Opening…

Chapter I

OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.

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Importance of the question, as to whether the historian should begin with studying the normal or the abnormal condition of society 1-3

Greater power of the church in France than in England 4

Hence in France during the sixteenth century everything was more theological than in England 6-8

Hence, too, toleration was impossible in France 9-11

But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared in France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in the Edict of Nantes 11-15

The first sceptic was not Rabelais, but Montaigne 15-18

Continuation of the movement by Charron 18-21

Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants 23-24

And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent during the minority of Louis XIII. 24-26

The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were, however, taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the church 27-34

He supported the new secular scheme of government against the old ecclesiastical scheme 34-42

His liberal treatment of the Protestants 42-46

They are deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management of the party falls into the hands of the clergy 46-51

Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy, become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are headed by statesmen 51-55

Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants 55-72

They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather than of creeds 73

Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from persecuting the Protestants 73-76

This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part of a much larger movement 76-77

Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes 77-92

Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu 92-93

The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their contemporaries 93-95

And by Mazarin 96-98

It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde 99-102

But notwithstanding all this, there was a great difference between France and England; and the prevalence of the protective spirit prevented the French from becoming free 102-107

Chapter II

HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church 108-110

Coinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary aristocracy appeared 110-112

The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed by the principle of hereditary rank 112

In England the nobles were less powerful than in France 113-116

And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the crown 116-118

Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France, where the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people 118-119

Effects of this difference between the two countries in the fourteenth century 119-122

Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality 122-126

This state contrasted with that of England 126-127

Power of the French nobles 128-131

Illustration from the history of chivalry 131-135

Another illustration from the vanity of the French and pride of the English 135-137

Also from the practice of duelling 137

The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation 138

Analogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of the seventeenth century 138-139

Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural alliance between these two classes 139-142

In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened 143-146

James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power 147

Chapter III

THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH REBELLION.

Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion 148-150

The English rebellion was a war of classes 150-159

But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the power of the nobles made a war of classes impossible 160-162

Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles 162-170

As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion naturally failed 167-173

But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic movement headed by popular leaders 174-175

Chapter IV

THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.

The protective spirit in France, having produced these political evils, was carried into literature under Louis XIV., and caused an alliance between literature and government 176-177

Servility in the reign of Louis XIV. 177-181

Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV. 182

But his system of protecting literature is injurious 183-188

Its first effect was to stop the progress of science 188-192

Even in mechanical arts nothing was effected 192-194

Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine 194-197

Also in zoology and in chemistry 197

Nor was anything done in botany 198-202

Intellectual decay under Louis XIV. was seen in every department of thought, and was the natural consequence of patronage 202-205

Illustrations from the history of French art 205-208

And from every branch of literature 208-210

Universal decline of France during the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV. 210-212

Chapter V

DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

English literature unknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV. 213-214

But began to be studied after his death, when the most eminent Frenchmen visited England. This caused a junction of French and English intellects 215-227

Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen 228-229

Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government attempted to stifle 229

Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government 230-242

Violence of the government 242-246

In France literature was the last resource of liberty 246-247

Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and not the government 247-253

Hence they were led to assail Christianity 254-258

But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political institutions of France might have been saved; after that period all was over 258-259

Chapter VI

STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth century 261-265

Improvement in the method of writing history late in the sixteenth century 266-267

Still further progress early in the seventeenth century 268-270

Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643 271-272

Retrograde movement under Louis XIV. 273-279

Illustration of this from the work of Audigier 279-282

And from that of Bossuet 282-291

Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire 292-313

His History of Charles XII. 292-295

His Age of Louis XIV. 296-297

His Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations 297-298

His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos, and Hénault 299-300

His habit of looking at epochs 301

A remark of his adopted by Constant 302

He advocated free trade 304

His anticipation of Malthus 304-305

His attack on the Middle Ages 305-306

And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity 306-308

He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians 308-309

Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting the early history of Rome 309-310

In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr 310-313

Ignorant prejudice against him in England 313

His vast labours were aided by Montesquieu 314

The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method 314-319

The discourses of Turgot, and their influence 320-321

All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution 321-322

Chapter VII

PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

Recapitulation of preceding views 323

Difference between certainty and precision 324-326

The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750 326-327

Rise of the political economists 327-330

Influence of Rousseau 330-331

Just at the same time the government began to attack the church 332-334

And to favour religious toleration 334-336

Abolition of the Jesuits 336-346

Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic 339-342

Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France aided the democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian 343-345

After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was inevitable 347-348

But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen directing their hostility against the state rather than against the church 349-351

Connexion between this movement and the rise of atheism 351-353

Same tendency exhibited in Helvétius 353-357

And in Condillac 357-360

The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the external world 360-361

Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricit 361-363

Also on chemistry and geology 364-373

In England during the same period there was a dearth of great thinkers 374-375

But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier and Bichat 375-376

Bichat's views respecting the tissues 377-421

Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries 383-386

Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method; and immense importance of Bichat's method 386-389

Bichat's work on life 390-395

Great and successful efforts made by the French in Botany 395-399

And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Haüy 399-403

Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity 403-404

All these vast results were part of the causes of the French Revolution 405

Physical science is essentially democratic 406-410

The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress 410-412

And in the establishment of clubs 412-415

Influence of the American Rebellion 415-418

Summary of the causes of the French Revolution 418-420

General reflections 420-424

Chapter VIII

OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

In the preceding Chapters four propositions have been established 425-426

The truth of which may be further verified by studying the history of Spain 426

In Spain, superstition is encouraged by physical phenomena 426-434

It was also encouraged by the great Arian war with France 434-439

And, subsequently, by the war with the Mohammedans 439-444

These three causes influenced the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella 444-446

Continuation of the same policy by Charles V. and by Philip II. 446-453

Philip II., notwithstanding his repulsive qualities, was loved by the nation 453-455

Their affection for him was the result of general causes, which, during several centuries, have made the Spaniards the most loyal people in Europe 455

Origin of Spanish loyalty, and evidence of it 455-461

Loyalty became united with superstition, and each strengthened the other 461-462

In consequence of this union, great foreign conquests were made, and a great military spirit was developed 461-465

But this sort of progress, depending too much upon individuals, is necessarily unstable 465-466

The progress of England, on the other hand, depends upon the ability of the nation, and therefore, continues, whether individual rulers are skilful, or whether they are unskilful 466-467

In Spain, the ruling classes were supreme; the people counted for nothing; and hence the grandeur of the country, which was raised up by the able princes of the sixteenth century, was as quickly pulled down by the weak princes of the seventeenth 467-472

The decay of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was connected with the increasing influence of the clergy 472-483

The first use which the clergy made of their power was to expel all the Moors 483-496

Effect of this expulsion in impoverishing Spain 497-499

Decline of manufactures, and of population, and increase of poverty 499-511

In 1700, when affairs were at their worst, the Austrian dynasty was succeeded by the Bourbon 513-514

Spain was now ruled by foreigners 514-520

Who endeavoured to improve the country by weakening the church 521-525

But the authority of the church had so enfeebled the national intellect, that the people, immersed in ignorance, remained inert 525-543

Government attempted to remedy this ignorance by calling in foreign aid 534-545

The influence of foreigners in Spain was displayed in the expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767 545-546

And in the attacks made on the Inquisition 547-548

It was also displayed in the foreign policy of Spain 548-550

All this was promoted by the authority and high character of Charles III. 552-554

But it was of no avail; because politicians can do nothing, when the spirit of the country is against them 534-555

Still, Charles III. effected great improvements, from which, on a superficial view, permanent benefit might have been expected 555-568

Summary of what was accomplished for Spain, by the government, between the years 1700 and 1788 568-570

Inasmuch, however, as these ameliorations were opposed to the habits of the national character, a reaction was inevitable 570-571

In 1788, Charles III. was succeeded by Charles IV., and the new king, being a true Spaniard, the reaction began 571-573

In the nineteenth century, political reformers again endeavoured to improve Spain 574

For the reasons already stated, their efforts were fruitless, notwithstanding the early establishment in that country of municipal privileges, and of popular representation 575-576

In this way, general causes always triumph over particular actions 577-578

Those general causes predetermined the country to superstition, and it was impossible for individuals to make head against them 578-583

Nothing can weaken superstition but knowledge 583

Such failures are the more observable, because Spain enjoys immense natural advantages 583-585

And has possessed great patriots and great legislators 585

The Spaniards have, moreover, long been celebrated for honour, courage, temperance, humanity, and religious sincerity 585-588

So far, however, as national progress is concerned, these noble qualities are useless, while ignorance is so gross and so general 588-592

This it is, which, isolating Spain from the rest of the civilized world, keeps alive that spirit of superstition, that reverence for antiquity, and that blind and servile loyalty, which, as long as they last, will render improvement impossible; and which must last until ignorance is removed 592-597

HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.