and Montauban.]

Meantime the Protestants, notified by the Duke of Anjou of the conclusion of the peace, sent messengers to his camp requesting that as the matter was one vitally affecting the entire Protestant population, they might receive permission to meet, under protection of the royal authority, and deliberate respecting it. The king's consent having been obtained, Protestant deputies from almost all parts of the kingdom came together, late in the month of August, 1573, in the city of Milhau-en-Rouergue, from which they shortly transferred their sessions to Montauban.

[Sidenote: Military organization of the Huguenots.]

This important assembly resolved to accept no peace unless based upon equitable terms and secured by ample guarantees. In view of the possibility of the recurrence of war, provision was made for a complete military organization of the Huguenot resources in the south of France. For this purpose Languedoc was divided into two "generalites" or governments--the government of Nismes, or Lower Languedoc, placed under command of M. de Saint Romain, and that of Upper Languedoc, with Montauban for its chief city, to which the Viscount de Paulin was assigned as military chief. Both governments were in turn subdivided into dioceses or particular governments, each furnished with a governor and a deliberative assembly. It was provided that in Nismes and Montauban respectively a council should be convened consisting of deputies from all the dioceses of the government, and that to this council, together with the governor, should be intrusted the administration of the finances, with authority to impose taxes alike upon Protestants and Roman Catholics. The organization, it was estimated, could readily place twenty thousand men in the field.[1319]

Such were the first attempts to perfect a system of warfare forced upon the Huguenots by the treacherous assaults of their enemies--a fatal necessity of instituting a state within a state, foreboding nothing but ruin to France.

[Sidenote: Petition to the king.]

One of the chief results of the deliberations at Montauban was the preparation of a petition to be laid before the king. This paper, which has come down to us with the signatures of the viscounts, barons, and other adherents of the Huguenot party, was intended to be an expression not only of their own individual views, but also of the sentiments of the churches they represented.[1320] The language is sharp and incisive, the demands are unmistakably bold. For a sufficient justification of their recent words and actions, the Huguenots of Guyenne point the monarch to his own letter of the twenty-fourth of August, 1572, by which constraint was laid upon them to assume arms. They call upon Charles, in accordance with the promise contained in that letter, to follow up the traces there alleged to have been found regarding the murder of Gaspard de Coligny, to appoint impartial judges for this purpose, and to execute exemplary justice upon the guilty. Not satisfied with claiming the annulling of all judicial proceedings, the destruction of all monuments erected to perpetuate the memory of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and the abolition of processions instituted by the parliaments of Paris and Toulouse with the same end in view, they call on Charles to make a declaration "that justly and for good reasons have 'those of the religion' taken arms, resisting and warring in these last troubles, as constrained thereto by the violent acts with which they have been assailed and driven to distraction." They next demand those concessions which alone can make the position of the Protestants in France secure and endurable--freedom of worship and church discipline established by perpetual provision, irrespective of place or time; the right of honorable burial; immunity from taxation for the support of Roman Catholic ceremonies; admission to schools and colleges; just regulations as to marriage; amnesty; the power to hold civil office, etc. They request permission to levy a sum of one hundred and twenty thousand livres among themselves to pay off the indebtedness incurred by them in past wars. And they go so far as not only to stipulate that the King of France shall renounce all leagues he may have contracted with the enemies of his Protestant subjects for their destruction, but even to propose that he shall conclude a defensive alliance with the Protestant states of Germany, Switzerland, England, and Scotland. Meanwhile, in order to prevent the recurrence of "a conspiracy and Sicilian Vespers," of which the Huguenots would be the victims, they ask to be permitted to hold forever the guard of those cities which they now have in their possession, and in addition some other cities in each of the provinces of the realm. The Protestant cities, it is stipulated, shall retain their walls and munitions, and the royal governors shall enter them accompanied only by a small retinue. The observance of these articles the Huguenots insist shall be solemnly sworn in privy and public council, and by the inhabitants of all places, the oath to be renewed every five years.[1321]

Such stout demands did the Protestants of the south and south-west address to Charles the Ninth on the first anniversary of the fatal matins of Paris. They were, it must be admitted, somewhat different from what might have been expected, a brief year before, from the fugitives who made their escape from the bloody sword of their enemies. Moreover, the terms laid down by the Huguenots of Lower Languedoc and Nismes were conceived in the same brave language, and their demands were virtually identical. Huguenot troops, paid by the king, to garrison both the cities now in the hands of the Protestants, and two cities in each of the sixteen provinces required for additional protection; free worship irrespective of place; new parliaments in all the provinces, with Protestant judges to administer justice to Protestants; liberty to levy tithes for the support of reformed churches; punishment of the instigators and perpetrators of the atrocities of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, as robbers and disturbers of the public peace.[1322] The Tiers Etat of Provence and Dauphiny added to the demands of Languedoc and Guyenne an urgent petition in favor of the reduction of the onerous imposts under which the country was groaning.[1323]

[Sidenote: "Les fronts d'airain."]

[Sidenote: Catharine's bitter reply.]

The bearers of these demands were well able to give them forcible and fearless enunciation--Yolet, Philippi, Chavagnac, and others of the men known by the expressive designation of "Les fronts d'airain."[1324] Assuredly a brow of brass was not out of place, when the Protestant deputies, after a delay of some weeks, were reluctantly admitted to an audience. Charles the Ninth and his court were at this time at Villers-Cotterets, on their way to the eastern frontiers of France, accompanying the newly elected King of Poland as he slowly and unwillingly journeyed toward the capital of a kingdom regarded by him in the light of a detestable place of exile. Contemporary writers inform us that Yolet and his companions were in no degree overawed by the splendor of the scene, and made no weak abatement in the terms they had been instructed to propose. Charles heard them through with patient attention. He was not a little astonished at the extent of their demands, we may be certain; but he made no comment upon the courageous assertion of Protestant rights. Not so with the queen mother. When the deputies had at length finished their harangue, Catharine could no longer contain her indignation. "Why," she exclaimed with marked bitterness of tone, "if your Conde himself were alive and in the heart of the kingdom with twenty thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, and held the chief cities in his power, he would not make half so great demands!"[1325]

[Sidenote: The Huguenots firm.]

Despite the unwelcome character of the claims of the Huguenot deputies, some answer must be given. It was found impossible to induce the envoys to modify them. They denied that they had the power, even if they had the inclination, to alter the action of those who had sent them. They were therefore dismissed with expressions of good-will and the assurance that two royal commissioners, the Duc d'Uzes and the Chevalier de Caylus, would be sent to treat with the delegates whom the Huguenots might choose. Marshal Damville, governor of the province, was to participate in the negotiations and to appoint some city in the vicinity of Montauban where they might be held. Charles was to hear the result of their conference on his return from the German borders. Meanwhile he promised to instruct Damville to put an end to all hostilities, provided the Huguenots should desist from everything tending to provoke retaliation.[1326] The Tiers Etat received the answer to their petition more promptly. It was naturally to the effect that a return to the meagre scale of imposts under Louis XI. was utterly impracticable, in view of the burdens of the treasury arising from recent wars and the pensions yearly payable to various members of the royal family.[1327]

[Sidenote: Progress of the court to the borders of France.]

[Sidenote: Decline of the health of Charles IX.]

It would be out of place to describe here at any length the slow progress of the French court as it escorted the King of Poland to the borders of the realm. To none of the principal personages taking part was it the occasion of much satisfaction. Catharine was as reluctant to part from Henry, her favorite son, as he was himself averse to exchange the pleasures of the Louvre and Saint Germain for the crown of an unruly and half-civilized kingdom. As for Charles, the gratification he could not conceal at the prospect of being soon freed from the presence of a brother whom he both disliked and feared was more than counterbalanced by the rapid decline of his own health. The boy of eleven, whom the Venetian ambassador had described about the time of his accession to the throne as handsome, amiable, and graceful in appearance, quick, vivacious, and humane--in short, as possessing every quality from which a great prince and a great king might be expected,[1328] was now a man of twenty-three. But his constitution, never robust, had gained nothing. The violent exercises to which he had been addicted even as a child, and which, though princely, had been pronounced dangerous by the ambassador, had been incessantly practised--the ball, horsemanship, arms--and bodily feebleness, not strength, had been the result. Other excesses had contributed to hasten the catastrophe. More than all, if we may believe the testimony of those who were familiar with the young monarch's later life, the mental and moral experience of the last eighteen months left their impress on his physical system. Charles, with the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, had lost all the elasticity of youth. Remorse for complicity in the crime then perpetrated co-operated with the persuasion of the uselessness and complete failure of the attempt to exterminate the Huguenots, and the consciousness of having incurred the indelible mark of hatred and detestation of an impartial posterity. Even in his sleeping hours the curse of the murdered victims pursued him and disturbed his rest. Neither by day nor by night could he banish the remembrance of the time when blood ran so freely in the streets of Paris.

No attentive observer could doubt that the end was drawing near. The court had gone no farther on its way to Lorraine than the little town of Vitry-le-Francais, on the river Marne, when Charles fell so seriously ill as to be unable to prosecute his journey. As was usual in such cases, while the physicians alleged as a sufficient explanation of the attack the king's immoderate exercise in the chase and in blowing the trumpet, the more suspicious frequenters of the court and the credulous people did not hesitate to invent the story that he had been poisoned. But by whom the crime had been committed was not settled. Some ascribed it to Catharine, others to Henry of Anjou, while others still laid the guilt at the door of a person of less note, whose honor the licentious king had offended.[1329]

[Sidenote: Project of an English match renewed.]

Meanwhile, neither the monarch's feeble health, nor the journeying of the court, interrupted the prosecution of those diplomatic intrigues from which Catharine still looked for valuable results. The election of Henry to the Polish crown left but one of her sons upon whom the regal dignity had not been conferred. The prophecy of Nostradamus might have its complete fulfilment if only a kingdom could be found for Alencon.[1330] Otherwise the superstitious queen mother did not doubt that she was fated to see not only Charles, but Henry also die, to make place for her youngest child on the throne of France. La Mothe Fenelon was therefore instructed to put forth every exertion to bring Queen Elizabeth to the point of consenting definitely to wed a prince her junior by about a score of years. Nor did the negotiations appear altogether hopeless. The suitor was, indeed, we have seen, as insignificant in body as he was contemptible in intellectual ability. Moreover, the deep traces left on his face by the small-pox rendered him sufficiently ungainly. The blemish was said to be increasing, instead of diminishing, with his years.[1331] But the French courtiers might perhaps have overcome this impediment had Elizabeth been able to see it to be her interest to contract such close relations with her neighbors across the channel. As it was, an agreement was actually made that Alencon should visit England and press his suit in person; but when the time arrived for him to cross to Dover, Catharine justified the despatch of Marshal de Retz in his place, on the plea of her son's illness. The excuse may have contained some truth,[1332] for, albeit Francis of Alencon had received the baptismal name of Hercules, he was a puny weakling, from whom no labors could ever be expected, but rather a dull existence of sloth and imbecility. It was, however, a stretch even of diplomatic assurance, for La Mothe Fenelon to suggest to the virgin queen of England, as he deliberately reports that he did, that Alencon's malady was probably due to his disappointment at Elizabeth's failure to reciprocate his honest affection![1333] Possibly his mother and his brother the king may about this time have begun to realize how impolitic it would be to strengthen overmuch the personal consideration of the young prince. Disgusted with the subordinate position assigned him at court, and especially with the failure of his efforts to obtain the appointment of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, lately held by Henry of Anjou, Alencon was even now drifting into an association with the political and religious malcontents whose existence could not altogether be ignored. The French ambassador at the English court was, however, instructed by no means to let the projected marriage drop.[1334]

With the patriots in the Low Countries and with the Protestant princes of Germany, the French agents were in even more active conference. In the Netherlands there was a possibility of securing some high position for Anjou or Alencon, in Germany a chance to divert the imperial crown from the Hapsburg to the Valois family, it may reasonably be doubted whether the project was ever distinctly entertained, as the historian De Thou asserts,[1335] of conferring upon Anjou the command in chief of the confederates in Flanders, where it was expected that he would have a well equipped fleet at his disposition; for the correspondence of Gaspard de Schomberg, the French agent, contains no allusion to the proposal. Certainly, however, France was, at least, anxious that England should gain no advantage over her in this part of Europe. In fact, nothing but the natural fear entertained of the great power and apparently limitless resources of Spain deterred both Elizabeth and Charles from attempting to secure the sovereignty of the revolted Netherlands.

[Sidenote: Intrigues with the German princes.]

In Germany the field for intrigue was more open. The imperial dignity had not yet become purely hereditary. In choosing a new King of the Romans, the presumptive heir of the German Empire, the three Protestant Electors, if they could but secure the concurrence of one of the four Roman Catholic Electors, might have it in their power to correct the mistake committed by Frederick the Wise of Saxony, a half-century earlier, in declining the crown in favor of Charles of Spain. Schomberg was therefore instructed to recommend to the Protestants of Germany and the Low Countries, that one of their own number should be placed in the line of succession to the Empire, or, if they could find no German Protestant prince sufficiently powerful to oppose the Hapsburgs, that the dignity should be offered to the King of France. This was a somewhat startling suggestion to emanate from a king who, but a brief twelvemonth before had been butchering his Protestant subjects by tens of thousands. But the sixteenth century furnishes not a few paradoxes equally remarkable. Both Protestants and Roman Catholics often found it convenient to have very short memories. In this case, however, the proposal to set aside the son of the tolerant Maximilian the Second in behalf of a son of Catharine de' Medici met with little favor at the hands of one at least of the Protestant leaders. The Landgrave of Hesse declared he would have nothing to do with a project intended solely to sow divisions in the empire. The French, since the successful issue of their intrigues in Poland, he said, had become so arrogant that they thought they must be nothing less than masters of the whole world.[1336] As for himself, he was quite satisfied with the present emperor, whom he prayed that God might long preserve, and then graciously provide them in his place with a pious Christian leader who should rule the empire well and faithfully.[1337]

[Sidenote: Death of Count Louis of Nassau.]

At Blamont, in the duchy of Lorraine, Catharine took leave of the King of Poland. Here the old ally of the Huguenots, Louis of Nassau, accompanied by Duke Christopher, younger son of the elector palatine, met them. Louis had been unremitting in his efforts to obtain French assistance in the desperate struggle in which he and his brother were engaged. If words and assurances could be of any worth, he was successful. Catharine promised in Charles's name that France would not be behind the German Protestant princes in rendering assistance to the Dutch patriots. Louis was so cordially received by the queen mother, and especially by Alencon, that he departed greatly encouraged with the prospect. Alencon had pressed the Dutch patriot's hand, and whispered in his ear: "I now have the government, as my brother, the King of Poland formerly had it, and I shall devote myself wholly to seconding the efforts of the Prince of Orange."[1338] The promised succor from France Nassau never received. Four months later (on the fourteenth of April, 1574) the brave young count, in company with his friend and comrade, Duke Christopher, lost his life in the fatal battle of Mook, on the banks of the Meuse.[1339] Not the Prince of Orange nor Holland alone, but the entire Protestant world deplored the untimely death of one of the boldest and most unselfish of the champions of religion and liberty.

With the details of the journey of Henry of Anjou to take possession of his new kingdom, we cannot here concern ourselves. One incident, however, naturally connects itself with the fortunes of the French Huguenots.

[Sidenote: Anjou's reception at Heidelberg.]

[Sidenote: Frankness of the elector palatine.]

After traversing Alsace, Henry and his suite presented themselves, unwelcome guests, at Heidelberg, capital of the palatinate. The Elector, Frederick the Third, and his subjects were, perhaps, equally displeased at the arrival of the prime mover in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. But, while the people felt some freedom in the expression of their disgust, motives of state policy prevented their prince from openly displaying his antipathy. However, he neither could nor would conceal the lively remembrance in which the events of August, 1572, were still held by him. It was on Friday, the eleventh of December, that the French party, under the escort of a large body of soldiers sent out to do them honor, ascended to the castle, then as now occupying a commanding site overlooking the valley of the Neckar.[1340] The King of Poland was somewhat surprised when, on entering the portal, instead of the elector, the rhinegrave, with two French refugees escaped from the massacre, came to escort him to the rooms prepared for his reception. Frederick had directed the rhinegrave to request Henry to excuse this apparent discourtesy on the ground of his feeble health. It is more probable that the true motive was the elector's desire to avoid incurring, by too great complaisance, the displeasure of the emperor, who was naturally much irritated at the success of the French intrigues in Poland. When, later, Frederick made his tardy appearance, it was only to greet Anjou in a brief address, reserving for the morrow their more extended conference. On Saturday the elector politely conducted his guest through his extensive picture gallery. Pausing before one painting the face of which was protected from sight, he ordered an attendant to draw aside the curtain. To his astonishment, Henry found himself confronted with a life-like portrait of Gaspard de Coligny. To the question, "Does your Royal Highness recognize the subject?" Henry replied with sufficient composure: "I do; it is the late Admiral of France." "Yes," rejoined Frederick, "it is the admiral--a man whom I have found, of all the French nobles, the most zealous for the glory of the French name; and I am not afraid to assert that in him the king and all France have sustained an irreparable loss." Elsewhere Henry's attention was directed to a large painting representing the very scenes of the massacre, and he was asked whether he could distinguish any of the victims. Nor did Frederick confine himself to these casual references. In pointed terms he exposed to the young Valois both the sin and the mistaken policy of the events of a twelvemonth since. The slaughter of the admiral and of so many other innocent men and women had not only provoked the Divine retribution, but had diminished not a little the reputation and influence of the French with all orders of persons in Germany.[1341] Henry listened with commendable patience to the old elector's denunciations, alleging by way of excuse that the French court had been under the influence of the passions then running high, and readily promised great caution and tolerance in future.[1342] He did, indeed, strike on his breast and begged Frederick to believe him that things had occurred otherwise than had been reported. But his auditor dryly remarked that he was fully informed of what had taken place in France.[1343] As the elector also took occasion to remind Anjou of sundry miserable deaths of notorious persecutors, such as Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa, and Maxentius; as he openly ridiculed the absurd suggestion that Coligny, a wounded man, with both arms disabled in consequence of Maurevel's shot, planned on his bed an attack on the king; and as, furthermore, he plainly denounced the shocking immorality of Catharine de' Medici's court ladies--it must be confessed that Frederick the Pious, on the present occasion, made more of a virtue of frankness than of diplomacy.[1344]

On Sunday the French left Heidelberg, with little regret on their own part or on that of their hosts. Not to speak of their treatment by the elector, which even the historian De Thou regarded as scarcely comporting with the dignity with which Henry was invested,[1345] the followers of the Polish king met with frequent insults, both in coming and in going. One of them relates how he heard cries of "Those dogs from Lorraine! Those Italian traitors!" And a German eye-witness of the scenes expresses it as his opinion that the French nobles would not have been safe had they not been escorted by the palatine troops. The sight of "that notable cut-throat, the Duke of Nevers," of the Marshal de Retz, of Captain Du Gast, and "very many others of that band of villains who so cruelly butchered the admiral and other nobles in Paris," provoked the populace almost beyond endurance. The very diamonds and jewels presented by Henry on his departure, to the elector and to the ladies of his court, aroused the popular indignation; for they were known, as we have already seen, to have constituted a part of the plunder of a certain rich Huguenot jeweller, whose shop had been robbed at the time of the Parisian matins.[1346] There were not wanting those who would even have counselled the worthy elector to follow the course indicated by the Spanish grandee, who informed Charles the Fifth that he intended to burn his castle to the ground so soon as the traitorous Constable de Bourbon had relieved it of his polluting presence.[1347]

[Sidenote: Last days of Chancellor de l'Hospital.]

Meantime, within the borders of France all was ferment and disquiet. The Roman Catholic element, comprising the overwhelming majority of the people, had become split into two factions, both animated by inextinguishable hatred, and each resolved to compass the destruction of the other. Of conciliatory measures there was a dearth. Among the men of wide influence there was no one to take the place of the virtuous Michel de l'Hospital. That truly great statesman had died nine months before (on the thirteenth of March, 1573). The storm of war at that moment raging about La Rochelle was a fit expression of the utter failure of the aged chancellor's policy. For a dozen years there had not been a candid and sincere effort made to restore tranquillity to France which had not either originated with him or received his cordial support. But of the sanguine hopes of ultimate success entertained in the earlier stages of his political career, he retained little toward its close. The last years of his presence at court witnessed an uninterrupted struggle between the chancellor and that family of Guise which he had come to regard as the prime cause of the misery afflicting the kingdom. More than once the latent personal hostility had broken out in an open quarrel between L'Hospital and the Cardinal of Lorraine. Two or three exciting scenes of recrimination, which the tact of Catharine de' Medici was scarcely able to allay, have met us in this history. At length, when the third civil war burst forth, L'Hospital, seeing himself altogether powerless to resist the more violent counsels then in the ascendant, had received permission to retire from the royal court to his estate in the vicinity of Etampes.[1348] It was none the less an exile that it wore the appearance of a voluntary withdrawal. Birague discharged the real functions of the chancellor's office. Finally, after barely escaping a violent death in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, the chancellor received, in January, 1573, the formal order to give up the guardianship of the seals, which for more than four years had been only nominally under his control. His touching reply to the royal summons is the last production of the chancellor's pen that has come down to us. Interposing no obstacle to the execution of the king's will, the writer invoked the testimony of the queen mother that, in all things pertaining to the royal interests, "he had been forgetful rather of his own advantage than of the king's service, and had always followed the great royal road, turning neither to the right hand nor to the left, and giving himself to no private faction." "And now," he added, "that my maladies and my age have rendered me useless to do you service, just as you have seen the old galleys in the port of Marseilles, which, though dismantled, are yet regarded with pleasure, so I very humbly beg you to view me both in my present state and my past, which shall be an instruction and an example to all your subjects to do you good service. God give you grace to choose servants and counsellors more competent than I have been, and as affectionate and devoted to your service as I am." The closing words were characteristic of the life-long advocate of toleration: a recommendation of gentleness and clemency, in imitation of a long-suffering and pardoning God.[1349] Two months later Michel de l'Hospital ended his eventful life. France could ill afford to lose at this juncture a magistrate[1350] so upright--a statesman who "had the lilies of France in his heart."[1351]

[Sidenote: The party of the "Politiques."]

[Sidenote: Hotman's Franco-Gallia.]

Since the siege of La Rochelle, or more properly since the day of the massacre, a new party had been forming, of those who could not bring themselves to approve the cruel acts of the court, or who, for any reason, were jealous of the faction now in power. As opposed to the Italian counsellors by whom the queen mother had surrounded the throne, it was pre-eminently a French or patriotic party. It demanded the expulsion of Florentines and of Lorrainers from the kingdom, or at least from the management of public affairs. The "Malcontents," or "Politiques," as they now began to be called,[1352] demanded a return to the former usages of the kingdom, in accordance with which the most important decisions were never made without consulting the States General. Two books appearing about this time made a deep impression. In an anonymous treatise entitled "Franco-Gallia," the authorship of which was speedily traced to the eminent jurist Francis Hotman, attention was drawn to the original constitution of the kingdom; and the writer showed by irrefragable proofs that the regal dignity was not hereditary like a private possession, but was a gift of the people, which they could as lawfully transfer from one to another, as originally confer. The participation of women in the administration of the government was declared to be abhorrent to the ideas of the founders of the French monarchy.[1353] In another work appearing not long after, the principle was enunciated that an unbounded obedience is due to the Almighty alone, while obedience to human magistrates is in its very nature subject to limitations and exceptions. The supreme authority of kings and other high magistrates was explained to be of such a nature "that if they violate the laws, to the observance of which they have bound themselves by oath, and become manifest tyrants, giving no room for better counsels, then it is lawful for the inferior magistrates to make provision both for themselves and for those committed to their charge, and oppose the tyrant."[1354] The circumstance is not without significance that in a Huguenot work, published early in the succeeding year, the guilty king who authorized the butchery of his innocent subjects on St. Bartholomew's Day, is for the first time distinctly designated as the "tyrant."[1355]

[Sidenote: Treacherous attempt on La Rochelle.]

The lesson that no trust could be reposed in Charles and his court was one which the world had learned pretty thoroughly before this; and the events at La Rochelle during the month of December, 1573, were well calculated to prevent it from being forgotten. The definite peace, made five months before, guaranteed the safety of the Protestants, and secured to them the free exercise of their religious rights. None the less was a project set on foot to introduce a royal garrison into the city by treachery. M. de Biron and other captains had been unable to conceal their disgust at the abandonment of the siege of La Rochelle, when, as they pretended, it must very shortly have fallen into the king's hands, and Biron had been soundly berated by Anjou for his pains. He had not, however, given up the notion of making himself master of the Huguenot stronghold, and there were others in the royal army intent upon the same end. A scheme to smuggle soldiers through the gates, in wagons covered with branches of trees, was so freely talked of that it reached the citizens' ears, and only augmented their suspicions. A more serious plot was set on foot, in accordance with which one Jacques du Lyon, Seigneur de Grandfief, prominent in the late defence of La Rochelle, was to gain possession of one of the city gates, and admit Puigaillard, who, for this purpose, had massed considerable numbers of royal soldiers at Nuaille, on the east, and at Saint-Vivien, on the south of La Rochelle. Happily the treacherous design was itself betrayed by an accomplice. Grandfief was killed while defending himself against those who had been sent to arrest him. Several of the supposed leaders[1356] were condemned to be broken on the wheel, and the barbarous sentence was executed. The papers discovered in the house of Grandfief clearly proved that the plot had received the full approval not only of Biron, but of the queen mother herself. After inflicting summary vengeance on the miserable instruments of perfidy, the Rochellois, therefore, addressed their complaints to the French court. It need not surprise us, however, to learn that they received in reply letters from Charles not only disowning the conspiracy, but assuring them that he heartily detested it, and approved the rigorous measures adopted.[1357]

[Sidenote: The Huguenots reassemble at Milhau.]

[Sidenote: They complete their organization.]

Shortly before the discovery of the conspiracy at La Rochelle, the Huguenots had again assembled at Milhau-en-Rouergue. The delegates, about one hundred in number, represented very fully the gentry and tiers etat of the south and south-west of France, while a few names from the central and northern provinces indicated the weaker hold gained by Protestantism in that portion of the kingdom.[1358] Ostensibly meeting, with the royal permission, to receive the report of the commissioners sent to the king, and to entertain the terms proposed by Marshal Damville, the Huguenots availed themselves of the opportunity to perfect the organization of their party which had been sketched in previous political assemblies. Accepting it as notorious that, whether in time of peace, or of open war, or of truce, the Protestants were in peril from the daily intrigues and assaults of their enemies, all tending to their complete ruin, the Huguenot assembly renewed and swore to maintain a permanent union comprising all their brethren of the same faith not only in France proper, but in the papal Comtat Venaissin, the principality of Orange, and other districts less closely united to the crown. To this end they determined that the "States General," composed of a delegate from the nobility, the tiers etat, and the magistracy of each "generalite" or government, should meet every six months; while the particular assemblies of the governments should be convened at least as often as once in three months. The functions of the generals and their councils were expressly limited to the military and financial concerns of the Huguenots, with other matters of public interest. They were strictly forbidden from intermeddling, under any pretext, with the discharge of civil or criminal justice. This last function was to be referred to the royal courts, save that, instead of appealing to the parliaments, known to be too hostile to Protestantism to afford hope of obtaining justice, arbitrators were to be chosen by the Protestants among themselves.[1359] Not forgetting their common religious bond, the Huguenots at Milhau declared it to be the duty of the ministers of God's word and of the consistories to keep watch over criminal and dissolute behavior, and denounce it for punishment to the civil magistrate. At the same time, in order that the ministers might be the better able to devote themselves to their sacred functions, it was directed that they be regularly paid from the common funds "without making any further use of notices (billettes) or other unworthy and illusory methods, as has been done heretofore, to the great scandal of all good people." The levy of imposts and the creation of loans were made the exclusive right of the particular states, while the administration of the funds arising from the royal revenues was to be intrusted to the provincial councils.[1360]

Such were the chief features in a plan for organization evidently looking to the speedy renewal of the warfare temporarily suspended by virtue of the truce.

[Sidenote: The Duke of Alencon.]

While the revelation of the treacherous attempt of the royal party upon La Rochelle proved to the Politiques, or Malcontents, the impossibility of relying upon the assurances given in the name of Charles the Ninth, the resolutions of the Huguenots in Milhau encouraged them in their project to remove the present advisers of the king. In the absence of any better leader, they looked to the Duke of Alencon as their head. He alone of the royal family was guiltless of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. His antagonism to Anjou and to his mother was well known. It was even reported that he had himself been exposed to serious danger by reason of his avowed sympathy with the imprisoned King of Navarre and his cousin of Conde. In fact, he was himself little better than a captive at the court of Charles--eyed with suspicion, unable to obtain favors for his friends, and vainly suing to be appointed to the office of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. It was perhaps not strange that, in looking about for a nominal head, the Politiques should have settled upon Alencon, who received their overtures with undisguised satisfaction and large promises of support. And yet there could scarcely have been a more unhappy selection. Of the feeble children of Catharine de' Medici, he was undoubtedly the feeblest. He possessed neither the courage to undertake nor the fortitude to prosecute any really bold enterprise. All who had the misfortune at any time to credit his plighted word discovered in their own cases a fresh and pointed application of the warning against putting trust in princes. Of him Busbec, the emperor's ambassador, gave a life-like delineation when he characterized him as "a prince who allowed himself to be ensnared by the bad counsels of unskilful ministers, who could not distinguish friends from flatterers, nor a great from a good reputation; ready to undertake, still more ready to desist; always inconstant, restless, and frivolous; always prepared to disturb the best established tranquillity."[1361]

[Sidenote: Glandage plunders the city of Orange.]

Circumstances almost beyond their control seemed now to be forcing the Huguenots to make common cause with the Malcontents. Yet there were not wanting those who looked upon the alliance as more likely to retard than to advance their true interests, and who pointed with convincing force to the disastrous results of a similar union in the time of the tumult of Amboise, fourteen years before. The cloak of the reformed name, they argued, would certainly be assumed by men having no desire for a reformation of manners or morals--men whose lives would only dishonor the cause with which they were supposed to be identified. Nor was the fear an idle one, as was shown by an incident that occurred about this very time. The truce which had been made for Languedoc did not extend to the Comtat Venaissin. Naturally enough, there were many in the Huguenot ranks who, remembering past injuries received at the hands of the troops of the Pope, were not unwilling to turn their arms in this direction. But their leader was no Huguenot. M. de Glandage, a gentleman of Dauphiny, was a soldier of fortune, and would doubtless have fought with as little reluctance against the Protestants as for them, had it been to his advantage to enlist under the papal standard. As it was otherwise, he made himself master of the city of Orange, with the assistance of a party of citizens, and expelled Berchon, who, in the name of William the Silent, had strictly abstained from acts of hostility against the neighboring pontifical towns. Not so with the new governor of Orange. The city became the starting-point for a continuous series of incursions. It was not war, but open rapine. The very traders were plundered of their wares when they fell into his hands. One might have fancied that a mediaeval robber-baron had reappeared on the banks of the Rhone. It was true that Glandage, making a virtue of bluntness, was wont to say that "there was nothing Huguenot about him but the point of his sword." None the less did his violent acts bring discredit upon the Huguenots.[1362]

[Sidenote: Montbrun's exploits in Dauphiny.]

Although war had not yet been formally resumed, there were parts of France in which it already raged, or rather where peace had never been restored. This was the case in particular on both banks of the Rhone, in Dauphiny and in Vivarez and the adjoining districts. So rapid had been the movements of the veteran Huguenot chief Montbrun, and so successful every blow he struck, that terror spread far and wide. Important towns fell into his hands; a rich abbey but a few miles from Grenoble was plundered, and the silent monks of St. Bruno, in the secluded retreat of the Grande Chartreuse--the mother house of their order--were glad to summon troops to defend their rich fields from a similar fate.[1363] From Lyons to Avignon the Huguenots were stronger than the king's forces.[1364]

[Sidenote: La Rochelle resumes arms. Beginning of the fifth religious war.]

But the time for hollow truce and a desultory and irregular warfare was rapidly passing away. It was but little more than a month after the beginning of the new year before the conflagration again burst forth. The Protestants of all parts of the kingdom were at length of one mind; there was no room for doubt that any hopes offered them had as their sole object to sow discord among the adherents of the reformed faith. If anything had been wanting to prove this, it was made clear by the refusal of the court to extend the benefits of the Edict of Pacification of July, 1573, to the whole of France. The limitation of the liberty of worship by the provisions of that edict to La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes, was evidently intended to render the inhabitants of the three strongest Huguenot cities selfishly indifferent to the injustice done to their brethren in other parts of France. In fact, this result was partially effected in the first of the cities named. The Rochellois were at first very reluctant to resume hostilities, and began to plead conscientious scruples forbidding them to break the compact made with the king. Happily their hesitation was removed by Francois de la Noue, who, returning in a capacity entirely different from that in which he had last appeared, used all the arts of persuasion to induce the Huguenot stronghold by the sea to become again the rallying-point for the Protestants of the west. It was not difficult to show the citizens, when once they would listen to reason, that the starving of Sancerre and numberless murders of adherents of the reformed doctrine throughout France were violations of the peace quite sufficient to justify its formal abrogation by the injured party. The fears dictated by apparent weakness were dispelled by pointing to the signal success that had crowned the arms of Montbrun in Dauphiny,[1365] while the reluctance of loyal subjects to rise in arms against their lawful sovereign, even in order to redress great wrongs, unless authorized by the leadership of a prince of the blood, was answered by the assurance that they would have a head of much higher rank than any under whose protection the Huguenots had heretofore taken the field.[1366] It was clear that the personage thus hinted at could be no other than the king's brother. No wonder that the Rochellois yielded to La Noue's arguments, for almost every Roman Catholic whose hands were clean of the blood shed in the massacre applauded the justice of the new uprising.[1367]

[Sidenote: Diplomacy tried in vain.]

The city of La Rochelle began again to repair its shattered walls, and La Noue was unanimously appointed to the chief command of the Huguenots in Saintonge and the adjacent regions. In the effort next made to prevent the great Protestant leader from espousing the side of his brethren, and to persuade the city of La Rochelle to rest content with the guarantees offered by the edict of 1573, and remain neutral in the coming conflict, Catharine and her advisers signally failed. The royal envoys--Biron, Strozzi and Pinart--were, indeed, courteously treated by La Noue, Frontenay, and Mirambeau, who repeatedly came out to meet them at the village of Ernandes. But the Huguenots, in reply to their reiterated request, declined absolutely to abate a single important point in their demands. They would not hear the suggestion that by the Edict of Boulogne, in 1573, previous ordinances had been repealed, but persisted in assuming that Charles had always intended that the edict of 1570 should remain in force, and, in proof of this, they alleged one of the king's own declarations after the massacre. They insisted that the privileges accorded to the three privileged cities of La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes, should be extended to the Protestant nobility throughout the kingdom; and when Biron and his companions reluctantly consented that the right to have baptism and marriage celebrated in their houses be conceded to all Protestant noblemen who enjoyed the right of "haute justice," and who had always remained constant in their religious opinions, La Noue protested against the restriction to baptism and marriage. "We desire to worship God freely," he said, "and you give only a part of what we need for the exercise of our religion. What you offer is a snare to catch us again and expose us to greater peril than we were ever in before. But we would much rather die with arms in our hands than be involved again in such disasters."

In vain did the royalists assure them that the king was ready to grant the Protestants complete liberty of conscience and protection against their enemies, but could not give them what they demanded. In vain did they repeat in substance the famous exclamation of Catharine de' Medici, and say, among other arguments: "You could make no greater demands if the king had nothing ready, and you had a large and powerful army, with all the advantages you could desire; whereas, we know full well that you are feeble in every direction, and that the king has great forces, as you yourselves must be aware." The Huguenots had the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day on their tongues continually,[1368] and could not be fed with fair promises. They required securities. First, Charles must give them a city in each province of the kingdom, as a refuge in case they were assailed. Next, the maintenance of the promises made to them must be guaranteed by the signatures of the princes of the blood and all the chief nobles, by governors, by lieutenants-general, and by the gentry of the provinces, as well as by the chief inhabitants of the towns. Hostages must be interchanged. While the last and most remarkable proposal of all was, "that his Majesty, on his part, and the Huguenots, on theirs, should place a large sum of money in the hands of some German prince, who should promise to employ it in levying and paying a body of reiters to be used against that party which should violate the peace." All this was to be registered in the various parliaments and in the inferior courts of the bailiwicks and senechaussees. The king was further requested to call the States General within three months, to give the royal edict of pacification their formal sanction.[1369]

We need not be surprised that a conference to which the two parties brought views so diametrically opposed, should have proved utterly abortive.

[Sidenote: The "Politiques" make an unsuccessful rising.]

It scarcely falls within the province of this history to narrate in detail the unsuccessful attempt of the Malcontents, made some weeks before the negotiations just described, to overthrow the government, whose bad counsels were believed to be the cause of the misery under which France was groaning; for the alliance between the Malcontents and the Huguenots was only fortuitous and partial. A few words of explanation, however, seem to be necessary. The plan contemplated a simultaneous uprising on the tenth of March. The day had been selected by La Noue himself, who rightly judged that the license and uproar indulged in by the populace up to a late hour in the night of "Mardi Gras" (Shrove Tuesday) would greatly facilitate the military undertaking.[1370] Alencon and the King of Navarre, who, since the massacre immediately succeeding his nuptials, had found himself less a guest than a captive at court, were to flee secretly to Sedan, where they would find safety under the protection of the Duc de Bouillon. For the influence of this great nobleman, together with the still more powerful support of the Montmorency family, was given to the projected movement. But the timidity and vacillation of Alencon frustrated the well-conceived design. Ten days or a fortnight before the set time for the escape of the princes from court, Navarre, who, under pretext of hunting, had been allowed to leave the royal palace of Saint Germain, received a secret visit from M. de Guitry, a gentleman who had succeeded in bringing into the vicinity an armed body of the confederates. The meeting took place by night, in Navarre's bedchamber, in the little hamlet of St. Prix.[1371] On the morrow Guitry found means to confer with M. de Thore, Turenne, and La Nocle, "all in despair by reason of Alencon's variable moods."[1372] This feeble prince, it would seem, was not even yet decided, and trembled at the peril he might run in attempting to reach Sedan. Under these circumstances the plan of flight was modified. Guitry was instructed to bring his force nearer to St. Germain, and wait for Alencon and Navarre, who, under his escort, were to gain Mantes, a little farther down the Seine, and perhaps ultimately join the confederates near La Rochelle. Guitry waited in vain: Alencon and Navarre never came.

[Sidenote: Flight of the court from St. Germain.]

Either Alencon himself, or La Mole, his favorite, in his name, betrayed the project to the queen mother. The discovery of a body of armed men in the vicinity, albeit they gave assurance that they meant no injury to the king, threw the entire court into consternation. Catharine, reminding Charles that her soothsayers had long since warned her of Saint Germain as a place that boded no good to her or hers, was among the first to flee, leaving the king, who was ill with quartan fever, to follow the next day.[1373] The court partook of Catharine's terror, and imitated her example. Layman and churchman vied in haste to gain Paris, whence in a few days they retreated in a more leisurely manner to the safer refuge of the castle of Vincennes. While some hurried by the main road, or picked their way along the banks of the Seine, others took to boats as a less dangerous means of conveyance. But, among those who joined in the disorderly flight, there were some who retained their composure sufficiently to note the ludicrous features of the scene. Long after they recalled with undisguised amusement the terror-stricken countenances of the new chancellor and of three French cardinals, as, mounted on fiery Italian or Spanish steeds, they clung with both hands to the saddle-bow, evidently fearing their horses even more than the dreaded Huguenot.[1374] It was a very pretty farce; but the tragedy was yet to come.

[Sidenote: A second failure.]

[Sidenote: Alencon and Navarre examined.]

A second attempt at flight made by Alencon and Navarre also failed, through the treachery of one of those to whom the secret had been confided. Alencon and Navarre were now placed under close guard, and subjected to long and repeated examinations before a royal commission. Alencon was sufficiently craven in his bearing, and did not hesitate by his admissions to involve in ruin the minor instruments in the execution of the plan. Navarre, in his answers to the interrogatories, displayed a courageous frankness. He was not, in truth, content with a simple denial of the evil designs attributed to him. On the contrary, he availed himself of the opportunity to rehearse the grievances under which he had been suffering for nearly two years. Detained at court only to find himself an object of suspicion, his ears had been filled with successive rumors of an approaching massacre, a second St. Bartholomew's Day, when he would not be spared in the general destruction. These rumors had, indeed, been declared false by the Duke of Anjou, before the walls of La Rochelle, but that prince had failed to keep the promises made before his departure for Poland--to commend Navarre to the royal favor. Consequently he had been subjected to the indignity of frequently being refused admission to the presence of Charles, while seeing La Chastre, and others of those who had figured most prominently among the actors in the Parisian matins, freely received at the king's rising. He had at length resolved to leave the court in company with his cousin of Alencon, partly in order to consult his own safety, partly that he might restore order in his estates of Bearn and Navarre, now suffering from his protracted absence. When his design had come to the queen mother's knowledge, he had explained the motives of his action to her, and obtained the promise of her protection. Subsequently there had reached him the intelligence that he was to be imprisoned with Alencon in the castle of Vincennes; whereupon he had renewed the attempt to escape the impending peril. In his second examination, in the presence of Catharine de' Medici and his uncle, Cardinal Bourbon, Henry reiterated his statements respecting the alarming reports that continually reached him. At one time he learned that it was decided that, should Margaret of Navarre bear a son, the luckless father would be put out of the way, in order that the child might inherit his dignities. At another time, in the very chamber of King Charles, the opinion had been boldly uttered, that, so long as a single member of the house of Bourbon should survive, there would always be war in France. Nor had the young prince dared to complain of these menaces.[1375]

It was no part of Catharine de' Medici's plan, at this juncture, to wreak her vengeance for the blow that had been aimed at her authority, either upon her son or upon her son-in-law. The Montmorencies, also, though suspected and long since the objects of jealousy, ultimately escaped with little difficulty. It is true that the eldest brother, Marshal Francois de Montmorency, was enticed to the court, as was also another marshal, M. de Cosse, and that both were thrown into the Bastile. But the younger Montmorencies, Thore and Meru, had escaped, while their more energetic brother Marshal Damville, was too firmly fixed in the governorship of Languedoc, to be removed without a struggle. It was hardly prudent to drive so influential a family to extremities. Moreover, Catharine was too wise to desire the utter destruction of a clan whose authority might on occasion be employed, as it had often been in the past, as a counterpoise to the formidable power of the Guises.

[Sidenote: Execution of La Mole and Coconnas.]

Some victims of inferior rank were needed. They were found in the persons of Joseph Boniface de la Mole and Hannibal, Count de Coconnas, who, with one M. de Tourtray, expiated their error and that of their superiors, on the Place de Greve. The cruel procedure known as the administration of justice in the sixteenth century has no more striking illustration than in the barbarous torture, including the terrible trial by water, inflicted upon these wretched men. By such means it was not difficult to extort admissions which the prisoner was likely to retract at a subsequent time. Consequently it is not quite clear, even with the full record before us, how far La Mole and Coconnas were really implicated. As for the sufferers themselves, there was little about them to call forth our special sympathy. La Mole, of handsome appearance, but of cowardly disposition, was a firm believer in the magic that passed current in his day, and was questioned on the rack respecting the object of a waxen figure found among his effects. He admitted he had employed it for sorcery, to advance his suit with a lady whose love he sought. Coconnas, an Italian, instead of inviting contempt for his poltroonery, inspires aversion for his crimes. No assassin had distinguished himself more at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. We are inclined to believe the contemporary chronicler, who states that Charles the Ninth himself averred that he had never liked Coconnas since hearing the latter's sanguinary boast that he had redeemed as many as thirty Huguenots from the hands of the populace, only that he might induce them to abjure their religion, under promise of life, and afterward enjoy the satisfaction of murdering them by inches under his dagger.[1376]

Had Coconnas and La Mole been persons more entitled to our respect, we might have pitied their misfortune in falling into the hands of a royal commission with whom the evidence of the guilt of the prisoners was apparently of less weight than the desire to gratify the court by their condemnation. The first president of parliament, Christopher de Thou, again headed the commission. The same pliant tool of despotism who had signed the death-warrant of Prince Louis of Conde, just before the sudden close of the brief reign of Francis the Second, and had congratulated Charles the Ninth, twelve years later, in the name of the judiciary of the kingdom, on the "piety" he had displayed in butchering his unoffending subjects, again obeyed with docility the instructions of his superiors, and suppressed those more generous sentiments, which, if we may credit his son's account, he secretly entertained.

[Sidenote: Conde retires to Germany.]

Meantime the arrests and judicial proceedings at the capital did not delay the military enterprise in which the Huguenots and Malcontents were alike embarked. More fortunate than his cousin of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, chancing to be in Picardy at the outbreak of the pretended conspiracy of St. Germain, took Thore's advice and fled out of the kingdom to Strasbourg.[1377] Himself free from the dangers encompassing his confederates in France, he was able to assist them materially by addressing personal solicitations to the German princes, and by superintending the levy of auxiliary troops.

[Sidenote: Reasons for the success of the Huguenots in face of great difficulties.]

The Huguenots were entering in good earnest upon the fifth religious war, and used their successes with such moderation as to conciliate even hostile populations. Their enemies, judging only from superficial indications, might wonder at their strange recuperative energies. Catharine might exclaim, in amazement at their progress and presumption, that "the Huguenots were like cats, for, in falling, they always alighted on their feet."[1378] But those who looked into the matter more closely saw that this was no mere accident. A contemporary writer, who is also a declared antagonist, praises their prudence and good conduct at the present juncture. "We must not be astonished," he remarks, "if in a short time the Protestants carry through such great repairs and so difficult to be believed. No sooner have they set foot in a place than they consider its position and deliberate as to what can be done to render it strong, or at least tenable. In all diligence they execute their decisions and enterprises, however great and difficult they may be, by the good order they practise and by a prompt obedience to the commands given them. So that I confess that they surpass us in prudence and conduct. Moreover, so soon as they are in a place, they appoint persons in whom they have the greatest confidence, to collect the king's revenues, as well as the income of the ecclesiastics and of those bearing arms against them, without regard for any save the gentilhommes. Their receipts are faithfully applied to the benefit of their cause, and they know how to employ these sums so well, that with little money they carry on great enterprises. So far as possible they relieve the poor husbandmen. In this they conform to the fashion of the Indians, who, in time of war, do not injure the laborers, their families, their beasts of burden, and the implements used in cultivating the earth, but abstain from burning their houses and villages, and leave them in peace, deeming the tillers of the ground to be ministers of the common weal and the nursing fathers of the other estates.[1379] ... If necessity constrain them to make use of the husbandmen, they bring them to it as freely and graciously as possible, more by fair words than by force, employing caresses, and meantime protecting their cattle, their harvests, and all their property. When marching through the country, without indulging in insolence, abusive language, or plunder, they eat what they find in the houses, and keep their soldiers under good control. They instantly establish in the places they hold a council of the most capable and experienced persons.... This they convene daily and for so long a time as their affairs demand, and here they listen to the complaints made to them, whether by word of mouth or by written petition, and answer as well as they can to the satisfaction of the plaintiffs."[1380]

[Sidenote: Montgomery lands in Normandy.]

[Sidenote: He is forced to surrender and is taken prisoner.]

About the same time that Conde was leaving France for Germany, another Huguenot leader was entering it from the opposite quarter. Count Montgomery, who from England had come to the island of Jersey, suddenly made his appearance in western Normandy. In this province the Huguenots had lately made themselves masters of the important town of Saint Lo, as well as of Domfront on the borders of the province of Maine.[1381] To these gains Montgomery soon added Carentan, an important point on the north, which he took care to provision. He seemed likely, indeed, to bring all this extensive territory under the power of the Protestants. His brilliant career was, however, destined to be very brief. The royal forces sent against him under Matignon were strong, his own troops were few. From Saint Lo, where he was besieged, he succeeded by a bold dash in escaping with a small company of horse; but at Domfront, whither he betook himself in hope of receiving reinforcements from the south, his manly defence availed nothing. Against an army of four thousand foot and one thousand horse, besides a large number of Roman Catholic gentlemen serving at their own charges, the little band of not over ninety arquebusiers and fifty horse could offer no protracted resistance. Domfront, strong in itself, was commanded by neighboring heights, and the walls, through long neglect, had become so weak that they crumbled and fell at the very first cannonade. Montgomery, deserted by some of his soldiers and enfeebled by the loss of others, was compelled to surrender to the besieging army. The story was current that he had received a pledge of life and liberty at the hands of Matignon.[1382] But Agrippa d'Aubigne is undoubtedly correct in declaring that the report was a mistaken one, and that Montgomery barely received the assurance that he would be placed in the hands of the king alone. "There have been only too many acts of perfidy in France, without the invention of others," says this historian. "If there were any infractions of the capitulation, they were in the case of some other gentlemen and soldiers, who were maltreated or slain."[1383]

[Sidenote: Delight of Catharine de' Medici.]

There was one person to whom the capture of Count Montgomery was peculiarly gratifying. Catharine de' Medici had never forgotten the murderous wound Montgomery's lance had inflicted upon her husband in the rough tournament held in honor of Isabella's nuptials. True, the count had entered the lists with Henry only by the king's express command, and the fatal effects of the blow that shattered Henry's visor and drove the splintered stock into his eye, were due to no malicious intent. Nevertheless, Montgomery was never sincerely forgiven; and when the slayer of the father was captured fighting against the son, Catharine resolved that no considerations of pity should prevent his expiating his unintended crime. Nor was the Roman Catholic party loth to see summary punishment inflicted upon Montgomery in revenge for the blow he had struck the "noblesse" of Bearn and the frightful slaughter of their partisans he had authorized, five years before, during the third civil war, at the storming of Orthez.[1384] On the other hand, the Parisian populace was excited by the revival of the false rumor already referred to, that Count Montgomery, glorying in the mischance whereby France was robbed of her king, had substituted for his ancestral coat of arms a novel escutcheon of his own device, whereon was figured a broken lance.[1385] It need not surprise us, therefore, that though guiltless of any crime of which the law of even that cruel age ordinarily took cognizance, the Huguenot leader, after being placed on the rack in the vain attempt to obtain from him admissions criminating his associates, was condemned, as a traitor found in arms against his king, to be beheaded and quartered, on the Place de Greve, on the twenty-sixth of June, 1574.

[Sidenote: Execution of Montgomery on the Place de Greve.]

Both enemies and friends unite in testifying to the fortitude with which Count Montgomery underwent the execution of his severe sentence. Roman Catholic writers, indeed, hint that he may have received profit from the ministrations of five or six theological doctors, to whom they represent him as gladly listening.[1386] But Protestant historians give us a circumstantial account that seems better entitled to credit, and leaves no room for doubt that Gabriel de Montgomery died constant to the faith which he had embraced in his retirement, after the death of Henry the Second. He refused to confess to the famous Vigor, Archbishop of Narbonne, and would neither kiss the crucifix offered to him by the priest who rode with him in the tumbrel, nor listen to his words, nor even look at him. To a Gray Friar, who attempted to convince him that he was in error and had been deceived, he replied: "How deceived? If I have been deceived, it was by members of your own order; for the first person that ever gave me a Bible in French, and bade me read it, was a Franciscan like yourself. And therein I learned the religion that I now hold, which is the only true religion. Having lived in it ever since, I wish, by the grace of God, to die in it to-day." On the scaffold, after a touching address to the spectators, he recited in a loud voice the Apostles' Creed, in the confession of which he protested that he died, and then, "having made his prayer to God after the manner of those of the (reformed) religion,"[1387] manfully offered his neck to the executioner's sword.[1388]

But the scene just described belongs strictly to the reign of the next French monarch. The capture of Montgomery at Domfront had been followed, within three days, by the death of the young king against whom the count had been fighting.

[Sidenote: Last days of Charles IX.]

It is difficult to determine the exact proportions in which physical weakness and remorse for the past entered as ingredients of the malady that cut short the life of Charles the Ninth. It may not be prudent to accept implicitly all the stories told by contemporaries respecting the wretched fancies to which the king became a victim. But it would be carrying historical scepticism to the very verge of absurdity to reject the whole series of reports that come down to us respecting the strange hallucinations of Charles during the last months of his life. De Thou, perhaps the most candid and dispassionate historian of the period, has left the statement on record that, ever since St. Bartholomew's Day, Charles, who at no time slept well, used frequently to have his rest broken by the sudden recollection of its dreadful scenes. To lull him to repose, his attendants had no resource but singing, the king being passionately fond of music and of poetry.[1389] Agrippa d'Aubigne corroborates the statement, adding, on the authority of high noblemen who had been present, that the king would awake trembling and groaning, and that his agitation was sure to find expression in frightful imprecations and words expressive of utter despair.[1390]

With the growing certainty of his approaching death, the mental distress of Charles proportionately increased. His old Huguenot nurse, to whom he talked without reserve, was the witness of the startling conflict through which he was passing in his last hours. While sitting near his bedside on one occasion, she was suddenly recalled from a revery by the sound of the sighs and sobs of the royal patient. To her solicitous questions as to the cause of his distress, she received the most piteous exclamations, interrupted by weeping: "Ah, my nurse, my friend, how much blood! how many murders! Ah, what wicked counsels have I had! My God, have pity upon me and pardon me! I know not where I am; so perplexed and agitated have they made me. What will become of me? What shall I do? I am lost; I know it full well." The pious attendant's earnest exhortations and consoling words had little effect in dispelling the gloom that had settled on the termination of a life so auspiciously begun. She might pray, in his hearing, that the blood of the murdered Huguenots might be on the heads of those who gave the young king such treacherous advice. She might encourage and urge him to rest in the confidence that, in view of his penitence, God would not impute to him his crime, but cover him with the mantle of Christ's righteousness.[1391] Her words had little power to dissipate his extreme despondency.

[Sidenote: Distress of his young queen.]

For months the life of Charles had been despaired of. Now he was visibly dying. The news of the capture of Montgomery, which his mother came to announce to him with a delight she neither was able nor anxious to hide, brought him no pleasure. He had, he said, ceased to care for these things. Meanwhile, Catharine, if not altogether devoid of natural affection--if not experiencing unmingled satisfaction at the prospect that the sceptre was likely to pass into the hands of her favorite son, the King of Poland--at least took care to provide for the contingency of Charles's speedy death, by obtaining, on the twenty-ninth of May, letters to the governors of provinces, and the next day the more authoritative letters patent conferring upon her the regency until the return of Henry from Poland.[1392] More sincere in her sorrow, the young Queen Elizabeth, Charles's wife, endeavored to ward off the stroke of Heaven by solemn processions. For nine successive days, laying aside all tokens of her royal rank, simply clad, and with uncovered face, she walked barefooted, and accompanied by a large number of poor boys and girls, from the wood of Vincennes, where the court still lingered, to the city of Paris. After devoutly praying for the king's recovery at the Sainte-Chapelle and at the shrine of Notre Dame, she returned from her pilgrimage in the same painful and humble manner, her ladies and the officers of her court following at a respectful distance.[1393]

Upon Sorbin, the king's confessor, devolved the duty of administering to Charles the last rites of religion--Sorbin, who was accustomed to speak of the perfidy and cruelty of the massacre as true magnanimity and gentleness. It has been well remarked that, in all the dark drama of guilt and retribution upon which the curtain was about to fall, no part is more tragic than the scene in which the last words preparing the soul for judgment were spoken by such a confessor as Sorbin to such a penitent as Charles.[1394] Under such spiritual guidance the unhappy boy-king may possibly have expressed the sentiment which the priest ascribes to him at the hour of death: that his greatest regret was that he had not seen the Reformation wholly crushed.[1395]

On Sunday, May the thirtieth, 1574, the festival of Pentecost, Charles died, late in the afternoon.[1396] Almost his last words had been of congratulation that he left no son to inherit the throne, since he knew very well that France had need of a man, and that under a child both king and kingdom were wretched.[1397]

[Sidenote: Death of Charles.]

The general usage was not violated in the present instance. Charles, like a host of prominent princes and statesmen of the sixteenth century, was currently reported to have fallen a victim to the poisoner's art, then in its prime. Nor did the examination made after his death, though clearly proving that the event had a natural cause, suffice to clear away the unhappy impression.[1398] The Huguenots had, perhaps, more reason than others to regard the circumstances attending it as strange, if not miraculous. That the king, whose guilty acquiescence in the murderous scheme of Catharine, Anjou, and Guise, had deluged his realm in blood, should himself have perished of a malady that caused blood to exude from every pore in his body,[1399] was certainly sufficiently singular to arrest the attention of the world. The phenomenon has been shown beyond all question to have many parallels in the annals of medicine.[1400] But the coincidence was so remarkable that we scarcely wonder that, in the eyes of many, it partook of a supernatural character.

Thus perished, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, a prince whom fair natural endowments seemed to have destined to play a creditable, if not a resplendent part in the history of his period; but whom the evil counsels and examples of his mother, and the corrupt education which, designedly or through an unfortunate accident, she had given him, had so depraved, that his morals were regarded with disgust and reprobation by an age by no means scrupulously pure.[1401]

[Sidenote: The funeral rites.]

The forty days' funeral rites were performed in honor of the deceased king with all the detail of pomp customary on such occasions. For forty days, on a bed of cloth of gold, lay in state the life-like effigy of Charles of Valois, dressed in crimson and blue satin, and in ermine, with a jewelled crown upon its head, and with sceptre and other emblems of royalty at its side. For forty days the service of the king's table remained unchanged, and the pleasing fiction was maintained that the monarch was yet alive. The gentlemen in waiting, the cupbearer, the pantler, the carver, and all the retinue of servants who, as in feudal times, appeared at the royal meals, discharged each his appointed office with punctilious precision. Courses of viands were brought on in regular succession, and as regularly removed from the board. A cardinal or prelate blessed the table before the empty show of a meal, and rendered thanks at its conclusion. Only at the close, by the sad repetition of the De profundis, and other psalms appropriate to funeral occasions, did the pageant differ materially from many a scene of convivial entertainment in which Charles had taken part. When the prescribed term of waiting was at length over, the miserable show ended, the effigy was replaced by the bier, funeral decorations took the place of festive emblems, and the body of the late king was laid in its last resting-place.[1402]

[Sidenote: Had persecution, war, and treachery succeeded?]

The courtiers had already turned their eyes from the dead monarch to the successor whose speedy return from Poland all eagerly awaited. Henry the Third had already precipitately fled from Cracow, and was on his way to assume his ancestral throne. He was to find the kingdom plunged in disquiet, a prey to internal discord fostered by foreign princes. Neither Huguenot nor Roman Catholic was satisfied. A full half-century from the first promulgation of the reformed doctrines by Lefevre d'Etaples found the friends of the purer faith more resolute than ever in its assertion, despite fire, massacre, and open warfare. No candid beholder could deny that the system of persecution had thus far proved an utter failure. It remained to be seen whether the new king would choose to repeat a dangerous experiment.

FOOTNOTES:

[1253] Jean de Serres, Commentaria de statu rel. et reipublicae, iv., fol. 60 verso. I have made use, up to 1570, of the first edition of this work, published in three volumes in 1571, my copy being one formerly belonging to the library of Ludovico Manini, the last doge of Venice. From 1570 on I refer to the edition of 1575, which comprises a fourth and rarer volume, bringing down the history to the close of the reign of Charles. A comparison between this edition and the later edition of 1577 brings out the interesting circumstance that many Huguenots of little courage, who at first apostatized, afterward returned to their old faith. Thus, the edition of 1575 reads (iv. 51 v.): "Vix enim dici possit, quam multi ad primum illum impetum a Religione resiluerint, mortis amittendarumque facultatum metu, quorum plerique etiamnum haerent in luto." The words I have italicized are omitted in the edition of 1577, as quoted by Soldan, ii. 473.

[1254] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 61.

[1255] Ib., ubi supra.

[1256] Borrel, Histoire de l'eglise reformee de Nimes (Toulouse, 1856), pp. 77, 78, from Archives of the Hotel-de-ville.

[1257] J. de Serres, iv., fols. 68-70; Borrel, Hist. de l'egl. ref. de Nimes, 78, 79; De Thou, iv. 663.

[1258] See ante, chapter xviii., p. 480.

[1259] Agrippa d'Aubigne, Hist. univ., ii. 38 (liv. i., c. 8). Neither De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 659, nor J. de Serres (either in his Commentaria de statu rel. et reip., iv. 68, or in his Inventaire general de l'histoire de France, Geneve, 1619), makes any allusion to Regnier's combat, while the former expressly, and the latter by implication, refer to his agency in persuading the inhabitants of Montauban to espouse the Protestant cause in arms. I incline to think, nevertheless, that D'Aubigne has neither misplaced nor exaggerated a brilliant little affair which was certainly to his taste.

[1260] J. de Serres, De statu, etc., iv., fol. 63; De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 647.

[1261] Reveille-Matin, 200; Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi (1574), i. 57.

[1262] Arcere, Histoire de la Rochelle, i. 405. The records of the customs showed that 30,000 casks of wine were brought in. An ample supply of powder was also secured by offering a bonus of ten per cent, to all that imported it from abroad.

[1263] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 65; De Thou, iv. 649.

[1264] "Affirmabant vero haudquaquam se facere contra officium et antiqua sua privilegia, per quae illis tribueretur exemptio ab omni praeterquam ex sua civitate delecto ab ipsis praesidio, et facultas sese suis armis custodiendi." Such was the claim of the Rochellois in answer to Strozzi's summons. Jean de Serres, iv. 63.

[1265] Arcere, i. 412.

[1266] Ibid., i. 422; De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 654; J. de Serres, iv., fols. 75, 76.

[1267] Delmas, Eglise ref. de la Rochelle, 105, 106. The same author cites Henry IV.'s eulogy: "Il etait grand homme de guerre, et plus grand homme de bien." See also De Thou's strong expressions, viii. (liv. cii.) 8.

[1268] See the detailed "Carte du Pays d'Aulnis, avec les Isles de Re, d'Oleron, et Provinces voisines, dressee en 1756," prefixed to the first volume of Arcere, Histoire de la Rochelle.

[1269] Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 34, 35 (liv. i., c. 6); De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 655-656; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 75; Arcere, i. 427-429.

[1270] Arcere, i. 429, partly on MS. authority.

[1271] Ibid., i. 430.

[1272] The attitude of the Huguenot general had been and yet was one of the strangest. That he was able in the end to extricate himself without a stain attaching to his honor is still more remarkable. Both king and Protestants understood full well that he would counsel nothing which was not for the interest of both; and it was, therefore, no violation of his duty as envoy of Charles, if, as Jean de Serres informs us, when urging an amicable arrangement, he privately advised the Rochellois to admit no one into the city in the king's name, before receiving ample provisions for their security. Commentarii de statu religionis et reipublicae, iv., fol. 75.

[1273] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 76.

[1274] Ibid., iv., fol. 81.

[1275] See the very clear account in the "Description chorographique de l'Aulnis," by Arcere, prefixed to his history of La Rochelle, i. 97, etc.

[1276] Compare Arcere, i. 418, etc., and, especially, his plan of the city in 1573. See also Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 83; De Thou, iv. (liv. lv.) 759-761; D'Aubigne, ii. 36, 37 (liv. i., c. 7).

[1277] De Thou, iv. (liv. lv.) 765; Arcere, i. 436.

[1278] De Thou, iv. 761; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 68.

[1279] E.g., of Virolet, Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 76.

[1280] Feb. 15th, according to J. de Serres, iv., fol. 83. Arcere (i. 452) says Feb. 12th.

[1281] Arcere, i. 458.

[1282] So, at least, Brantome expressed himself. He was with the army before La Rochelle.

[1283] Letter of Catharine, March 17th, Arcere, i. 466.

[1284] De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 789; Arcere, i. 489, 490; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 99, etc.

[1285] The poor, according to Jean de Serres, came to use the shell-fish in lieu of bread. If, as he assures us on the authority of men deserving credit, the supply ceased almost on that precise day upon which the royal army left the neighborhood, after the conclusion of peace, the reformed may be pardoned for regarding the fact as a miracle little inferior to that of the manna which never failed the ancient Israelites until they set foot in Canaan. Commentarii de statu religionis et reipublicae, iv. 104 verso. "Dont lez reformez ont encores les tableaux en leurs maisons pour memoire comme d'un miracle," writes Agrippa d'Aubigne, about forty years later (Hist. universelle, 1616, ii. 53).

[1286] Arcere, i. 504, 505.

[1287] Arcere, ubi supra.

[1288] Arcere, i. 477, 480.

[1289] De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 780; Arcere, i. 477; D'Aubigne, ii. 45 (liv. i., c. 9).

[1290] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 102; Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 48 (liv. i., c. 9); De Thou, iv. 767, 786, 787, etc.

[1291] La Mothe Fenelon to Charles IX., June 3, 1573. Corresp. diplom., v. 339.

[1292] Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 87) states the length of the siege of Sommieres as four months, and the loss of men as five thousand killed. The Recueil des choses memorables, 1598 (p. 485), ascribed to the same author, reduces the loss one-half. Cf. De Thou, iv. 746-748.

[1293] Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 88, 89; De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 749, 750.

[1294] "In ipso regni umbilico." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 92.

[1295] Ibid., iv., fols. 72, 77, 79; Ag. d'Aubigne, ii. 40, 41; De Thou, iv. (liv. liv.) 660-663.

[1296] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 93, 94.

[1297] "Ut Ierosolymitanae, Samaritanae, Saguntinae famis memoriam exaequare, nisi et exsuperare videatur." Ibid., iv., fol. 92.

[1298] "Discours de l'extreme famine, cherte de vivre, chairs, et autres choses non acoustumees pour la nourriture de l'homme, dont les assiegez dans la ville de Sancerre ont ete affligez." 1574. Reprinted in Archives curieuses, viii. 19-82.

[1299] Edward Smedley, History of the Reformed Religion in France (London, 1834), ii. 88.

[1300] "Fade et douceastre," p. 24.

[1301] De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 796. As early as on the twelfth of April, such was the discouragement felt in Paris, that orders were published to make "Paradises" in each parish, and to institute processions, to supplicate the favor of heaven, in view of the repulses experienced by the Roman Catholics before La Rochelle. Journal d'un cure ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), p. 158.

[1302] Histoire du siege de La Rochelle par le duc d'Anjou en 1573, par A. Genet, capitaine du genie; apud Bulletin de la Societe de l'histoire du prot. francais, ii. (1854) 96, 190.

[1303] Memoires de Claude Haton, ii. 722.

[1304] At Troyes, for instance, where the poor who had flocked to the city were invited to meet at one of the gates, to receive each a loaf of bread and a piece of money. This done, they saw the gates closed upon them, and were informed from the ramparts that they must go elsewhere to find their living until the next harvest. Claude Haton, ii. 729.

[1305] Ante, chapter xix., p. 552.

[1306] Here is his letter to Henry: "Mon frere. Dieu nous a fait la grasse que vous estes ellu roy de Poulogne. J'en suis si ayse que je ne scay que vous mander. Je loue Dieu de bon coeur; pardonnes moy, l'ayse me garde d'escrire. Je ne sceay que dire. Mon frere, je avons receu vostre lestre. Je suis vostre bien bon frere et amy, CHARLES." MS. Bibliotheque nationale, apud Haton, ii. 733.

[1307] The edict says expressly (Art. 5th): "Et y faire seulement les baptesmes et mariages a leur facon accoustumee sans plus grande assemblee, outre les parens, parrins et marrines, jusques au nombre de dix." Text in Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 98, etc., and Haag, France protestante, x. (Documents) 110-114. Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 107, etc.) and Von Polenz (Gesch. des Franz. Calvinismus, ii. 632) give a correct synopsis; but Soldan is wrong in including among the concessions "den Hausgottesdienst" (ii. 536), and De Thou still more incorrect when he speaks of "les preches et la Cene" (iv., liv. lvi. 796).

[1308] According to Davila, Sancerre was not comprehended in the terms made with the Rochellois, "because it was not a free town under the king's absolute dominion as the rest, but under the seigniory of the Counts of Sancerre." London trans. of 1678, 193.

[1309] Jean de Lery, Discours de l'extreme famine, etc., 25-27.

[1310] Jean de Lery, 38.

[1311] Styled also, in the articles of capitulation, "le gouverneur par election de ladite ville." He was an able and influential magistrate, who had been elected to the governorship of his native city at the time of the former troubles. Lery, 78-80.

[1312] Agrippa d'Aubigne (Hist. univ., ii. 104) distinctly represents La Chastre as desirous of destroying the entire city; while Lery (p. 77) and Davila (p. 193) are in doubt whether Johanneau's murder was not effected by his orders. Yet Lery himself records a conversation he held about this time with La Chastre (p. 67), in which the latter protested that he was not, as commonly reported, of a sanguinary disposition, and appealed for corroboration to his merciful treatment of some Huguenot prisoners that fell into his hands in the third civil war, whom he refused to surrender to the Parisian parliament when formally summoned to do so. Claude de la Chastre's noble letter to Charles IX., of January 21, 1570 (Bulletin, iv. 28), seems to be a sufficient voucher for his veracity. See ante, chapter xvi., p. 345.

[1313] Jean de Lery, 42.

[1314] Agrippa d'Aubigne, i. 104. It would be a great relief could we believe that inordinate fondness for the dance was the chief vice of the French court. Unfortunately the moral turpitude of the king and his favorites rests upon less suspicious grounds than the revolting stories told on hearsay by the unfriendly writer of the Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi (Edinburgi, 1574), ii. 117, 118. The "Affair of Nantouillet," occurring just about the time of the Polish ambassadors' arrival in Paris, is only too authentic. The "Prevot de Paris," M. de Nantouillet (cf. ante, chapter xv., page 258, note), grandson of Cardinal du Prat, Chancellor of France under Francis I., offended Anjou by somewhat contemptuously declining the hand of the duke's discarded mistress, Mademoiselle de Chateauneuf. The lady easily induced her princely lover to avenge her wounded vanity. One evening Charles IX., the new king of Poland, the King of Navarre, the Grand Prior of France, and their attendants, presented themselves at the stately mansion of Nantouillet, on the southern bank of the Seine, opposite the Louvre, and demanded that a banquet be prepared for them. Though the royal party was masked, the unwilling host knew his guests but too well, and dared not deny their peremptory command. In the midst of the carousal, at a preconcerted signal, the king's followers began to ransack the house, maltreating the occupants, wantonly destroying the costly furniture, appropriating the silver plate, and breaking open doors and coffers in search of money. The next day even Paris itself was indignant at the base conduct of its king. To the first president of parliament, who that day visited the palace and informed Charles of the current rumors respecting his having been present and conniving at the pillage, the despicable monarch denied their truth with his customary horrible imprecation. But when the president expressed his great satisfaction, and said that parliament would at once institute proceedings to discover and punish the guilty, Charles promptly responded: "By no means. You will lose your trouble;" and he added a significant threat for Nantouillet, that, should he pursue his attempt to obtain satisfaction, he would find that he had to do with an opponent infinitely his superior. Euseb. Phil. Dialogi, ii. 117, 118; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 114, verso; D'Aubigne, ii. 104; De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 821.

[1315] Article 4th. Text in Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 98.

[1316] J. de Serres, iv., fol. 112.

[1317] This hamlet must not be confounded with the important town of Milhaud, or Milhau-en-Rouergue, mentioned below, nearly seventy miles farther west.

[1318] Histoire du Languedoc, v. 321.

[1319] Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 113, 114; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 12, 13; Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 107; Histoire du Languedoc, v. 322. It ought to be noted that the Montauban assembly in reality did little more than confirm the regulations drawn up by previous and less conspicuous political assemblies of the Huguenots held at Anduze in February, and at Realmont, in May, 1573. This clearly appears from references to that earlier legislation contained in the more complete "organization" adopted four months later at Milhau. See the document in Haag, France Protestante, x. (Pieces justificatives) 124, 125. M. Jean Loutchitzki has published in the Bulletin, xxii. (1873) 507-511, a list of the political assemblies much fuller than given by any previous writer.

[1320] As it is of interest to fix the geographical distribution of the provinces represented, I give the list contained in the preamble: "Guyenne, Vivaretz, Gevaudan, Seneschaussee de Toloze, Auvergne, haute et basse Marche, Quercy, Perigord, Limosin, Agenois, Armignac, Cominges, Coustraux, Bigorre, Albret, Foix, Lauraguay, Albigeois, pais de Castres et Villelargue, Mirepoix, Carcassonne, et autres pais et provinces adjacentes."

[1321] Requete de l'assemblee de Montauban, in Haag, La France Protestante, x. (Pieces just.) 114-121.

[1322] Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 113, 114; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 12, 13; Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 106.

[1323] Histoire du Languedoc, v. 322.

[1324] Agrippa d'Aubigne, ubi supra.

[1325] Jean de Serres, iv. (lib. xii.) fol. 114; D'Aubigne and De Thou, ubi supra. See also Languet (Epistolae secretae, i. 216), who, writing November 14, 1573, considers the Huguenots to be virtually demanding the re-enactment of the edict of January, 1562.

[1326] De Thou and D'Aubigne, ubi supra. Hist. du Languedoc, v. 322: "pourvu que lesdits de la religion donnent ordre de leur part, qu'il ne soit entrepris aucune chose au contraire, comme il est avenu ces jours passes, ce que je leur defens tres-expressement." Charles IX. to Damville, Oct. 18, 1573. Unfortunately, neither the promise nor the condition was observed over scrupulously.

[1327] The king's aunt, the Duchess of Savoy, his mother, and his brothers of Anjou and Alencon.

[1328] Relazione di Giov. Michiel, 1561, Tommaseo, i. 418-420.

[1329] De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 18.

[1330] Of this Queen Elizabeth reminded La Mothe Fenelon in a conversation reported by him June 3, 1573, Corr. dipl., v. 345, 346.

[1331] La Mothe Fenelon to Charles IX., July 26, 1573, Corr. dipl., v. 382.

[1332] The story was certainly not invented by his mother, "comme il estoit sorty de sa derniere maladye aussy jaune que cuyvre, tout bouffy, deffigure, bien fort petit et mince." No wonder that Leicester, while expressing the hope that the account might be false, hinted that it operated against the proposed marriage. La Mothe Fenelon to Charles IX., November 11, 1573, Correspondance diplomatique, v. 443.

[1333] Despatch of Aug. 20, ibid., v. 394.

[1334] The correspondence of La Mothe Fenelon, as preserved, is not destitute of interest. See volumes v. and vi., passim; as also Le Laboureur, Additions a Castelnau, vol. iii., pp. 350, seq.

[1335] De Thou, v. 12.

[1336] "Achten's dafuer dieweil es den Franzosen gelungen das sie das Koenigreich Polen ann sich practicirt, das sie darvon so hochmuethig wordenn das sie muessen nun Hern der ganze weltt werdenn."

[1337] Letters of Landgrave William, Sept. 8th, Oct. 17th and Nov. 6th, 1573, Groen van Prinsterer, iv. 116*, 118*, 123*. See also Soldan, ii. 552-556, who, as usual, is very full and satisfactory in everything bearing upon the relations of France to Germany. Rudolph, Maximilian's son, who succeeded his father three years later, was unfortunately far from embodying the excellences desired by the landgrave. It may be questioned whether the Protestants of Germany would have fared worse even under a Valois than under this degenerate Hapsburger.

[1338] Louis of Nassau to William of Orange, December, 1573. Groen van Prinsterer, iv. 278-281.

[1339] Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, ii. 534-538. J. de Serres, iv., fol. 134, gives the date as April 17th. This volume of Serres was published in the succeeding year, 1575.

[1340] The writer of an anonymous letter (now in the library of Prince Czartoryski), who saw Henry as he rode into Heidelberg, with Louis of Nassau on his right hand, and Duke Christopher, the elector's son, on his left, thus describes his personal appearance: "Homo procera statura, corpore gracili, facie oblonga pallida, oculis paululum prominentibus, vultu subtruculento, indutus pallio holoserico rubri coloris." Heidelberg letter "de transitu Henrici," etc., Dec. 22, 1573, apud Marquis de Noailles, Henri de Valois et la Pologne (Paris, 1867), iii. (Pieces justif.), 532.

[1341] Germany seems to have been full of blind rumors of treacherous designs on the part of its French neighbors. I have before me a pamphlet of little historical value, and evidently intended for popular circulation, entitled "Entdeckung etlicher heimlichen Practicken, so jetzund vorhanden wider unser geliebtes Vatterland, die Teutsche Nation, was man gaentzlich willens und ins werck zubringen, gegen den Evangelischen fuergenommen habe, durch einen guthertzigen und getrewen Christen unserm Vatterland zu guetem an tag geben. M.D.LXXIII."

[1342] De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.), 22; Mem. de Pierre de Lestoile (ed. Michaud et Poujoulat), i. 27.

[1343] "Was sich in Franckreich zugetragen, weiss man auch."

[1344] The minute of the conversation drawn up by the elector palatine with his own hand, and printed by Lalanne in the appendix to the fourth volume of his edition of Brantome's Works (411-418), is by far the most trustworthy source of information we possess. On the last count of the elector's indictment, Anjou's defence was certainly very lame: "Dass ich selbst an seines Altvatters Hof gesehen que c'a ete une Cour fort dissolue, aber seines Brudern und Frau Mutter Hof demselbigen bey weitem nicht zu vergleichen." Ibid., 414.

[1345] "C'est ce qui fit croire a bien des gens, que l'Electeur n'avoit pas recu un hote comme Henri aussi poliment qu'il le devoit." De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 22.

[1346] Heidelberg letter of Dec. 22, 1573, Czartoryski MSS., De Noailles, Pieces justif., iii. 533. See ante, p. 485.

[1347] Heidelberg letter, ubi supra, iii. 534.

[1348] Jean de Serres (edit. 1571), iii. 284; A. d'Aubigne, i. 264, "Pource que le Chancelier de l'Hospital ne pouvoit travailler de coeur en mesme temps aux violentes depesches de Thavanes, de Montluc et autres, et aux douceurs du Mareschal de Cosse, il ne fallut qu'un souspir de probite pour lui faire oster les sceaux; ce que fit la Roine en le relegant en sa maison pres Estampes jusques a la fin de ses jours." See also Languet's letter of September 20, 1568.

[1349] Chancellor de l'Hospital to Charles IX., January 12, 1573, copy discovered in the MSS. of the National Library, Paris, by Prof. Soldan, and printed in Appendix XI. of his history.

[1350] Ante, chapter xv., p. 264, note.

[1351] "M. le chancelier de l'Hospital qui avoit les fleurs de lys dans le coeur." Journal de Lestoile, p. 16.

[1352] "Politici (novum enim hoc nomen ex novo negotio sub hoc tempus natum)." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 132.

[1353] Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 115-117. The dedication of Hotman's Franco-Gallia to the elector palatine is dated August 21, 1573.

[1354] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 122. Serres gives an extended summary of the work, whose author is unknown to him, fols. 119-128.

[1355] Eusebii Philadelphi Dialog., ii. 117, et passim. See also the Tocsain contre les massacreurs, which, although published as late as 1579, was written before the death of Charles the Ninth (see the address of the printer, dated June 25, 1577), where the king is directly compared to the Emperor Nero. Archives curieuses, vii. 162.

[1356] They had, however, generally retracted their admissions of complicity made on the rack.

[1357] Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 118; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 19, 20; Arcere, Histoire de la ville de la Rochelle, i. 533-540; Languet, Letter of Feb. 8, 1574, i. 229.

[1358] See the list of members in the protocol of the proceedings first published in the Bulletin de la Societe de l'hist. du prot. francais, x. (1862) 351-353.

[1359] In this, as in other particulars, the political assembly of Milhau merely re-enacted the provisions of the assembly of Realmont. For the dates of the early political assemblies of the Huguenots, which must of course be carefully distinguished from their synods or ecclesiastical assemblies, see the list in the Bulletin, etc., xxii. (1873) 508.

[1360] Text of the document embodying the resolutions of the political assembly of Milhau, in Haag, La France protestante (vol. x.), Pieces justificatives, 121-126. The correct date seems to be Dec. 17th, instead of 16th; Bulletin, as above, x. 351. Cf. also Leonce Anquez, Histoire des assemblees politiques des reformes de France (1573-1622), Paris, 1859, 7-11.

[1361] Lettres d'Auger Gislen, seigneur de Busbec, amb. de l'emp. Rodolphe II. aupres de Henri III. Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, x. 115.

[1362] "Dictitabat se Religionem reformatam minime probare; ensis tantum sui mucronem esse Religiosum: id est, se non Religionis doctrinam, sed Religiosorum causam sequi. Hujusmodi exemplis magnae offensiones adversus Religiosos conflabantur." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 118. The reader needs perhaps to be reminded that Religiosi here stands as the equivalent for the French designation of the Huguenots as "ceux de la Religion."

[1363] Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 113, 114 (liv. ii., c. 4); Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 117. Of "La Grande Chartreuse," which lies ten miles north of Grenoble, see a good account in R. Toepffer, Voyages en Zigzag, seconde serie.

[1364] Languet, Epistolae secretae, i. 214, etc.

[1365] E. Arnaud, Histoire des protestants du Dauphine aux xvie, xviie et xviiie siecles, Paris, 1875, i. 277-281; Ch. Charronet, Les guerres de religion et la societe protestante dans les Hautes-Alpes (1560-1789), Gap., 1861, p. 75, etc.

[1366] Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 113; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.), 30.

[1367] "Fere omnes qui non fuerunt participes caedis Amiralii et aliorum, dicunt, Huguenotos merito corripere arma ad tutandam suam salutem, cum nihil observetur eorum quae hactenus fuerunt ipsis promissa." Languet, letter of April 14, 1574, Epistolae secretae, i. 239.

[1368] "Et parmy leurs discours se representoient a chacun coup la journee de St. Barthelemy."

[1369] The interesting particulars of the conference we obtain from two long and very important despatches of Biron to Charles IX., dated, the one, Ernandes, April 24th, the other, April 26th and 27th, 1574, MSS. Imperial Lib. of St. Petersburg, communicated to the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., xxii. (1873) 401-413, by M. Jean Loutchitzki.

[1370] Agrippa d'Aubigne, ii. 117. Shrove Tuesday fell, in 1574, on March 9th.

[1371] Ten miles from the chateau de St. Germain, and about the same distance from the palace of the Louvre. A part of the old forest yet remains.

[1372] I follow Agrippa d'Aubigne, who here must be regarded as excellent authority, for not only was he present, but it was by his means ("par ma conduitte") that Guitry was introduced into Navarre's chamber. Hist. univ., ii. 119.

[1373] Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 138) and the Memoires de l'estat (Archives curieuses, "Discours de l'entreprise de St. Germain," viii. 107-118) give the last of February for the date of the discovery of the undertaking of Alencon; but, from a comparison of letters, Prof. Soldan has shown (ii. 580) that it really was March 1st.

[1374] It is Agrippa d'Aubigne (Hist. univ., ii. 119) who depicts the scene. As he seems to have been present on the occasion, we may rely upon the truthfulness of the groundwork of his sketch, while ascribing a little of the coloring to the free hand of the artist.

[1375] The testimony of Navarre and others is preserved, and has been published, together with the interrogatories, in the Archives curieuses, viii. 127-221.

[1376] Pierre de Lestoile, Memoires (ed. Michaud et Poujoulat), 30. Languet, letter of May 11, 1574, ii. 7, 8.

[1377] Jean de Serres, iv. 136; Languet, letter of May 11, 1574, ii. 8.

[1378] "Je scais bien que ce sont des chats que vos huguenots, qui se retrouvent tousjours sur leurs pieds." Mem. de Pierre de Lestoile (ed. Michaud et Poujoulat), 53.

[1379] "Ains les laissant en paix comme ministres de l'utilite commune, et peres nourriciers des autres estats."

[1380] P. Brisson, Hist. et vray discours des guerres civiles es pays de Poictou, apud Histoire des protestants et des eglises ref. du Poitou, par Auguste Lievre (Poitiers, 1856), i. 189, 190.

[1381] De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 33.

[1382] De Thou, v. 44; Olhagaray, Hist. de Foix, etc., 638. Miss Freer ("Henry III., King of France, His Court and Times," i. 366) accepts the statement without question, while Prof. Soldan, ii. 587, rejects it, basing his action upon a passage in another treatise of D'Aubigne than that referred to below, viz.: "Choses notables et qui semblent dignes de l'histoire," in Archives curieuses, viii. 411.

[1383] Hist. univ., ii. 126. See a contemporary account: "La Prinse du Comte de Montgommery dedans le Chasteau de Donfron ... le Jeudy xxvii. de May, mil cinq cens soixante et quatorze. A Paris, 1574. Avec Privilege." Archives curieuses, viii. 223-238.

[1384] Aug. 13, 1569; see Olhagaray, Histoire de Foix, Bearn, et Navarre (Paris, 1609), pp. 616, 617. According to this author, "le voyage de Bearn, et le coup de Navarreux sur la noblesse du pais luy cousta cela," i.e., his execution. Ib., p. 639.

[1385] Memoires d'un cure ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), pp. 168, 169. See ante, chapter xiii., p. 78. Chantonnay (despatch of May 6, 1562) speaks of Montgomery as "se ventant que la plus belle et digne oeuvre que se soit jamais faicte en France, fut le coup de lance dont il tua le roy Henry. Je m'esbayhis comme la royne le peult dissimuler." Mem. de Conde, ii. 37.

[1386] "Discours de la Mort et Execution de Gabriel Comte de Montgommery, par Arrest de la Court, pour les conspirations et menees par luy commises, contre le Roy et son estat. Qui fut a Paris, le vingtsixiesme de Iuing, 1574. A Paris, 1574. Avec priv." (Archives cur., viii. 239-253.)

[1387] Doubtless repeating the words of the Confession of Sins, beginning: "Seigneur Dieu, Pere Eternel et Tout-puissant," etc., a form loved by the Huguenots, and often on the lips of martyrs for the faith.

[1388] Memoires de Lestoile, i. 38. Agrippa d'Aubigne gives us (ii. 131) a full account of Montgomery's address, which he himself heard, mounted, as he informs us, "en croupe" behind M. de Fervaques, to whom Montgomery bade farewell just before his death. The Huguenot captain made but two requests of the bystanders: "the first, that they would tell his children, whom the judges had declared to be degraded to the rank of 'roturiers,' that, if they had not virtue of nobility enough to reassert their position, their father consented to the act; as for the other request, he conjured them, by the respect due to the words of a dying man, not to represent him to others as beheaded for any of the reasons assigned in his judicial condemnation--his wars, expeditions, and ensigns won--subjects of frivolous praise to vain men--but to make him the companion in cause and in death of so many simple persons according to the world--old men, young men, and poor women--who in that same place (the Place de Greve) had endured fire and knife." D'Aubigne's narrative, as usual, is vivid, and mentions somewhat trivial details, which, however, are additional pledges of its accuracy; e.g., he alludes to the fact that, having spoken as above to those who stood on the side toward the river, he repeated his remarks to those on the other side of the Place de Greve, beginning with the words, "I was saying to the men yonder," etc.

[1389] De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 48.

[1390] Hist. univ., ii. (liv. ii.) 129.

[1391] Memoires de Pierre de Lestoile (ed. Michaud et Poujoulat), i. 31.

[1392] De Thou, v. 48; text in Isambert, Recueil des anc. lois fr., xiv. 262.

[1393] Memoires de Claude Haton, ii. 764

[1394] North British Review, Oct., 1869, p. 27.

[1395] Or, as Sorbin expressed it, "qu'il voyoit l'idole Calvinesque n'estre encores du tout chassee." Le vray resveille-matin des Calvinistes, 88, ibid., ubi supra. The expression, it will be noticed, contains a distinct reference to the anagram upon the name of "Charles de Valois"--"va chasser l'idole," upon which the Huguenots had founded brilliant hopes. See ante, chapter xiii., p. 123. On the other hand, since the massacre, some Huguenot had discovered that from the same name could be obtained the appropriate words "chasseur deloyal." Recueil des choses memorables (1598), 506.

[1396] Languet, ii. 16.

[1397] Agrippa D'Aubigne, ii. 129; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 50. Charles left but one legitimate child, a daughter, born Oct. 27, 1572, who died in her sixth year.

[1398] Claude Haton, never more himself than when recounting the circumstances of a case of murder, whether by sword or by poison, fully credits the story; but the letter of Catharine to M. de Matignon, written on the 31st of May, gives an intelligible account of the results of the medical examination establishing the pulmonary nature of the king's disease.

[1399] Jean de Serres, Comment de statu, etc., iv., fol. 137.

[1400] See examples given by White (Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 480) and others.

[1401] De Thou and others ascribe to Albert de Gondy, Count of Retz, one of Charles's early instructors and a creature of Catharine de' Medici, the unenviable credit of having taught the young monarch never to tell the truth, and to use those horrible imprecations which startled even the profane when coming from the lips of a dying man. De Thou, v. 47, etc. See also Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 137, and Brantome, Le roy Charles IXe.

[1402] See the contemporary pamphlet, "Le Trespas et Obseques du tres-chrestien roy de France, Charles IXe. de ce Nom;" reprinted in Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses.

INDEX.

A.

Abasement of the people, fruits of the, i. 15.

"Accommodating" the Huguenots of Rouen, ii. 521.

"Accord," the Protestants of Cateau-Cambresis claim the benefit of the, ii. 190.

Acier, Baron d' (Jacques de Crussol), ii. 283, 335.

Acier, D', younger brother of Crussol, ii. 230, note.

Adrets, Francois de Beaumont, Baron des, a merciless general of the Huguenots, ii. 49; his vindication of his course, ii. 50, note; his cruelty, ii. 50, 51; deserts the Huguenots, ii. 102.

Adriani, Giovambatista, the historian, his assertion that a plan for "Sicilian Vespers" was to have been executed at Moulins, ii. 183; on the rejoicing in Italy over the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 534.

Agen, in Guyenne, persecution at, i. 217.

Agenois, Protestantism in, i. 428.

"Agimus a gagne Pere Eternel," meaning of the expression, i. 345.

Aiguillon, ii. 350.

Airvault, ii. 336.

Aix, Parliament of, i. 19; iniquitous order respecting the Waldenses or Vaudois, i. 235. See Vaudois of Provence.

Alava, Frances de, Spanish ambassador at Paris, ii. 181.

Albi, refuses to admit a garrison, ii. 250.

Albigenses, i. 61; accused of Manichaeism, i. 62.

Albret, Jeanne d'. See Navarre, Queen of.

Aleander, papal nuncio, his hopes respecting Lefevre d'Etaples, i. 94.

Alencon, city of, saved from becoming a scene of massacre by M. de Matignon, ii. 526.

Alencon, Francis of, fourth son of Henry II., baptized Hercules, i. 415; to be substituted for Anjou, as a suitor for the hand of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 380; his praise, ii. 398; he takes no part in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and is threatened by his mother, ii. 476, 477; his reply to her attempt to estrange him from the admiral, ii. 495; La Mothe Fenelon instructed to press his suit with Queen Elizabeth, ii. 606; his disfigurement, ii. 607; he is offered as candidate for election as King of the Romans, ii. 608; the proposal is declined, ii. 609; chosen by the party of the "Politiques" as their head, ii. 619; his untrustworthy character, ii. 619, 620; his irresolution, ii. 625.

Alessandria, the Cardinal of, despatched as legate to Paris, ii. 400; Charles IX.'s assurances to him, ii. 400-403, 531.

Alexander III. dedicates the abbey of St. Germain-des-Pres, ii. 483, note.

Alienor, or Eleonore, last Duchess of Aquitaine, her charter given to La Rochelle in 1199, ii. 270.

Allens, M. d', i. 238.

Alva, Duke of, is one of the ambassadors of Philip II., and a hostage for the execution of the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis, i. 325; declines the joint expedition proposed by Henry II. for the destruction of Geneva, i. 327; is suspicious of the proposed conference at Bayonne, ii. 168 (see Bayonne, Conference of); sent to Netherlands, ii. 195; alarm caused by his march, ii. 196; he is invited by Cardinal Lorraine to enter France, ii. 208; he procrastinates, ib.; insincerity of his offers, ii. 212; sends a few troops under Count Aremberg, ii. 213; is again called upon for aid, ii. 221; his view of accommodations with heretics, ii. 222; opposes the peace of Saint Germain, ii. 368; he receives a signal rebuff from Charles IX., ii. 390, 391; exults over the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, but hesitates from policy to put the Huguenot prisoners to death, ii. 540; earns the approval of Pius V. by his butcheries, ii. 564, 565.

Amboise, the peace of, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. 115; its terms condemned, ii. 116, 128; Coligny's disappointment at, ii. 116, 117; the terms in many places not observed, ii. 128; commissioners sent out to enforce the execution of the edict, ii. 132; the Parliament of Paris sternly reproved by the king for its failure to record the edict, ii. 139, 140; the edict infringed upon by interpretative declarations, ii. 160.

Amboise, the Tumult of, causes of, i. 375, seq.; Assembly of Nantes, i. 300; chronology of the Tumult, i. 381; the plot betrayed, i. 382; dismay of the royal court, i. 387; bloody executions following, i. 391.

"Amende honorable," i. 172.

Amiens, one hundred and fifty Huguenots murdered at, ii. 249.

Amnesty, the Edict of, March, 1560, i. 385; its terms ostensibly extended, but explained away, i. 390, 391.

Anagram of Charles de Valois (Charles IX.), ii. 123.

Andelot, Francois d', younger brother of Admiral Coligny, favors the Reformation, i. 313; denounced as a heretic by Cardinal Granvelle, i. 316; his visit to Brittany, ib.; he is summoned by Henry II., before whom he makes a manly defence of his faith, i. 317, 318; is imprisoned, i. 318; his temporary weakness, i. 319; disappointment of the Pope at his escape from the stake, i. 320, note; is consulted by Catharine de' Medici, i. 383; throws himself into Orleans, ii. 39; returns with reinforcements from Germany, ii. 84; is left in Orleans by Conde, ii. 85; his warlike counsels at the outbreak of the second civil war prevail, ii. 204; sent to intercept Count of Aremberg, ii. 214; spirited remonstrance (ascribed to him) addressed to Catharine de' Medici, ii. 252, 253; his escape from Brittany to La Rochelle, ii. 281; his death ii. 312; his character and exploits, ii. 313, 314.

Ange, L', orator for the tiers etat in the States General of Orleans, i. 458.

Angers, massacre of, ii. 512, 513.

Anglois, Jacques l', a Protestant minister, murdered at Rouen, ii. 515.

Angouleme, ii. 283.

Angouleme, Bastard of, ii. 456, 459, 483.

Angouleme, Margaret of, afterward Queen of Navarre, sister of Francis I., i. 74, 86; birth and studies, i. 104; personal appearance, i. 105; political influence, i. 106; married first to Duke of Alencon, ib.; goes to Spain to visit her captive brother, ib.; marriage to Henry, King of Navarre, i. 107; corresponds with Bishop Briconnet, i. 108; her Heptameron, i. 119; her sanguine hopes, i. 133; her correspondence with Count von Hohenlohe, ib.; favors Protestant preachers, i. 151; attacked in the College of Navarre, i. 152; her "Miroir de l'ame pecheresse," ib.; fruitless intercessions in the matter of the placards of 1534, i. 168; she yields to the influence of the "Libertines," i. 195, 226; her address to the Parliament of Bordeaux, i. 226.

"Annats," i. 25.

Anjou, Henry, Duke of (afterward Henry III., see Henry of Valois); he is appointed by Charles IX. lieutenant-general, and placed in supreme command of the army, ii. 217; endeavors to prevent the junction of Conde and the Germans, ii. 220; his forces at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 285; his army goes into winter quarters, ii. 286; his growing superiority in numbers, ii. 298; endeavors to prevent the southern Huguenots from reinforcing Conde, ii. 299; throws his troops in front of Conde, ii. 300; obtains a victory at Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. 301, 302; sends off exaggerated bulletins from the battle-field, ii. 307, 308; receives congratulations and sanguinary injunctions from Pius V., ii. 309; he furloughs his troops, ii. 320; relieves Poitiers, ii. 325; his army strengthened, ii. 332; defeats the Huguenots at Moncontour, ii. 332-336; loses the advantages gained, through the mistake committed at St. Jean d'Angely, ii. 340, seq.; disbands a great part of his army, ii. 343; leaves the remainder in the prince dauphin's hands, ib.; his projected marriage to Queen Elizabeth, ii. 377, seq.; machinations to dissuade him, ii. 379; indignation of Charles at, ib.; his new ardor, ii. 381; papal and Spanish efforts, ii. 382; the match abandoned, ii. 396; his confession respecting the origin of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day ii. 433; his jealousy of Coligny's influence, ib.; he and his mother resolve upon the death of the admiral, ii. 434; they call in the help of the Duchess of Nemours and Henry of Guise, ib.; he visits the wounded admiral, ii. 441; plies Charles IX. with arguments to frighten him into authorizing a massacre of the Huguenots, ii. 447, 448; he rides through the streets of Paris encouraging the assassins, ii. 472; enriches himself from the plunder of the jeweller Baduere, ii. 485; helps to persuade Charles IX. to assume the responsibility of the massacre, ii. 491; his letter to Montsoreau, Governor of Saumur, ii. 503; sent to assume command of the army besieging La Rochelle, ii. 585; issues stringent ordinances after the example of the Huguenots, ib.; he is elected King of Poland, ii. 593; his reception at Heidelberg by the Elector Palatine, Frederick the Pious, ii. 610, seq.; his personal appearance, ii. 610, note; his lying assertions and the elector's frank remonstrance, ii. 611, 612.

Antoine de Bourbon-Vendome, King of Navarre. See Navarre, Antoine, King of.

Aosta, story of Calvin's labors at, i. 207.

Arande, Michel d', i. 74, 96; his reply to Farel, i. 97.

Aremberg Count, sent by Alva to France, ii. 213, 214.

Arnay-le-Duc, battle of, June 25, 1570, ii. 354, seq.

Arras, Bishop of. See Granvelle, Cardinal.

Arras, execution of Vaudois at, i. 63.

Artois and Flanders, i. 66; ii. 186.

Assembly, a political, of the Huguenots, held in Nismes, Nov., 1562, ii. 86; a military organization of the Huguenots provided for by the assembly of Montauban, Aug., 1573, ii. 600; previous assemblies, ii. 601, note; the organization perfected in the assembly of Milhau, Dec. 17, 1573, ii. 617-619.

Astrology, popular belief in, i. 47.

Aubenas, a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280.

Aubigne, Agrippa d', at Amboise, i. 392; his father's exclamation, i. 393; his testimony as to Chancellor L'Hospital's complicity with the conspirators of Amboise, i. 412; his father appointed a commissioner for the execution of the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. 132; his enlistment in the Huguenot army, ii. 275; on the firing of Charles IX. on the Huguenots at the massacre, ii. 483; on the magnanimous reply of the Viscount D'Orthez to the king, ii. 528, note; on the effect of the massacre on the king himself, ii. 560, 561; his account of Regnier's deliverance of Montauban, ii. 575; of the death of Count Montgomery, ii. 634, 635, note.

Aubigne, Merle d'. See Merle.

Audeberte, Anne her martyrdom, i, 278.

Auger, or Augier, Edmond, his violent sermons at Bordeaux, ii. 523.

Aumale, Claude, Duke of, i. 269; marries a daughter of Diana of Poitiers, i. 273; his jealousy of the Duke of Nemours, ii. 317; pursues the Huguenots, ii. 336; helps arrange the plan for assassinating Coligny, ii. 435; receives a rough answer from Charles IX., ii. 446; pursues Montgomery, ii. 482; is killed before La Rochelle, March 3, 1573, ii. 585.

Aurillac, ii. 348.

Autun, the "mice" of, i. 238.

Auxerre, assassination of Huguenots at, ii. 249.

Avenelles, Des, betrays the designs of La Renaudie to the Guises, i. 382.

"Aventuriers," i. 44.

Avignon, i. 4; popes at, i. 28.

Ayamonte, Marquis d', sent by Philip II. to congratulate Charles IX. on the massacre of the Huguenots, ii. 540.

"Aygnos," for Huguenots, ii. 180, note.

B.

"Babylonish captivity," i. 28.

Baden, Marquis of, ii. 298, 334.

Baden, the Swiss Diet of, ii. 558.

Baduere, a rich jeweller in Paris and a Huguenot, great plunder obtained by the Duke of Anjou from his shop, ii. 485, 613.

Ballads, Huguenot, ii. 120-125.

Balue, Cardinal, i. 34.

Barbaro, a Venetian ambassador, regards the conference of Saint Germain as an efficient means of spreading heresy, ii. 9; on Catharine de' Medici, ii. 370.

Barrier, a Franciscan monk and curate at Provins, his remarks to the people when ordered to make proclamation of the king's tolerant order, i. 477, note; his seditious sermon on the edict of January, ii. 5, 6; at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 279.

Bassompierre, ii. 298.

Battle of Pavia, Feb 24, 1525, i. 122; of Saint Quentin, Aug. 10, 1557, i. 302; of Dreux, Dec. 19, 1562, ii. 93; of Saint Denis, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. 213-215; of Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. 301, 302; of La Roche Abeille, ii. 319; of Moncontour, Oct. 3, 1569, ii. 332-336; of Arnay-le-Duc, June 25 and 26, 1570, ii. 354.

Baum, Professor, on the reply of Conde to the "petition" of the Triumvirs, ii. 61.

Bayonne, Conference of, June, 1565, ii. 167, seq.; proposed by Catharine de' Medici, ib.; looked upon with suspicion by Philip II. and Alva, ii. 167, 168; current misapprehensions respecting its object, ii. 168, 169; what was actually proposed, ii. 171; Charles declares himself against war, ii. 172; the discussion between Alva, Catharine, and Isabella, ii. 172-175; no plan of extermination adopted or even proposed, ii. 176; festivities and pageantry, ii. 176-179; the assertion of Adriani that the "Sicilian Vespers" projected at Bayonne were to have been executed at Moulins, ii. 183; some of the appointed victims, ii. 198, note.

Bearn, i. 108; establishment of the Reformation in, ii. 148, seq.; Montgomery takes a great part of, ii. 323.

Beaudine, ii. 352, 475.

Beaugency "loaned" by Conde to the King of Navarre, ii. 63; retaken by the Huguenots, ii. 66.

Beauvais, riot at, occasioned by the suspected Protestantism of Cardinal Chatillon, bishop of the city, i. 474, seq.

Beauvoir la Nocle, a Huguenot negotiator, ii. 357, 359, 363; escapes from the massacre, ii. 481-483, 625.

Becanis, Vidal de, an inquisitor, i. 289.

Beda, or Bedier, Natalis, i. 23, 71, 151.

Belin, an agent in the massacre of Troyes, ii. 507, 508.

Bellay, Guillaume du, i. 150; labors for conciliation, i. 160; his representations at Smalcald to the German princes, i. 188; makes in the name of Francis I., a Protestant confession, i. 189; is instructed to investigate the history and character of the Waldenses of Merindol, i. 239; his favorable report, i. 240.

Bellay, Jean du, Bishop of Paris, leans to the reformed doctrine, i. 156.

Bellievre, his lying representations to the Swiss respecting the admiral, the massacre, etc., ii. 558, 559.

Berchon, Governor of Orange, expelled, ii. 620.

Berne, canton of, intercedes for the relatives of Farel, but receives a rough answer from Francis I., i. 156; again applies to him, with similar results, i. 192; intercedes for the Five Scholars of Lausanne, i. 284; other intercessions, i. 286, 309, 310; sends troops to the aid of the Huguenots, but afterward recalls them, ii. 56.

Berquin, Louis de, i. 44; his character, i. 128; becomes a reformer, i. 129; prosecuted and imprisoned but released by order of the king, i. 130; becomes acquainted with Erasmus, ib.; his second imprisonment, i. 131; and release, i. 132; intercessions of Margaret of Angouleme, i. 132; his third arrest, i. 143, seq.; his execution, i. 145; elegies on, i. 157.

Berthault, an evangelical preacher, i. 151.

Bethisy, rue de, ii. 438, note.

Beza, or De Beze, Theodore, efforts in behalf of the persecuted Protestants of Paris, i. 309; consulted as to revolution, i. 377; dissuades the French Protestants from armed resistance, i. 378; his comment upon the edict of amnesty, i. 386; invited by Antoine of Bourbon to Nerac, i. 431; he returns to Geneva, i. 435; he is invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 494; urged by the Protestants of Paris to come, i. 496; his hesitation, but final consent, i. 497; he reaches St. Germain, ib.; his previous history, i. 497, 498; he has a flattering reception, i. 502; distrusts Chancellor L'Hospital, ib.; has a discussion with Cardinal Lorraine, who professes to be satisfied, i. 503, 504; his diffidence, i. 512; his retort to the sneer of a cardinal, i. 514; his prayer and address, i. 514-521; he is interrupted by an outcry of the theologians of the Sorbonne, i. 519; his brilliant success, i. 523; his frankness justified, i. 524; he asks a hearing to answer Cardinal Lorraine, i. 529; his reply, i. 532, 533; he skilfully parries the cardinal's demand that he should subscribe to the Augsburg Confession, ib.; his remarks on Romish "vocation," i. 534; and a proper and amicable conference, i. 535; he excites the anger of the prelates, i. 536; replies to Lainez, i. 537; at the conference of Saint Germain, i. 539, seq.; is begged by Catharine de' Medici, Conde and Coligny to remain in France, i. 559; his anxiety to restrain the Protestants from violence, i. 565; urges the Huguenots to obey the edict of January, ii. 4; he demands the punishment of the authors of the massacre of Vassy, ii. 27; his noble answer to the King of Navarre, ii. 28; he is the probable author of Conde's reply to the "petition" of the Triumvirs, ii. 61; his view of the practicability of taking Paris, ii. 88; he is accused by Poltrot of having instigated the murder of the Duke of Guise, ii. 105; he vindicates his innocence, ii. 106; he is moderator of the seventh national synod, ii. 388, note; a price set on his head by the Duchess of Parma, ib.; his remarks on Coligny's death, ii. 554; his sermon on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 555; his lively sympathy with the persecuted Huguenots, ii. 556, note.

Bible, old translations of, unfaithful, i. 77, 78; translation of Lefevre, i. 78; eagerly bought, i. 79; sale of French translations, i. 219; translated by Olivetanus, i. 233.

Birague at the blood council, ii. 447.

Biron pursues the Huguenots after the battle of Moncontour, ii. 336; negotiates with Coligny, ii. 359, 363; carries to the Queen of Navarre the proposal of the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. 394; in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 473; sent to La Rochelle as governor, ii. 578; is not received, ib.; ii. 581, 582, 616, 617; his new negotiations before La Rochelle ii. 621, 622.

Blamont, ii. 609.

Blasphemous taunts addressed to the Huguenots at Orleans in the massacre, ii. 509; See also, ii. 570, 571.

Blaye, ii. 283.

Blondel, executed at Toulouse, for singing a profane hymn of Marot at Corpus Christi, i. 297.

Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, his false representations to the German princes respecting the Huguenots, ii. 217.

Boissiere, Claude de la, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Bombs, used by the Protestant garrison of Orleans, ii. 101.

Boniface VIII., Pope, i. 27.

Book-pedlers from Switzerland, i. 281.

Books, war upon, i. 280; not to be sold by pedlers, i. 281.

Bordeaux, Parliament of, i. 19; sanguinary action of, after the battle of Jarnac, ii. 310.

Bordeaux, the boldness of the "Lutherans" of, according to the archbishop of the city, i. 221; oppression to which the Protestants were subjected, ii. 164; massacre of, Oct., 1572, ii. 522-524.

Boscheron des Portes, President, gives credit to an alleged admission of disloyal intentions on the part of La Renaudie, i. 394-396.

Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux his admiration of the sagacity of the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 546.

Botzheim, Johann Wilhelm von his account of the massacre at Orleans, ii. 569, seq.

Bouchavannes, ii. 453.

Bouchet, Jean, his "Deploration," i. 65.

Bouillon, Duc de, ii. 625.

Boulogne, edict of pacification of, July, 1573, ii. 593.

Bouquin, Jean, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Bourbon, Antoine of. See Antoine, King of Navarre.

Bourbon, Cardinal his speech to the notables i. 136; exhorts Francis to prove himself "Very Christian," i. 137; he is made governor of Paris in place of Marshal Montmorency, ii. 33; his anger at L'Hospital's action in behalf of the scattered Protestants, ii. 186.

Bourg, Anne du, a learned and upright member of the Parliament of Paris, makes an eloquent plea for religious liberty in the "mercuriale," i. 334; his arrest, i. 335; his trial and successive appeals, i. 368; his officious advocate, i. 369; his message to the Protestants of Paris, ib.; his deportment in the Bastile, i. 370; intercession of the Elector Palatine in his behalf, ib.; his pathetic and eloquent speech i. 371; his death, i. 372; a disastrous blow to the established church, i. 373; account of Florimond de Raemond, i. 373, 374.

Bourg, Jean du, a wealthy draper, executed, i. 172.

Bourges, captured by Marshal Saint Andre, ii. 71, 72; violence at, ii. 249; unsuccessful attempt upon, ii. 344; massacre of Protestants at, ii. 511, 512.

Bourges, council of, i. 29; provincial council of, i. 139.

Bourniquet, Viscount of, ii. 230, note.

Bourry, a Protestant captain, ii. 329.

Bouteiller, Abbe, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. 538; his doctrinal views, i. 548.

Brandenburg, the Elector of, declines to help the Huguenots, ii. 217.

Brantome, the Abbe de, his eulogy of Renee de France, i. 206; on the massacre of Vassy, ii. 24; on the firing of Charles IX. on the Huguenots, ii. 482, note; on the chief actors in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 562.

Brazil, a Protestant colony sent to, under Villegagnon, i. 291; fails through Villegagnon's hostility to Protestantism, i. 294.

Bresse, i. 3, 66.

Bretagne, Jacques, "vierg" of Autun, his able speech for the "tiers etat" at the States General of Pontoise, i. 489.

Briconnet, Guillaume, Bishop of Meaux, i. 72; invites Lefevre and Farel, i. 73; his warning, i. 77; his weakness, i. 79, 80, 81; his synodal decree, i. 80; cited before parliament, i. 82; becomes the jailer of the "Lutherans," i. 92; his correspondence with Margaret of Angouleme, i. 108.

Briquemault, execution of, Oct. 27, 1573, for alleged complicity in a Huguenot conspiracy against the king, ii. 548, 549.

Brouage, ii. 576.

Browning, W. S., his error as to the authorship of the "Vie de Coligny," i. 418, note.

Brugiere, execution of, i. 276.

Bude, Guillaume, i. 144.

Burgundians, their intolerance of the Reformation, ii. 185.

Burleigh, Lord (see also Cecil), promotes the match between the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, ii. 381.

Busbec, his delineation of the character of the Duke of Alencon, ii. 620.

Bussy, or Bucy, Porte de, ii. 483.

Bussy d'Amboise murders the Marquis de Renel, ii. 472.

C.

Cabrieres, destruction of i. 248.

Caen, in Normandy, Protestant assemblies in, i. 408; iconoclasm at, ii. 44; saved from becoming a scene of massacre, by M. de Matignon, ii. 526.

Caillaud, President, exceptional fairness of, i. 219.

Calais, captured by Francis, Duke of Guise, i. 312.

Calvin, John, the real author of Rector Cop's address, i. 154; his flight from Paris, i. 155; his language respecting Francis I. and Charles V., i. 195; becomes the apologist of the Protestants, i. 198; his birth and training, ib.; studies at Paris, Orleans, and Bourges, i. 199; is a pupil of Melchior Wolmar, ib.; translates Seneca "De Clementia," i. 200; his flight to Angouleme, i. 201; traditions respecting his preaching, ib.; he resigns his benefices, ib.; reaches Basle, i. 201; writes his "Christian Institutes," i. 202; the original edition in Latin, ib.; the preface, i. 203, 204; it has no effect in allaying persecution, but achieves distinction for its author, i. 204; he revises the Bible of Olivetanus, i. 205; he visits Italy, ib.; said to have labored at Aosta, i. 207; passing through Geneva, is detained by the urgency of Farel, i. 208; becomes the head of the commonwealth, i. 210; his views respecting church and state, ib.; respecting the punishment of heresy, i. 211; approves of the execution, but not the burning of Servetus, i. 212; his fault the fault of the age, ib.; he shuns notoriety, i. 213; his character and natural endowments, i. 214; he is consulted by Protestants in every quarter of Europe, ib.; his constant toils, ib.; he encounters bitter opposition, but obtains the support of the people, i. 215; estimate of his character by Etienne Pasquier, i. 216; his great influence, according to the Venetian Michiel, ib.; writes against the Nicodemites and Libertines, i. 225; consoles Protestant Church of Paris, i. 308; and writes to stir up intercession in behalf of the prisoners, ib.; his liturgy, i. 342, seq.; pseudo-Roman edition of, i. 275, 344; consulted as to revolution, i. 377; dissuades from armed resistance, foreseeing civil war, i. 378; endeavors to repress the tendency to iconoclasm, i. 487; why he was not invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 494; his letter to Renee de France respecting the Duke of Guise, ii. 110.

Cambray, the Archbishop of, ii. 187, 189, 190; his vengeance upon Cateau-Cambresis, ii. 191.

"Camisade," attempted, ii. 65.

Capilupi, author of "Lo stratagema," ii. 436, etc.

Caraffa, Cardinal, nephew of Paul IV., negotiates the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles, i. 298; his character, ib.

Carnavalet, M. de, ii. 220.

Caroli, Pierre, wearies out Beda, i. 118.

Caroline, a strong earthwork thrown up by the Huguenots in Florida, ii. 200.

Carouge, M. de, at Rouen, ii. 519, seq.

Cartier, ii. 328.

Castelnau, Baron de, treacherous capture of, i. 388.

Castelnau, Michel de, Sieur de Mauvissiere, the historian, sent by the Triumvirs to Catharine before the battle of Dreux, ii. 92; sent by Charles IX. to congratulate Alva, ii. 206, note; ii. 212, 213; his sketch of Coligny's plan of march, ii. 348, 356.

Castel-Sarrasin, ii. 575.

Castres refuses to admit a garrison, in 1568, ii. 250; a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280, 578.

Cateau-Cambresis, the peace of, April 3, 1559, i. 322; its disgraceful and disastrous conditions, i. 323; a secret treaty for the extermination of the Protestants supposed, without sufficient reason, to have been drawn up at the same time, i. 324-326; the Reformation in, ii. 187-191; iconoclasm at, ii. 190; the Protestants claim the benefit of the "Accord," ib.

Cathari, i. 61, 62.

Catharine de' Medici, i. 41; credits the predictions of Nostradamus, i. 47; her marriage to Henry of Orleans, afterward Henry II, i. 148; dissatisfaction of French people, ib.; her dream the night before Henry II is mortally wounded, i. 339; assumes an important part in the government, i. 348; her timidity and dissimulation, i. 349; she dismisses Diana of Poitiers, ib.; her alliance with the Guises, i. 350; asks aid of Philip II, and receives promises, i. 358; is appealed to by the persecuted Protestants, i. 362; she encourages them, i. 363; her favorite psalm, ib.; she receives a second and more urgent appeal, i. 364; her indignation at the stories of the orgies in "la petite Geneve," i. 365; she declares that the Protestants are men of their word, i. 383; she consults Coligny at the time of the Tumult of Amboise and receives good advice, i. 383, 384; receives a letter from the Huguenots signed Theophilus, i. 409; consults Regnier de la Planche, i. 410; rejects the advances of the Guises, just before the death of Francis II, i. 443; and makes terms with Navarre who yields the regency without a struggle, i. 444; her adroitness in the management of Navarre, i. 452; the difficulties confronting her, i. 453; her letter to her daughter Isabella, i. 454; her determination to hold the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 499; her excuses to the Pope and Philip II., i. 500; warns her son Charles against gross superstition and against innovation, ib., note; her letter to Pius IV., i. 500, 501; its effect at Rome, i. 501; she is much pleased with the results of the first interview between Beza and Cardinal Lorraine, i. 504; she consents that the prelates shall not act as judges in the colloquy at Poissy, but will not have the decree put in writing, i. 507; she is resolute that the colloquy should be held, i. 508; refuses Cardinal Tournon's request to interrupt it, i. 522; her premature delight at the reported accord in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. 541; her financial success with the prelates, i. 543; her crude notion of a conference, i. 547; is compared by Roman Catholic preachers to Jezebel, ii. 5; causes the retirement of Constable Montmorency, ii. 18; sends for the Guises, ib.; after the massacre of Vassy, orders the Duke of Guise to enter Paris, but invites him to come to court with a small suite, ii. 27; her anxiety, ii. 29; she removes with the king from Monceaux to Melun, ii. 30; and thence to Fontainebleau, ii. 31; Soubise's account of her painful indecision, ib.; her letters to Conde imploring his help, ii., 31, 32; is brought back to Paris, ii. 36; Tavannes's view of her inclination to the Huguenots, ii. 39; her terror, ii. 47; unites in a declaration that the king is not in duress, ii. 54; confers with Conde, with a view to peace, ii. 62; her crafty negotiations, ii. 64; her speech to Throkmorton respecting the English in Normandy, ii. 75; delays Conde by negotiations before Paris, ii. 89; her reply when consulted by the Triumvirs as to the propriety of engaging the Huguenots, ii. 92, 93; her exclamation on receiving false tidings from the battle of Dreux, ii. 96; her promises to Conde at the peace of Amboise, ii. 117; Huguenot songs respecting, ii. 124; her embarrassment in respect to the fulfilment of her promises, ii. 137; resolves to declare the majority of Charles IX., ii. 138; she endeavors to seduce Conde from the Huguenots, ii. 144; her alienation from the Huguenots, ii. 159, 160; commands her maids of honor to go to mass, ii. 160; her regulation respecting the deportment of gentlemen, ii. 160, note; proposes the conference at Bayonne, ii. 167 (see Bayonne, Conference of); she opposes violent measures, ii. 172-176; forbids Cardinal Lorraine to hold communication with Granvelle and Chantonnay, ii. 181; she gives assurances to Conde just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 198; she favors the colonization of Florida by the Huguenots, ii. 199; her resolute demands for satisfaction for the murder of the colonists, ii. 201, 202; she exonerates the Huguenots from disloyal acts and intentions, ii. 219; her treacherous diplomacy, ii. 220, 221; again invokes Alva's help, ii. 222; Cardinal Santa Croce, the papal nuncio, claims the fulfilment of her promise to surrender Cardinal Chatillon to the Pope, ii. 228, 229; she inclines toward peace, ii. 232; she is never sincere, ii. 237; her short-sightedness, ii. 238; sides with L'Hospital's enemies, ii. 254; her intrigues, ii. 255; entreated by Charles IX. to avoid war, ii. 262; her animosity against L'Hospital, whom she suspects of having prompted her son, ii. 263; she receives congratulations and sanguinary recommendations from Pope Pius V., after the battle of Jarnac, ii. 308; negotiates for peace, ii. 356; her duplicity, ii. 358; inclines to peace, ii. 360; was she sincere in concluding the peace of Saint Germain? ii. 369; her study of the example of Queen Blanche, ii. 370; her character, according to Barbaro, ib.; she is warned by the Queen of Navarre, ii. 373; she proposes to substitute Alencon for Anjou, as suitor for the hand of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 380; her vexation at the fresh scruples of Anjou, ii. 383; she treats the Queen of Navarre with tantalizing insincerity, ii. 404, 405; she awaits Queen Elizabeth's decision, ii. 413; the rout of Genlis determines her to take the Spanish side, ii. 416; she follows Charles IX. to Montpipeau and breaks down her son's resolution, ii. 418, 420; she is terrified by rumors of Elizabeth's desertion of her allies, ii. 419; her jealousy of Coligny's influence, ii. 433; she and Anjou resolve to put him out of the way, ii. 434; declares to the Huguenots that the attack on Coligny must be punished, ii. 440; she visits the wounded admiral, ii. 441; looks with suspicion on the private conference of Charles and Coligny, ii. 443; she cuts it short, and on the way to the Louvre discovers the advice of Coligny, ii. 444; learning that Coligny's wound will not prove fatal, she adopts extreme measures, ii. 446; she plies Charles with arguments to terrify him into authorizing a massacre of the Huguenots, ii. 447, 448; he yields reluctantly, ii. 449; Catharine takes the responsibility upon herself for only six deaths, ii. 450; goes down to the square in front of the Louvre, with her ladies, to view the naked corpses of the Huguenot leaders, ii. 476; persuades Charles to assume the responsibility of the massacre, ii. 491; her unsuccessful attempt to alienate the sympathy of Queen Elizabeth from Coligny, ii. 547; her lying representation of the massacre in the provinces as having been contrary to the king's will, ib., note; not influenced by religious motives, ii. 563; spurious letter of, to Philip Strozzi, ii. 577; her anxiety for the safety of Henry of Anjou, ii. 586; her flight from St. Germain, ii. 626; her delight at the capture of Count Montgomery, ii. 631, 632; she obtains from Charles IX. the regency until the return of Henry of Anjou from Poland, ii. 636.

Caturce, Jean de, executed at Toulouse, i. 150.

Caumont, Viscount of, ii. 230, note.

Cavaignes, his execution, Oct. 27, 1572, for alleged complicity in a Huguenot conspiracy, ii. 548; his magnanimity, ii. 549, note.

Cavalry, French, i. 10.

Caylus, Chevalier de, ii. 604.

Cecil urges Elizabeth to aid the Huguenots, and plans for this effect, ii. 56; on siege of Poitiers, ii. 325. See Burleigh.

Cental, Vaudois villages belonging to the noble house of, i. 230, 246.

Chailly, M. de, ii. 439.

Chalons-sur-Marne, the call for Protestant ministers in the vicinity of, i. 562.

"Chambre ardente," a separate and special chamber of parliament, to try heresy, established first at Rouen, by Francis I., i. 274; afterward at Paris, by Henry II., i. 275; under Francis II., i. 366.

Champeaux, M. de, ii. 509.

Chancellor of France, his oath, i. 18.

Chancellor of the university, i. 22.

"Change of religion involves change of government," accepted as an aphorism, i. 104, 126.

Chantonnay, ambassador of Philip II., alarmed at the violence of the proscriptive plans formed before the death of Francis II., i. 441; his insolent threats, ii. 29; his boast that, with Throkmorton, he could overturn the state, ii. 181.

Chapot, John, a printer from Dauphiny, executed at Paris, i. 256.

Charente, the river, ii. 299.

Charite, La, on the Loire, ii. 324; siege of, 325, 355.

Charles VII. publishes the Pragmatic Sanction, i. 29.

Charles VIII. confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Charles Maximilian, second son of Henry II., afterward king as Charles IX., i. 415; his accession, Dec. 5, 1560, i. 449; transfer of power consequent upon, i. 450; financial embarrassment and religious dissension, i. 453; he writes to the magistrates of Geneva to stop the coming of Protestant ministers, i. 463; their prompt and complete vindication, i. 464; he issues a new and tolerant order, i. 476; which is opposed by parliament, i. 477; publishes the "Edict of July," by which all Protestant conventicles are still prohibited, i. 488; his conversation with his mother about superstition and innovation, i. 500, note; orders the restitution of churches, i. 544; hopes entertained by the Protestants respecting him, i. 557; his curiosity as to the mass, i. 558; his health, ib., note; issues an order favorable to the Huguenots, i. 560; publishes the "Edict of January," in accordance with which the Huguenots cease to be outlaws, i. 576, 577; retires from Monceaux to Melun, ii. 30; and thence to Fontainebleau, ii. 31; is hurried back to Paris by Navarre and Guise, ii. 36; his declaration that he is not held in duress, ii. 54; his edict of April 11, 1562, ostensibly re-enacting, but really annulling the edict of January, ii. 57; receives reinforcements from Germany and Switzerland, ii. 70, 71; issues his edict of pacification, Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. 115; demands of Queen Elizabeth the restoration of Havre, ii. 126; he proclaims his own majority, Rouen, Aug. 17, 1563, ii. 138; he sternly reproves the refractory Parliament of Paris, ii. 139, 140; his "progress" through France, ii. 157, seq.; his interpretative edicts and declarations infringe upon the edict of pacification, ii. 161, 162; to Conde's appeal, ii. 162; he makes a conciliatory reply, ii. 164; he reconciles the inhabitants of Orange and the Comtat Venaissin, ii. 165; he reaches Bayonne, ii. 167 (see Bayonne, Conference of); forbids the formation of confraternities, ii. 180; his edict obtained by Chancellor L'Hospital, for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. 184, 185; he is reported to have been threatened by Philip II. and the Pope, ii. 195; his flight from Meaux to Paris, at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 207; his sanguinary injunctions to Gordes, ii. 209, note; he is alienated from the Huguenots by the attempt of Meaux, ii. 210; is moved by Spain, Rome, and the Sorbonne, to decline further negotiations with Conde, ii. 228; he issues the edict of pacification, Longjumeau, March 23, 1568, terminating the second civil war, ii. 234; his indignation at a treacherous plan formed to violate the peace, ii. 237; his proclamation that he had not, in the edict of Longjumeau, intended to include Auvergne, etc., ii. 244; entreats his mother to avoid war, ii. 262; his edicts of Sept., 1568, proscribing the reformed religion, ii. 275, 276; impolicy of this action, ii. 277; attempt to make capital out of them, ib.; receives congratulations and sanguinary injunctions from Pope Pius V., after the battle of Jarnac, ii. 308; treats the Duke of Deux-Ponts' declaration with contempt, ii. 316; rewards Maurevel for the murder of De Mouy with the collar of the order, ii. 338; his letter, ib.; offers the Huguenots impossible terms, ii. 357, 358; becomes strongly inclined to peace, ii. 360; he issues the edict of pacification, Saint Germain, Aug. 2, 1570, terminating the third civil war, ii. 363, seq.; his earnestness as to the peace, ii. 370; he tears out the record of proceedings against Cardinal Chatillon from the parliamentary registers, ii. 371; his assurances to Walsingham, ib.; his gracious answer to the German princes, ii. 372; he orders the "Croix de Gastines" to be taken down, ii. 375, 376; indignant at the attempts to dissuade Anjou from marrying Queen Elizabeth, ii. 379; and at the affront received from Sebastian of Portugal, ib.; his gracious reception of Coligny at Blois, ii. 389; he intercedes with the Duke of Savoy in behalf of the Waldenses of Piedmont, ii. 390; he denies that he has seen Louis of Nassau at all, ii. 391; expresses gratification at the progress of conciliation in his dominions, ii. 392; enters into a treaty of amity with Queen Elizabeth, April 18, 1572, ii. 398; his assurances to the Cardinal of Alessandria, ii. 400-403; he expresses to Teligny his disgust with his present counsellors, ii. 409; his earnestness respecting the Navarre marriage, ii. 411; publishes anew the edict of pacification, ib.; the Flemish project inflames his imagination, ii. 411, 412; the more after the capture of Valenciennes and Mons, ii. 412; his mother, following him to Montpipeau, by her tears succeeds in breaking down his resolution, ii. 418-420; he is thoroughly cast down, ii. 420; Coligny partially succeeds in reassuring him, ii. 421; his anger at hearing that Alva had put some French soldiers to the torture, ii. 433; his menacing deportment toward Anjou, ii. 434; he gives Coligny assurances that he will soon attend to Protestant grievances, ii. 437; his agitation on learning of Coligny's wound, ii. 439; his promise of punishment, ii. 440; he visits Admiral Coligny, ii. 441; his private conference, ii. 443; he reveals its character to the queen mother, ii. 444; he writes to his governors and ambassadors expressing his extreme displeasure at the infraction of his edict, ii. 445; he is plied with arguments to frighten him into authorizing the massacre of the Huguenots, ii. 447, 448; he reluctantly consents, ii. 449; but stipulates that not one Huguenot shall be spared to reproach him, ib.; sends Cosseins to guard Coligny, ii. 452; issues orders to the prevot des marchands to seize the keys of the gates, and the boats upon the Seine, ii. 454; he commands Navarre and Conde to abjure Protestantism, ii. 468; fires an arquebuse at the fleeing Huguenots, ii. 482; he is waited upon by the municipal officers, ii. 486; his first letter to Mandelot throwing the blame for the massacre upon the Guises, ii. 490; assumes the responsibility for the massacre, ii. 492; his speech at the "lit de justice," ib.; his words at Montfaucon, ii. 497; he declares that he will maintain the edict of pacification, ii. 498; change in his character after the massacre, ii. 499; his letter of Aug. 26, 1572, to Mondoucet, predicting the massacre in the provinces, ii. 502; the verbal orders, ib.; his declaration of Aug. 28, ib.; his letter to Mandelot of Aug. 28, ii. 502, 503; the double set of letters, ii. 504; instigates the murder of French prisoners by the Duke of Alva, ii. 539; his letters to La Mothe Fenelon, ii. 542, 543; he profanes the day of his daughter's birth by witnessing the execution of Briquemault and Cavaignes, ii. 549; plots the destruction of Geneva, ii. 557; his guilt in the eyes of the world, ii. 559; disastrous effects of the massacre on the king himself, ii. 560, 561; sends La Noue to treat with the Rochellois, ii. 579; his joy at the election of Anjou as King of Poland, ii. 593; issues his edict of pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573, terminating the fourth civil war, ii. 593, 594; takes part in the disgraceful "affair of Nantouillet," ii. 598, 599; decline of his health, ii. 605; his illness at Vitry le-Francais, ii. 606; his last days, ii. 638; distress of his young queen, ii. 636; representations of Sorbin his confessor, ii. 637; his death, May 30, 1574, ii. 637, 638; his funeral rites, ii. 638, 639.

Charles, Duke of Orleans, youngest son of Francis I, represents himself to the German princes as favoring the Reformation, i. 227, 228; his death, i. 259.

Charlesfort, ii. 199.

Charpentier, Jacques, instigates the murder of his rival professor, Pierre de la Ramee, or Ramus, ii. 478.

Charpentier, Pierre, a Protestant jurist, who escapes from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, bribed by the king to write a justification of the massacre for circulation abroad, ii. 553, 593.

Chartres, besieged by the Huguenots under the Prince of Conde, ii. 231.

Chartres, Francois de Vendome, Vidame of, thrown into the Bastile, i. 425.

Chartres, Jean de Ferrieres, Vidame of, ii. 220, 377; advises the Huguenots to leave Paris, ii. 445, 451, 453; escapes from the massacre, ii. 481-483.

Chartreuse, La Grande, ii. 621.

Chassanee, Barth. de, on church of the Virgin "pariturae," i. 59; he declares "Lutheranism" in France suppressed, i. 137; his defence of the "mice of Autun," i. 238; his clemency to the Waldenses, ib.; his definition of "haute justice," ii. 364, note.

Chassetiere, La, ii. 359.

Chastelier-Pourtaut de Latour, ii. 218, 292; treacherously murdered at Jarnac, 304.

Chastre, M. de la, Governor of Berry, his noble letter to the king refusing to put to death some captured Huguenots, ii. 344, 345, note; ii. 597, note; lays siege to Sancerre, ii. 590; his character, ii. 597, note.

Chataigneraie, Madame de la, ii. 472, 474, note.

Chateaubriand, edict of, June 27, 1551, i. 279; its effects, i. 282.

Chatellain, Jean, of Metz, i. 114; his trial and execution, i. 115, 116.

Chatellerault taken by the Huguenots, ii. 323.

Chatillon, Odet de, Cardinal, elder brother of Admiral Coligny, appointed by Paul IV. one of the three inquisitors-general, i. 299; his Protestant proclivities, ib.; riot at Beauvais in consequence of the suspicion that he is a Protestant, i. 474, seq.; his communion under both forms, i. 499; he is cited by the Pope, ii. 141; the papal nuncio demands that the red cap be taken from him, ii. 182; the constable assumes his defence, ii. 182, 183; treats with Catharine, ii. 221; Cardinal Santa Croce, the papal nuncio, claims the fulfilment of Catharine de' Medici's promise to surrender him to the Pope, ii. 229; his escort of twenty horse, ib., note; his reception by Queen Elizabeth, ii. 291; his anxiety respecting the peace, ii. 363; Charles IX tears out the record against him from the parliamentary registers, ii. 371, 377; death of, ii. 389.

Chatillon-sur-Loire, ii. 328.

Chavagnac, ii. 603.

Christaudins, a nickname for the French Protestants i. 330.

Christopher, Duke, younger son of the elector palatine, ii. 609, 610.

Churches, order for the restitution of the, i. 544; the surrender of, urged by Beza, ii. 4.

Cipierre (Rene of Savoy, son of the Count of Tende), ii. 225; murder of, ii. 248, 249.

Cities, privileges of, i. 9.

Clemangis, Nicholas de, i. 23, 63.

Clemency, spurious account of, ii. 525.

Clement VII., Pope, his brief and bull indorsing the Inquisitorial Commission, i. 126, seq.; gives lands of heretics to first comer, i. 128; meets Francis I. at Marseilles, i 148; proposes to him a crusade, i. 149.

Clergy, wealth and power of, i. 51; plurality of benefices, ib.; non-residence, i. 52; revenues, ib.; morals of, i. 53; have no regard for the spiritual wants of the people, i. 53; before the concordat, i. 54, 55; aversion to use of the French language, i. 56; ignorance of the Bible, i. 57; sad straits of, i. 459; alone, make no progress, i. 460.

Clerici, Nicholas, Dean of the Sorbonne, i. 256.

Clermont, murder at, ii. 249.

Clery, violence of the iconoclasts at, ii. 44.

Cleves, Marie of, daughter of the Duke of Nevers, marries Henry of Conde, ii. 432, note; permits the Protestants of Troyes to worship at Isle-au-Mont, ib.

Coconnas, a leading actor in the Massacre of St Bartholomew's Day, his fate, ii. 562; he is executed on the Place de Greve, ii. 628, 629.

Cocqueville, expedition of, into Flanders, and its fate, ii. 242, 243.

Coct, Anemond de, i. 83.

Cognac, ii. 283, 299, 300.

Cognat, or Cognac, village in Auvergne, near which the "Viscounts" defeat the forces collected to oppose them, ii. 230.

Coin, a strange, i. 59.

Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral of France, sends a Protestant colony to Brazil, i. 291; when converted to Protestantism, i. 292; opposes the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles i. 297; is consulted by Catharine de' Medici at the time of the Tumult of Amboise, and gives her sound advice, i. 383, 384; presents two Huguenot petitions at Fontainebleau, i. 416, 417; his speech, i. 421; Quintin forced to apologize to, i. 460; he presents a Huguenot petition to the States General of Orleans, i. 461; declares that the "Edict of July" can never be executed, i. 484; his reluctance to take up arms, ii. 34; his wife's remonstrance, ii. 35; his aversion to calling in foreign assistance, ii. 57; his remarks on the discipline of the Huguenot army, ii. 67; on the practicability of capturing Paris, ii. 88; his success with the Huguenot right at Dreux, ii. 93, 94; draws off the army after the defeat, to Orleans, ii. 95; takes a number of places in Sologne, ii. 98; returns to Normandy, ib.; his successes, ii. 99; he is accused by Poltrot of having instigated the murder of Guise, ii. 105; he vindicates his innocence, ii. 107; his manly frankness, ib.; his innocence established, ii. 108; his defence espoused by Conde and the Montmorencies, ii. 135; the petition of the Guises aimed at him, ii. 136; the settlement of the feud delayed, ii. 137; he comes to Paris, on Marshal Montmorency's invitation, ii. 167; is likened by parliament to Pompey the Great, ib.; is reconciled to the Guises at Moulins, ii. 184; attempt to assassinate, ii. 194; remonstrates with Catharine de' Medici, before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 197; projects the Huguenot colonization of Florida, ii. 199; opposes taking up arms at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 203; at the battle of St. Denis, ii. 214; opposes the peace of Longjumeau, ii. 235; death of his wife, Charlotte de Laval, ii. 251; he retires to Tanlay, ii. 252; he is possibly the author of the spirited remonstrance attributed to D'Andelot, ii. 252, 253; attempt of court to ruin, ii. 256; plot to seize, ii. 265; his flight to La Rochelle, ii. 268; his exclamation at the great success of the Huguenots at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 283; his relations with the Prince of Conde, ii. 304; after the death of Conde at Jarnac, draws off the cavalry to Saintes, ii. 306; his new responsibility, ii. 314; his greatness, ii. 315; success of a part of his army at La Roche Abeille, ii. 319; his castle plundered, ii. 321; wishes to lay siege to Saumur, ii. 324; reluctantly consents to lay siege to Poitiers, ib.; declared infamous by parliament, and a price set on his head, ii. 330, 331; his remarks upon the injuries done to him, ii. 331, note; his army weakened, ii. 332; starts to meet Montgomery, ib.; wounded and defeated at Moncontour, ii. 332-336; encouraged by L'Estrange, ii. 347; his bold plan of march, ii. 348; he sweeps through Guyenne, ii. 349; his wonderful success, ii. 352; turns toward Paris, ii. 353; his illness interrupts negotiations, ib.; he engages Marshal Cosse at Arnay-le-Duc, ii. 354; approaches Paris, ii. 355, 356; he is consulted respecting the Flemish project, ii. 386; he marries his second wife, Jacqueline d'Entremont, ib.; marriage of his daughter Louise de Chatillon to Teligny, ii. 387; he accepts an invitation to come to court at Blois, ib.; his honorable reception, ii. 389; he receives a present of one hundred thousand livres from the king, ib.; revisits Chatillon-sur-Loing, ii. 408; accepts the king's invitation to Paris, ii. 409; he is remonstrated with as to his imprudence, but replies magnanimously, ii. 409, 410; he retains his courage after the rout of Genlis, ii. 417; the memorial on the advantages of a Flemish war, ib.; his magnanimity under discouragement, ii. 420; he is partially successful in reassuring the king, ii. 421; at the marriage of Henry of Navarre, ii. 428; his last letter to his wife, ii. 430; Catharine and Anjou resolve to despatch him, ii. 434; they call in the Duchess of Nemours and Henry of Guise, ib.; Coligny receives assurances from the king that he will soon pay attention to the Huguenot complaints, ii. 447; he is wounded by Maurevel, Aug. 22, 1572, ii. 438; his intrepidity, ii. 440; he is visited by Charles and Catharine, ii. 441-444; he dictates letters to his friends, requesting them to remain quiet, ii. 453; his house is entered by Cosseins and his band, ii. 457; he is stabbed by Besme and despatched by others, ii. 458; his body is thrown into the court, where Henry of Guise recognizes and kicks it, ii. 459; his body is ignominiously treated, ib.; the head is sent on to Rome, ii. 460; his character and work, ib.; his reluctance to resort to arms, ii. 461; destruction of his papers, ib., note; his will, ii. 462, note; his ability as a general, ib.; a remark ascribed to him by Lord Macaulay, ii. 463, note; his daily life, ii. 463; a patron of learning, ii. 464; his integrity, ii. 465; the attempt of Catharine to inculpate him, ii. 495; his memory declared infamous, his castle razed, etc., ii. 496; indignities to his remains, 496, 497; his burial-place, ii. 497, note; Walsingham defends his memory, ii. 547.

College Royal, founded, i. 43; opposed by the Sorbonne, i. 44.

Colloquy of Poissy. See Poissy, Colloquy of.

Commission to try Lutherans, i. 124; a new form of inquisition, i. 125; its powers, i. 126; indorsed and enlarged by the Pope, ib.

Compiegne, edict of July 24, 1557, i. 301.

Comtat Venaissin, i. 4; history of, i. 231; Montbrun in, i. 414; the inhabitants of, reconciled by Charles IX. to those of Orange, ii. 165; included in the Huguenot scheme of organization, ii. 618.

Concordat of Leo X. and Francis I., i. 35, 36; excites dissatisfaction, i. 37; opposed by parliament, ib.; reluctantly registered, i. 39; opposed by the university, ib.; advantageous to the crown, i. 41.

Conde, Henry, Prince of, son of Louis: he and his cousin, Henry of Navarre, are recognized as generals-in-chief of the Huguenots, ii. 314; nicknamed "one of the admiral's pages," ib.; at Moncontour, ii. 334; at Paris, ii. 428, 439; he is commanded by the king to abjure Protestantism, and threatened, ii. 468; his brave reply, ii. 469; his forced conversion, ii. 498, 499; he escapes to Germany, ii. 629, 630.

Conde, Louis de Bourbon, Prince of, favors the Reformation, i. 313; his peril after the Tumult of Amboise, i. 393; he is summoned by Francis II., ib.; his defiance and Guise's offer, i. 394; pressure upon him to come to Orleans, i. 432; his infatuation, i. 435; is arrested on his reaching court, i. 436; his remark to his brother the Cardinal of Bourbon, ib.; his courage, i. 437; his wife repulsed, i. 438; he is tried by a commission and is sentenced to death, i. 439, 440; he is cleared by parliament, i. 465; and reconciled to Guise, i. 466; revives the courage of the Protestants at court, ii. 18; he demands the punishment of the author of the massacre of Vassy, ii. 26, 27; meets Guise entering Paris, ii. 29; receives letters from Catharine imploring his help, ii. 31, 32; retires from Paris to Meaux, ii. 33; his course justified by La Noue, ib.; he is too weak to anticipate the Triumvirs at Fontainebleau, ii. 36; throws himself into Orleans, ii. 38, 39; publishes a justification of his assumption of arms, ii. 40; his measures to repress iconoclasm, ii. 43, 45; replies to the petition of the Triumvirs, ii. 59-61; eloquence of the reply, ii. 61; holds an interview with Catharine de' Medici, ii. 62; "loans" Beaugency to the King of Navarre, ii. 63; he retakes it, and furloughs a part of his army, ii. 66; he takes the field, ii. 85; is urged by the Protestant ministers to enforce morality in the army, ii. 86; captures Pithiviers, ii. 87; appears before Paris, ib.; his delay, ii. 89; suffers himself to be amused with fruitless conferences, ii. 90, 91; engages the enemy at Dreux, ii. 93; is taken prisoner, ii. 94; settles with the constable the terms of peace, ii. 113; is deceived by the assurances of Catharine de' Medici, ii. 117; he complains of the insolent speech of Damours, ii. 131; he espouses the defence of Coligny against the Guises, ii. 135; he is enticed by Catharine de' Medici, ii. 144; his amorous intrigue with Isabeau de Limueil, ii. 145; death of his wife, Eleonore de Roye, ib.; he disappoints Catharine by remaining steadfast to the Huguenot cause, ii. 146; remonstrates with the government just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 197; at St. Denis, ii. 209; gives the battle of St. Denis, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. 213; he is exonerated by Catharine de' Medici from the charge of disloyal acts and intentions, ii. 219; goes to meet the Germans, ii. 219, 220; meets John Casimir and his army, ii. 222; marches towards Orleans, ii. 223; favors the peace of Longjumeau, ii. 235; retires to Noyers, ii. 251; attempt of court to ruin, ii. 256; his answer, ii. 257; plot to seize, ii. 265; his last appeal, ii. 267; his flight to La Rochelle, ii. 268; his forces, ii. 285; goes into winter quarters, ii. 286; endeavors to join the auxiliaries from the south, ii. 299; is wounded and treacherously killed in the battle of Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. 301, 302; his character, ii. 303, 304; his body treated with ignominy, ii. 306, 307.

Conference, rumored, between Roman Catholic princes, for the extirpation of heresy, ii. 156.

Confession of faith of the French Protestant churches, i. 335.

Confraternities, institution of, ii. 179; forbidden by Charles IX., ii. 180; Tavannes favors the revival of, ii. 246; the "Christian and Royal League" formed at Troyes, ib.

Contarini, a Venetian ambassador, his estimate of Admiral Coligny as a general, ii. 462, 463.

Controversial pamphlets against the Protestants, i. 311, 312.

Conty, ii. 428.

Cop, Rector, his extraordinary address before the university, i. 153; his threatened arrest and flight, i. 154.

Coras, Jean, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Toulouse, put to death, ii. 522.

Cornu, Pierre, his remark on Pauvan's speech, i. 92.

Correro, Venetian ambassador, on the number of Huguenots murdered during the short peace, ii. 250; on Catharine de' Medici, ii. 370.

Cosse, Marshal, ii. 220, 289, 334; engages Coligny at Arnay-le-Duc, ii. 354; negotiates for peace, ii. 356; the king's estimate of, ii. 409; thrown into the Bastile, ii. 628.

Cosseins sent with fifty guards ostensibly for Coligny's protection, ii. 452.

Cosset, an agent in the massacre at Meaux, ii. 505-507.

Coucy, declaration of, July 16, 1535, extends a partial forgiveness, i. 179.

Coudray, M. de, his courageous and pious death, ii. 510.

Courault, an evangelical preacher, i. 151.

Court of France, change in its sentiments respecting the Reformation, i. 195; fatal error of, ii. 339; flight from Saint Germain, ii. 626.

Courtenay, the Sieur de, ii. 192.

Courtene, Baron de, decapitated, ii. 330.

Courteville, or Courtewille, secretary of Philip II., sent on a secret mission, i. 568.

"Cramp-rings," their use, i. 100.

Crevant, the Protestants of, attacked, ii. 162.

Croc, Du, French ambassador in Scotland, ii. 550.

Croquet, Nicholas, put to death at Paris, for celebrating the Lord's Supper, ii. 329.

Crusade, a, preached at Toulouse, ii. 278; is indorsed by a papal bull, ii. 279.

Crussol, Antoine de, Count, appointed by a political assembly at Nismes, head and conservator of the reformed party in Languedoc, ii. 86; cf. ii. 283.

Crussol, Madame de, her remark to Cardinal Lorraine, i. 505.

Cuniga, Don Juan de, Spanish envoy at Rome, denies the premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 535.

Curee, royal governor of Vendome, killed by the Roman Catholic noblesse, ii. 162.

D.

Damours, advocate-general in the Parliament of Rouen, makes a violent and seditious speech before Charles IX. at Gaillon, ii. 131; on Conde's complaint he is arrested, ib.

Damville, Marshal, ii. 255, 428, 441, 599, 604, 628.

Dauphin, Prince, name given to the son of the Duke of Montpensier, ii. 343.

Dauphiny, orders for the extermination of the Huguenots in, sent out in the name of Francis II., i. 406; disorders and bloodshed in, ii. 47; troops of, withdraw from the west, ii. 348; Gordes refuses to massacre the Protestants of, ii. 526; demands of the tiers etat of, ii. 603; exploits of Montbrun in, ii 621, 622.

Dax, massacre in the prisons of, ii. 528, note.

Decemvirate, the bloody, i. 321.

Declarations, royal. See Edicts.

Dehors, a merchant of Rouen, hung for reproving the seditious populace, i. 445.

Demochares, or De Mouchy, a doctor of the Sorbonne and an inquisitor of the faith, his controversial pamphlet, i. 311.

Desire, Artus, despatched by the Sorbonne to invoke the aid of Philip II., i. 467, 468.

Deux Ponts, reinforcements to the Huguenots from, ii. 71; the Duke of, comes with German auxiliaries, ii. 315; his declaration treated with contempt by Charles IX., ii. 316; succeeds in penetrating France, and bringing to Coligny reinforcements, ii. 317; his death, ii. 318, 364.

Diana of Poitiers, Duchess of Valentinois, i. 261, 262; the infatuation of Henry II. for her, 262; undertakes to silence a poor tailor arrested as a Protestant, i. 277; instigates persecution in order to secure the confiscated property of the Protestants, i. 282; is dismissed from court on the accession of Francis II., i. 349.

Dieppe, Protestant assemblies in, i. 408; great Protestant "temple" destroyed, ib.

"Dieu de Pate," an opprobrious designation of the Roman Catholic host, ii. 121.

Domfront, ii. 632.

Douen, O., author of Clement Marot et le Psautier huguenot, ii. 347.

"Dragonnades," ii. 244.

Dreux, the battle of, Dec. 19, 1562, ii. 93, seq.; mistakes of both sides at, 95, note.

Du Chesne, or Quercu, i. 23, 50.

Duprat, Cardinal, i. 109, 123.

E.

Ebeling, F. W., ii. 569.

Ecclesiastical discipline adopted by the French Protestant churches, i. 336.

Ecouen, the magnificent seat of the Montmorency family, i. 353.

Edicts, Declarations, and Ordinances, Royal: Edict of Francis I., January 13, 1535, abolishing the art of printing, i. 169; declaration of Coucy, July 16, 1535, extending partial forgiveness, i. 179; edict of Lyons, May 31, 1536, i. 192; edict of Fontainebleau, June 1, 1540, cutting off appeal, i. 218; letters patent of Lyons, August 30, 1542, enjoining vigilance, i. 220; ordinance of Paris, July 23, 1543, defining the provinces of the lay and ecclesiastical judges, and making heresy punishable as sedition, i. 221, 222; Henry II.'s edict of Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547, against books from Geneva, i. 275; edict of Paris, Nov. 19, 1549, conferring power of arrest for heresy upon the ecclesiastical judges, i. 278; edict of Chateaubriand, June 27, 1551, removing appeal from the presidial judges, i. 279; edicts establishing the Spanish Inquisition in France, 1555, i. 287, 288; edict of Compiegne, July 24, 1557, confirming the papal appointment of three inquisitors-general, i. 300, 312; Francis II.'s edict of amnesty, Amboise, March, 1560, i. 385; restrictive edict of March 22, 1560, i. 390; edict of Romorantin, May, 1560, continuing the persecution, i. 410, 411; Charles IX.'s letters-patent, Fontainebleau, April 19, 1561, enjoining toleration and permitting the return of exiles, i. 476, 477; "Edict of July," July 11, 1561, forbidding conventicles, etc., i. 483; edict for the restitution of the churches, Oct. 18, 1561, i. 544; royal letters interpreting previous edicts, i. 561; "Edict of January," January 17, 1562, recognizing Huguenot rights, i. 576, 577; declaration of the king that he is not in duress, ii. 54; edict of April 11, 1562, ostensibly re-enacting, but really annulling the edict of January, ii. 57; edict of pacification, Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. 115; restrictive declarations infringing upon the edict of Amboise, ii. 160, 161; declaration of Roussillon, Aug. 4, 1564, ii. 161, 162; other declarations, ii. 162, note; edict, in 1566, for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. 184, 185; edict of pacification, Longjumeau, March 23, 1568, terminating the second civil war, ii. 234; Charles IX. throws the edicts of pacification into the fire, ii. 276; proscriptive edicts of Sept., 1568, ib.; edict of pacification, Saint Germain, Aug. 8, 1570, terminating the third civil war, ii. 363-365; edict of pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573, terminating the fourth civil war, ii. 593, 594.

Edward III., of England, confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Eidgenossen, explanation of name of Huguenots, i. 397.

Elbeuf, Marquis of, i. 269.

Elector Palatine, Frederick III., the Pious, intercedes for Anne du Bourg, and desires to make him professor of law in the University of Heidelberg, i. 371; sends theologians to France, who come too late for the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 544; sends his son, John Casimir, to help the Huguenots in the second civil war, ii. 218; he previously sends Zuleger to see the state of affairs in France, ii. 218, 219; receives Henry of Anjou, king elect of Poland, at Heidelberg, ii. 610.

Elizabeth, Queen, of England, her help invoked, ii. 55, 71; her hard conditions, ii. 73; her declaration, Sept. 20, 1562, ii. 74; her aid rather damages than furthers the Protestant cause, ib.; her letter to Mary of Scots, ii. 76; her tardy recognition of the importance of the Huguenot struggle, ii. 117; she is summoned to restore Havre, ii. 126; her misgivings as to helping the Huguenots in the third civil war, ii. 294; her double-dealing and effrontery, ii. 295-297; her coldness after the Huguenot defeat at Jarnac, ii. 310; projected marriage with the Duke of Anjou, ii. 377, seq.; proposition to substitute Alencon, ii. 380; Anjou's new ardor, ib.; she interposes obstacles, ib.; the Anjou match abandoned, 396; Alencon suggested in his place and duly lauded, ii. 398; enters into a treaty of amity with France, April 18, 1572, ii. 398; her perversity, ib., note; she inspires the French with no confidence, ii. 414; rumors that she means to desert her allies, ii. 419, 420; she toys with dishonorable proposals from the Netherlands, ii. 422; her cold reception of La Mothe Fenelon after the massacre, ii. 543; declaration of her council, ii. 544; she censures Charles IX. for profaning the day of his daughter's birth by witnessing the execution of Briquemault and Cavaignes, ii. 549, 550; she secretly sends assistance to La Rochelle, ii. 588; she disowns the enterprise of Montgomery after its failure, ib.; she refuses to become executioner for the King of France, ii. 589.

England, divided sympathies of the English, ii. 56; generous response of the English people, ii. 292; its horror at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 541; great irritation in, ii. 545.

English rebellion, the, encourages the French court in the war against the Huguenots, ii. 358.

Entremont, Jacqueline d', marries Admiral Coligny, ii. 386.

Epilepsy cured by kings and queens of England, i. 100.

Escars, D', a treacherous servant of Antoine, King of Navarre, ii. 9.

Esnay, the inhumanity of the monks of, ii. 517.

Espense, Claude d', speech of, at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 532; confers with the Protestants, i. 538.

Espine, Jean de l', a converted Carmelite monk, and a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy i. 509, 510; in the Conference of Saint Germain, 539; his escape on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 477.

Essarts, in Poitou, persecution at, i. 216.

Este, Anne d', daughter of Renee de France, married successively to the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Nemours, at the hollow reconciliation at Moulins, ii. 184; she enters readily into the plan for assassinating Admiral Coligny, ii. 434, 435.

Esternay, M. d', his residence burned, ii. 239; comes to the help of the Huguenots, ii. 315.

Estrange, L', encourages Coligny, ii. 347.

Estrapade, an ingenious contrivance for prolonging the torture of Protestant martyrs, i. 177, 178.

Etampes captured by Conde, ii. 87; retaken by Guise, ii. 97.

Etienne, or Stephens, Robert, on the ignorance of the Bible on the part of the clergy, i. 57.

Expiatory procession, the great, of January 21, 1535, i. 173-176.

F.

Faculty of Arts, its displeasure at the proceedings against the rector, Nicholas Cop, i. 154.

Farel, Guillaume, i. 68; his devotion, i. 69; invited to Meaux, i. 73; goes to Dauphiny, i. 83; at Montbeliard, i. 117; intercession of Berne for his relatives, i. 156; probably not the author of the placard of 1534, i. 164; labors in Geneva, i. 197; urges Calvin to remain at Geneva, i. 208; his recollections, i. 209; his efforts for the persecuted at Paris, i. 309; his liturgy, i. 342.

"Fashion of Geneva," the, i. 341, seq.

Fat, human, put to a new use by an apothecary of Lyons, ii. 517.

Faur, Du, his speech in the "mercuriale" of 1559, i. 334; his arrest, i. 335.

Ferralz, M. de, ii. 534.

Ferrara, Duchess of. See Renee de France.

Ferrara, Ippolito d'Este, Cardinal of, sent as legate to France, i. 548; his character, i. 550; his reception by the French people, i. 550, 551; Chancellor L'Hospital opposes his recognition, i. 551, 552; his intrigues and success, i. 552, 553; ii. 17.

Feudal system, decline of, i. 5.

Fiefs, absorbed in royal domain, i. 8.

Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, writes against Lefevre, i. 71.

Five scholars of Lausanne, the, martyrdom of, i. 283, seq.

Florida, the Huguenot attempts to colonize, ii. 199; the first expedition, 1562, ii. 199; the second expedition, 1564, ii. 199, 200; the third expedition and its disastrous close, ii. 200; efforts of the French government to obtain satisfaction from Philip II., ii. 201, 202; sanguinary revenge of Dominique de Gourgues, ii. 202.

Florimond de Raemond, his remarks on the effects of the execution of Du Bourg and others, i. 373, 374.

Foix, Catharine de, her remark to John d'Albret, i. 107.

Foix, M. de, ii. 398.

Foix, progress of Protestantism in, i. 562.

Folion, Nicholas, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Fontaine, M. de la, writes a lying account of the French massacre, in order to deceive the Swiss, ii. 558.

Fontainebleau, the assembly of notables, August 21, 1560, i. 415; speech of Chancellor L'Hospital, i. 416; Admiral Coligny presents two petitions for the Huguenots, i. 416, 417; speeches of Montluc, i. 418; of Marillac, i. 420; of Coligny, i. 421; rejoinder of Guise, i. 422; speech of Cardinal Lorraine, i. 423; the results, i. 424; the States General to be convened, and, meantime, all punishment for the matter of religion to cease, ib.

Fontainebleau, edict of, given by Francis I., June 1, 1540, i. 218; by Henry II., Dec. 11, 1547, i. 275; letters-patent of, by Charles IX., April 19, 1561, i. 477.

Fontenay, ii. 361.

Fontenille, ii. 575.

Fool, court, sensible remark of the, i. 351.

Forquevaulx, French ambassador at Madrid, insists upon satisfaction for the murder of the Huguenot colonists in Florida, ii. 201.

Fosse, Vore de la, sent on a mission to Melanchthon, i. 182.

France, at accession of Francis I., i. 3; territorial development, i. 4; subdivision in tenth century, i. 5; foremost kingdom of Christendom, i. 6; contrast with England, i. 7; assimilation of language, etc., i. 8; military resources, i. 10; infested by highwaymen, i. 44; changes in boundaries during the sixteenth century, i. 66; population of in the sixteenth century, ii. 159.

Francis I., his reply to Charles V., i. 14; and to Montmorency, i. 15; his concordat with the Pope, i. 35; haughty demeanor toward the parliament, i. 38; and university, i. 39; his acquirements overrated, i. 42; patronage of art, ib.; founds the College Royal, i. 43; interferes for Lefevre, i. 72; his personal appearance, i. 99; character and tastes, i. 100, 101; he is said miraculously to cure the king's evil, ib.; contrasted with Charles V., i. 101; his religious convictions, and fear of innovation, i. 102; loose morals, i. 103, 104; anxiety for papal support, i. 104; at Madrid, abdicates in favor of the dauphin, i. 107; his captivity, i. 122; he violates his pledges to Charles V., i. 134; his pecuniary straits, i. 135; assembles the notables ib.; promises to prove himself "Very Christian," i. 137; treats with the Germans, i. 147; and with Henry VIII., i. 148; his interview with Clement VII., ib.; declines the Pope's proposal of a crusade, i. 149; rejects the intercession of the Bernese, i. 155; his letter to the Bishop of Paris ordering him to authorize two counsellors of parliament to proceed against the "Lutherans,", i. 156; favorably impressed by Melanchthon's plan of reconciliation, i. 162; his anger when a copy of the placard of 1534 is posted on his bedchamber door, i. 167; which is enhanced by political considerations, i. 168; his disgraceful edict abolishing the art of printing i. 169; the edict suspended, i. 170; orders an expiatory procession, i. 173; he takes part in it with great apparent devoutness, i. 175; his memorable speech in the episcopal palace, i. 176; his declaration of Coucy, July 16, 1535, extending a partial forgiveness, i. 179; is said to have been begged by Paul III. to moderate his cruelty, i. 180; his clemency dictated by policy, i. 181; his letter to the German princes in extenuation of his conduct, i. 182; formally invites Melanchthon, i. 184; acquiesces in the Sorbonne's condemnation of Melanchthon's articles, i. 188; his representations through Du Bellay to the German princes at Smalcald, i. 188; Du Bellay makes, in his name, a Protestant confession, i. 189; he does not deceive the Germans, i. 190; his edict of Lyons, May 31, 1536, i. 192; rejects the intercession of Strasbourg, Zurich, and Berne, ib.; his orthodoxy no longer questioned, i. 194; how viewed by the reformers in his later days, i. 195; issues the edict of Fontainebleau, June 1, 1540, cutting off appeal, i. 218; his letters-patent from Lyons, August 30, 1542, i. 220; his declaration at Angouleme, respecting "sacramentarians," i. 221; his ordinance of Paris, July 23, 1543, making heresy punishable as treason, i. 221; gives force of law to the Sorbonne's Twenty-five Articles, i. 224; sends a letter of pardon to the Waldenses of Provence, i. 241; delays the execution of the Arret de Merindol, i. 243; is led by calumnious accusations to revoke his order, i. 244; his death, i. 258; impartial estimates of his character, ib.; his three sons, i. 259; confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Francis, the dauphin, son of Francis I., his death, i. 259.

Francis II., eldest son of Henry II., and husband of Mary, Queen of Scots: his accession, i. 347; his edict of amnesty, i. 385; makes the Duke of Guise his lieutenant-general, with absolute power, i. 389, 390; extends the terms of the amnesty, i. 390; but explains it away by another edict, i. 390, 391; he is visibly affected by the executions of Amboise, i. 392; he is made to order the extermination of the Huguenots of Dauphiny, i. 406; issues the edict of Romorantin, i. 410; universal commotion in his kingdom, i. 413, 414; he convokes the notables at Fontainebleau, i. 415; declares that he takes Coligny's presentation of the Huguenot petition in good part, i. 417; is urged to stab Antoine, King of Navarre, but cannot muster courage to do it, i. 440, 441; sends for Navarre and Conde, i. 425; orders the arrest and trial of Conde, i. 436; further designs for the extermination of the Huguenots before the termination of his reign, i. 444, 442; his failing health, i. 442; his death, i. 444; saves the Huguenots, i. 449; recognized as a direct answer to their prayers, i. 450; his mean funeral obsequies, "the enemy of the Huguenots being buried like a Huguenot," ib.

"Franco-Gallia," by Francois Hotman, a book touching on the royal authority, ii. 615.

Francour, Francoeur, or Francourt, goes with Beza to demand punishment for the massacre of Vassy, ii. 27, 218.

Frederick III., the Pious. See Elector Palatine.

Freer, Miss, on Coligny's reception at Blois, and his alleged alarm, ii. 389, note.

French language, aversion of clergy for, i. 56.

Fribourg, the canton of, ii. 557.

"Fribours," a nickname for the Protestants, i. 398.

Froissy, his outrageous conduct toward M d'Esternay, ii. 239.

Froment, the reformer, labors in Geneva, i. 197.

Frontenay, or Fontenay, M. de, escapes from the massacre, ii. 481-483; negotiates with Biron, ii. 623.

"Fronts d'airain," ii. 603.

Froude, James Anthony, mistakes in his account of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 497, note; his singularly inaccurate account of French affairs about the time of the massacre of Vassy, ii. 25, 26; his error respecting Cardinal Chatillon, ii. 291, note; his remarks on the fatal policy of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 423.

G.

Gaillard, Captain, his blasphemy and fury at the massacre in Orleans, ii. 570, 571.

Gallars, Nicholas des, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509; takes part in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. 539.

Gallican liberties, the, i. 25.

Garde, Baron de la. See Poulain.

Garnier, M., incorrectly estimates the Huguenots as constituting nearly one-third of the population of France, ii. 159.

Garrisons in Huguenot towns, ii. 244.

Gastines, Abbe de, executed by order of Conde, by way of retaliation, ii. 80.

"Gastines, Croix de," ii. 329; erected on the site of the house of the Gastines, put to death for having celebrated the Lord's Supper, ib.; character of the elder Gastines, ii. 330; the cross taken down by order of the king, ii. 375, 376.

Geneva becomes the centre of Protestant activity, i. 196; secures its independence with the assistance of Francis I. and the Bernese, i. 197; according to the Venetian Suriano "the mine from which the ore of heresy is extracted," i. 214; war upon books from, i. 280; the "Five from Geneva" executed at Chambery, i. 297; danger menacing the city, i. 326; a joint expedition against it proposed by Henry II., but declined by the Duke of Alva, i. 327; character and influence of the ministers from, i. 402; their numbers, i. 403; books from, destroyed, i. 428; the children in Languedoc, according to Villars, all know the Geneva catechism by heart, i. 429; Charles IX. writes to the magistrates of Geneva to stop the coming of Protestant ministers, i. 463; their answer, i. 464; sympathy of the citizens for the Huguenots escaped from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 554, seq.; a fast appointed at ii. 555; its hospitality and danger, ii. 557; good advice given to Nismes, ib.; the city saved by the illness of Charles IX., ib.

Geneva, Little, a part of Paris so called from the number of Protestants inhabiting it, i. 361; pretended orgies in, i. 365.

Genlis, a knight of the Order, forsakes Conde and goes over to the enemy, ii. 90, 91.

Genlis, Jean de Hangest, Seigneur de, ii. 384; rout of July 19, 1572, ii. 415; he is taken prisoner, ib.; his death, ib., note.

German Protestant princes are not deceived by Du Bellay's representations in the name of Francis I., i. 190; nor by those of the Duke of Orleans, i. 228; intercede for the Vaudois of Provence, i. 242; for the persecuted Protestants, i. 313, 314; their aid invoked by the Huguenots in the second civil war, ii. 217; intercession of the, ii. 362; after the massacre, ii. 551, seq.

German troops, insubordination of, ii. 332.

Germany, rumors of treacherous designs on the part of France after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 611, note.

Gerson, John, i. 23, 64.

Giustiniano, Marino, the Venetian ambassador reports the reasons Francis I. had assigned to him for abating the severity of the persecution of the Protestants, i. 181.

Glandage, M. de, plunders the city of Orange, ii. 620; declares that only the point of his sword is Huguenot, ii. 621.

Gondy, Albert de. See Retz.

Gordes, Governor of Dauphiny, refuses to allow the Protestants to be massacred, ii. 526.

Goudimel, an excellent musician, sets the psalms of Marot and Beza to music in several parts, ii. 517, note; he is murdered, ib.

Governors, royal, oppression of Protestants by, ii. 245.

Grandfief, M. de, ii. 617.

Grand Marche, a part of Meaux inhabited by Huguenots, massacre at, ii. 505-507.

Granvelle, Cardinal, his conference with the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 315.

Gravelines, the rout of, i. 321.

Gregory XIII., Pope, receives the submission of the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, recognizes the validity of their marriages, and admits them to his favor, by a bull of Oct. 27, 1572, ii. 500; his incredulity as to the "pious" intentions of Charles IX. and Catharine de' Medici, ii. 530, 564; orders public rejoicings at Rome over the news of the massacre of the Protestants, ii. 531, 532; commemorative medals, ii. 532; commemorative paintings by Vasari, ii. 533; his extravagant expressions of joy, ii. 534; gives audience to Maurevel, ib.

Grignan, Count de, Governor of Provence, i. 245.

Grimaudet, Francois, representative of the tiers etat of Anjou, his scathing exposure of the morals of the clergy, i. 430.

Gualtieri, Sebastiano, Bishop of Viterbo, nuncio to France, i. 548; his despondency and recall, i. 548, 549; hated by Catharine de' Medici, on account of his boorish ways, i. 552.

Guerchy, ii. 317, 438; he defends himself on St. Bartholomew's Day, but is overpowered and killed, ii. 472, 475.

Guilloche Jean de, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Bordeaux, killed, ii. 524.

Guillotiere, Faubourg de la, at Lyons, ii. 516.

Guise, the family of, i. 266; warning of Francis I. against, ib.

Guise, Claude, Duke of, i. 266; his six sons, i 268.

Guise, Francis, Duke of, i. 261; his great credit with Henry II., i. 268, 269; his character, i. 269; captures the city of Calais, i. 312; his great power on the accession of Francis II., i. 351, 352; indignation against him and his brother, i. 375; their confidence before the Tumult of Amboise, i. 382; the Duke is made lieutenant-general of the kingdom, i. 389, 390; his perplexity, i. 413; his angry rejoinder to Coligny at the assembly of Fontainebleau, i. 422; he and Lorraine make advances to Catharine de' Medici, which she refuses, i. 443; their alarm on the accession of Charles IX., i. 450; with Montmorency and St. Andre forms the Triumvirate, i. 470, 471; his exultation over the "Edict of July," i. 484; goes with his brothers to meet the Duke of Wuertemberg at Saverne, ii. 13; his lying assurances, ii. 15; he proceeds to Vassy, ii. 21; where a bloody massacre takes place, ii. 22; pamphlets respecting the massacre, ii. 22, 23; he attempts to vindicate himself from being the author of the massacre, ii. 24; is forbidden by Catharine de' Medici to enter Paris, but is invited to come with a small suite to court, ii. 27; makes a triumphal entry into Paris, ii. 28; meets Conde and the Protestants going to a "preche," ii. 29; brings Charles IX. and Catharine de' Medici back to Paris, ii. 36; sends for foreign aid, ii. 54; reply of his adherents to Conde's declaration, ii. 58; an intercepted letter of, ii. 65, note; his good generalship at Dreux, ii. 94; retakes Pithiviers and Etampes, ii. 97; lays siege to Orleans, ii. 99; captures the Portereau, ii. 100; is shot by Poltrot, Feb 18, 1563, ii. 103; Beza and Coligny, accused of having instigated the murder, vindicate themselves, ii. 105, seq.; his character, ii. 109, 110, 112; The petition of his family aimed at Coligny, ii. 136; the settlement of the feud delayed, ii. 137; the hollow reconciliation at Moulins, ii. 184. See Triumvirs.

Guise, Henry, Duke of, son of Francis, throws himself into Poitiers, ii. 324; marries Catharine of Cleves, widow of Prince Porcien, ii. 432; his aid called in by Catharine de' Medici and Anjou in the assassination of Coligny, ii. 434; he comes to take leave of Charles, and receives a rough answer, ii. 446; goes with a band to assassinate Coligny, ii. 456; kicks the dead body of the admiral, ii. 459; pursues Montgomery and his companions, ii. 483; throws the responsibility of the massacre upon the king, ii. 491; policy of, in rescuing a few Huguenots, ii. 491, note; in making his province of Champagne an exception to the massacre, ii. 525.

Guise, Louis, Cardinal of, younger brother of the Cardinal of Lorraine, i 269; at Saverne, ii. 13; author of the massacre of Sens, ii. 46; at the Bayonne conference, ii. 170; tries a heretical curate, ii. 192.

Guitry, M. de, ii. 625.

H.

Hans, Jean de, a seditious preacher, i. 567.

Haton, Claude, on morals of clergy, i. 53, 54; on their non-residence and plurality, i. 457; complains of Huguenot boldness, i. 570; his singular account of the massacre of Vassy, ii. 23; on the miracle of the Cimetiere des Innocents, ii. 488; on the rosaries in the hands of Huguenot ladies, ii. 525.

"Haute justice" ii. 364, note.

Havre, the English in, ii. 84; surrender of, demanded of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 126; fall of, July 29, 1563, ii. 127.

Heidelberg, reception of Henry of Anjou at, ii. 610.

Hennuyer, Le, Bishop of Lisieux, apocryphal speech ascribed to, ii. 525.

Henry of Orleans, afterwards Henry II., married to Catharine de' Medici, i. 148; ascends the throne, March 31, 1547, i. 258; his insubordination, i. 259; his great bodily vigor, ib.; his character, i. 260; his inordinate love of pleasure, ib.; is ruled by Diana of Poitiers, Constable Montmorency, and Cardinal Lorraine, ib.; his court, according to Dr. Wotton, i. 261; rapacity of the courtiers, i. 272, 273; is persuaded to persecute the Protestants to atone for his immoral life. i. 274; publishes an edict, Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547, against books from Geneva, etc., i. 275; witnesses the execution of a poor tailor of the Rue St. Antoine, i. 277; his edict conferring power of arrest for heresy upon ecclesiastical judges, Paris, Nov. 19, 1549, i. 278; he issues the edict of Chateaubriand, June 27, 1551, removing appeal from the decisions of presidial judges, i. 279; his more than papal strictness, i. 286; makes repeated attempts to introduce the Spanish Inquisition, i. 287, 288, 289; he breaks the truce of Vaucelles at the solicitation of Pope Paul IV., and renews war with Philip II., i. 297; issues the edict of Compiegne, July 24, 1557, i. 300; rejects the Swiss intercession after the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, i. 310; compels parliament to register the inquisition edict, i. 312; his indignation at the psalm-singing on the Pre aux Clercs, i. 315; summons Francois d'Andelot, whom he orders to be imprisoned, i. 317, 318; desperate schemes to obtain money, i. 321; makes the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis with Philip of Spain and Mary of England, i. 322; communicates to William, Prince of Orange, his own designs and those of Philip II. against the Protestants, i. 325; proposes a joint French and Spanish expedition against Geneva, i. 327; attends a mercuriale of the Parliament of Paris, i. 332; orders the arrest of Du Bourg and other counsellors, i. 335; marriage festivities for his daughter, i. 338; is mortally wounded by Montgomery in the tournament, June 30, 1559, i. 339; his death, July 10, 1559, i. 340; epigrams upon the event, i. 346.

Henry of Valois, third son of Henry II., afterward king of France as Henry III., baptized first Edward Alexander, i. 415; is made Duke of Anjou. See Anjou, Duke of.

Heptameron of the Queen of Navarre, i. 119, seq.

Heresy, views of Calvin respecting the punishment of, i. 211; made punishable as treason by Francis I., i. 222.

Herminjard, M., on Briconnet's defection, i. 81.

Hesse, the Landgrave of, his opinion of the representations of the Guises, ii. 17; declines to help the Huguenots, ii. 217; his distrust after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 552; will have nothing to do with the candidature of Alencon for King of the Romans, ii. 609.

Heu, Gaspard de, his judicial assassination, i. 379, 380.

Hospital, Michel de l', Chancellor, i. 13; rebukes Parliament of Bordeaux, i. 19; his character, i. 412; little good expected of him, ib.; one of the original conspirators of Amboise, ib.; speech at the Assembly of Fontainebleau, i. 416; refuses to sign the sentence of the Prince of Conde, i. 440; his address at the opening of the States General of Orleans, i. 455; declares the co-existence of two religions impossible, ib.; and that names of factions must be abolished, i. 456; his strange representation of the character of previous persecutions, ib., note; he is distrusted by Beza, i. 502; his speech at the opening of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 512; he opposes the ratification of the plenary powers of the papal legate, i. 552; his speech to the notables at Saint Germain, i. 574; entreats Catharine to throw herself into the arms of the Huguenots, ii. 31; his danger from the fury of the Paris populace, ii. 69; his censure of the Norman parliament, ii. 130, note; his language to Santa Croce respecting the lives of French priests, ii. 153, note; he is attacked by Cardinal Lorraine in the royal council at Melun, Feb., 1564, ii. 154, 155; sends out, without the authority of the council, an edict for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. 184, 185; his altercation at Moulins with Cardinal Lorraine, ii. 186; envoy to the Huguenots, ii. 210; his striking memorial counselling just and pacific treatment of the Huguenots, ii. 232, 233; Catharine de' Medici sides with his enemies, ii. 254; her animosity against him, because she suspects him of having prompted Charles IX. to entreat her to avoid war, ii. 263; another quarrel of L'Hospital and Lorraine respecting the chancellor's refusal to affix his signature to a papal bull, ii. 263, 264; his fall from power, ii. 264; he retires to Vignai, ii. 264, 265; his last days, ii. 613; his farewell letter to the king, ii. 614; his death, ii. 615.

Host, reverence for, i. 50.

Hotman, Francois, author of the "Vita Gasparis Colinii," i. 418; also of the "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. 446; his escape from the massacre of Bourges, ii. 511; his "Franco-Gallia," ii. 615.

Hugh Capet, Count of Paris, i. 4.

Hugonis, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. 254.

Huguenots, various explanations of the origin of the designation, i. 397-399; message of the escaped prisoners of Tours, i. 399; they petition Francis II. at Fontainebleau for liberty of worship, i. 417; general plans of extermination formed by their enemies before the death of Francis, i. 441, 442; the Spanish ambassador, Chantonnay, alarmed at the intemperance and violence of the scheme, i. 441, note; return of Huguenot exiles, i. 463; popular curiosity to hear their psalms and sermons, i. 468; their growing boldness, i. 478; they are said to have 2,150 churches, i. 560; difficulty of restraining their impetuosity, i. 561; Romish complaints of their boldness, i. 570; immense crowds at the preches, ii. 11; massacred at Vassy, ii. 22; summoned to Meaux, ii. 34; they seize Orleans, which becomes their centre during the first civil war, ii. 39; they justify their assumption of arms, ii. 40; their stringent articles of association, ii. 40, 41; nobles and cities that espouse their cause, ii. 41; their strict discipline, ii. 66; cruelty at Pithiviers, ii. 87; reverses of, ii. 101, 102; their ballads and songs, ii. 120-125; they lose favor at court, ii. 132, 133, 158; progress of, ii. 146; they are accused of poisoning the wells in Lyons, ii. 159; number of Huguenots in France, ib.; assaults upon unoffending Huguenots at Crevant, Tours, Mans, and Vendome, ii. 162; no redress obtained, ib.; various acts of oppression, ii. 163; excluded from judicial posts, ii. 165; progress of, ii. 181; Huguenot pleasantries, ii. 192; they suspect treacherous designs, ii. 193; alarmed by the march of Alva and the Swiss levy, ii. 196, 203; they plan to seize Cardinal Lorraine and liberate Charles IX., ii. 205; the sudden rising, ii. 206; they abate their demands at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 210; admiration of the sultan's envoy for their bravery at the battle of St. Denis, ii. 214, note; they solicit the help of the German princes, ii. 217; they are exonerated by Catharine de' Medici from the charge of disloyalty, ii. 219; their generous sacrifices, ii. 223; their imprudence in concluding the peace of Longjumeau without guarantees, ii. 238; treatment of returning Huguenots, ii. 241; deprived of their rights by interpretative ordinances, etc., ii. 244; admirable organization of, ii. 247; oath to be exacted of, ii. 257; the plot against them disclosed by an intercepted letter, ii. 259; advantages at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 274; enthusiasm of their youth, ib.; the Protestant religion proscribed, ii. 275; their places of refuge, ii. 280; great successes in Poitou, Angoumois, etc., ii. 282; the great army collected in southern France joins Conde, ii. 284; negotiations and reprisals, ii. 287; they suffer defeat at Jarnac, ii. 301, seq.; they recover strength, ii. 312; their success at La Roche Abeille, ii. 319; they send a petition to the king, ii. 320, 322, 323; their single purpose, ii. 321, 322; they commit a serious blunder in laying siege to Poitiers, ii. 324; flight of refugees from Montargis, ii. 328; defeated at Moncontour, ii. 332-334; their heavy losses, ii. 335; their terms of peace, ii. 357; their successes compensate for their defeats, ii. 361; the Huguenot nobles flock to Paris to attend the marriage of Henry of Navarre, ii. 426; many alarmed by the king's cordiality, ii. 436; their constancy in the massacre at Orleans, ii. 510, 511, etc.; return of many who had apostatized, ii. 573, note; discontent of the Huguenots of the south with the terms on the edict of pacification of Boulogne, ii. 599; they obtain a truce from Marshal Damville, ib.; military organization of, provided for in the political assembly of Milhau and Montauban, ii. 600; their bold demands contained in a petition to the king, ii. 601, 602; demands of Lower Languedoc and Nismes, ii. 603; those of the tiers etat of Provence and Dauphiny, ib.; indignation of Catharine de' Medici at their boldness, ii. 604; they remain firm, ib.; they reassemble at Milhau, and perfect their organization, Dec. 17, 1573, ii. 617-619; injury to their cause, arising from their alliance with the "Politiques," or Malcontents, ii. 620; the Huguenots resume arms, 1574, undertaking the fifth civil war, ii. 622; failure of the conferences between Biron and the Huguenots, ii. 623, 624; their stout demands, ii. 624; some reasons of their military successes, ii. 630, 631; failure of persecution, war, and treachery, of which they had been the victims, ii. 639. See Coligny, Conde, etc.

Huguerye, Michel de la, his Memoires inedits, ii. 423; his assertions as to the premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ib.; his misrepresentation of the character of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, ii. 424.

I.

Iconoclasm at Paris, i. 141, 143; by a monk at Troyes, for a "pious" object, i. 169; in various parts of France, i. 479; at Montauban, i. 485, 486; can it be repressed? ii. 42; stringent but ineffectual measures against, ii. 43; at Caen, ii. 44; at Orleans, ii. 45; at Valenciennes, etc., ii. 189; at Cateau-Cambresis, ii. 190.

Images, whimsical defence of, ii. 43.

Impatience with "public idols," i. 487; repressed by Calvin, ib.

Inconsistency of the laws and practice of the courts, i. 481.

Indiscreet partisans of reform, i. 162.

Informers against the Protestants, i. 361.

Inquisition, the, is jealously watched in France, i. 125 (see Commission to try Lutherans); also, i. 288.

Inquisition, Spanish, proposition to introduce into France, i. 287; opposed by parliament and withdrawn, i. 288; a second attempt ib.; manly speech of President Seguier against it, i. 289; a third attempt, i. 298, 299; the Pope appoints three inquisitors-general, i. 299; the papal bull confirmed by Henry II., i. 300; the inquisition edict registered by Henry in a "lit de justice," i. 312.

Insubordination to royal authority, ii. 247.

Interpretative ordinances, ii. 244.

Isabella, or Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II. of France and Catharine de' Medici, born April 2, 1545, married to Philip II. of Spain, June, 1559, i. 338; discloses the plot to kidnap Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, ii. 151; her discussion with her mother in the Bayonne conference, ii. 172-175; again her husband's mouthpiece, ii. 261.

"Italian Bible," the, Macchiavelli's Il Principe, ii. 552, note.

Ivoy, M. d', surrenders Bourges, ii. 72; treachery of his brother before Paris, ii. 90.

J.

January, the Edict of, by Charles IX. (January 17, 1562), a celebrated ordinance, i. 576; marks the termination of the period of persecution according to the forms of law, i. 577; inconsistencies of, ii. 3; the Huguenot leaders urge its observance, ib.; opposition of the papal party, ii. 4.

Jarnac, battle of, March 13, 1569, ii. 301, 302; the loss small in numbers, ii. 306; exaggerated bulletins of, ii. 307, 308.

"Jerusalem," temple de, one of the Protestant places of worship at Paris, destroyed by Constable Montmorency, ii. 37.

Jewel, Bishop, on the French Protestant refugees, ii. 293.

John Casimir, son of the elector palatine, comes to the assistance of the Huguenots, and meets Conde in Lorraine, ii. 222; letter of the princes assembled at his marriage, ii. 362.

John Lackland, King of England, confers upon the inhabitants of La Rochelle exemption from the duty of marching elsewhere or receiving a garrison from abroad, ii. 270.

Joupitre, Jean, mayor of Bourges, ii. 511.

Joyeuse, Viscount of, ii. 574.

Julius II., Pope, his bull giving Navarre to the first comer, believed to be a forgery, i. 107.

Julius III., Pope, his bull permitting the use of eggs, butter, and cheese, to be eaten during Lent, condemned and burned by order of Henry II. and parliament, i. 286.

July, the Edict of, by Charles IX. (July 11, 1561), a severe measure, prohibiting conventicles for preaching or celebrating the sacraments, i. 483; exultation of Guise, i. 484; Admiral Coligny declares that it cannot be executed, ib.; disappointment of Protestants, ib.

Jumieges, at the fair of, a friar pulled from the pulpit, and another preacher put in his place, i. 430.

Jurieu, Pierre, his remarks respecting the origin of the name "Huguenot," i. 398.

Justice, abuses in administration of, i. 19.

K.

Killigrew of Pendennis reaches Rouen, ii. 78.

King, the "fons omnis jurisdictionis," i. 122; emperor in his own dominions, ib.

King's authority, checks upon, i. 15.

King's evil, cured by the touch of the French monarchs, i. 100.

Knox, John on the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, i. 303, 307, 308; his sermon on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and his denunciation of Charles IX., ii. 550.

L.

La Court, ii. 509.

Lacretelle, M., estimates the Huguenots as numbering 1,500,000 souls, or one-tenth of the population of France, ii. 159.

La Force, Jacques Nompar de Caumont, Duke of, his wonderful escape in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 472, 473.

Lagebaston, President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, ii. 523.

Lainez, second general of the Order of Jesus, makes an intemperate speech at Poissy, i. 536; compares the Protestant ministers to apes and foxes, i. 537.

Lambert, Francois, first monk converted, i. 112; his history, i. 113; his imprudent appeals, i. 114; his marriage and his death, ib.

Languedoc, fifteen cities in this province receive Protestant ministers, i. 429; the children learn religion only from the Geneva catechism, ib.; of twenty-two bishops in Languedoc, all but five or six non-residents, ib.

Languet, Hubert his description of the persecution under Francis II., i. 366; of the confusion after the Tumult of Amboise, i. 397.

Lansac, a special envoy of Charles IX. to Germany, his unscrupulous misrepresentations, ii. 217, 218;

"Lansquenets," i. 11.

Laschene, a Protestant nobleman, decapitated at Paris, ii. 330.

Laudonniere Rene de, leads the second colonial expedition to Florida, ii. 199; escapes from the massacre of the Huguenots, and succeeds in returning to France, ii. 200.

Lausanne, the "Five scholars of," arrested, i. 283; tried and executed, i. 284, 285.

Leclerc, Jean, a wool-carder of Meaux, tears down a papal bull, i. 87; he is branded, i. 88; and burned alive at Metz, i. 89.

Leclerc, Pierre, a minister and martyr at Meaux, i. 253, 255.

Le Coq, his evangelical sermon, i. 151.

"Le Dieu le Fort," ii. 341.

Lefevre d'Etaples, Jacques, i. 44, 67; restores letters to France, i. 68; his studies, ib.; devotion, i. 69; his commentary on the Pauline epistles, i. 70; foresees the Reformation, ib.; controversy with Beda, i. 71; invited to Meaux, i. 73; spiritual progress of, i. 75; translates the New Testament, i. 77; his exultation, i. 79; retires to Strasbourg, i. 84-93; tutor of the Duke of Orleans, i. 94; librarian at Blois, ib.; hopes entertained by Aleander respecting, i. 94; mental sufferings and death, i. 95, 96.

Leicester, Earl of, ii. 381, 397; it is proposed to offer him the hand of Mademoiselle de Bourbon, ii. 399; on Charles IX. and the massacre, ii. 559, 560.

Le Laboureur, on the massacre of Vassy, ii. 24.

Lent, the Pope's bull permitting eggs, butter, and cheese to be eaten during the fast, condemned by parliament, and publicly burned, i. 286; negligent observance of, in court of Charles IX., i. 468.

Leo X., his concordat, i. 35, 36.

Leran, Viscount de, wounded and pursued into the room of Margaret of Valois, on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 467.

Lery, Jean, goes to Brazil with Villegagnon, and, on his return, writes a history of the expedition, i. 292; ii. 345, note; his account of the siege of Sancerre, ii. 590, 591, 594-598.

"Lettres de cachet," ii. 511.

Lhomme, or Lhommet, Martin, a bookseller, hung for having a copy of the "Tigre" in his possession, i. 445.

Libertine party, the, i. 195, 225.

Lieutenant de la Mareschaussee, his ineffectual defence and death on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 472.

Ligny, violence at, ii. 249.

Limousin, Protestantism in, i. 428.

Limueil, Isabeau de, her amorous intrigue with the Prince of Conde, ii. 145, 303.

"Lit de justice," i. 18, 312; ii. 492.

Liturgies of Farel and Calvin, i. 275, 276, 341, seq., 515.

Livry, the hermit of, i. 92.

Lomenie, Martial de, a secretary of the king. Marshal Retz obtains his office and his estate of Versailles, and then causes him to be murdered, ii. 485.

Longjumeau, edict of pacification of, March 23, 1568, ii. 234; the peace opposed by Coligny, and favored by Conde, ii. 235; discussion of the question of the sincerity of the court, ii. 236, 237; the edict thrown into the fire by Charles IX. in the parliament house, ii. 276.

Longjumeau Sieur de, assault upon his house, i. 476.

Longueville, Duke of, prevents the massacre of the Protestants from extending to Picardy, ii. 526.

Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal of, i. 261; he exchanges the title of Cardinal of Guise for that of Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 269; various estimates of his character, i. 270, 271; his servility toward Diana of Poitiers, i. 273; hypocrisy to the Swiss envoys, i. 310; his conference with Cardinal Granvelle, i. 315; his great power on the accession of Francis II., i. 351; indignation of the people against him and his brother, i. 375; message he receives from the escaped Huguenot prisoners of Tours, i. 399; perplexity of, i. 413; his politic speech at Fontainebleau, i. 422; his hypocritical assurances to Throkmorton, i. 424, note; pasquinade against, i. 447; a virulent pamphlet against him entitled "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. 409, 444-448; effrontery of, in offering to represent the three orders at the States General, i. 457; favors the holding of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 495; he meets Beza and professes to be well satisfied, i. 503, 504; but subsequently boasts that he overthrew Beza in the first interview, i. 505; his speech in reply to Beza, i. 528, 529; he demands of the Huguenot ministers subscription to the Augsburg Confession, i. 533; retires in disgust from Saint Germain, i. 555; goes with his brothers to meet the Duke of Wuertemberg at Saverne, ii. 13; his lying assurances, ii. 15, 16; he declares himself, on oath, guiltless of the death of any man for religion's sake, ii. 16; he returns to France from the Council of Trent, and unsuccessfully seeks the approval of the decrees, ii. 154; his wrangle at Melun, Feb, 1564, with Chancellor L'Hospital, ii. 154, 155; his encounter with Marshal Montmorency in Paris, ii. 166; forbidden by Catharine to hold communication with Granvelle and Chantonnay, ii. 181; he disregards the prohibition, ib.; his altercation with L'Hospital at Moulins, ii. 186; the Huguenots plan to seize him, ii. 205; his flight to Rheims, ii. 207; he invites Alva to enter France, ii. 208; his plot revealed, ii. 259, 260; makes another attack upon L'Hospital, and is prevented by Marshal Montmorency from making a bodily assault, ii. 264; his jealousy of Anjou, ii. 339; retires from court at the peace of Saint Germain, ii. 368; his rejoicing at Rome over the news of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 531, 532.

Lorraine, John, first Cardinal of, i. 267; his many ecclesiastical benefices, ib.

Lorraine, Mary of, married to James V. of Scotland, i. 268.

Loue, La, taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. 306, 351; killed near Montpellier, ii. 352.

Louis VIII., of France, confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Louis IX., St Louis, disliked in Perigord, i. 6; his Pragmatic Sanction, i. 26.

Louis XI., his aversion to assembling the States General, i. 12; consents to abrogate the Pragmatic Sanction, i. 32; subsequently re-enacts it, i. 33; confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Louis XII., re-enacts the Pragmatic Sanction, i. 35; his motto, ib.; confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. 271.

Louise de Savoie, mother of Francis I., i. 50, 60; encourages reformed preachers, i. 74; regent, i. 109; change in her attitude, i. 110, 123.

Lude, Count of, ii. 324.

Luns, Philippine de, a young lady of wealth and rank, strangled and burned at Paris, i. 307.

Lusignan, "la pucelle," taken by the Huguenots, ii. 323.

Luther, his teachings condemned by the Sorbonne, i. 108; wide circulation of his works, i. 112; his books proscribed, ib.; his letters respecting Melanchthon's projected visit to France, i. 185, 186.

"Lutherans," rage of populace of Paris against, i. 302.

Lyon, Jacques du, Seigneur de Grandfief, plots to surrender La Rochelle, ii. 617.

Lyons, frontier town at accession of Francis I., i. 3; council of, i. 140; inspection of books at great fairs of, i. 281; in the hands of Maligny, i. 427; besieged, ii. 102; Huguenots accused of poisoning wells in, ii. 159; massacre at, ii. 513, seq.

M.

Macaulay, Lord, a remark ascribed by him to Admiral Coligny, ii. 463, note.

Macchiavelli's Il Principe, "the Italian Bible," ii. 552, note.

Mackintosh, Sir James, receives from M. de Chateaubriand important documents bearing upon the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 436.

Macon, persecution at, i. 217.

Madrid, a royal country-seat, ii. 259.

Madrid, treaty of, declared null, i. 136.

Magic, resort to, i. 48.

Maigret, Friar Aime, preaches at Lyons, i. 118.

Malassise, M. de, Henry de Mesmes, ii. 359, 363, 366.

Maligny seizes Lyons, but, not being supported, fails to keep the place, i. 427.

Malot, Jean, a minister at the colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Malta, siege of, by the Turks, in 1565, ii. 181.

Mandelot, M. de, Governor of Lyons, ii. 513; his perplexity, ii. 514; his responsibility for the massacre in Lyons, ii. 517; a suppliant for the spoils of the Huguenots, ii. 518.

Mangin, a martyr at Meaux, i. 254, 255;

Mans, Protestants of, plundered or killed, ii. 162.

Mansfeld, Count of. See Wolrad.

Marcel, prevot des marchands, ii. 482, etc.

Marche-aux-pourceaux, i. 46.

Marcourt, Antoine, probable author of the placard of 1534, i. 164.

"Mardi Gras," the rising of, ii. 625.

Margaret of Valois, youngest daughter of Henry II., born May 14, 1552, her hand declined by Sebastian of Portugal, ii. 379; proposed marriage to Henry of Navarre, ii. 392; the proposal comes from the Montmorencies, ii. 394; absurdity of the story of a romantic attachment of Margaret, in 1571, to Henry of Guise, ii. 395, note; she is said to be at first indifferent, afterward anxious to marry Henry of Navarre, ii. 395, 396; described by Jeanne d'Albret, ii. 405; the betrothal, ii. 426; the marriage, ii. 427; the entertainment in the Louvre, ii. 429; on the morning of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 466.

Marillac, Bishop of Vienne, i. 418; his speech at Fontainebleau, i. 420, 421.

Marlorat, Augustin, a prominent Huguenot minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509; in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. 539; he is hung by order of the Parliament of Rouen, ii. 80.

Maromme, Laurent de, a leader of the murderers at Rouen, ii. 520, 521.

Marot, Clement, i. 42; his flight to Ferrara, i. 179.

Marsac, Louis de, his words at the stake, i. 278.

Marshals, remonstrance of the, ii. 255.

Martigues, Sebastian of Luxemburg, Viscount of, ii. 341; his impiety, ib., note.

Martin Theodoric, of Beauvais, his elegies on Louis de Berquin, i. 157; remarks respecting Barthelemi Milon, i. 172.

Martyr, Peter, or Pietro Martiro Vermigli, a native of Florence and a reformer, invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 494; his arrival, i. 527; his speech, i. 536; takes part in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. 539; his candid paper, i. 540.

Martyrs, Protestant, constancy of, i. 177; ingenious contrivance for prolonging their sufferings, ib.

Mary, Queen of Scots, wife of Francis II., i. 347; ii. 146, 545.

Mass, Roman Catholic, songs against, ii. 121, seq.

Massacre, of Protestants in Holy Week, 1561, i. 474; of Vassy, March 1, 1562, ii. 22; of Sens, April 12, 1562, ii. 46, 55; of Orange, June 5, 1562, ii. 49; of Toulouse, ii. 52-54; of Troyes, ii. 128, 129; of Roman Catholics at Nismes ii. 234, 225; in prisons of Orleans, Aug. 21, 1569, ii. 326; of the garrison of Rabasteins, ii. 361; at Paris (see Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day); of Meaux, Aug. 25 and 26, 1572, ii. 505-507; of Troyes, Sept. 4, 1572, ii. 507, 508; of Orleans, ii. 508 seq.; of Bourges, Sept. 12, 1572, ii. 511, 512; of Angers, ii. 512, 513; of Lyons, ii. 513-518; of Rouen, Sept., 1572, ii. 519-521; of Toulouse, ii. 521, 522; of Bordeaux, Oct, 1572, ii. 522-524; why the massacre is not universal, ii. 524, 525; cases of mercy, ii. 526, 527.

Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, in Paris, the question of its premeditation, chapter xvii. passim; La Huguerye's statements, ii. 423, 424; a significant mock combat, ii. 431; the plan as sketched by Anjou, ii. 433 seq.; Salviati's testimony respecting the want of premeditation and the ignorance of the king, ii. 435, 436; Coligny wounded, ii. 437; Catharine and Anjou resolve upon extreme measures, ii. 446; the blood council, ii. 447, seq.; Charles reluctantly consents, ii. 449; few victims selected at first, ii. 450; religious hatred as a motive, ii. 452; precautions taken, ib.; the municipal officers of Paris called in, ii. 454; murder of Coligny, ii. 457, seq.; of Huguenot leaders in the Louvre, ii. 465, seq.; on the signal bell from the Palais de Justice, the massacre becomes general, ii. 470; the part taken by the courtiers and the royal guard, ii. 471; pitiless butchery, ii. 474; shamelessness of the court ladies, ii. 476; wonderful escapes, ii. 477; the dead bodies buried by the municipality of Paris, ii. 484; the massacre not at first a popular movement, ii. 484, 485; pillage of the rich, ii. 485; action of the municipal officers, ii. 486; ineffectual orders issued to lay down arms, ii. 487; miracle of the hawthorn of the Cimetiere des Innocents, ii. 488; number of the victims in Paris, ii. 489; speech of the king at the "lit de justice," ii. 492; servility of parliament, ii. 493; Coligny's memory declared infamous, ii. 496; the verbal orders, ii. 502; two kinds of letters sent out, ii. 504; uncertain number of victims, ii. 530.

Masso, an agent in the massacre at Lyons, ii. 504, note; 514, 516.

Matignon, M. de, saves the Protestants of Caen and Alencon from massacre, ii. 526.

Maubert, Place, ii. 339.

Maurevel murders De Mouy, ii. 337; he is rewarded with the collar of the order, ii. 338; wounds Admiral Coligny, ii. 438, 439.

"Mauvais Garcons," highwaymen, i. 44.

Maximilian, Emperor of Germany, styles the French king "a king of asses," i. 14; ii. 360, etc.

May, Du, attempts to assassinate Admiral Coligny, ii. 194.

Mayenne, Charles, Duke of, son of Francis, Duke of Guise, ii. 324.

Maynet, a Huguenot member of the Parliament of Rouen, ii. 519.

Mazurier, Martial, i. 75, 82, 90, 91.

Medici family, the, is reputed to be destined to be fatal to Christendom, i. 569.

Meaux, Reformation at, i. 67 seq., 74, 75, 83, 86, 92; new persecutions at, i. 253; the "Fourteen of Meaux," i. 254; their execution, i. 255; iconoclasm at, ii. 68; consequent severity of the Parliament of Paris, ib.; massacre at, Aug. 25 and 26, 1572, ii. 505-507.

Medals, commemorative of the junction of the Huguenots and their German allies, ii. 318; of the battles of Jarnac and Moncontour, ii. 336, note; of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 532, 533, 559.

Melanchthon, i. 43; answers the Sorbonne's condemnation of Luther, i. 109; visited by a French agent, i. 160; draws up a plan of reconciliation, ib.; his extravagant concessions, i. 161; his own misgivings, i. 162; his plan makes a favorable impression on Francis I., ib.; is entreated to come to France, i. 182; his perplexity, i. 183; he is formally invited by Francis, and consents, i. 184; but fails to obtain permission from the Elector of Saxony, i. 185; his chagrin, i. 186; his articles reprobated by the Sorbonne, i. 187; approves of the execution of Servetus, i. 212.

Menendez, or Melendez, de Abila, sent by Philip II. to destroy the Huguenot settlements in Florida, ii. 200; his cruelty and success, ib.

Mercenary troops, i. 11.

"Mercuriale," nature of, i. 331; Henry II. goes in person to one of the Parliament of Paris, June 10, 1559, i. 332; that of June 23, 1561, i. 480, seq.

Merindol, some inhabitants of, summoned to Aix, i. 235; the infamous "Arret de Merindol," November 18, 1540, i. 236; preparations to carry it into effect, i. 237; it is delayed by friendly interposition, i. 238; the place is taken and destroyed, i. 247.

Merle, d'Aubigne, a singular mistake of, i. 200.

Merlin, Jehan Reymond, a Protestant pastor, at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509; counsels moderation to the Queen of Navarre, ii. 149; chaplain of Coligny, ii. 440, 457; his wonderful escape, ii. 477.

Meru, a younger Montmorency, ii. 441, note, 628.

Messignac, Huguenot loss at, ii. 284.

Metz, labors of Jean Chatellain at, i. 114; anger of the people at his execution, i. 116.

"Michelade," the, at Nismes, ii. 224, 225.

Milhau-en-Rouergue, calls for ministers, i. 479; the entire population becomes Protestant, ii. 147; refuses to admit a garrison, ii. 250; a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280; political Huguenot assembly at, ii. 600; second assembly, Dec. 17, 1573, at which the scheme of organization is perfected, ii. 617-619.

Miracles popular, i. 57; miracle of the hawthorn tree of the Cimetiere des Innocents, ii. 486.

Milon, Barthelemi, a paralytic, executed, i. 172; remarks of Martin Theodoric, of Beauvais, respecting ib.

Minard, President, assassination of, i. 370.

Ministers, Protestant, the popular clamor for, i. 479; their moderation, i. 479, 480; the demand unabated for, ii. 148.

Mirabel, a Huguenot leader, ii. 348.

Mirambeau, a Huguenot negotiator, ii. 623.

Miron, the Duke of Anjou's confession to, ii. 433.

Mole, La, one of the party of the Politiques, ii. 626; he is executed on the Place de Greve, ii. 628, 629.

Monastic orders incur contempt, i. 60.

Monclar, Viscount of, ii. 230, 352.

Moncontour, battle of, Oct 3, 1569, ii. 332 seq.; exultation of the Roman Catholic party after, ii. 336; medals struck at Rome, ib., note; extravagant action of parliament, ii. 337.

Money coined by the Huguenots, with the name and arms of Charles IX., ii. 219.

Mons, capture of, by Count Louis of Nassau, ii. 412.

Montagut, or Montaigu, Viscount of, ii. 230, note.

Montargis, the residence of the Duchess of Ferrara, affords a safe refuge to the Huguenots, ii. 73, 327; flight of Huguenots from Montargis to Sancerre, ii. 328.

Montauban, the Protestants of, being maligned, vindicate their loyalty, i. 480; beg that no more ex-monks be sent into France as Protestant ministers, ib.; iconoclasm at, i. 485, 486; it refuses to admit a garrison in, 1568, ii. 250; a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280; Coligny at, ii. 349; becomes, through Regnier's agency, a Protestant stronghold, ii. 574; political Huguenot assembly at, ii. 600; it provides for a military organization of the Huguenots, ib.

Montbeliard, Farel at, i. 117.

Montbrun, nephew of Cardinal Tournon, a Huguenot leader, in the Comtat Venaissin, etc., i. 414; ii. 226, 230, 284, 348, 526; his exploits in Dauphiny, ii. 621, 622.

Mont de Marsan, ii. 351.

Montecuccoli, Count of, accused of having poisoned the dauphin, Francis, and drawn asunder by four horses, i. 259.

Montelimart, Huguenots of, i. 404.

Montereul, Claude a curate, active in the massacre of Rouen, ii. 520.

Montesquiou, captain of Anjou's guards, treacherously murders the Prince of Conde, ii. 302.

Montferrand, M. de, Governor of Bordeaux, ii. 522; his brutal boast before the parliament that he had killed more than two hundred and fifty persons, ii. 524.

Montgomery, Gabriel, Count of, captain of the Scotch guard, mortally wounds Henry II. in the tournament, i. 339; commands the Protestants at Rouen, ii. 78; escapes with D'Andelot to La Rochelle, at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 281, 282; throws himself into St. Jean d'Angely, ii. 312; takes for the Huguenots a great part of Bearn, ii. 323; goes to Coligny's assistance, ii. 332; his raids, ii. 349, 451; escapes from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 481-483; obtains help from England for La Rochelle, ii. 588; Queen Elizabeth's interest in him, ib.; he lands in Normandy, ii. 630; takes Carentan, ib.; is taken prisoner at Domfront, ii. 631; delight of Catharine de' Medici, ii. 631, 632; his sentence and execution, ii. 633; his constancy, ii. 634.

Montigny's remark as to the Burgundians, ii. 185.

Montluc, Bishop of Valence, his speech in the assembly of notables of Fontainebleau, i. 418, 419; his description of the Protestant ministers, i. 403, 418; his evangelical preaching, i. 469; confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. 538; Cardinal Lorraine's reference to him in the Colloquy of Poissy, ii. 8; at the Conference of Saint Germain, ib.; he is erroneously credited with writing Conde's reply to the Triumvirs, etc., ii. 61, 64; he is sent to secure the election of Anjou to the throne of Poland, ii. 552; his embarrassment, ii. 553, 560, note; his success, ii. 592, 593.

Montluc, Blaise de, a cruel general, ii. 51, 52; at Toulouse, ii. 53, 54; is praised by Pius IV. for his part in the massacre, ii. 54; his conversation with Alva at the Bayonne conference, ii. 171; breaks down Coligny's bridge of boats, ii. 350; accuses Damville, ii. 352; succeeds in Bearn, ii. 361, 574.

Montmorency, Anne de, Grand Master and Constable, i. 261; his ancient family and valor, i. 263; his cruelty, i. 263, 264; his unpopularity, i. 264; disgraced by Francis I., but recalled by Henry II., i. 265; opposes the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles, i. 297; taken prisoner at the battle of St. Quentin, i. 302; favors the peace of Cateau-Cambresis, i. 322; his fall from power at the accession of Francis II., i. 347; retires to his estates, i. 352, 353; his wealth, ib.; indignation of Catharine de' Medici with him, i. 352; his disgust at the progress of Protestantism and the popular demand for restitution, i. 469; joins in the triumvirate, notwithstanding his son's remonstrances, i. 470, 471; disappointment of the Protestants at, i. 470, note; his exploits at Paris in burning the Protestant preaching-places earn him the title of "le Capitaine Brulebanc," ii. 37; is taken prisoner at the battle of Dreux, ii. 94; he espouses the defence of Coligny, ii. 135; he takes sides against Cardinal Lorraine at Melun, ii. 155; opposes the nuncio's demand that the red cap be taken away from Cardinal Chatillon, ii. 182, 183; at the Conference of La Chapelle Saint Denis declares that the king will not tolerate two religions, ii. 211; he is mortally wounded in the battle of Saint Denis, ii. 215; three times a prisoner in previous wars, ib., note; his character and exploits, ii. 216; his conduct on entering La Rochelle, ii. 273. See Triumvirs.

Montmorency, Francois de, Marshal, eldest son of the constable, remonstrates with his father on the formation of the triumvirate, i. 470; he is temporarily removed from the governorship of Paris, ii. 32; his inability to check the excesses of the turbulent mob, ii. 97; espouses Coligny's defence, ii. 135; takes energetic measures with the Parisians, ii. 166; his encounter with Cardinal Lorraine, ii. 166, 167; he brings Coligny to Paris, ii. 167; proclaims the edict of Amboise by public crier, ii. 180; hollow reconciliation with the Guises, ii. 184; at Saint Denis, ii. 214; his retort to Catharine de' Medici, when Santa Croce demands the surrender of Cardinal Chatillon to the Pope, ii. 229; remonstrance of, ii. 255; reply to Coligny, ii. 323; proposes the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. 394; his honorable reception by Queen Elizabeth, ii. 399; Charles's estimate of, ii. 409; thrown into the Bastile, ii. 628.

Montpezat, M. de, ii. 523.

Montpellier, gathering of Huguenots for worship in the large school-rooms, i. 428, 429; the chapter of the cathedral introduces a garrison, whereupon the Protestants rise and strip the churches, i. 563, 564; the consuls write to Geneva to double their corps of Protestant ministers, ii. 148.

Montpensier, the Duke of, at the Bayonne conference, ii. 170; incites the massacre of Protestants, ii. 476, 529.

Montpipeau, the "tears" of, ii. 418, 419.

Montreal, ii. 359.

Montsoreau, M. de, his letter to Puigaillard, ii. 503; he treacherously murders M. de la Riviere, ii. 512.

Morata, Olympia, her precocity, i. 206.

Morel, Francois de, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Mornas, cruelty of Huguenots at, ii. 50, 51.

Mornieu, Andre, an echevin, heads the murderers of Lyons, ii. 515.

Mortier, Du, a privy councillor, refuses to sign the sentence of the Prince of Conde, i. 440.

Morvilliers, Bishop of Orleans, a skilful negotiator, his noble words on straightforward diplomacy, ii. 194, note; royal envoy, ii. 210, 255, 265, 368; replies to Coligny's memorial, ii. 417, note.

Mothe Fenelon, La, French ambassador in England, his recommendation of the Duke of Anjou, ii. 379; his perplexity in defending the massacre, ii. 541; declares himself ashamed to be counted a Frenchman, ii. 543; his cold reception by Queen Elizabeth, ib.; confesses that he is not believed, ii. 545; he is instructed to press the suit of Alencon for Queen Elizabeth's hand, ii. 606.

Motley, Mr. J. L., ii. 289, note, 537.

Mouchy, De, apologizes for using French language, i. 56; at the Conference of Saint Germain, ii. 7; his delight at its dismissal, ii. 8.

Moulin, Charles Du, a jurist, writes an able treatise against the Council of Trent, ii. 155, 156.

Moulins, the assembly of notables at, in 1566, ii. 183; alleged plan of the "Sicilian Vespers" to be executed at, ib.; reconciliation of Coligny and the Guises, and of the Montmorencies and Guises at, ii. 184; fresh encounter of Cardinal Lorraine and Chancellor L'Hospital at, ii. 185, 186.

Mouvans, a Huguenot leader in Provence, i. 407; his message to the Duke of Guise, i. 408; ii. 226, 230, 284.

Mouy, M. de, ii. 315, 333; murdered by Maurevel, ii. 337.

Mucidan, ii. 312.

Muntz, on Clemangis, i. 64.

Murderer, the, of a Huguenot rescued, ii. 97.

N.

Nancay, captain of the guard, superintends the butchery of the Huguenot leaders in the Louvre, ii. 466.

Nantes, the Protestants of, not to be compelled to hang tapestry on Corpus Christi Day, ii. 164; the municipality of, refuses to massacre the Protestants, ii. 529.

Nantouillet, the affair of, ii. 598, 599, note.

Nassau, Louis, Count of, brother of the Prince of Orange, enters France with the Duke of Deux-Ponts, ii. 315; at Moncontour, ii. 333, 335, 364; confers with Charles IX. and urges him to espouse the cause of the Netherlands, ii. 384, 385; captures Mons and Valenciennes, ii. 412; receives from Charles IX. assurances of help for the Prince of Orange, ii. 609; his death, ii. 610.

Navarre conquered by the Spanish, i. 107; little left to the king, i. 108.

Navarre, Bastard of, taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. 306.

Navarre, Antoine de Bourbon-Vendome, King of, husband of Jeanne d'Albret, favors the Reformation, i. 313; rejects Montmorency's advances, i. 352; his irresolution and pusillanimity, i. 354, 355; wants indemnity for the kingdom of Navarre, i. 356; is received at court with studied discourtesy, ib.; is deaf to remonstrance, i. 357; meets fresh indignity, i. 358; his irresolution embarrasses Montbrun at Lyons, i. 427; invites Beza to Nerac, i. 431; his short-lived zeal, i. 432; pressure upon him and Conde to force them to come to Orleans, ib.; his concessions, i. 433; at Limoges the Huguenot gentry offer him aid, i. 434; he dismisses his escort, i. 435; his infatuation, ib.; reaches Orleans, i. 436; is treated almost like a prisoner, ib.; his danger, i. 440; makes an ignominious compact with Catharine de' Medici just before the death of Francis II., i. 444; his opportunity at Charles IX.'s accession, i. 451; his contemptible character, ib.; his humiliation, i. 466; he receives more consideration in consequence of the bold demands of the Particular Estates of Paris, i. 467; his assurances to M. Gluck, the Danish ambassador, that he would have the gospel preached throughout France ib.; he invites Beza to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 494; his urgency, i. 496; he is plied by the arts of the papal legate, i. 553; his apostasy, ii. 9; his defence of Guise after the massacre of Vassy, ii. 27; and Beza's reply, ii. 28; has become "all Spanish now," ii. 29; seizes Charles IX. and brings him back to Paris, ii. 36; he is mortally wounded at the siege of Rouen, ii. 79; his last hours and death, ii. 81; his character, ii. 82; extravagant eulogy of De Thou, ii. 83; mourning at the Council of Trent, ib.; his delight at the prospective marriage of his son to Margaret of Valois, ii. 393.

Navarre, Henry of, son of Antoine de Bourbon-Vendome and Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, afterward Henry IV. of France, born Dec. 14, 1553. Takes part in a tournament at the Bayonne Conference, ii. 179; remonstrates against the perfidy displayed by the Roman Catholics in the murder of Conde and other Protestants at Jarnac, ii. 305; with his cousin Conde, he becomes nominal general-in-chief of the Huguenots, ii. 314; they are nicknamed "the admiral's pages," ib.; at Moncontour, ii. 334; proposed marriage of Henry to Margaret of Valois, ii. 392 seq.; by the death of his mother he becomes King of Navarre, June 9, 1572, ii. 408; the papal dispensation delayed, ii. 410; the betrothal, ii. 426; the marriage, ii. 427; a significant mock combat, ii. 431; complains to the king of the attack on Coligny, ii. 439; his name not on the proscriptive roll, ii. 451; he is summoned by Charles IX. and ordered to abjure the Protestant religion, ii. 468; his very humble reply, ii. 469; his name associated with the royal family as having been an object of the pretended Huguenot conspiracy, ii. 490; his forced conversion, ii. 498, 499; his submission accepted by Pope Gregory XIII. and the validity of his marriage recognized, ii. 500; he re-establishes the Roman Catholic Church in Bearn, ib.; attempts flight, ii. 625, 627; his examination and defence, ii. 627, 628.

Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of, daughter of Henry, King of Navarre, and Margaret of Angouleme, sister of Francis I., marries Antoine of Bourbon-Vendome, i. 313; reluctantly embraces the Reformation, i. 431, 432; her constancy, ii. 10; her letter to the Cardinal of Armagnac, ii. 82; she is cited to Rome and threatened with deposition as a heretic, Sept. 28, 1563, ii. 141; the royal council protests against the infraction of national liberties, and the insult to royalty, ii. 142; she establishes the Reformation in Bearn, ii. 148; meets much opposition, ii. 149; Spanish and other plots against, ii. 150; a plot to kidnap her and her children, ii. 150, 151; goes to La Rochelle at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. 281; her spirited letters, ib.; her words on Conde's death, ii. 303; her courage after the battle of Jarnac, ii. 311; her offices after the defeat of Moncontour, ii. 347; negotiates with Catharine de' Medici for peace, ii. 356; her letter warning the queen mother respecting the observance of the peace, ii. 373, and note; her reply to the royal proposal of a marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. 395; she becomes more favorable to it, ii. 403; her solicitude, ii. 404; she is treated with tantalizing insincerity, ib.; she is shocked at the morals of the court, ii. 405; she goes to Paris, ii. 406; her last illness and death, ii. 406, 407; the story that she was poisoned, ii. 407; her character and motives traduced by the Memoires inedits de Michel de la Huguerye, ii. 424.

Navarre, Margaret of. See Angouleme, Margaret of.

Navy, French, i. 11.

Negotiations for peace of St. Germain, ii. 356 seq.

Nemours, Duchess of. See Este, Anne d'.

Nemours, Duke of, fails to keep his word pledged to the Baron de Castelnau, i. 388, 389; marries the widow of the Duke of Guise, and oppresses the Protestants of Lyonnais and Dauphiny, ii. 245; praised by Pius V. in a special brief, ib.; his jealousy of Aumale, ii. 317.

Nevers, Duke of, at the blood council, ii. 447.

New Testament, the, translated by Lefevre, i. 77.

New York, Huguenot church of, i. 345.

Nicodemites, the, i. 235, 538, 539.

Niort, ii. 283, 337, 338, 361.

Niquet, Spire, a poor bookbinder, roasted in a fire made of his own books, in the massacre of Paris, ii. 474.

Nismes, great concourse of the Huguenots of, i. 407; Huguenots guard the gates, i. 428; massacre of Roman Catholics by the Protestants, known as the "Michelade," ii. 224; brilliant capture of, by the Huguenots in the third civil war, ii. 345, 346; in Protestant hands, in 1572, ii. 573, 574; obtains a truce, ii. 599.

Normandy, progress of Protestantism in, i. 287; burdens of taxation in, i. 313; popular awakening in, i. 408; Admiral Coligny's successes in (Feb., 1563), ii. 99. See Rouen.

Non-residence of clergy, Claude Haton on, i. 457.

Norris, Sir Henry, English ambassador, on the murder of Protestants in Paris, ii. 249; on the condition of the French court, ii. 255.

Northumberland, Earl of, his rebellion, ii. 358.

Nostradamus, predictions of, i. 47; ii. 606.

Notables, assemblies of, i. 12; assembly at Fontainebleau, i. 415.

Noue, Francois de la, justifies Conde's military conduct in evacuating Paris, ii. 33; his description of the discipline of the Huguenot army, ii. 66, 67; on the irresistible desire for peace in 1568, ii. 235; taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. 306; also at Moncontour, ii. 335; his success at Sainte Gemme, ii. 361, 384; he is sent by Charles IX. to treat with La Rochelle, ii. 579; he is badly received, ii. 580; he is subsequently chosen leader, ii. 581; he retires when the hope of reconciliation disappears, ii. 587; persuades the Huguenots to enter upon the fifth religious war, 1574, ii. 622.

O.

Oath to be exacted of the Huguenots, ii. 257.

Ossat, D', Cardinal, ii. 401.

Obedience, spirit of, pervading all classes, i. 8.

OEcolampadius, his correspondence with Lefevre, i. 86.

Official, or vicar, duties of i. 52.

Olaegui, secretary of the Spanish ambassador, reports the rapid spread of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day to the provinces, ii. 505.

Olivetanus, or Olivetan, Pierre Robert, translates the Bible for the Vaudois, i. 233.

Olivier, Chancellor, at first refuses to seal the royal commission to the Duke of Guise, making him lieutenant-general of France, with absolute powers, i. 390; his remark as to the Cardinal of Lorraine, and death, i. 411, 412.

Oppede, Jean Meynier, Baron d', first president of the Parliament of Aix, i. 243, seq.; his death, i. 252.

Orange, city and principality of, i. 4, 66; origin of Protestantism in, ii. 48; great regret of the Prince of Orange, ib.; massacre of Protestants at, ii. 49; the inhabitants reconciled by Charles IX. to those of the Comtat Venaissin, ii. 165; infringement upon the peace at, ii. 373; included in the Huguenot scheme of organization, ii. 618; plundered by M. de Glandage, ii. 620.

Orange, William the Silent, Prince of, learns from Henry II. the designs of Philip and himself for the extermination of the Protestants, i. 325; attempts to assist the Huguenots, ii. 288; outgeneralled by Alva, ib.; enters France and terrifies the court, ii. 289; the insubordination of his troops compels him to retire, ib.; his declaration, ii. 290; re-enters France with the Duke of Deux-Ponts, ii. 315; goes to Germany to obtain reinforcements for Coligny, ii. 332, 364.

Ordinances, royal. See Edicts.

Organization of the Huguenots, admirable, ii. 247.

Orgies, pretended, in "la petite Geneve," i. 365.

Orleans, the "ghost" of, i. 57, 58; progress of Protestantism at, ii. 12; the canons of the cathedral promise to attend the Protestant theological lectures, ii. 12; seized by Conde, it becomes the Huguenot centre during the first civil war, ii. 39; iconoclasm at, ii. 45; left by Conde and Coligny in D'Andelot's hands, ii. 85, 98; besieged by Guise, ii. 99; capture of the Portereau, ii. 100; use of bombs by the garrison, ii. 101; massacre of Huguenots in the prisons of, Aug. 21, 1569, ii. 326; the great massacre of, 1572, ii. 508, seq.; a German account of the same, ii. 569-571.

Orsini, Cardinal, ii. 531.

Orthez, Viscount D', Governor of Bayonne, magnanimously refuses to murder the Protestants, ii. 528.

Ory, Oriz, or Oritz, Inquisitor of the Faith, i. 224, 288.

P.

"Paix boiteuse et mal-assise," ii. 366.

Pamiers, persecution at, ii. 146; Huguenot commotion at, ii. 193.

Pamphlets against the Guises, i. 409; Cardinal Lorraine has twenty-two on his table directed against himself, i. 423; the "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. 444, 448.

Panier, Paris, a doctor of civil law, put to death, i. 266.

Parcenac, ii. 226.

Paris, nobles flock to, i. 8; learns obedience, i. 9; wealth and population, i. 10; persecution at, i. 216, 220; first Protestant church organized, i. 294; the example followed elsewhere, i. 296; alarm at, after defeat of St. Quentin, i. 302; progress of Protestantism in, i. 562, 563; immense crowds at the Huguenot preaching, ii. 11; fanaticism of the people, ii. 37, 38; their delight at the prospect of war, ii. 41; their fury, ii. 69; approached by Conde, ii. 89; insubordination and riot at, ii. 96, 97; the people disarmed, ii. 141; the citizen soldiers at the battle of Saint Denis, ii. 215; processions at ii. 325; line of the walls in the sixteenth century, ii. 483; the municipal officers call the king's attention to the massacre, ii. 486.

Parliament of Bordeaux, i. 19.

Parliament of Paris, i. 16; claims right of remonstrance, i. 17; humored by the crown, i. 18; protests against repeal of Pragmatic Sanction, i. 33; opposes the concordat, i. 37; reluctantly registers it, i. 39; proceeds vigorously against the "Lutherans," i. 171; denounced by the Sorbonne as altogether heretical i. 328; its inconsistent sentences, i. 329; the mercuriale of 1559, i. 330, seq.; different issues of the trials of the five imprisoned judges, i. 375; the mercuriale of 1561, i. 481, seq.; diversity of sentiment in, i. 482, 483; its decision embodied in the "Edict of July," i. 483; its opposition to the edict of January, ii. 6; which it reluctantly registers, ii. 7; its excessive severity, ii. 68; it affects to regard Conde as a prisoner in the hands of the Protestant confederates, ii. 70; sternly reproved by Charles IX. for failing to record the edict of Amboise, ii. 139, 140; declares Coligny infamous, and sets a price on his head, ii. 330, 331; extravagance after the victory of Moncontour, ii. 337; its servile reply to Charles IX., ii. 493; it declares Coligny's memory infamous, ii. 496.

Parliament of Rouen, or Normandy, puts to death Augustin Marlorat, ii. 80. See Rouen.

Parliaments, provincial, i. 17.

Parma, Duchess of, Regent of the Netherlands, sets a price on the head of Theodore Beza, ii. 388, note.

Partenay falls into the hands of the Huguenots, ii. 282.

Pasquier, Etienne, on barbarism at the university, i. 42; his estimate of Calvin, i. 216; on Paris at the beginning of the first civil war, ii. 41.

Pasquinade against the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 447.

Patriarche, the, a Protestant place of worship, i. 571, 573.

Paul III., Pope, his alleged intercession for the Protestants, i. 180; grounds of doubt respecting it, i. 181.

Paul IV., Pope, his disappointment at the escape of Andelot from the stake, i. 320; ii. 568; believes that no heretic can be converted, ib.

Paulin, Viscount of, ii. 230, note; 600.

Pauvan, Jacques, i. 89; his theses, i. 90; burned on the Place de Greve, i. 91.

Pavia, battle of, Feb. 24, 1525, i. 122.

Peace of Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. 115; peace of Longjumeau, or "short" peace, after the second civil war, ii. 234; number of Protestants murdered during, ii. 250; peace of St Germain, after the third civil war, ii. 363.

People, rights of, overlooked, i. 11; "incomparable kindness of," i. 14; submission to nobles, i. 15.

Perigord, Protestantism in, i. 428.

Perry, Mr. G. G., his remarks on Whittingham, ii. 293.

Persecution, failure of, i. 220; more systematic, i. 224; severity of, i. 296, 359.

Petit, Guillaume, the king's confessor, i. 72.

Petition of the Triumvirs, ii. 58.

Peyrat, M. du, ii. 514.

Pezenas, in Languedoc, i. 428.

Philip the Fair and Pope Boniface VIII., i. 27.

Philip II., King of Spain, offers aid to Catharine de' Medici, i. 358; opposed to a French national council, i. 426; plots with the Pope, ib; his aid invoked by the Sorbonne i. 467, 468; his threats of invasion, i. 555; his message to Catharine de' Medici, i. 567; he is commended by the Pope, i. 568; he sends Courteville on a secret mission, ib.; hesitates to aid the French Roman Catholics, ii. 54; his offers on paper, ib.; looks with suspicion on the projected conference at Bayonne, ii. 167; is said to have threatened Charles IX., ii. 195; he approves Alva's procrastinating policy respecting assistance to the Guises, ii. 208; offers 200,000 crowns if Charles will continue the war against the Huguenots, ii. 228; recalls his troops, ii. 342; opposes the peace, ii. 360, 365; his ambassador leaves the French court in disgust, after giving away the silver plate Charles had given him, ii. 391; his delight at hearing of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii., 536 seq.

Philippe, M., an inconsiderate minister at Cateau-Cambresis, leads the iconoclasts, ii. 190; he is executed, ii. 191.

Philippi, ii. 603.

Pibrac, avocat-general, ii. 493.

Picardy, the Duke of Longueville prevents the massacre of the Protestants from extending to, ii. 526.

Pierre-Gourde, M. de, ii. 284.

Piles, M. de, ii. 312; his brave defence of St. Jean d'Angely, ii. 340; ravages the Spanish county of Roussillon, ii. 351, 355, 439; his murder at the Louvre on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 467.

Pinart, ii. 623.

Pithiviers, or Pluviers, captured by Conde, ii. 87; retaken by Guise, ii. 97.

Pius IV., Pope, his solicitude respecting France, i. 548; sends the Cardinal of Ferrara as legate, ib.; commends Philip II., i. 568; praises Blaise de Montluc, by a brief, for his part in the massacre of Toulouse, ii. 54; his bull against princely heretics, April 7, 1563, ii. 141.

Pius V., Pope, is said to have threatened Charles IX., ii. 195; his nuncio tries to prevent peace being concluded with the Huguenots, ii. 228; praises the Duke of Nemours for his severity, ii. 245; approves by a bull the crusade at Toulouse, ii. 279; his sanguinary injunctions after the battle of Jarnac, ii. 308, 309; severely reproves Santa Fiore for sparing any heretics, ii. 335, 568; his congratulatory letters after the battle of Moncontour, ii. 336; recalls his troops ii. 342; his bull against Queen Elizabeth, ii. 359; opposes the peace ii. 360, 365, 369; alarmed at the prospects of the Huguenot ascendancy in France, he despatches his nephew, the Cardinal of Alessandria, as legate, to Paris, ii. 400; the king's assurances, ii. 400-403; the conditions required for granting a dispensation for the marriage of Henry of Navarre and Margaret of Valois, ii. 410, note; gives no dispensation until after the marriage, his bull being dated Oct 27, 1572, ii. 427; his letters to Charles, Catharine, Anjou, etc., instigating them to exterminate the heretics, ii. 564, seq.; his thirst for Huguenot blood, ii. 567, 568; redeems the Huguenot captives of Mornas in order to have the satisfaction of ordering their public execution, ii. 568.

Placard, the, of 1534. Feret sent to Neufchatel to have it printed, i. 164; its authorship, ib.; its publication opposed by Courault and other prudent reformers, i. 165; its contents, ib.; it produces great popular excitement in Paris, i. 167; a copy posted on the door of the king's bedchamber, ib.; anger of Francis I., ib.; barbarous executions consequent upon it, i. 171, 177; marks an epoch in the history of the Huguenots, i. 193.

Placard, the year of the, i. 164, etc.

Placards and pasquinades, both for and against the reformed doctrines, i. 163.

Place, Pierre de la, President of the Cour d'Aides, and a historian, murdered in the massacre at Paris, ii. 479.

Plague, the, in Paris and Orleans, ii. 85.

Planche, Regnier de la, consulted by Catharine de' Medici, i. 410.

Pleasantries, Huguenot, ii. 192.

Plessis Mornay, Philippe du, writes for Coligny a memorial on the Flemish project, ii. 416.

Poissy, the prelates at, i. 493; Beza and other French Protestants invited to a conference, i. 494; wrangling of the prelates, i. 499; their demand, i. 542; their character, i. 547.

Poissy, the Colloquy of, the Huguenots petition for fair treatment at, i. 505; vexatious delay, i. 506; the Huguenots determine to leave unless their petition is granted, i. 507; an informal decree in their favor, ib.; the last efforts of the Sorbonne to prevent the conference prove abortive, i. 508; the Huguenot ministers and delegates of churches proceed from St. Germain to Poissy, i. 509; list of the former, ib.; the assembly in the nuns' refectory, i. 510; the prelates, i. 511; diffidence of Beza, i. 512; Chancellor L'Hospital's oration at the opening, ib.; the Huguenots are summoned, i. 513; a cardinal's sneer and Beza's retort, i. 514; Beza's prayer and address, i. 514-521; he is interrupted by the theologians of the Sorbonne with cries of "Blasphemy!" i. 519; Cardinal Tournon tries to cut short the conference, i. 521; but Catharine declines to permit its interruption, i. 522; advantages gained, ib.; the prelates' notion of a conference, i. 526; arrival of Peter Martyr, i. 527; Cardinal Lorraine replies to Beza, i. 528; Cardinal Tournon's new demand, i. 529; Beza asks a hearing, ib.; he replies, i. 532, 533; speeches of Claude D'Espense and Claude de Sainctes, i. 532; Cardinal Lorraine's demand that the Huguenot ministers should subscribe to the Augsburg Confession, i. 533; Beza's reply, i. 533-565; anger of the prelates, i. 536; speeches of Martyr and Lainez, i. 536; close of the colloquy, i. 537; is followed by a private conference, i. 538; and the arrival of five Protestant theologians from Germany, i. 544; causes of the failure of the colloquy, i. 546.

Poitiers, demands of the clergy at, i. 431; captured by the king, ii. 71; siege of, by the Huguenots, ii. 324, 325.

Poland, news of the massacre, how received in, ii. 553; Henry of Anjou elected king, ii. 593; ambassadors from, come to France, ii. 598; their magnificent reception, ib.

"Politiques," or Malcontents, the party of the, ii. 615; their unsuccessful rising, ii. 625.

Poltrot, Jean, de Merey, assassinates Francois de Guise, ii. 103; his history, ii. 104; his torture and execution, ii. 105; accuses Beza and Coligny of having instigated the murder, ii. 106.

Poncher, Bishop of Paris, i. 71.

Pons, ii. 283.

Pont, Baron du, ii. 476.

Popincourt, a Protestant place of worship at Paris, destroyed by Constable Montmorency, ii. 37.

Populace, cruelty of, i. 366.

Porcien, the Prince of, ii. 193; attempt to assassinate, ii. 194.

Poulain, Poulin, or Polin, otherwise called Baron de la Garde, i. 246; ii. 361, 576.

Pragmatic Sanction of St Louis, i. 26; of Bourges, i. 29, 30; anger of the Pope at, i. 31; abrogated, i. 32; re-enacted, i. 33, 35; abrogated by Francis I., i. 36; still recognized by parliament, i. 40; its restoration demanded, i. 459.

Pre aux Clercs, the public grounds of the university, psalm-singing on the, i. 314.

Prelates, French, cited to Rome and condemned, ii. 141.

Prerogative, royal, books upon, ii. 615, 616.

Presidial judges, no appeal from their decisions in cases of heresy, i. 279.

Primacy of France divided between the Archbishops of Lyons and Sens, i. 118.

Princes, scanty revenues of, i. 8.

Prior, the Grand, of France, i. 269; at Saverne, ii. 13.

Privas, a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280.

Processions, indecent, i. 59; expiatory, i. 142, and especially, i. 173, etc.; to intercede for help in the war against La Rochelle, ii. 592.

Profane oaths a test of Catholicity, ii. 134, 585.

Profligacy of the court, the, ii. 132, note; alienation of, from the Huguenots, ii. 133.

Protestants of France, appeal to the Swiss and Germans, i. 191; persecuted in various places, i. 216, 217; the tongues of the victims cut out, i. 217; or iron balls forced into their mouths, i. 257; place a remonstrance in the chamber of Henry II., i. 308; they appeal to Catharine de' Medici, i. 362; a second and more urgent appeal, i. 364. See Huguenots.

Protestantism, causes of its sudden development in the last years of Henry II. and the reign of Francis II., i. 399-403.

Provence, Huguenots of, under Mouvans, i. 407; disorders and bloodshed in, ii. 47; saved from witnessing a massacre of the Protestants in 1572 by the magnanimity of the Count de Tende, ii. 527; demands of the tiers etat of, ii. 603.

Provins, preaching of friars at, ii. 5, 6, 279; intolerance at, ii. 191, 241, 242.

Psalms, versified by Marot and Beza, sung on the Pre aux Clercs, i. 314; indignation of Henry II. at, i. 315; set to music for worship by Bourgeois and others, especially by Goudimel, in several parts, ii. 517, note.

Puigaillard, ii. 503, 504, 512, 513, 617.

Punishments, barbarous, i. 45; especially for heresy, i. 46.

Puyroche, M., his monograph on the massacre at Lyons, ii. 513, note.

Q.

Quercu, or De Chesne, i. 23, 50.

Quintin, Jean, orator for the clergy in the States General of Orleans, makes a speech of insufferable arrogance, i. 458; he pictures the sad straits of the clergy, and asks for the restoration of the Pragmatic Sanction, i. 459; his word for the down-trodden people, i. 460; he is compelled to apologize to Admiral Coligny, ib.

R.

Rabasteins, massacre of the garrison of, ii. 361.

Ramee, Pierre de la, or Ramus, assassinated at the instigation of Charpentier, ii. 478.

Rapin, a Protestant gentleman sent by the king, judicially murdered by the Parliament of Toulouse, ii. 239.

"Rapin, Vengeance de," ii. 351.

Rapin, Viscount of, ii. 230, note.

Read, M. Charles, i. 446; ii. 569.

Rector of the university, i. 22.

Reform, abortive efforts at, i. 61.

Reformation, the French, becomes a popular movement, i. 196.

Regnier, a Huguenot gentleman of Quercy, spared in the massacre at Paris, through the magnanimity of his personal enemy Vezins, ii. 480; by his bravery and determination saves Montauban for the Huguenots, ii. 574, 575.

"Reiters," i. 11.

Relics, reverence for, i. 49; great variety of, i. 50.

Renaissance, era of the, i. 41.

Renaudie, Godefroy de Barry, Seigneur de la, leader in the Tumult of Amboise, i. 379; assembles the malcontents at Nantes, i. 380; is betrayed by Des Avenelles, i. 382; his death, i. 389; his body hung and quartered, i. 392; inscription over his remains, ib.; an alleged admission of disloyal intentions on his part, i. 394.

Renee de France, Duchess of Ferrara, her hospitality, i, 179; her court, i. 205; her eulogy by Brantome, i. 206; on her return to France, rebukes the Duke of Guise, i. 437; affords a safe asylum to the Huguenots at Montargis, ii. 73, 110, 111, 327; her letter to Calvin respecting the Duke of Guise, ii. 109; her answer to Malicorne, ii. 111; her aversion to war, ii. 327, note.

Renel, Marquis de, murdered by Bussy d'Amboise, ii. 472.

Rentigny, Madame de, courageously refuses a pardon based on recantation, and is executed as a Protestant, i. 311.

Renty, ii. 352.

Representative government, long break in history of, i. 13; demanded by the "tiers etat" at Pontoise, i. 492.

Rescue of Protestant prisoners, i. 367.

Retz, De, Count and Marshal (Albert de Gondy), ii. 339, 443; at the blood council, ii. 447, 448, 449; obtains the office and property of Lomenie, including Versailles, and then causes him to be put to death, ii. 485, 527, 638.

Re-union of Romanists and Protestants, hopes of, long entertained, i. 159.

Rhinegrave, the, ii. 71, 298, 334.

Ribault, Jean leads the first expedition to colonize Florida, ii. 199; returns to Florida in command of the third expedition, ii. 200; flayed and quartered by the Spaniards, ib.

Riviere, M. de la, first Protestant pastor of Paris, i. 295; he is treacherously murdered, at Angers, by M. de Montsoreau, ii. 512.

Roanne, la, the common prison of Lyons, ii. 515; butchery of Huguenots in, ii. 516.

Roche Abeille, La, Huguenot victory at, ii. 319.

Rochefort, De, orator for the noblesse in the States General of Orleans, i. 457.

Rochefoucauld, Count de la, escapes into Germany, hearing of the proscriptive plans of the court, i. 442; ii. 349, 428, 439, 451; he is murdered on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 470.

Rochelle, La, the city of, secured for the Prince of Conde by the skill of Francois de la Noue, ii. 226, seq.; the alleged payment to Catharine de' Medici, in order to be free from a garrison, ib., note; execution of Protestants at, in 1552, ii. 227, 272; refuses, in 1568, to receive a garrison, ii. 250; its government and privileges, ii. 270-273; iconoclasm at, ii. 272; places for Protestant worship in, accorded by Charles IX., ib.; Constable Montmorency's roughness, ii. 273; becomes a city of refuge, ii. 280; strengthens its works, ii. 342; the tidings of the massacre at Bordeaux determine it to refuse to admit the emissaries of Charles IX., ii. 524; in Protestant hands, ii. 573; a great number of refugees in, ii. 576; refuses to receive Biron, who is sent as royal governor, ii. 578; first skirmish before, ii. 579; mission of La Noue to, ib.; he is badly received, ii. 580; the Rochellois reject the royal proposals, ii. 581; they make advances to La Noue, ib.; description of La Rochelle, ii. 582, 583; resoluteness of the Rochellois, ii. 583; their military strength, ii. 584; they fight and pray, ii. 585; bravery of the women, ii. 586; determination of the inhabitants, ii. 587; La Noue retires, ib.; the promised aid from England miscarries, ii. 588; great losses of the royal army before, ii. 591; treacherous attempt upon, Dec., 1573, ii. 616; the severe punishment for it approved by Charles IX., ii. 617; resumes arms, at the persuasion of La Noue, in the beginning of the fifth religious war, 1574, ii. 622.

Roche-sur-Yon, La, Prince of, his warning respecting the danger impending over the Huguenots from the designs adopted at Bayonne, ii. 197.

Rochetti, Louis de, an inquisitor, becomes a Protestant and is burned alive at Toulouse i. 289.

Roma, De, a Dominican monk, his threat, i. 76; his cruelty, i. 235.

Roman Church, how far responsible for the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 562, seq.

Romans, the Huguenots of, i. 404.

Rome, quarrels of France with, i. 279; Protestants never more exposed to disaster than when such quarrels exist, ib.; the couriers going to, stripped of their dispatches on the frontiers, i. 495; rejoicings at, over the news of the massacre of the Protestants in France, ii. 530.

Romorantin, the edict of, May, 1560, i. 410.

Ronsard, the poet, takes the sword against the Huguenots, ii. 68.

Roquefort, ii. 351.

Rouen, capital of Normandy, persecution at, i. 217; rescue of a Protestant bookbinder at, i. 367; Protestant assemblies in, i. 408; seven thousand gather in the new market-place and sing psalms, i. 430; besieged by the king, ii. 77; makes a brave defence, ii. 79; its fall, ib.; vexatious delays in publishing the edict of Amboise at, ii. 129; partiality of parliament, ii. 130; its protest against the return of Protestant exiles, ii. 131; it meets with a decided rebuff, ii. 131, 132; riot when the edict of pacification of Longjumeau is published at, ii. 241; troops quartered upon the Huguenots, ii. 244; violence at, ii. 249; Protestants attacked at, March 4, 1571, ii. 374; massacre of, ii. 519-521.

Roussel, Gerard, i. 74, 75, 83, 150, 151; retires to Strasbourg, i. 84; his excessive caution, i. 85; his theology and fortunes, i. 97; his death, i. 98.

Roussillon, county of, Spanish, ravaged by M. de Piles, ii. 351.

Roussillon, declaration of Aug. 4, 1564, infringing upon the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. 161, 162.

Roy, Etienne le, a singer ii. 429, 431.

"Royal council," the name given to meetings at which the king is not present, ii. 33.

Roye, Eleonore de, wife of Louis de Conde, her grief and death, ii. 145, 303, note.

Roye, Madame de, mother-in-law of Conde, arrested, i. 437; but subsequently declared innocent, i. 465.

Ruble, Baron de, his remarks respecting La Huguerye's misrepresentation of the character of the Queen of Navarre, ii. 425.

Rubys, an agent in the massacre at Lyons, ii. 504, note, 514.

Russanges, De, a goldsmith, betrays the Protestants of Paris, i. 360.

S.

Sacramentarians excepted from the pardon extended in the Declaration of Coucy, i. 179.

Sadolet, Bishop, his kindness to the Waldenses or Vaudois of Provence, i. 242.

Sague, an agent of the King of Navarre, arrested, i. 424.

Sainctes, Claude de, his speech at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 532; complains of Huguenot boldness, i. 570; a violent advocate of persecution, ii. 254.

"Saint," the prefix of, insisted upon by the Sorbonne, i. 223.

Saint Andre, Jacques d'Albon, Marshal of, i. 266; his rapid advancement, i. 272; makes terms with the Guises, i. 354; his influence with Constable Montmorency, i. 469; becomes one of the triumvirs, i. 470, 471; he returns a defiant answer to Catharine de' Medici, when ordered to go to his government, ii. 27; lays siege to and takes Bourges, ii. 71, 72; is killed in the battle of Dreux, ii. 95; enmity of Catharine de' Medici toward, ii. 97. See Triumvirs.

Saint Denis, battle of, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. 213.

Saint Etienne, ii. 353.

Saint Germain, Conference of, 1561, i. 539; its article on the eucharist rejected by the Roman Catholic prelates, i. 541; assembly of notables at, i. 574; conference of, January 28, 1562, ii. 7; its profitless discussions, ii. 8; delight of Mouchy and his companions at its close, ii. 8, 9; flight of the court from, ii. 626.

Saint Germain, the edict of pacification of, ending the third civil war, Aug. 8, 1570, ii. 363; dissatisfaction of the clergy, ii. 365; sincerity of the peace, ii. 367.

Saint-Germain-des-Pres, the old abbey of, ii. 483, note.

Saint Germain l'Auxerrois, church of, i. 174; bell of, ii. 455, 470, note.

Saint Goard, ii. 537, 538.

Saint Heran, Governor of Auvergne, his reported magnanimity, ii. 527.

Saint Hippolyte, Wolfgang Schuch at, i. 116.

Saint Jacques, Rue, affair of, Sept. 4, 1557, i. 303, 304; savage treatment of the prisoners, i. 305; malicious rumors respecting Protestants, i. 306; trials and executions, i. 307.

Saint Jean d'Angely, ii. 312; disastrous siege of, by the Roman Catholic army, ii. 339, seq.

Saint Lo, in Normandy, i. 408; ii. 631, 632.

Saint Medard, the "tumult" of, i. 571, seq.

Saint Michael's Day, the Huguenots to rise upon (Sept. 29, 1567), ii. 205; the secret leaks out, ii. 206.

Saint Paul, Francois de, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Saint Quentin, defeat of, August 10, 1557, i. 302.

Saint Remy, Nicole de, a mistress of Henry II., and a Spanish spy, suggests the marriage of Cardinal Bourbon in the contingency of the death of all Catharine de' Medici's sons, ii. 180, 181.

Saint Romain, Archbishop of Aix, cited by the Pope, ii. 141, 161.

Saint Romain, M. de, ii. 600.

Saint Thomas, M. de, ii. 511.

Sainte Chapelle, founded by Saint Louis, its relics, i. 174.

Sainte Foy, De, or Arnauld Sorbin, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. 254; instigates the massacre of Orleans, ii. 508; acts as confessor of Charles IX. before his death, ii. 637.

Sainte Gemme, La Noue's success at, ii. 361.

Saintes, ii. 283, 361.

Salcede, sentenced to be boiled alive for counterfeiting, i. 46.

Salic law, the, a bit of pleasantry, ii. 208.

Salignac, Abbe, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. 538; his professed sympathy with the Reformation, and his timidity, i. 538, 539.

Salviati, papal nuncio in France, his testimony respecting the want of premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and the king's ignorance, ii. 435, 436, 531, 535, 564.

Sancerre refuses to admit a garrison, in 1568, ii. 250; ford near, ii. 269; a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. 280; fruitless siege of, by Martinengo, ii. 297; siege of, in 1573, ii. 589; incipient famine in, ii. 590; terrible straits of, ii. 595, 596; capitulation of, ii. 597.

Sansac, ii. 325, 344.

Santa Croce, Cardinal, sent as nuncio to France, i. 548; his reluctance, i. 549; his alarm at the time of the assembly of notables at Saint Germain, i. 575; he claims the surrender of Cardinal Chatillon to the Pope, ii. 228, 229.

Santa Fiore, pontifical general in France, his instructions, ii. 319, note; severely reproved by Pius V. for having spared any heretics that fell into his hands, ii. 335, 568; recalled, 342.

Sapin, a member of the Parliament of Paris, executed by order of Conde, by way of retaliation, ii. 80.

Saumur, ii. 324, 503, 504, 512.

Saunier, or Saulnier, Matthieu, i. 90.

Saverne, conference of, between the Duke of Wuertemberg and the Guises, ii, 13-17.

Savoy, Duke of, intercession of Charles IX. with, in behalf of the Waldenses, or Vaudois, of Piedmont, ii. 390; collects an army to overwhelm Geneva, ii. 557.

Saxony, the elector of, refuses to let Melanchthon go to France, i. 185; his severe language to the reformer, ib.; refuses to help the Huguenots, ii. 217.

Schism, the, i. 28.

Schmidt, Professor C., on Roussel's mysticism, i. 97.

Schomberg, Gaspard de, a negotiator, ii. 71, 290, 550, 551, 608.

Schuch, Wolfgang, tragic end of, i. 116.

Sebastian, King of Portugal, affronts Charles IX. by declining the hand of Margaret of Valois, ii. 379.

Sebeville, Pierre de, i. 83.

Seguier, President of the Parliament of Paris, makes a manly speech against the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition, i. 289, 290; his leaning to Protestantism, i. 329.

Senlis, the bishop of, translates the "Hours" of Margaret of Angouleme in a Protestant fashion, i. 151.

Sens, provincial council of, i. 138; its decrees against heresy, i. 139; persecution at, i. 256; massacre of, ii. 46, 55.

Serbelloni, Fabrizio, cousin of Pope Pius IV., massacres the Protestants at Orange, ii. 48, 49.

Serignan, Viscount of, ii. 230, note.

Sermons, seditious and fanatical, ii. 5, 240, 279, 523.

Serres, Jean de, the historian, ii. 572, note, et al.

Servetus, Michael, burned contrary to the desire of Calvin, i. 212; his execution approved by Melanchthon and other reformers, ib.

Sevyn, Pierre de, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Bordeaux, killed, ii. 524.

Shakerley, Thomas, organist of the Cardinal of Ferrara, papal legate: he is a spy in the pay of Throkmorton, i. 566, note; his account of the French court, ib.

Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland, letter of Pius V. to him, ii. 564.

Sismondi, M. de, on the massacre of Vassy, ii. 24.

Smith, Sir Thomas, his account of the riotous conduct of the Parisian mob, ii. 96, 97; his tribute to the Duke of Guise, ii. 112; his remonstrance against the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. 116; his altercation with Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, ii. 128; his words as to the Prince of Conde, ii. 145, note; his view of the design of the "progress" of Charles IX., ii 158; on the growth of Protestantism in France, ii. 182; his account of an interview with the Cardinal of Lorraine, ii. 321, note; his account of the offer of a ring by Charles IX. to the Cardinal of Alessandria, ii. 402, note; his plea for Queen Elizabeth, ii. 422, note; his letter respecting the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 546.

Soldan, Professor, his view respecting the cities offered by the king to the Huguenots, ii. 358, note; as to the terms of the edict of Boulogne, ii. 594, note.

Soleure, the canton of, ii. 557.

Sommieres, brave defence of, ii. 589.

Sorbin. See Sainte Foy, De.

Sorbonne, or theological faculty, i. 22; its great authority, i. 23; its intolerance, i. 24; declaration of, i. 71; condemns Luther's teachings, i. 108; its recommendations, i. 110; reprobates Melanchthon's articles, i. 187; publishes twenty-five articles of faith, March 10, 1543, i. 223; denounces the Parliament of Paris as heretical, i. 328; despatches Artus Desire to invoke the aid of Philip II., i. 467, 468; declares it impossible to have two religions in a kingdom without confusion, ii. 228.

Soubise, M. de, entreats Catharine to throw herself into the arms of the Huguenots, ii. 31; at Lyons, ii. 102; his humanity, ib.; taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. 306.

Souillac, Huguenot reverse at, ii. 348.

Spanish ambassador's house in Paris the centre of intrigue, ii. 181.

Spanish troops recalled, ii. 342.

States General an object of suspicion, i. 11; rarely convoked, i. 12; compensating advantages, i. 13.

States General of Orleans, elections for, i. 430; complaints inserted in the "cahiers," ib.; demands of clergy at Poitiers, i. 431; opening of, Dec. 13, 1560, i. 454; the chancellor's address, i. 455; Cardinal Lorraine's effrontery, i. 456; De Rochefort's address for the noblesse, ib.; L'Ange for the tiers etat, i. 458; Jean Quintin's arrogant speech for the clergy, ib.; Admiral Coligny presents a Huguenot petition, i. 461; the States prorogued, ib.; meanwhile persecution to cease, i. 462; meet at Pontoise, i. 488; speech of Bretagne, vierg of Autun, for the tiers etat, i. 489; demands of the tiers etat, i. 490; representative government, religious toleration and an impartial council insisted upon, i. 492; the prelates at Poissy, i. 493; an invitation extended to Beza and other Frenchmen, i. 494.

Strasbourg intercedes for Protestants of France, i. 191; but receives an unsatisfactory reply, i. 192.

Strozzi, Philip, ii. 319, 576, 583, 584, 623.

Stuart, a Scotch gentleman, said to have shot the constable in the battle of Saint Denis, ii. 215; murdered in cold blood at Jarnac, ii. 304.

Sturm, John, lecturer in Paris, and afterward rector of the University of Strasbourg, writes to beg Melanchthon to come to France, i. 182.

Sully, Maximilien de Bethune, Duke of, his escape in the massacre of Paris, ii. 477.

Sureau du Rosier, Hugues, an instrument in the forced conversion of Navarre and Conde, ii. 499.

Suriano, Michel, a Venetian ambassador, his account of the Protestant ministers, i. 463; his lugubrious account of France, i. 569.

Swiss, hesitation of the Protestant cantons to seem to countenance rebellion, ii. 56; bravery at the battle of Dreux, ii. 94; levy of six thousand men sent for, ii. 196; causes distrust among the Huguenots, ib.; they escort Charles IX. to Paris, ii. 207; after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 558.

Sympathy of the judges with the Protestants, i. 300.

Synod, the first national, held in Paris, May, 1559, i. 335-337; the second, Poitiers, March 10, 1561, ii. 62, note; the third, Orleans, April 25, 1562, ii. 61; the seventh, La Rochelle, April 2-11, 1571, ii. 387.

T.

Tadon, ii. 580.

Tailor of the Rue St. Antoine, his bold speech and execution, i. 276, 277.

Talaize, ii. 516, note.

Tanquerel, a doctor of the Sorbonne, declares that the Pope can depose heretical kings, i. 566.

Tavannes, Gaspard de, Marshal, remonstrates against the peace, and favors the revival of the confraternities, ii. 245, 246; author of plot to seize Conde and Coligny, ii. 266, 339; the king's estimate of his character, ii. 409; his blunt advice, ii. 429, note; at the council of blood, ii. 447, 448 note; he rides through the streets of Paris encouraging the "blood-letting," ii. 476.

Teil, a Protestant captain, ii. 329.

Teligny, ii. 256, 357, 359, 363, 384; marries Louise de Chatillon, daughter of Admiral Coligny, ii. 387; a conversation with Charles IX., ii. 408, 409; opposes the proposition of the Vidame de Chartres to leave Paris, as a mark of distrust of the king, ii. 446, 453; he is among the first victims of the massacre, ii. 471.

Tende, the Count of, ii. 298; he refuses to massacre the Protestants in Provence, ii. 527; his speedy death attributed to poison, ib.

Terrides, a captain of Anjou, ii. 323.

Tessier, ii. 509.

Theatrical effects, i. 58.

Theophilus, letter signed, to Catharine de' Medici, i. 409.

Thionville, brilliant capture of, i. 321.

Thore, a younger Montmorency, ii. 441, 452, 625, 628.

Thou, Christopher de, First President of the Parliament of Paris, member of the commission that condemned Conde to death, i 438; his son's attempt to clear the memory of, i. 440; ii. 371; his unmanly speech at the "lit de justice," when Charles IX. assumes the responsibility of the massacre, ii. 493; presides at the trial of La Mole and Coconnas, ii. 629.

Thou, Jacques Auguste, de, the historian, son of Christopher, ii. 330, note; at the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. 428; on his father's part in the action of parliament at the time of the massacre, ii. 493, note.

Thouars falls into the hands of the Huguenots, ii. 282.

"Three Bishoprics," the, i. 66.

Throkmorton, Sir Nicholas, English ambassador, his account of the wound of Henry II., i. 340; of the dismay after the Tumult of Amboise, i. 387; of the perplexity of the Guises, i. 413; his information respecting plans of Philip II. and the Pope, i. 426, 427; respecting the illness of Francis II., i. 443; his account of matters at the French court, February 16, 1562, ii. 17, 18; urges Cecil to induce Queen Elizabeth to put away the candles and cross from the altar in her royal chapel, ii. 19; regards the Huguenots as the stronger party, ii. 42; entreats Queen Elizabeth to inspirit Catharine de' Medici, ii. 47; invokes her aid for the Huguenots, ii. 55; is captured by the Huguenots and remains with them, ii. 72; is hated by Catharine de' Medici, ib.; his frankness with Queen Elizabeth, ii. 74; he asks her to help heartily, ii. 75; his altercation with Sir Thomas Smith, ii. 128; Chantonnay's boast that with his assistance he could overturn the state, ii. 181.

Tiers Etat, its patient endurance, i. 13; its radical demands at the States General of Pontoise, i. 490 seq.

"Tiger, Letter to the, of France," a virulent pamphlet against Cardinal Lorraine, i. 444-448; written by Francois Hotman, i. 446.

Title-pages, deceptive, i. 275.

Toledo, Don Frederick of, routs Genlis and takes him prisoner, ii. 415.

Toleration, religious, demanded by the tiers etat at Pontoise, i. 492.

Toulouse, execution of Jean de Caturce at, i. 150; character of the city according to Protestant and Roman Catholic authors, ib; massacre of Huguenots at, May, 1562, ii. 52-54; commemorated in 1762, but the commemoration forbidden by the French government in 1862, ii. 54; the parliament, instead of publishing the edict of Amboise, forbids the profession of the reformed religion, ii. 128; the parliament of, murders judicially M. Rapin, a Protestant gentleman sent by the king, ii. 239; reluctantly registers the edict of pacification of 1568, ii. 240; a "crusade" preached at, ii. 278; massacre of, in 1572, ii. 521, 522.

Tour, Jean de la, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Tournon, Cardinal of, i. 139; his arguments to dissuade Francis I. from intercourse with heretics, i. 188; instigates the persecution of Protestants, i. 282; his reported bad faith, i. 285; tries to cut short the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 521; his new demand, i. 529.

Tours, the Protestants of, attacked while at worship, ii. 162.

Tourtray M. de, executed on the Place de Greve, ii. 628.

Toussain, Pierre, on the timidity of Lefevre and Gerard Roussel, i. 86.

Trade despised, i. 15.

Traps for heretics, i. 367.

Treacherous diplomacy, ii. 220.

Treaty of amity between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth, April 18, 1572, ii. 398.

Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis, i. 322.

Trent, the Council of, closes its sessions, Dec., 1563, ii. 152; confirms the abuses of the Roman Catholic Church, and renders indelible the line of demarcation between the two religions, ii. 153, 154; Cardinal Lorraine makes a fruitless attempt to have the decrees received in France, ii. 155; able treatise of Du Moulin against them, ii. 155, 156.

Triumvirate, the, formed by Montmorency, Guise, and St. Andre, i. 470, 471; a spurious statement of its objects, i. 471-473; it retires in disgust from Saint Germain, i. 556.

Triumvirs, petition of, ii. 58; they amuse Conde before Paris with negotiations until reinforcements arrive, ii. 90, 91; they consult Catharine de' Medici respecting the engagement, ii. 92, 93.

"Trivium" and "quadrivium," i. 20.

Trouillas, an advocate, pretended orgies in the house of, i. 365; he insists on being put on trial for these orgies, and not for heresy, and is tardily released, i. 365, 366.

Troyes, progress of Protestantism in, i. 562; great crowds at the Huguenot services, ii. 11; massacre of Huguenots in the prisons of, ii. 128, 129; formation of the "Christian and Royal League" at, ii. 246; violence at, ii. 249; Protestants returning from worship attacked, ii. 432, 433; massacre of, Sept 4, 1572, ii. 507, 508.

Truchares, a political Huguenot, mayor of La Rochelle, ii. 227.

Truchon, a judge, much edified by the signs of concord, just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. 197.

Tuileries, new palace of the, built by Catharine de' Medici, ii. 598.

Turenne, ii. 625.

Turks, French civilities to, ii. 181.

Tytler-Fraser, Mr., ii. 291, note.

U.

University of Paris, i. 20; the four nations, i. 21; the faculties, ib.; chancellor and rector, i. 22; number of its students, i. 24; gives name to a quarter of the city, i. 24; barbarism at, i. 42.

Unlettered persons forbidden to discuss matters of faith, i. 281.

Uzes, Duke of, ii. 604.

V.

Val, Du, Bishop of Seez, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. 538.

Valence, Huguenots of, seize the church of the Franciscans, i. 404; a public assembly of the citizens, i. 405; progress of good morals, ib.; orders sent for the extermination of the Protestants, i. 406; treacherous treatment of, i. 407.

Valenciennes captured by Count Louis of Nassau, ii. 412.

Valery, ii. 203.

Valette, Jean de la, Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, ii. 181.

Varillas, M, an untrustworthy historian, ii. 25, 26; his good remarks respecting Admiral Coligny, ii. 315.

Vasari paints three pictures in the Vatican, by order of Pope Gregory XIII. to commemorate the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. 533, and note.

Vassy, a town in Champagne, part of the dower of Mary, Queen of Scots, ii. 19; establishment of the Huguenot church at, ii. 19, 20; arrival of the Duke of Guise, ii. 21; massacre of, March 1, 1562, ii. 21, 22; pamphlets respecting it, ii. 22, 23; upon whom rests the guilt of the butchery, ii. 23-26.

Vatable, i. 43.

Vaud, Pays de, conquered by Berne, i. 197.

"Vauderie," crime of, i. 63.

Vaudrey, Anne de, bailli of Troyes, an agent in the massacre of Troyes, ii. 507, 508.

Vaudois, execution of, at Arras, i. 63.

Vaudois, or Waldenses, of Piedmont, mission of the four "evangelical" cantons in their behalf, i. 309; Charles IX. intercedes in their behalf with the Duke of Savoy, ii. 390.

Vaudois, or Waldenses, of Provence, i. 230; their industry and thrift, ib.; their villages in the Comtat Venaissin, i. 231; they send delegates to the Swiss and German reformers, i. 232; their doctrines and practices, ib.; cause the Bible to be translated by Olivetanus, i. 233; preliminary persecutions of, i. 234; iniquitous order of the Parliament of Aix against, i. 235; followed by the "Arret de Merindol," i. 236; temporarily saved by Chassanee, i. 238; report of Du Bellay respecting their character and history, i. 240; pardoned by Francis I., i. 241; are again summoned by the Parliament of Aix, ib.; they publish a new confession, i. 242; stealthy organization of an expedition against, i. 245; villages burned, and the inhabitants butchered, i. 246, 247; destruction of Merindol, i. 247; destruction of Cabrieres, i. 248; of La Coste, i. 249; the results, i. 250; Francis led to give his approval to the massacre, i. 251; an investigation ordered, ib.; impunity of most of the culprits, i. 252.

Venaissin, Comtat. See Comtat Venaissin.

Venetian ambassadors, opinions of, i. 10.

Verbal orders respecting the massacre in the provinces, ii. 502, 514.

Verbelai, ii. 226.

Verez, De, throws himself into Geneva with a body of French soldiers, i. 197.

Vergne, La, ii. 302.

Versailles, the title how obtained by the king, ii. 485.

Vertueil, the King of Navarre dismisses his escort at, i. 435.

"Very Christian King," title of, i. 35.

Vezelay, birthplace of Theodore Beza, i. 497; refuses to admit a garrison in 1568, ii. 250; a place of refuge, ii. 280; sustains a successful siege, ii. 343, 344.

Vezins, a Roman Catholic gentleman of Quercy, magnanimously saves the life of his personal enemy, the Huguenot Regnier, ii. 480, 481.

Vialard, President, at Rouen, ii. 519.

Vieilleville, Marshal of, magnanimously refuses to take advantage of a royal patent giving him a share of the confiscated property of heretics, i. 282; sent as envoy to the Huguenots, ii. 210; remonstrance of, ii. 255; the king's estimate of, ii. 409.

"Vierg," the designation of an officer at Autun, i. 489.

Vigor, Archbishop of Narbonne, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. 254, 375, 634.

Villars, Count de, burns books from Geneva at Pont St. Esprit, i. 428; influences Constable Montmorency, i. 469; appointed admiral after the death of Coligny, ii. 523, 524.

Villegagnon, Vice-admiral of Brittany, sent with a Protestant colony to Brazil, i. 291; founds Fort Coligny, i. 292; becomes an enemy of the Protestants, i. 293; and brings ruin on the expedition, i. 294; vows eternal enmity to the Huguenots, ii. 180; writes to Renee of France, ii. 327.

Villemadon's letter of remonstrance to Catharine de' Medici, i. 363.

Villemongys, i. 392.

Villeneuve, capture of, by the Huguenots, ii. 589.

Viole, Claude, his speech in the "mercuriale" of 1559, i. 334.

Virel, Jean, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 509.

Viret, the reformer, intercedes for the poor non-combatants at Lyons, ii. 102.

Visconte, affair in the house of, i. 361.

"Viscounts," the army of the, ii. 226; they march to meet Conde, and defeat the troops collected by the Governor of Auvergne at Cognac, or Cognat, ii. 230; relieve Orleans, ib.; take Blois, ib.; list of the viscounts, ii. 230, note.

Visions of celestial hosts, ii. 334.

Vitelli, Chiappin, routs Genlis and takes him prisoner, ii. 415.

Vivarez, Montbrun's exploits in, ii. 621.

Vore de la Fosse sent to Melanchthon, i. 182; his interviews with him, and his letters, i. 183.

Vulcob, M. de, French ambassador to the Emperor of Germany, ii. 550.

W.

Waldenses. See Vaudois.

Walsingham, Francis, on the peace of Saint Germain, ii. 368; receives the assurances of the king as to his intention to observe the peace, ii. 371; on the attempts to dissuade Anjou from marrying Queen Elizabeth, ii. 379; on the English marriage and the anxiety of the Huguenots, ii. 382; his enthusiastic description of Count Louis of Nassau, ii. 384, note; urges Queen Elizabeth to advocate the invitation of Coligny to court, ii. 388, note; he sets forth the critical nature of the situation, ii. 416; he mentions rumors of Elizabeth's desertion of her allies, ii. 420; he praises Coligny's magnanimity, ii. 421; his reply to Catharine de' Medici respecting Coligny's loyalty, ii. 495, 547; on the forced conversions of Navarre and Conde, ii. 499; his conversation with the queen mother as to the maintenance of the edict of pacification, ii. 547, 548.

War, the first civil, or religious, April, 1562, to March 19, 1563, ii. 34-115; its results, ii. 118; it prevents France from becoming Huguenot, ii. 119; the second civil war, Sept., 1567, to March 23, 1568, ii. 203-234; the third civil war, Sept., 1568, to Aug. 8, 1570, ii. 274-366; the fourth civil war, Dec., 1572, to July, 1573, ii. 582-593; meagre results of, ii. 594; beginning of the fifth civil war, 1574, ii. 622.

Westmoreland, Earl of, his rebellion, ii. 358.

White, Henry, Dr., the remark respecting Cardinal Lorraine which he ascribes to Beza, i. 529; cf. also ii. 46, 252, 427, note, 527, note.

Whittingham, Wm., Dean of Durham, ii. 292, note.

Winter, severity of the, 1568-1569, ii. 286, 297.

Winter, Admiral, carries money, cannon, and ammunition to La Rochelle, ii. 296.

Wolmar, Melchior, i. 43; a teacher of Calvin, i. 199.

Wolrad, Count of Mansfeld, succeeds the Duke of Deux-Ponts in command of the German auxiliaries of the Huguenots, ii. 318, 335, 364.

Worship, Protestant places of, assigned at the most inconvenient distances, ii. 163, 164, note, 432, note.

Wotton, Dr., his view of the court of Henry II. of France, i. 261.

Wringle, Pierre de, or Van, the printer of Serrieres, near Neufchatel, i. 233.

Wuertemberg, Christopher, Duke of, sends theologians to Poissy, who come too late for the colloquy, i. 544; meets the Guises at Saverne, ii. 13; he remonstrates with them respecting the persecution of the Huguenots, ii. 14; his judgment on the whole matter, ii. 17; he declines the offer of the post of lieutenant-general of the king, ii. 113.

Y.

Year, the old French, begins at Easter, i. 276.

Yolet, ii. 603.

Yverny, Madame d', butchered in the massacre at Paris, ii. 474.

Z.

Zuleger, a councillor of the elector palatine, sent to France to see the state of affairs at the time of the second civil war, ii. 218; he reports favorably to the Huguenots, ii. 219.

Zurich, intercedes for the French Protestants, i. 191; but receives an unsatisfactory reply, i. 192; intercedes with Henry II., after the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, with little success, i. 309, 310.