Opening

[Transcriber's notes. This work is derived from: https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn

To provide some "foresight" on the many international conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review of World War I, which commences four years after the publication of this work. For example: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I

These modifications are intended to provide continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression: "^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

--------------------------------- MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE Subheading one. Subheading two.

Subject text.

See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

_John Smith, External Citation Title, Chapter 3, page 89._ ---------------------------------

Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and immediately follow the main title.

Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented three spaces.

References to other articles in this work are in all upper case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number of one of the preceding six Volumes.

Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details, including URLs of available internet versions.

----------Subject: Start-------- ----------Subject: End---------- indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other large block.

To search for words separated by an unknown number of other characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters: "first.{1,100}second"

A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled differently by various authors. Search for:

"Word List: Start".

I use these free search tools: Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com

Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such Courier New.

End Transcriber's Notes.]

{i} HISTORY

FOR READY REFERENCE

FROM THE BEST

HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE

SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

J. N. LARNED

WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN C. REILEY

REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

IN SEVEN VOLUMES

Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY (1901 TO 1910)

A to Z

SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

1910

{ii}

The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company

{iii}

PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME

In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered, had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so revolutionary in political and social conditions that many people had asked for an extension of my work to report them. The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what the decade since has been developing, in movements and achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession, with effects so profound and so problematical, that their appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies this further extension of my compilation of "recent history" has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and revolutionary movements of the present time, which are traversing all divisions and institutions of all society, occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its organization,—international, national, municipal, political, industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life untouched.

A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and "Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages, for the account of what has been done in various countries in the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance, hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing, wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8 pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology" receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages. Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in 16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting pages on recent legislation touching the young.

The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages, is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18 pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12. The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform in the

{iv}

British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed. So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between popular interests represented in the House of Commons and class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective results.

As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even more truth of this, that it presents "History in the making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."

As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a considerably extensive series of systematic courses for historical study and reading, the literature for which is supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready Reference." This has been prepared in response to many requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor and user of the work.

J. N. L. Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.

{v}

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers for permission kindly given me to quote from books and periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection with the passages borrowed severally from them:

The publishers of The American Catholic Quarterly Review, The American Monthly Review of Reviews, The Associated Prohibition Press, The Atlantic Monthly Magazine, The Boston Transcript, The Century Magazine, The Contemporary Review, The Fortnightly Review, The New York Evening Post, The New York State Journal of Medicine, The Nineteenth Century Review, The North American Review, The Outlook, The Times (London), Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh, Messrs. Doubleday, Page & Co., Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co., Messrs. Harper & Brothers, Messrs. Henry Holt & Co., Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company, Messrs. John Lane Company, Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons; Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors); Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department, Lowell High School, San Francisco; Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work", Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.

I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many societies and persons from whom I have received reports and other documents that were essential to my work; and especially do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the Buffalo Public Library.

{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE

ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.

ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey. His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 . His faithlessness to it. His deposition.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.), and 1909 (January-May).

ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.

See (in this Volume) Africa: Somaliland.

ABDURAHMAN, Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.

See (in this Volume) AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ABERDEEN, Lady.

See (in this Volume) WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

"ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.

See (in this Volume) CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 . The French in favor. Their railway building and plans.

"Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have already achieved some success. They have settled themselves along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in these regions has been the establishment of a lasting friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of 1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …

"At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress between the representatives of the various nationalities. We are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of any European nation."

_G. F. H. Berkeley, The Abyssinian Question and its History (Nineteenth Century, January, 1903)._

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902. Treaty with Great Britain.

A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May, 1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia, and contains the following important provisions:

"Article III. His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan.

Article IV. The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a block of territory having a river frontage of not more than 2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the two high contracting parties that the territory so leased shall not be used for any political or military purpose.

Article V. The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."

ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN: In the United States.

See (in this Volume) LABOR PROTECTION.

ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

See (in this Volume) NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ACRE DISPUTES, The: Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia. Its final partition.

A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian standpoint as follows:

"Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general disapproval in South America As the most immediately interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer, and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and abroad. {2} Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the syndicate into the possession of the territory.

"When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed their independence, were masters of the whole country, excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession until the end of January. Although since January negotiations have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably the cause of the disorders and complications which have had their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in 1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought proper that its President and his minister of war should march against that territory at the head of armed forces with the end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing the agents of the syndicate."

The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to "defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it, renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating thus this disturbing element."

In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly, since January, that we will examine, with attention, the claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and Bolivia."

The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26: "Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River, are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River, to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all individual Acre claims."

Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised by loan.

For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903, provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic of Peru."

The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the territorial sovereignty of another nation."

The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz, the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere. Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual inspection of the territory should be made in case the documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after examining the titles and documents, could give such a decision. He passed over the elementary principles of international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a consequence Bolivia rejects the award."

The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations; diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by international rights and the customs of civilized nations in similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the compromised possessions of Bolivia."

{3}

With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the latter which made her people willing to recognize the award. This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were as follows:

"Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory, with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."

As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September, three days before the Bolivian pacification.

This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled four countries in South America for many years, and brought quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.

ADANA, Massacres at.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).

ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.

See (in this Volume) ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.

See (in this Volume) PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

AEHRENTHAL, Baron.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

AERONAUTICS.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906. Death of Abdurahman. Succession of his son, Habibullah. Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.

The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish to have his country move a little on the lines of European progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor. The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public, with expositions, to make the listening people understand the bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing. He is said to have done much in the way of improving agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting, with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December, that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905. The Ameer becomes King.

In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907. Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Afghanistan.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

AFRICA: Its Colonizability by white peoples. The regions habitable by Europeans.

"There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come: namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons combined may in future prove the more effective checks. Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants. This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man by certain gnats of the genus Anopheles—possibly by other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while, on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (Cassia Beareana) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act as a complete cure for malarial fever. …

"For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara Desert which at the present time are favourable to white colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa, Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat, however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native population, almost precludes the idea of a European settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are still within Italian territory there are said to be a few small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who, by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia, possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …

{4}

"Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south. British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest continuous area of white man’s country in the central section of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika, together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza, however, there is an area which has as its outposts the southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this East African territory is more or less in the occupation of sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just nor easy to expel. …

"The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited to European settlement lies along the edge of the Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the Congo Free State offer similar conditions.

"In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika. There is also land of this description in the North-East Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland, and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which, together with a few outlying mountain districts to the southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000 square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.

"In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony, four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The remainder of this part of the continent must be considered mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.

"Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa, and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol- lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole African continent may be attributed to the white man as his legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we must considerably reduce our North African estimate."

_H. H. Johnston, The White Man's Place in Africa (Nineteenth Century, June, 1904)._

AFRICA: Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt, Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

AFRICA: British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.

The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin, November 29, 1909:

"An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years, were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be published as yet."

AFRICA: French Central: A Land-locked Empire.

"Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. … Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents no seductive outlook.

"The key to the situation is the question of transport, for here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account, and in all probability more mature consideration will convince the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads running through French territory are available; from the east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara. {5} Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara. From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."

_E. J. Wardle, The French in Central Africa (Contemporary Review, October, 1902)._

AFRICA: Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.

Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard, sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto, where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are believed to have effected a firm establishment of British ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the Western Sudan.

AFRICA: Rapid development of the railway system.

See (in this Volume) Railways: Nigeria.

AFRICA: French Mauretanie.

See Morocco: A. D.1909.

AFRICA: French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.

See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.

AFRICA: German Colonies: Cost to Germany. Small number of German Colonists.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

AFRICA: Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

AFRICA: Wars with the Natives.

In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel, that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about $10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000 marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about 30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had to be sent out.

AFRICA: Opening of Diamond Fields.

Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November 10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions shall be established for the working of the mines; and, fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for the German diamond-cutting industry.

AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908. Continued existence of slavery.

General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he said: "The English director of the cable office took me to some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph department. He told me, further, that the year before the whole original population of the island had died from malarial fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace those who had died."

General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland, and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires, generally paying him in rifles and ammunition. {6} This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands, but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women, children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many women as are necessary, he hands over to the slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he keeps for himself and his people, and the children he sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. … Arriving at the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are required—are brought before an officer appointed for the purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and after the contract has been read to these people, who do not understand one word of the language, a black man, who is stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say ‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the neck of each of the slaves."

AFRICA: Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.

In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men with a view to establishing his authority over the southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and "stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902, when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse. He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100 men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.

Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with strongly increased forces from India and from African native levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.

AFRICA: Peace with the Mullah.

The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in trade.

Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah, effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in 1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland were to be increased, but that there was no intention to embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200 miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops. Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera, where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The country is practically worthless, and the best course, probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further effectively protected without permanently employing a large force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."

AFRICA: Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.

A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with 200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried and hanged him straightway.

AFRICA: Population.

Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of 8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.

See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO, RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.

AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio: His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

See (in this Volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

AGRAM TRIALS, The.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany: Its triumph in 1909.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

AGRICULTURE: Coöperative and other unions among farmers.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909; AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE: Dry Farming.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

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AGRICULTURE: Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

AGRICULTURE: Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.

See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE: International Institute: Its origin and purpose. Created under the auspices of the King of Italy. Forty nations associated in its membership. Its seat near Rome.

The idea of an international organization for systematizing the agricultural production of the world and regulating the markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr. David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr. Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as addressed to the Government of the United States by the Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February, 1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King, my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of representatives of the great agricultural societies of the various countries and of delegates from the several governments. This institute, being devoid of any political intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in the different countries, periodically indicating the supply and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the commerce of agricultural products less costly and more expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting in unison with the various national bureaus already existing, it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants and live stock, against which individual defense is less effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation, agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and propose measures of general interest, preparing international agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural classes.

"Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which ought to have its own representatives in the institute, appointed to act as the exponents of their respective governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now invites them to participate through their delegates in the first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.

"The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost agricultural nation in the world."

Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of organization was as follows:

"Article 1. There is hereby created a permanent international institute of agriculture, having its seat at Rome.

"Article 2. The international institute of agriculture is to be a government institution, in which each adhering power shall be represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing articles.

"Article 3. The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation, whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined according to the group to which it belongs, and to which reference will be made in article 10.

"Article 4. The general assembly shall elect for each session from among its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly and according to a programme proposed by the permanent committee and adopted by the adhering governments.

"Article 5. The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering governments modifications of any nature involving an increase in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the adhering nations shall be required in order to render the deliberations valid.

"Article 6. The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.

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"Article 7. The permanent committee shall be composed of members designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member. However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the same as those indicated in article 3 for the general assemblies.

"Article 8. The permanent committee shall elect from among its members for a period of three years a president and a vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare its internal regulations, vote the budget of the institute within the limits of the funds placed at its disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove the officials and employees of its office. The general secretary of the permanent committee shall act as secretary' of the assembly.

"Article 9. The institute, confining its operations within an international sphere, shall—

(a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible statistical, technical, or economic information concerning farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the various markets:

(b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as possible, all the information just referred to;

(d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear in any part of the world, showing the territories infected, the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies which are effective in combating them;

(e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and publish information which might be useful in the various countries in the organization of works connected with agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;

(f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common interests of farmers and for the improvement of their condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of information, such as the wishes expressed by international or other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies, learned bodies, etc.

All questions concerning the economic interests, the legislation, and the administration of a particular nation shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.

"Article 10. The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall have and the number of units of assessment shall be established according to the following gradations:

Groups of nations. Numbers of votes Units of assessment.

I 5 16 II 4 8 III 3 4 IV 2 2 V 1 1

In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary provision the assessment for the first two years shall not exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of the institute on the same conditions as the independent nations.

"Article 11. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with the Italian Government."

In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for the purpose."

On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome … have now all sanctioned by the signature of their plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference." As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including twelve American republics besides the United States. To this gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the following:

"His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose, by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative, the convention which will soon be referred to the several contracting governments for ratification."

At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome, December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were present.

"His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of July next until the day when, the international institute of agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the announcement made to the international conference at its session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute itself.

"In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace, where the international institute will have its headquarters, and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover 10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is the time when the permanent committee of the institute will likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."

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Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento, California, has been selected to represent this Government on the permanent committee, it being understood that he is willing to serve without salary."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1905 and 1906

AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.

See (in this Volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

AHMED RIZA.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALASKA: A. D. 1903. Settlement of the boundary question. Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge of the facts.

The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work, under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in 1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of six, three representing the United States and three acting for Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C. Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario. The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the questions submitted. "By this award," said President Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches. While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899 at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of discussion and possible danger a question liable to become more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will with which two friendly nations can approach and determine issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."

_Message of President Roosevelt, December 7, 1903._

In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award, while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans, which provoked the accusation that his decision had been given, at the instigation of the British Government, not judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the following remarks:

"In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it, that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a right of possession to various ports and sections, and that against this occupancy there had been no British protest whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and that his decision was really the only one that was fair and unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."

_F. B. Tracy, Tercentenary History of Canada, Volume 3, page 1044 (Macmillan Co., New York, 1908)._

A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators severally, is given in the British Parliamentary

_Papers by Command (United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877._

ALASKA: A. D. 1906. Convention to provide for final establishment of the boundary line.

Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska were provided for in a Convention between the United States and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:

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"Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of the Russian possessions in North America to the United States, concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16 [sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the Frozen Ocean.

"And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and the survey of the country intermediate between such points, involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid treaties but merely the determination of such points and their connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and surveyors;

"And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete effect to said treaties."

To make such determination it was agreed that each Government should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each Government may elect."

ALASKA: A. D. 1906. Election of a delegate to Congress.

An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May 7, 1906.

ALASKA COAL FIELDS.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.

See (in this Volume) SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

ALBANIA: A. D. 1904. Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ALBERT, King of Belgium.

See (in this Volume) BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ALBERT, Marcellin: Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALBERTA: Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903. Resolution of the National Convention of the Social Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.

At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new society is the task of political and industrial organization— and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine that the men of the future society will be contented because they are intoxicated! Contentment in that new order will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it. The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to use this weapon. Let us do it!"

In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:

"The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man, and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the evils which have come from it.

"The first aim in this struggle must be the economic betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the removal of the common toleration of drinking.

"The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to see to it that their members are true to the political and economic duties of the party organization."

ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908. The Canada Temperance Act.

Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege of local option had been given to counties and cities in Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill. In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II. into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,— {11} (a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any intoxicating liquor; or, ( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to any other person any intoxicating liquor; or, (c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped, brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any intoxicating liquor; or, (d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store, warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so sent, shipped, brought or carried."

But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any person or persons for his or their personal or family use, except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid for in such county or city to the person delivering the same, his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."

To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city, not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition can be put to vote in the same community for three years.

On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the province 334 are now without a single license in force. The Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only 110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."

ALCOHOL: Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes with it.

Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset. One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly large city in the United States. Violence and crime were practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder. Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m. In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults were registered on the police records. A despatch to Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand revolvers."

When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston, wrote in April, 1909:

"The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is common, especially at the railway stations, where one is liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."

So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst social maladies, if they will!

ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 . Passage of an amended licensing law. A moderate reform.

A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a drunken mate.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904. Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.

An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April, 1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in each county) only. When a public house was thought to be superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be given. {12} If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated difference between the value of the licensed premises and the value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue Commissioners should determine the sum.

The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to "encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with that object they should make the trade secure." On the other side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of years after which the awarding of compensation for the withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into Parliament four months before.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907. Drink in its relation to crime. Testimony of judges.

"The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink. The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"

_H. A. Giles, Opium and Alcohol in China (Nineteenth Century, December, 1907)._

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908. Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its rejection by the Lords.

Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of 1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to power with no commission from the people more positive than was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it brought into Parliament and passed through the House of Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors, without treating them as vested interests under a sacred guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared; "Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule." The schedule referred to was as follows:

Persons per acre.

2 or less Exceeding 2 but not exceeding 25 Exceeding 25 but not exceeding 50 Exceeding 50 but not exceeding 75 Exceeding 75 but not exceeding 100 Exceeding 100 but not exceeding 200 Exceeding 200

Number of on-licenses.

1 to 400 persons or part of 400 1 to 500 persons or part of 500 1 to 600 persons or part of 600 1 to 700 persons or part of 700 1 to 800 persons or part of 800 1 to 900 persons or part of 900 1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000

The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of the significant incidents of recent political history, and when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances preceding, following, and attending it have made two things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the prospects of any really effective temperance reform on anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and responsible Government. And the question of the relations between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals, at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue in our programme."

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The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made, that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904 had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908. Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.

See (in this Volume) CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909. Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909. The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.

Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said: "The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s. 6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would consume less.

"I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by 70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September has been 36 per cent.

"People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer. It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25 per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine million gallons.’’

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909. Organization of "The True Temperance Association." Its aim and appeal.

Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of the Continental café and German bierhaus; the White City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses, would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental countries."

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900: England, United States, France, and Germany. Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.

"The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries, per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:

Drink-consumption per 10 of population.

Country. Beer, spirits, Beer. Spirits. Wine. and wine. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. France 336 62 20 254 United Kingdom 332 317 11 4 Germany 309 275 19 15 United States 147 133 11 3

"Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book French and English mentioned the increase of drinking in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per head than any of these three other nations.

"The most striking fact in the above statement is the low drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption per head in any of the three other countries. The superior sobriety of the American workman as compared with the Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that American superiority in this respect is a general superiority not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink which is now illustrated.

"Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in drink-consumption per head of population, the following results have been obtained;—

Country. Average yearly drink-consumption, per head of population, during

1886-1890. 1891-1895. 1890-1900. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. France 26.5 31.5 32.3 United Kingdom. 29.4 31.1 33.1 Germany 24.4 26.6 29.9 United States 11.8 14.3 14.2

The drink-consumption per The drink-consumption per head during 1886-1890 head during 1896-1900 was being taken at 100 per cent. per cent. France 100 122 United Kingdom. 100 113 Germany 100 123 United States 100 120

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"In each country the drink-consumption per head of population has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the United States, there has been an increase during each five-yearly period observed,

"Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we see that the percentage of increase per head of population in drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had the largest relative increases per head of population.

"In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of spirits has declined."

_J. H. Schooling, Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany (Fortnightly Review, January, 1902)._

ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907. Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine adulteration.

See (in this Volume ) FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALCOHOL: Germany: Temperance requisite in railway employees.

The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the Deutsche Monatsschrift. "The constantly growing demands upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking. Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink, besides leading to misery and want in the home."

The writer alludes to an association of German railway officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of refreshment. This society, he states, has been most encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on duty.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902. Resolution of Socialist Congress. The subject in Prussian schools.

The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September, 1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister of education had given instructions to the school authorities mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of public houses.

ALCOHOL: International Congress on Alcoholism.

For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism has held biennial meetings in different European cities, beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm; that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the New York Evening Post said after its adjournment:

"Men and women from every country, representing varying conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the standpoint of education, science, medicine, society, economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support. Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the navy, and the army of Great Britain."

An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J. Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the United States Government, and who was known widely as the originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from France, and, although under the constitution of the congress no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The declaration reads as follows:

"We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon, July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method, commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to commend its adoption throughout the world."

"Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the fine or sentence is enforced."

One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a "World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the forces in various countries working along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of the liquor traffic."

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Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and methods of the new Confederation:

"(1) Name— The name of this association shall be 'The International Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'

"(2) Object— (a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of the liquor traffic,

(b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from all parts of the world, and send such information to all organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.

"(3) Membership— The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance organizations in all countries approving of the objects and such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.

"(4) Finances— The financial support shall be gained from such contributions as the various affiliated societies and individual associate members may subscribe."

ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908. Twelve years of Local Option. Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic. The vote of women.

Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely. The law provides for the taking of a vote in each parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three propositions, as follows:

"1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the district shall continue.

"2. That the number shall be reduced.

"3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.

"Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses; while there are others, again, who strike out the first and third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry 'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the total number existing."

The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a slow but steady increase of majorities given against the liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the following table shows:

Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes. 1896 139,500 94,500 98,300 259,800 1899 142,400 107,700 118,500 281,800 1902 148,400 132,200 151,500 318,800 1905 182,800 151,000 198,700 396,400 1908 186,300 161,800 209,100 410,100

The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official, but are said to be close to accuracy.

The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry 'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others ‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins. The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly remarkable.

"While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if we had national instead of local option the chances are that in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’ party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the ‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.

"Three important suggestions have been made to save the trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political engine, besides which there would always be the temptation ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes. Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new lease of life. Under the present system there is every indication that its doom is sealed."

The importance of the vote of women, on this question especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902, 138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls, voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at successive general elections also shows a gradual increase from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in the population of a young country to be considered. At the foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52, in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in ever-increasing numbers."

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The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:

"As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids, to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless she is boarding in the house.

"In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the public at large."

ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909. The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the five years.

The following exhibit of the status of state and local prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced, with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:

"The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago, shows that during the past four years the amount of Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their own choice in saloon-free districts.

"The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the territory and nearly one-half of the people are under Prohibition protection:

"17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.

"25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.

"There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States, having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total population of more than three million and a half.

"In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000 or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen different states of 20,000 population and over, with an aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.

"The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically every state in the Union.

"In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid' on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the rest of the country.

"One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the attitude of the daily and secular press towards the Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising from their columns.

"The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more attention to and far more friendly treatment of the Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.

"On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local Prohibition territory in the United States, at National Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:

The Situation by States.

State. 1904. November 1, 1909.

Alabama 20 Prohibition State Prohibition; counties. enforcement legislation 11 Dispensary. enacted by Legislature, 35 License. August, 1909. Data shows business prospers, crime decreasing. Popular vote on Constitutional Prohibition November 29, 1909.

Arizona No Prohibition New county Prohibition law bare territory. two-thirds requirement. Two-thirds Four-fifths of Territory "dry" majority required. in 12 months is prediction.

Arkansas 44 Prohibition 57 Prohibition counties. counties. State certain in next 29 License. Legislature. 2 Partially license.

California 175 Prohibition 250 "dry" towns. towns. Sentiment rapidly growing for State Prohibition.

Colorado Few Prohibition towns. 100 towns "dry." No local-option law. Stricter law enforcement. Prohibition sentiment growing.

Connecticut Half of State Large increase in no-license local Prohibition. vote. Legislature passed several important restrictive measures.

Delaware Few small Two-thirds of State Prohibition. Prohibition towns.

{17}

District of Columbia Apathy dominant. New high license law. Sentiment for Prohibition organizing. Stricter enforcement.

Florida 30 Prohibition 35 counties "dry." counties. Popular vote State Prohibition November, 1910.

Georgia 104 Prohibition State Prohibition. counties out Supporting sentiment grows. of 134. Atlanta elects law-enforcement Large cities Mayor. Crime largely decreasing. all license.

Idaho No Prohibition County law passed. territory. Seven vote "dry." "Wide-open" State. State Prohibition campaign on.

Illinois 8 Prohibition 36 "dry" counties. counties. 2500 "dry" towns. 500 Prohibition 23 "dry" cities. towns. No license fight on in Chicago. "Wide open" Sunday.

Indiana 140 Prohibition 70 Counties "dry." townships. "Net Prohibition majority 67,025. Three-fourths of the State population under Prohibition. Sentiment for State Prohibition very active; 1,780,839 or 65 per cent of State population in "dry" territory; 32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).

Iowa 25 License counties. Campaign for State Prohibition Lax enforcement developing great enthusiasm. of law.

Kansas STATE PROHIBITION. Legislature passed 1909 Lax enforcement. important additions to Law enforcement State law. crusade at Kansas The sale of alcohol in any City, Kan., form absolutely prohibited. a "fizzle." Strict enforcement the rule.

Kentucky 47 Prohibition 96 Prohibition counties; counties. 1,541,613 or 66 per cent of Legislature defeated total population in "dry" very moderate territory. local option bill. State Prohibition campaign launched in earnest.

Louisiana 20 Prohibition Prohibition sentiment grows. parishes out of 54. Local Prohibition proves notable success in 33 "dry" parishes.

Maine STATE PROHIBITION. Move for resubmission Lax enforcement. emphatically defeated by State Legislature. Sentiment for law enforcement growing steadily.

Maryland 15 Prohibition Some locals gains. counties. New high-license law for Baltimore.

Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition Some local gains. towns and cities. Twenty-five thousand State majority against license. Definite campaign for State Prohibition; 261 towns "dry" out of 321; 20 cities "dry" out of 33; 26,297 State majority against license.

Michigan 2 Prohibition Thirty Prohibition counties. counties. Important new restrictive 400 Prohibition towns. legislation took effect September 1, 1909. State Prohibition campaign on.

Minnesota 400 Prohibition 1,611 "dry" towns. towns. State wide union of Prohibition forces.

Mississippi 65 Prohibition Enforcement of State-wide counties. law passed February, 1908. Legislature defeated Governor Noel a vigorous State Prohibition prohibitionist. amendment.

Missouri 3 Prohibition 77 'dry' counties. counties 1905. State Prohibition campaign definitely under way. Vote November, 1910.

Montana No Prohibition Prohibition sentiment territory. growing with notable increase of party vote in several districts.

Nebraska 200 Prohibition 26 Prohibition counties. towns. Many local gains. State capital Lincoln, 50,000, voted "dry." State Prohibition campaign on; 48 "dry" county seats.

Nevada No Prohibition Sentiment against gambling territory. and liquor selling growing. State Prohibition of gambling effective October 1, 1910.

New Hampshire. State Prohibition 183 "dry" towns. repealed 1903.

New Jersey "Wide-open" State. Whole year of 1909 filled with agitation. Law-defying Atlantic City ring provokes widespread public sentiment. County option expected.

{18}

New Mexico Nothing. Prohibition forces very active at legislative session. Strong sentiment for State Prohibition growing.

New York 285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State Cities all license wide campaign on in 300 local by State law. Prohibition contests.

North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903. Success of State Raleigh, capital, had Prohibition shown by dispensary run by church official statistics. deacons. In force January, 1908.

North Dakota STATE PROHIBITION. Same law. Sentiment Lax enforcement in back of Prohibition some sections. law overwhelming throughout State. Strong supplementary legislation passed 1909.

Ohio First State 61 counties "dry." local-option law Campaigns in largest passed. cities, and State Prohibition scheduled for near future. Net Prohibition majority in 70 county contests, 66,132.

Oklahoma Few Prohibition towns. Enforcement of State Prohibition law steadily growing success. Governor Haskell heartily supporting it. Prohibition Party organized September 27, 1909.

Oregon No Prohibition State Prohibition vote territory. November, 1910. No local-option law. 21 counties "dry."

Pennsylvania Prohibition sentiment County option defeated apathetic. 1909 but sentiment rapidly growing. Confident of advanced legislation at next session.

Rhode Island 20 Prohibition towns. Little change

South Carolina State dispensary. 37 Prohibition counties (Abolished 1908.) out of 42. Sweeping Prohibition victories August 17, 1909. State campaign definitely on.

South Dakota Scattering Prohibition Few local changes. towns. Sentiment for State Prohibition campaign developing.

Tennessee* 8 License cities. State Prohibition passed Liquor men threatened January, 1909. repeal of Adams Effective July 1, 1909. local-option law. Liquor manufacture prohibition. Law effective January 1, 1910. Remarkably beneficial effects of Prohibition immediately shown in Nashville and other cities.

* A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of November, 1909.

Texas 140 Prohibition 154 Prohibition counties. counties. State Prohibition referendum narrowly defeated by Legislature, only increased agitation for that object. Vote expected within two years.

Utah No Prohibition County Prohibition and territory. State referendum defeated in Legislature, expected at next session.

Vermont Prohibition 216 towns "dry." repealed 1903. Demand for resubmission 138 Prohibition of State Prohibition growing. towns out of Prohibition majority 240 in 1904. of 8,819 in whole State.

Virginia Local-option law 71 Prohibition counties. passed 1903. Democratic primary being fought out on Prohibition issue.

Washington Few Prohibition towns. Compromise local Prohibition law, passed Legislature, 1909. Prohibition sentiment growing. Alaska-Yukon Exposition, Seattle, first big "dry" exposition.

West Virginia. 40 out of 54 Some local gains. counties "dry" Charleston, state capital "dry" since July 1. Only three wholly "wet" counties. State campaign on.

Wisconsin 300 Prohibition towns 789 towns "dry." Prohibition sentiment growing rapidly; 4,000 business men cheer argument for Prohibition in great debate at Milwaukee March, 1909.

Wyoming No Prohibition New law effective territory. January, 1910, puts whole State under Prohibition outside of incorporated towns.

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ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909. Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.

According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore, is doubly significant."

----------ALCOHOL: End--------

ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa: President of Argentine Republic.

See (in this Volume) ACRE DISPUTES.

ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson: President of the University of Virginia.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ALDRICH, Nelson W.: Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

See (in this Volume) TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

ALEXANDER, King of Servia: His murder.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ALEXEIEFF, Admiral: Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFARO, General Elroy: Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.

See (in this Volume) ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALFONSO XIII.: His Coronation.

See (in this Volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFONSO XIII.: Marriage. Attempted assassination.

See (in this Volume) Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906. Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.

ALIENS ACT, The English.

See (in this Volume) IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ALIENS, Rights of: Pan-American Convention.

See (in this Volume) American Republics.

ALI RIZA PASHA.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.

ALLIANCES: Franco-Russian. Effect of Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ALLIANCES: Great Britain with Japan.

See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).

ALLIANCES: The Triple Alliance.

See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.

See (in this Volume) PERU.

ALSOP CLAIM, The.

See (in this Volume) CHILE: A. D. 1909.

ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice: On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

See (in this Volume) ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ALVES, Rodriquez.

See (in this Volume) ACRE DISPUTES.

AMADE, General d’: Operations in Morocco.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMADOR, Manuel: President of Panama.

See (in this Volume) PANAMA.

AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers: Its strike in 1901.

See (in this Volume) Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British: In Taff Vale case.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British: In strike of 1907

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.

See (in this Volume) PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

AMBAN, Chinese.

See (in this Volume) TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.

See (in this Volume) SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

"AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The South and Central American nations: Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.

Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the political face of the world within a few years past, producing new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the South American republics from generally chronic disorder and obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to the future, is far from the least.

In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues in the government were not heartily with him; for his admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of North America had made overtures of fraternity to the republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in their minds.

{20}

Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American governments, at an International American Conference, held in that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the information spread with that object, through all the countries concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific understanding and stimulation. The common action with common interests thus organized must have had more than anything else to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political disorder so long.

Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so little standing among the nations that few of them were invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there were delegates from all, and several among their delegates took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought thus into the council of nations.

Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent, bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which goes naturally with the power and the experience of these United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present extraordinary time.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Their Second International Conference, at the City of Mexico, in 1901-1902. Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.

The First International Conference of American Republics was held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890, attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New World.

See, in Volume VI. of this work, American Republics.

On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates from every independent nation then existing in America, being twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G. Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr. John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.

The following account of the work of the Conference and its results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of the United States to the Department of State:

"Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. … Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the work of the conference was apportioned among them. …

"Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that would constitute the conference began months previous to its opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join, unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that would participate in the conference of a character that made their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three views were supported in the conference: (a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or future when they did not affect either independence or the national honor of a country; (b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted from arbitration; and (c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by The Hague convention. …

"A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The Hague, as originally suggested by the United States delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The Hague all questions arising or in existence, between themselves, which did not affect their independence or their national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and transmitted by that official to the several signatory governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague convention before its submission to the conference. {21} These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. …

"By the above plan the conference attained the highest possible end, and for the first time each of the American Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the side of the other countries of the world in favor of international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19 Republics represented in the conference, it is given that force and character which places it to-day as the formal expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe, hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this action the American Republics now have at their command the machinery of that great international body for the pacific settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point of great value gained by all.

"In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as principles of public American international law, and authorized and requested the President of the Mexican Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations with the several American Governments looking toward the most unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the direction of the settlement of international controversies by the adoption and signing, on the part of every country represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration. Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations and intercourse between the United States and her sister republics of this Hemisphere." …

"Among the most important recommendations made by the First International American Conference, held in Washington in 1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication between the American Republics, was that looking to the construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of the republics on the American continent would be put into rail communication with each other. In pursuance of the recommendations of that conference, an international railway commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be built. Following up the work of the first conference and the intercontinental railway commission, the present conference adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered recommendations on this subject. …

"The resolution … providing for the meeting of an international American customs congress in the city of New York within a year, to consider customs administrative matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a dependency of the International Bureau of the American Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …

{22}

"Another resolution which contemplates that early action must be taken by the several Governments is that regarding quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and expenses, will be unnecessary.

"The conference fully recognized the value and importance to all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of the action of the First International American Conference. … With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all the countries represented in its administration, and making it still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic representatives in Washington of all the other governments represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of each year. …

"In order that the archæological and ethnological remains existing in the territory of the several Republics of the Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for the meeting of an American international archæological commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …

"The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the Government of the United States." …

"The recommendation of the conference that there be established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans, Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank with branches in the principal cities in the American republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by the First International American Conference in Washington in 1889-1890."

"In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public and private international law; … a convention on literary and artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; … a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their report.

"The delegates desire especially to express their most grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …

"It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that the results of the Second International American Conference will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations participating in its deliberations. … That the relations between the American Republics have been improved as a result of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily association for nearly four months, of leading men from every American Republic of itself tended toward this result. Delegates learned that, while existing international relations made differences of opinion inevitable between the representatives of some of the countries, they all had many interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the sessions of the conference were remarkably free from acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of delegations or their Governments."

_57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902, Senate Document 330._

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Their Third International Conference, at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906. Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.

The Third International Conference of American Republics was held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th, 1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21 American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L. S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk, ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from several departments of the public service at Washington.

The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to an important tour through many parts of South America which he made in the months of that summer. In the course of his journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."

{23}

In the instructions to the delegates from the United States, prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was conveyed:—

"It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few if any of the States represented in it would be willing to submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is to deal with matters of common interest which are not really subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail, develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along common lines for the attainment of objects which all really desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great importance for the development of friendly intercourse among nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the American States in this process of developing Christian civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the representatives of so many Republics."

The following account of the Conference and its action is derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates of the United States:—

"The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the different delegations and of individual delegates were transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Chili, which officially extended, through the director of telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated by the delegates. In connection with the work of the Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained at its expense an extensive and competent corps of translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted and was the center of attraction day and night for great crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment and administration or that concerned the comfort or convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the progress and energy of the Brazilian people.

"The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. … The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished groups of men that has served any of the preceding conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.

"The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21 American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and Venezuela." …

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"The distinguishing note of the Conference was the extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most notable political events that has taken place in our relations with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to South America has resulted in greater good to our relations with Central and South America than any one thing that has heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them. The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the Secretary of State replied."

It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction that was accorded to it by the President of the United States, when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled address may fitly be quoted here:

"I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America. Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working out the same problem of popular self-government.

"It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in one generation nor in one century can the effective control of a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government, be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned, and it is also an expression of character to be developed among all the thousands of men who exercise popular sovereignty.

"To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes from universal education, wisdom that follows practical experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law, obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will, consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of history, subordination of personal interests to the public good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one of us is conscious!

"Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads. Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes substantial progress towards more perfect popular self-government. …

"It is not by national isolation that these results have been accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long continue very far in advance of the general progress of mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the conditions of growth in civilization. …

"To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I understand to be the function of the American Conference now in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …

"The association of so many eminent men from all the Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of international good understanding.

"These beneficent results the Government and the people of the United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together.

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"Within a few months, for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies; so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all."

The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions and a number of important resolutions. The text of a convention agreed to, which establishes between the States signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take up their residence in the country of their origin, will be found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—

"Sole article. The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force, with the exception of the third article, which is hereby abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."

The third Convention signed was a modification and extension of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an "international Commission of Jurists, composed of one representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private International Law and one of Public International Law, regulating the relations between the nations of America." The more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:

"To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall be accepted and put in force by every nation."

"To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively pecuniary origin."

Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the erection of a building for that Bureau and for the contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the greatest development and amplification of commercial relations between American Republics; to promote the establishment and maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports of the American continent; to bring about more effective cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two continents.

The time and place of future conferences are to be determined by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau: Its increased efficiency. The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.

The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work), assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906, after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of State, from his tour of visits to the South American States. The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate $200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American Building.

The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under their assembled flags.

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AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907. Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

See (in this Volume) Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.

AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration. Magnetic Pole Researches.

See (in this Volume) POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANAM: Deposition of the King.

Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam, which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement, and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among his alleged crimes.

ANARCHISM IN INDIA.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ANDERSON, Judge A. B.: Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ANDRASSY, Count.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

ANGELL, James Burrill: Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ANGLE HILL, Capture of.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

ANJUMAN, ENJUMEN.

A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local assembly or a political association of any nature.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.

See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTHRACITE COAL: The Railroad Monopoly.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908, and 1903 (FEBRUARY).

ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.

See (in this Volume) JEWS.

ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.

See (in this Volume) SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume) CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

See (in this Volume) CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909

APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.

See (in this Volume) PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

APPONYI, Count Albert.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.

ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905. "Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.

See LABOR ORGANIZATION.

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

ARBITRATION, SPECIAL: Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the United States.

See (in this Volume) MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.

See (in this Volume) VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United States and Great Britain.

See (in this Volume) ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana: Boundary Dispute.

See (in this Volume) BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia: The Dogger Bank Incident.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United States and Great Britain.

See (in this Volume) NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.

See (in this Volume) CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France, at The Hague.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See (in this Volume) POLAR EXPLORATION.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906. Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902. Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile. A model arbitration treaty.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903. The Foreign Population.

"Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians, 200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000 Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed 1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."

_John Barret, Argentina (American Review of Reviews, July, 1905)._

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904. Inauguration of President Quintana.

Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an administration which promised much good to the country.

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ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905. A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.

A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:

"On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended movement subversive of the established government of this country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of the various departments of the government proceeded to take measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic and the principal political and military centers.

"In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen fatalities are reported.

"The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the entire night in the Government House in council. Following up the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the telegraph service.

"The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

"In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca upon the capital."

Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens. These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague. Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the revolution is considered at an end and the country has returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906. Death of its President.

Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the office until 1910.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908. Dreadnought building.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909. Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded, with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909. Chief food supply to Great Britain.

"How many readers of The Times (said a special correspondent of the London Times writing from Buenos Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this South American Republic is changing places with the North American Republic in the exporting of these and other food products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst the United States may have to be content with the second, place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact that with their increasing population the United States will have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three times more maize than the United States did, something like four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909. Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between Bolivia and Peru.

See (in this Volume) ACRE DISPUTES.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909. Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910. Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque Saenz-Peña.

{28}

As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary: Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations, fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties agree to declare that past differences are not capable of being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and differences which may arise in the future will be removed and settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

ARICA QUESTION.

See (in this Volume) CHILE: A. I). 1907.

ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ARIZONA: Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904. Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia. Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905. Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909. Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ARMAMENTS. Armies.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

ARMOUR & CO.,et al., The case of the United States against.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY: Decision against in rebating case.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.: Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume) CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

See (in this Volume) INSURANCE, LIFE.

ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

ARYA SAMAJ, The:

This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays: but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the organization, as a whole, has developed marked political tendencies subversive of British rule. …

"In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its members in this province [the Punjab], but there are flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in many of the important villages, and proselytism is being actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj strenuously deny that their organization has a political side. The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed. For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

India correspondence of The Times.

ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

See (in this Volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASIATIC IMMIGRATION: The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, America, and elsewhere.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry: On the German attitude toward an international reduction of naval armaments.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry: Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907 on Preferential Trade.

See (in this Volume) BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry: Prime Minister.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry: On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

See (in this Volume) Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry: On the Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ASIA: The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning of the twentieth century.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA.

ASSAM: United with Eastern Bengal.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian Court.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Ashutosh Biswas.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of General Beckman.

See (in this Volume) DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

See (in this Volume) FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

See (in this Volume) PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Premier Delyannis.

See (in this Volume) GREECE: A. D. 1905.

{29}

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Colonel Falcon.

See (in this Volume) ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Fehim Pasha.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Prince Ito.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Colonel Karpoff.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of President McKinley.

See (in this Volume) BUFFALO: A. D. 1901; and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of General Min.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of M. Plehve.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of General Sakharoff.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Count Schouvaloff.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Grand Duke Sergius.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of Shemsi Pasha.

See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS: Of M. Sipiagin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

ASSASSINATIONS: Of D. W. Stevens.

See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS: Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSINIBOIA: Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.: Secretary-general of Third International Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

See (in this Volume) EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia. His assassination.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ATABEGS, ATABEKS.

See (in this Volume) Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

See (in this Volume) NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ATHABASCA: Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1906. Anti-Negro Riot.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ATWATER, Professor W. O.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

AUSTRALIA: The Race Problem. Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration. The demand for a white Australia.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS.

AUSTRALIA: Woman Suffrage.

See (in this Volume) ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

AUSTRALIA: Government ownership of railways. Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902. The Tariff Question in the First Parliament of the Commonwealth. Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

"The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can be little doubt that in debating power and political generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

"To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt and effective interference of the Senate in a question of taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as in this country, originate in the representative chamber of the legislature, but further that such bills should not be altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected on a strict basis of population, should impose or control taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in America, equal representation, should have the right to suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back to the representative chamber, with a request for their reconsideration and reduction or excision.

{30}

"The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and sending the bill back again for further consideration, allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and state governments."

_Hugh H. Lusk, The First Parliament of Australia (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903)_.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902. The "States Rights" temper. Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia. Decision of the Imperial Government.

"State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth after its federation was accomplished. One of the first wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in September, 1902, for information about an incident which concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to the Government of South Australia, where the incident in question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry, but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early history of the United States of America appears. Such as this, for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution. A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

"Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful working of the Constitution depends upon the strict maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National principle."

This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply, addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903, in part as follows:

"Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3 of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that ‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

"They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the power?

"The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’ The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

"The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of Australia form one political community for which the Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for everything affecting external states or communities, which takes place within its boundaries, that Government is responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern of which no external country or community can take any cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look, for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a private individual, of a State official, or of a State government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s Government, just as responsible for any action of South Australia affecting an external community as the United States of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State of the Union.

{31}

"The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of Australia have become one political community, look only to the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in that community."

The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to External Affairs (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902. British Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume) BRITISH EMPIRE.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902. The Governor-Generalship.

The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909. Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903. The Governor-Generalship.

In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904. Resignation of Premier Barton. The Deakin Ministry. Four months of power for the Labor Party. Its influence in the Commonwealth.

Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament, opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the balance of power into its hands in both branches of Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic tendencies very strong.

The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway employés and other civil servants from its provisions, contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned, and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that, with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held the management of Government, with apparently good satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which the following facts are taken, was given by The Review of Reviews for Australasia at the time of its ascendancy: The average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows: One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the composing staff of the Star. Then he became president of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact. He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He seized the advantage of leading a third party between two opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr. Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

The situation developed in this period is described by an American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor Party, as follows:

"Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to take the government. For five months men that had been carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and successful. But having a minority party, their way was necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the end the present arrangement was reached, by which the government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation. And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of reform. {32} Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours of employment even in department and other stores and by instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia against the sobering terrors of the race problem that confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for the national ownership of public services and obvious monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of coolie labor.]

Charles E. Russell, The Uprising of the Many, chapter 24 (Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907).

See, also, (in this Volume) Labor Organization: Australia.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906. Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry. Power of the Labor Party without responsibility. Its principles and its "Fighting Platform." Important legislation of 1905. The Federal Capital question. General election of 1906.

Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the tariff question should not be opened during the term of the existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in 1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party, then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less real power than it has had either before or since. It is not likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas, and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present power without responsibility. However, if not at the next general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances, great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

"To quote from the official report of the decisions of the last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

"(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community, (b) The security of the full results of their industry to all producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the extension of the industrial and economic functions of the State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting Platform’ are as follows:

"(1) The maintenance of a white Australia. (2) The nationalisation of monopolies. (3) Old age pensions. (4) A tariff referendum. (5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values. (6) The restriction of public borrowing. (7) Navigation laws. (8) A citizen defence force. (9) Arbitration amendment."

_J. W. Kirwan, The Australian Labour Party (Nineteenth Century, November, 1905)._

A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during 1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding another to take his seat.

The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation, the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about 200 miles southwest of Sydney.

A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of 1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

{33}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906. Developing the water supply.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907. The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

See (in this Volume) LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907. Statistics of state schools.

See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May). Imperial Conference at London.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December). Population of the Commonwealth.

According to a letter to the London Times, from Sydney, "the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks), showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour with the emigrant from home."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908. Change of Ministry.

Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew Fisher.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908. The Governor-Generalship.

After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was succeeded by Lord Dudley.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909. Attitude of the people toward immigration. Land-locking against settlement.

See (in this Volume) Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909. A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia, in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives, in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other nation having right or title to any part of this splendid heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had £112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these being one-third of the entire population. They had produced minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000 bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of £2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had 90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909. Proposed federalization of state debts.

On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency. The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909. Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

"By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to £2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake the construction of a trans continental line connecting the territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of £4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country, the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable of carrying a large population."

Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June). Opening of the session of Parliament. Programme of business proposed. The political situation. Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry. Its success. Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet. Return of Mr. Deakin to power. His programme.

The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial obligations would be incurred in the near future and would demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them. Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

{34}

"The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

"It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in large numbers.

"Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the nationalization of monopolies."

See (in this Volume), LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is obscure," the London Times rehearsed the main facts of it as follows:

"It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall. It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large estates.

"This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough, it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous views on the necessity of providing immediately for the creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire, to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

"On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate no definite policy at all."

The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to have been expected to hold together very long. On the reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a statement of the business to be submitted to the House, including along with other measures the following: "A Bill would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission which, in addition to the powers conferred by the Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against unemployment. The commission would also assist in the supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. … An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and probably a primary naval college would be established to train officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard to the general development and disposition of Australia’s adult citizen soldiers.

"In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared, pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

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AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June). Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September). The Imperial Defense Conference. Defense Bill in Parliament. Proposed compulsory military training.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September). Coal Miners strike in New South Wales. See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September). Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume) BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910. The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

"During a period of ten years after the establishment of the Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure. The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of interest on debts of the several States taken over by the Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal Government. As its working was described recently by an English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion, and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to them. Western Australia to receive a special extra contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of £1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent, "the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about £2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation! Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a per capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At present the Commonwealth Government secures the further revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly suit that Government as the State populations grow is another matter."

A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905. Increase of population compared with other European countries.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June). Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume) TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903. Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or Federation Compact of 1867. Language struggle in Austria.

The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.

See, in Volume VI. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no permanent settlement of the questions involved should have been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the Customs Union that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1, 1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break, desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.

{36}

The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in 1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective action. On other questions the antagonism was no less pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army, making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed through the legislature." But though obstruction from the Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose term had expired.

An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria, where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian governor.

Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904. Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904. Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.

Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr. Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.

In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth, which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described in the Annual Register, as follows:

"They entered the House before the usual time of meeting, assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as ‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and the House was restored to something like its former appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members, out of 451.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909. Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905. Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms in Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905. Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906. Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary. Resignation of Count Tisza. The Fejervary Ministry. Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament. Kossuth and his allies take office. Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.

The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth. Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the Government might be carried on with parliamentary support. This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand. Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June, despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the people to withhold taxes and military service from this simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either. This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people, and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of taxes.

{37}

In the August number (1905) of The American Review of Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part, he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St. Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty. There are to be found the chief facts, which show: (1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the express condition of keeping the independence and the constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired; (2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who ascended the Hungarian throne; (3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have been at all epochs frequent; (4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …

The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal prerogative in her case is an emanation of the constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.

"On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party, vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by a parliamentary coup d’état. The rules of the House were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly against military bills. This brought matters to an acute crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.

"The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and, unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military organization, which makes the German language and the imperial emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian portion included."

In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the army, to the language of command and service in it, to the tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.

A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures, but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns. But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an attitude which belies their name of Liberal."

The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to their demand for the Magyar language of command in the Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far as possible. And it included a number of other most important measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry; for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army, with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the dominating leader of the coalition against the Government, defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things which refer to the commanding and administration … of the Hungarian army."

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But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army should be commanded in German. It has not specifically forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the Constitution it is provided that the language of public services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a "public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army. When the combination with Austria came about, the officers were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly left the language of command to be determined, constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a Hungarian army, not a common one."

The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament, announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action; and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the army question should be put aside until after the election of a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet, including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the election, held soon after, the Independence party won about 250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d of May.

In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform, which extinguished the whole system of class representation and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House, who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial minorities, the population being composed of Poles and Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."

Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April, and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October, because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April). At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907. Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.

Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage, and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath, which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more. Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows: 85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old classified representation remained as before. The new law has swept away the whole system of a classified representation, and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as a body of deputies from the people at large.

The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears to have been a sudden break of the power which the German element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the property which the old system represented, and derived from that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers cannot give them on the equalized vote.

{39}

Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a little more than one third of the total population, the other two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions, principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.

Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on before his eyes.

See in Volume VI. of this work AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded in forcing the government to give their own tongue its rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced it officially for along time past. The determination of the Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable wreck.

Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take. They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances, would hardly take.

Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever the great personal influence of the present Emperor is withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to quarrel over her dismembered remains.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907. Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich. Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt, and revenue quotas.

The long struggle toward a readjustment of the Ausgleich or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the 8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917, and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria. Previously, excise duties had been common to both states; henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as chairman.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909. Hungarian politics. The State Bank question. Split in the Independence party. M. de Justh, a new party leader. Attitude of M. Kossuth. Deadlock returned.

The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into 1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled. Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape from office which went on through the year without success. The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate gentleman in his powerless place.

In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks, connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its advantage as the largest of the various parties in the Chamber.

In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74, despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s speech to the conference was "that without his name and his leadership the party would never have obtained the majority, and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the support of his name his opponents would find themselves forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence, 1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the ‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now reigns supreme."

{40}

Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201 votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909. The "Greater Servia Conspiracy." Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia. The Agram trials.

The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram, Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full year:

"After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers, priests, and other persons charged with connection with what is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners were accused of high treason in participating in a movement for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even carrying the propaganda among the troops of the Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned have given notification of appeal."

On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in the documents on which they were convicted.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH) at close of article.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909. Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Violence to the Treaty of Berlin. The European disturbance and its settlement.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909. The language quarrel in Austria.

"Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question. The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239 judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95 are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use of either language if necessary throughout the whole province."

NEW YORK EVENING POST.

A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10, reported:

"The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party and the Poles.

"Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."

The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from Vienna:

"The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races. These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"

A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December). Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.

"There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information. This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme, would be united into an independent and constitutional kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state, Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a little more than one-third, of the other two, and its population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this federation."

_New York Evening Post, December 29, 1909._

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AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910. The Hungarian situation.

Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the formation of a Government which might hope to secure some measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January, when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A majority of the members, however, remained in session until they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it. Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of events goes to print—February, 1910.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910. The Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Heir Apparent to the thrones.

Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous will. According to report, also, he is strongly anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTOCRAT: Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

AZAD-UL-MULK.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

AZEFF: The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

AZUL, Party of the.

See (in this Volume) PARAGUAY.

BABISM.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BACON, Robert: Secretary of State.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BADEN: A. D. 1906. Introduction of universal suffrage.

See (in this Volume) ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BAEYER, Adolf von.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

BAHIA HONDA: Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.

See (in this Volume) CUBA: A. D. 1903.

BAHIMA, The.

See (in this Volume) AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.

BAILEY, L. H.: On Country Life Commission.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

BAKHMETIEFF, Madame: Her humane work in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BAKHTIARI, The.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.

See (in this Volume) Polar Exploration.

BALFOUR, Arthur J.: Becomes Prime Minister of England.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.: His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade with the Colonies. Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.: In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BALFOUR MINISTRY: Its resignation.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907. Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects of Turkey.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908. Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria: The influence of Robert College.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901. The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations and assassinations in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903. Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908. Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908. The race struggle in Macedonia.

See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909. Independence of Turkey declared and won.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909. Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.

On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was changed, and he took the title of King.

{42}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905. Customs Union Convention between the two States. Anger and Hostility of Austria. Dictatorial demands on Servia. The frontier closed to trade.

"Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age of union in business, in finance, in every department in life. … Not only has the Customs Convention between the two countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is true of Austria is true also of Russia. …

"True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it, claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature of the Customs Convention. …

"In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel, Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political, commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for economic and political freedom. … While the Convention represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country. It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea ports be opened up. …

"On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a note from his Government making it a condition that in order that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and promised also to consider the modification of the Convention in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change, he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent, with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way. Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs, and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored. Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great and vital importance."

_Alfred Stead, The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results (Fortnightly Review, March, 1906)._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908. Annexation to Austria.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905. Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.

"When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things, determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact, granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro, everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence, he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia, he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.

"If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a ‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies, though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had been granted to them."

_Special Correspondent New York Evening Post, Cettinje, December 15, 1908._

{43}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909. With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906. Development of the country under King Charles I. and his admirable Queen.

"The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in 1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and raised from the position of a country relying solely on the rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined and wise action in this question would have earned him all praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with its international Commission, or of the transformation of the twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into national and social models, to see and follow—a work due principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.

"And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and healthy education, while the influence of his father on his character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he never forgets that he is always also a man—personal animosities never cloud his national judgment. An indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so non-political as to make it a political event of the first importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all charitable ideas and works."

_Alfred Stead, King Charles I. of Roumania (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906)._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902. Oppression of the Jews. Appeal of the United States to the signatories of the Treaty of Berlin.

On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State in the Government of the United States, addressed a communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper ministers in the governments of those countries. The communication related to the treatment of the Jews in Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted people, but also because of the state in which it drove them as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as follows:

"As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil and political rights, admission to public employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever. These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania. Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions, they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the essential conditions which make alien immigration either acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are forced to quit their native country, and the United States is almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time. Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein, because they are the principles of international law and eternal justice."

{44}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907. Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.

Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed; the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian. The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants were killed, and in several sections a state of real war existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a proclamation to his people promising the redress of their grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency of Dr. Sturdza.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903. Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.

The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian constitution now in force is that which was granted the country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually increased to such an extent that the King thought it was dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in contemplation and would probably be put into force on the anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was caused by these reports, and in consequence the King determined to act at once.

"On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators, retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906, annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press, the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain laws which had previously been repealed.

"The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting the same constitution in force again, and directing the life senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively, until September, 1909, and May, 1907.

"The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw from the cabinet."

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903. The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers, and two ministers of state. The military plot.

King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy, by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in 1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a liberal constitution, in 1901.

See, in Volume I. of this work, BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.

This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects, and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin. This marriage in 1900 is related in:

See in Volume VI. of this work BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in the army became especially bitter against both king and queen. The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in the next issue of The Contemporary Review:

"All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature, Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown. The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded, the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven, offering no resistance. …

{45}

"Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church. Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched by the light of composite candles they had brought in their pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come there at five o’clock. …

"At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds, each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated. And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.

"Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a wall. …

"Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable ability and without his match in playing an intricate and difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for coup d’état work. An ostensible reason for taking him into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales, but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, the widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter unscrupulousness."

_Ivanovich, The Servian Massacre (Contemporary Review, July, 1903)._

In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. Dillon wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as follows:

‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement, incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of some things. I remember turning out the electric light and going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the King’s hand. Then we fired.’"

_E. J. Dillon, Servia and the Rival Dynasties (Contemporary Review, July, 1903)._

The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade, officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which supplanted that of Kara Georg.

See in Volume I. of this work, BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: 14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.

Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for some time; but, said a writer in The Fortnightly Review of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance and revelry of European Courts. {46} But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid indignation throughout every land. What honest person could fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna, uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens, riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."

_Herbert Vivian, A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903)._

A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under General Gruiteh was formed.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904. Coronation of King Peter.

King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace posts, but rewarded by military promotion.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909. Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909. The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy." The Agram Trials.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909. Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.

The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March, 1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for them. —George."

The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to have a brutal temper.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905. Customs Union Convention.

See above: BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------

BALLINGER, Richard A.: Secretary of the Interior, United States.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

BALLINGER, Richard A.: Action against Water Power Monopoly.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

BALLOONS, Dirigible.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

BALTIC FLEET, The Russian: Its voyage and destruction.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

BALTIC PROVINCES: Peasant insurrection.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904. Destructive fire.

Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire among the many that have devastated the cities of the United States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.

BAMBAATA.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

BANNARD, Otto T.:

See (in this Volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1902. General strike and battle with soldiery.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909. Revolutionary outbreak. Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.

See (in this Volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909. Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.

See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.

See (in this Volume) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

BARNATO, Harry. Bequest for cancer research.

See (in this Volume) PUBLIC HEALTH.

BARRETT, Charles Simon: President of the National Farmers’ Union.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

BARRETT, John.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

BARRETT, John. Delegate to Second International Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BARTHOLDT, Richard.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.

BARTON, Sir Edmund: Premier of Australia.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

BAST, The taking of.

See (in this Volume) PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

BASUTOLAND:

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BAVARIA: A. D. 1906. Introduction of direct voting.

See (in this Volume) ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.

See (in this Volume) PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904. Census.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BECK, Baron.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BECQUEREL, Henri.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also, NOBEL PRIZES.

"BEEF TRUST," The: Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.

{47}

BEERNAERT, M.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES

BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

BEIRUT: Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

----------BELGIUM: Start--------

BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905. Increase of population compared with other European countries.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904. Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.

See (in this Volume) POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902. Popular opposition to the plural vote. Demand for constitutional revision defeated. General strike in the country.

Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as revised in 1893.

See in Volume I. of this work, CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to introduce proportional representation and compulsory education. The agitation attending this demand brought about, in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.

The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:

"The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial population, confined to a small superficial area, with long hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’ as a panacea for the existing ills.

"The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or 40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.

"During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject of revision were being held in the House of Representatives, the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all over the country."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1902, page 85.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903. Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903. Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume) VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905. King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume) CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904. Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the Catholics and Socialists.

Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists, adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party. The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the nation.

Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the natives were wholly false.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1906. At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908. North Sea and Baltic agreements.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October). Annexation of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume) CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909. New military law. Compulsory service with no substitution.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October). The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.

See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

{47}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December). Death of King Leopold. Accession of King Albert.

On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother, the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875, it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent visit to the colony."

----------BELGIUM: End--------

BELL, Richard: Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume) France: A. D. 1908.

BENGAL: A. D. 1905. Partition of the Province.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

BEQUESTS.

See GIFTS.

BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles: On the "Dreadnought."

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.

BERKELEY, California: Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.

BERLIN: A. D. 1903. Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

BERLIN: A. D. 1905. Strike in electrical industries.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von: Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

"BIG SIX," The.

See (in this Volume) Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906. The "Beef Trust."

BIRRELL, Augustine, President of the Board of Education.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

BIRRELL, Augustine, Chief Secretary for Ireland. Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.

See (in this Volume) IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).

BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.

See (in this Volume) INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

BLACK HAND, The.

See (in this Volume) CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

BLERIOT, Louis.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

BLIND, Karl: On the "Young Turks."

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

"BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s: Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

Its break.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

"BLOODY SUNDAY."

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

See Labor Organization: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland: His assassination.

See (in this Volume) FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOERS, The: Repatriation and resettlement.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BOERS, The: Active in movement for South African Union.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOGOLIEPOFF, M., Assassination of.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906. Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume) American Republics.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901. Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.

See (in this Volume) ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909. Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.

See (in this Volume) ACRE DISPUTES.

BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.

See (in this Volume) Public Health: Bubonic Plague.

BONAPARTE, Charles J.: Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland. Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

See (in this Volume) NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

BOND, Sir Robert: At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume) British Empire: A. D. 1907.

BOND, Sir Robert: Resignation and defeat at election.

See (in this Volume) NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

BONHAM, Captain W. F.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BONILLA, General Manuel: Revolutionary President of Honduras.

See (in this Volume) CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.

BONUS SYSTEM, The.

See (in this Volume) LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.

"BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.

See (in this Volume) CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.

BOSHIN CLUB.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

BOSNIA.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BOSTON: A. D. 1904. International Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

BOSTON: A. D. 1909. New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{49}

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS: In the closing year of the Boer-British War.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS: Premier of the Transvaal. At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS: Leader in movement for South African Union.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOURGEOIS, Leon: President of the French Chamber of Deputies.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).

BOURGEOIS, Leon: President of Chamber of Deputies.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

BOURGEOIS, Leon: Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

BOURSE LAW, German: Revision of it.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The: Penalty paid by China for it.

See (in this Volume) CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The: Recurrence of.

See (in this Volume) CHINA: A. D. 1902.

BOYCOTTING: In China: The boycotting of the United States in 1905.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In India.

See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOYCOTTING: In Ireland: The recent practice.

See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.

See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BOYCOTTING: In the United States: By Trade Unions. Decisions of courts.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BRADDON SECTION, The.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

BRANCO, Baron do Rio.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

BRAUN, Ferdinand.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902. Participation in Second International Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1902. Inauguration of President Alves.

Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902, succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1903. Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.

See (in this Volume) ACRE DISPUTES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904. An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.

"To the American who is under the impression that all South America is continually in the throes of one or another revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast district, comprising one half the territory and almost two thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of 1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant. The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South America have consisted merely in coups d'état. The masses have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has generally come after the somersault.

"The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international commotion. …

"A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of the city.

"Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership of General Travassos. …

"The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in the engagement. …

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"Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets, and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.

"Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds; and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the arbiter of every coup d'état."

_G. A. Chamberlain, The Cause of South American Revolutions (Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905)._

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904. Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.

By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been referred, the line separating the territories of the two states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed, starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of the rivers in question.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906. Presidential Election.

The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no disturbance of its quiet.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906. German Colonies.

"Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true, have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads, electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.

"Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however, looms a factor of more vital importance to North American susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over 8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted men and women who will find themselves amid conditions deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to German economic hopes."

_F. W. Wile, German Colonisation in Brazil (Fortnightly Review, January, 1906)._

"The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens, while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting the Emperor for his great personality."

_John Barrett, The United States and Latin America (North American Review, September 21, 1906)._

See (in this Volume), also, GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906. Third International Conference of American Republics at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1907. Adoption of obligatory military service.

By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908. Dreadnought building.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909. Increasing immigration.

See (in this Volume) IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909. Frontier agreements and demarcations.

The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909, contained the following announcements:

"On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British Guiana."

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909. Death of President Penna. Accession of the Vice-President.

Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the 14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been in progress, the names most discussed being those of General Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.

----------BRAZIL: End--------

BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

BRIAND, Aristide: in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public Instruction and Public Worship.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

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BRIAND, Aristide: Prime Minister of France.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

BRIAND, Aristide: On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical attack on them.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

BRENT, Bishop: Service on International Opium Commission and on Philippine Committee.

See (in this Volume) Opium Problem.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA: Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

See (in this Volume) AFRICA.

BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902. Census. Increased representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA: Its habitability by whites.

See (in this Volume) AFRICA.

----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A Census of the Empire.

In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book. Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed, tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many summings up of highly interesting and important facts were obtained.

The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be 11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent. since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese Empire, and more than three times that of the United States and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains 41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000, the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000 in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans, 58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains, over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King. His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the scepter of the Tsar.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902. Conference at London with the Prime Ministers of the self-governing Colonies. Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain. Results of the Conference.

Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain, on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a Conference with them, touching questions of general interest, was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August, 1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions, together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary, and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following account of the Conference is derived:

Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do the difficulties which would attend such a great change in our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in wealth and the population of the different members of the Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed. The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore, upon this point of the political relations between the Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they would welcome any approach which might be made to a more definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be enthusiastically received in this country.

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"And in this connection I would venture to refer to an expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend, the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has called forth much appreciation in this country, although I believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood. But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years. We think it is time our children should assist us to support it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have been made that representation should be given to the Colonies in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have always felt myself that the most practical form in which we could achieve our object would be the establishment or the creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in this direction."

Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since 1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of other Powers who have made great advances, especially in connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the present year for naval and military expenditure in the United Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand, 3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s. and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your serious attention to a state of things which cannot be permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are acquainted with ours."

The speaker passed next to the question of commercial relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say, if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various; its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and that it exports the largest part of its available produce —surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend to increase the interchange of products between the different parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement. What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly stated to be the object for which they would most gladly strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards foreign nations? …

"Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom. And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of course, aware that similar questions have been recently specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that the time is ripe for something of this kind."

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Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable experience which we have derived from the history of the Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater equality."

On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute £50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of £3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve. From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were adopted:

"1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by promoting the development of the resources and industries of the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

"2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

"3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of the United Kingdom.

"4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

"5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give effect to it."

The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to which they were prepared to recommend to their several Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference on lists of selected articles— (a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United Kingdom; (b) by raising the duties against foreign imports; (c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the free list.

In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a preferential treatment not yet defined.

A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions recommended that a preference be given to products of the Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that the metric system of weights and measures be adopted throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult to regard them as quite satisfactory.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903. Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade with the Colonies. Its political effects in Great Britain. His resignation from the Cabinet. Disclosures of the correspondence.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907. Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London. Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be known as the Imperial Conference. Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence, and other subjects. Resolutions adopted.

According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906, but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia, each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the representation that would be given to it by the General Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on the 14th of May.

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At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G. Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the constitution of the Conference and the question of military defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to attend its meetings.

At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand, proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed, without action taken. The discussion was continued at the third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

"That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every four years at which questions of common interest may be discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be ex officio President, and the Prime Ministers of the self-governing Dominions ex officio members of the Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an ex officio member of the Conference and will take the chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime Ministers of the respective Dominions.

"Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being understood that, except by special permission of the Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than two representatives from each Government, and that each Government will have only one vote.

"That it is desirable to establish a system by which the several Governments represented shall be kept informed during the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters relating to its affairs.

"That upon matters of importance requiring consultation between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration, subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the purpose."

On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up, and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War took part, the following resolutions were approved:

"That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed desirable.

"That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions raised.

"That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the need of developing for the service of the Empire a General Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole, which shall study military science in all its branches, shall collect and disseminate to the various Governments military information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in the least interfering in questions connected with command and administration, shall at the request of the respective Governments advise as to the training, education, and war organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part of the Empire."

At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted or accepted:

On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

"The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was accepted, amended as follows:

‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

"‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a code of rules and regulations.

"‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure which would minimize delays.

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"‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His Majesty.

"‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right of appeal were exercised under definite rules and restrictions.’

"The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape Colony and Natal, were accepted:

"‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

"‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute under which it is established.

"‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade. Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half before, when they took the administration of their Government away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy, but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country, but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a universal system of free trade, but the official author of the policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of 44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He thought it must be attributed to our special productive activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest examination and discussion, the people of England had declared in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

"For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the people of this country, could not accept the principle of preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought, however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved. Reference had been made to the improvement of means of communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and of establishing mail communication with the Australasian Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial representatives."

Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he said, "it might have been possible for those present, acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see whether it might not be possible to find other means of attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of protection and preference. It was open for the representatives of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which those colleagues would not assent without being false to the trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Federation of South Africa and Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

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"Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the Empire. …

"He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means. He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This, therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked to do what no protectionist country in the world would do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

"He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for their products. To illustrate this he gave the following figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions, exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s Government could not assent to them so far as they implied that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption, said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods. He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. … He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained reserved for the British Empire."

Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two sessions of the Conference were as follows:

"That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between one colony or possession and another, to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s Government dissenting.")

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"That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That, in view of the social and political advantages and the material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny rate."

"That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable, an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this Conference on April 20 last."

"That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different portions should be connected by the best possible means of mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable proportions."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909. The total of its prospective Military Strength when present Imperial plans are carried out.

In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions, equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we, unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14 divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23 army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no other army in the world had an organization so great. He was speaking of possibilities."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June). The Imperial Press Conference in England.

Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the most and best that can be made of the great political organism which extends its law to every continent and its influence to all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat, the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other minds.

A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism; and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking people of the Empire, but among those who came from different races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and the betterment of humanity generally."

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A writer in The Times, reviewing the Conference after it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he reached the capital of the State where he joined his fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party, when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have been supposed that distances like those just indicated would have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case. The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St. Lawrence.

"Among the indirect results of the Conference must be mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own trade interests were identical with those of the people among whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same problems both of politics and material development, of commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once established, and lasting friendships were formed.

"Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end. Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood. The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

The practical object for which the Press Conference strove most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication, by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire, to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news from each division of it in every other. It received strong assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial necessity that in regard to the development of electric communication between different parts of the Empire we shall now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having regard to the various considerations to which I have already adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a universally accessible system of electric communication."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August). Imperial Defence Conference.

See (in this Volume) War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September). Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should afford preferential treatment to each other in their several markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present practical importance, and that the organizations represented at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective Governments to take such action at the next Imperial Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81 votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

"That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered conditions."

"This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic rates."

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BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904. Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

See (in this Volume) Brazil: A. D. 1904.

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

See SOUTH AFRICA

BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

BRYAN, William Jennings: Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BRYAN, William Jennings: Nominated for President of the United States.

See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907. Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902, and Additional Act, 1907.

See (in this Volume) SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

BRYCE, James: Chief Secretary for Ireland.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

BUBONIC PLAGUE.

See (in this Volume) PUBLIC HEALTH.

BUCHANAN, William I.: Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences of American Republics.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUCHANAN, William I.: Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

BUCHANAN, William I.: Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUCHANAN, William I.: Death, October 16, 1909.

BUCHNER, Eduard.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901. The Pan-American Exposition. Assassination of President McKinley. Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient to add what was then said of it:

"They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of 350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

"It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a unified attempt to show one another their trade resources, seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the South American countries, but the United States occupies industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to justify the name. Most of the southern republics are represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is worthy of note that when the other countries realized the importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about vigorously to retrieve themselves.

"So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here was the psychological place. It was also the psychological moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with electricity, and under this happy triad of influences conspiring for success the work was begun.

"The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect peculiarly delightful to Americans."

_E. R. White, Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition (Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901)._

The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the 6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman in the American Review of Reviews:

"Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the President’s side when he receives the public, but on this occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left. Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer Ireland. {60} Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready, the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr. McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth, youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact, one had already passed along the line. Many men carried handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

"So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The President held out his hand; but it was not grasped. Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr. Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou. Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats. Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

"A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell, Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker, the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes, saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance. The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park, President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the scene before the operation was finished and took part in the subsequent consultations.

From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained that day. There he received all possible care during the eight days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for believing that the sound constitution of the President would defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest he became), in the presence of the members of the late President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper correspondents, he took the oath of office as President, administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the honor of our beloved country."

The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and been taught to believe that all heads of government were enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be assigned for his defence. {61} On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week beginning October 28.

See, also, (in this Volume) under UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

BULGARIA.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire: Action on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume) EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: On German Navy-building.

See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform. His resignation.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

BURGER, SCHALK W.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

See (in this Volume) KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

BURNS, John: President of the Local Government Board.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

BURNS, William J.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

BURTON, Joseph R.: United States Senator.

Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern, which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

BUTLER, Charles Henry: Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUTLER, Edward: Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of Charles F. Kelly.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray: President of Columbia University.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray: Arrangement of professorial interchanges with German universities.

See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

BUXTON, Sidney C.: Postmaster-General (British).

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CACERES, Ramon.

See (in this Volume) SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

CADETS, Russian.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

CAJAL, Ramon y. See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

CALABRIA: Destructive earthquake in 1905.

See (in this Volume) EARTHQUAKES.

CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.

See (in this Volume) EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909. Growth. Industries. Products. Railway facilities, etc.

"Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct the attention of the United States and of the world to the importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and established the naval prestige of Japan.

"Since the earliest days of American occupation California has been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following instances,—the first figure being the population by the census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate for 1909.

1900. 1909.

Alameda 16,464 25,000 Berkeley 13,214 40,000 Fresno 12,470 32,000 Los Angeles 102,479 305,000 Oakland 66,960 200,000 Sacramento 29,282 55,000 San Francisco 342,782 500,000 San Jose 21,500 45,000 Stockton 17,506 25,000

"Two features characterize the recent development of California agriculture,—the increased value of the products, and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at $18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.

"Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:

1898. 1908.

Tons. Tons. Green Deciduous Fruits 69,732 161,224 Citrus Fruits 180,658 399,094 Dried Fruits 76,662 133,846 Raisins 47,796 29,601 Nuts 5,815 10,887 Canned Fruits 52,219 85,135

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"About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins, canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south, and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range Mountains north of Sonoma county.

"Formerly wool was an important product of California. The industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.

"In the production of the precious metals the record of California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for 1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928. On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance. The output of petroleum from California oil wells was 4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908. Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output of her gold mines.

"For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near future and for this reason the people of California are tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles, $52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton and Fresno following in the order of naming.

"California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in 1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the United States she had three per cent. of the total railway mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation. It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line terminating on San Francisco Bay.

"Another great work of railway construction in progress in 1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.

"The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.

"The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as follows:

MILES. Southern Pacific System. 3,582 Santa Fé System. 978 Northwestern Pacific. 404 San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake. 341 Western Pacific. 237 Yosemite Valley Railroad. 79

"Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley. The increase of electric power by the further utilization of the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical transportation for freighting as well as in passenger traffic."

_Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department, Lowell High School, San Francisco._

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909. Constitutional changes.

"Amendments to the state constitution originate with the legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted within the past ten years are the following:

authorization of legislation for the control of primary elections; providing for the use of voting machines; the establishment of a system of state highways; increasing the salaries of judges and of state executive officers; changing the pay of members of the legislature from $8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to the sum of $1000 for the regular session; authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the support of high schools; permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior University, the California School of Mechanical Arts, and the Cogswell Polytechnical College, —also personal property at the will of the owner to the amount of $100; eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work throughout the state; authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.

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An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of three judges elected from within the district for a term of twelve years.

"A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special commission on taxation. This commission employed expert assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the maintenance of local government alone."

_Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department, Lowell, High School, San Francisco._

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909. Anti-Japanese agitation.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906. The earthquake of April 18. Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock. Cause of the occurrence.

See (in this Volume) SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan: The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.

See (in this Volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

CAMPBELL, H. W.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY: Prime Minister of the British Government.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY: Address at Colonial Conference.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY: DEATH, April 22, 1908.

----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909. The interchange of people between Canada and the United States. The "American Invasion." Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest. Immigration in the last decade.

"Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes, leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our population has not held its natural increase, has not, that is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand, American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming politically independent, and could best serve England by joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.

"The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian papers publish columns of correspondence from the French settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of British affairs editors and readers know little, and, apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.

"In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news filtered through American channels; we read American books, are interested in American politics, frequent their watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them, dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if we confessed ourselves Colonials."

_E. Farrer, Canada and the new Imperialism (Contemporary Review, December, 1903)._

"Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In 1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age, who had already played a considerable rôle in the politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither wavering nor questioning. {64} He threw himself with immense energy into the task of advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none available at all comparable with those of Western Canada. Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the great idea which, given effect to by an organization called into being by first-class executive talent, operating with limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.

"There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at various places in the United States, but they had been administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands of dollars were expended in advertising and in the distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained business talent could suggest was done.

"The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412 Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987; 1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906, 57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less than 272,609 persons left the United States to become residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts of the United States. The government homestead records for 1906 show applications from persons coming from every State and Territory of the United States, including the District of Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications, with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan, Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama and one from Georgia. …

"It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a most important consideration in a new country where money is scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language, political and social customs, they become a part of the community just as naturally as one stream flows into another at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …

"More important, however, was the advertisement which the ‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand, or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful whether any possible exertions by the Government could have turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but very real interest.

"The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States; with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent. were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."

_John W. Dafoe, Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities (American Review of Reviews, June, 1907)._

Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent of the London Times took the subject of Canadian immigration, especially that from the United States, for extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:

"So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it was natural that population should flow into the Republic. America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more material factor in Canadian development was the comparative exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for British and European immigration, and because thousands of American farmers have discovered that they can sell their improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small investment of capital.

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"The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000. In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were 262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000 and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000. British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in 1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907, when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975 from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from across the border, which was a greater number than came from either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that 70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907, the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration, there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with 84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many from Europe.

"It is apparent that, even with the best business management the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who knows the West and for years has had intimate official knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should know the mind of these American settlers and their general disposition towards the social and political institutions of the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to live, and very generally agree that the impartial and inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive amongst a prosperous agricultural population.

"But it is to one particular phase of the movement of population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the West."

According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during the 13 years which the present Government has been in office was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The total deportations since 1902, when the system was first inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."

Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by 27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939 entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325 English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and 83 Canadians from Quebec."

Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers for the purchase of implements and for help in house building. The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves of the scheme."

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903. German retaliation for the tariff discrimination in favor of British goods.

See (in this Volume) TARIFFS.

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902. The Census of the Dominion. New apportionment of parliamentary representation.

The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed a total population of 5,370,000, of which Ontario contained 2,182,947; Quebec, 1,648,898; Nova Scotia, 459,574; New Brunswick, 331,120; Manitoba, 254,947; British Columbia, 177,272; Prince Edward Island, 103,259; The Northwest Territories, Yukon included, 211,649.

The new distribution of parliamentary representation, determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia 18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7; Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1. The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories 4, and Manitoba 3.

CANADA: A. D. 1902. Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume) BRITISH EMPIRE.

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CANADA: A. D. 1903. Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.

Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay. The railway line ran over the most important vein that has been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction of a large mining population to what has become famous as the Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The ores are said to be unique among those of North America.

16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines.

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May). Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October). Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.

See (in this Volume) ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904. Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea of Hudson Bay region.

"The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August, 1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’ (one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold object was: (1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas there; (2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and (3) to secure further data tending to determine the navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.

"In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’ return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the ‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser, she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him in the administration of this extensive province, they to build posts there and establish themselves at the most important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.

"The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of natural resources both have much in common. The development of the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan Boundary. …

"[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait, which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America, are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the following grounds:—

"1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having been discovered and charted by British explorers).

"2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the Hudson Bay Company).

"3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having been admitted by the French in 1713).

"4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).

"5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).

"But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the same territorial waters. In other words, they question the right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he did, and it may be observed here that the same point has frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents of the Company and by legal critics."

_P. T. McGrath, The Hudson Bay Dispute (Fortnightly Review, January, 1908)._

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905. Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.

"The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward both the United States and Britain has been very frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in Canada and England. … The views of the Association were clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and adopted by the Association after full discussion. The attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as follows:

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"'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of many of the goods which we now import from other countries; that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not only to the preservation, but to the further development, of all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged, recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian producers.

(2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of reasonable and permanent protection.

(3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries of Canada.

(4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with a view to making such recommendations to the Government as will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’

"These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."

_Watson Griffin, Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign (North American Review, August, 1906)._

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909. New transcontinental railway project. The Grand Trunk Pacific.

"The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year 1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st, provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert. The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government, and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new company."

_F. B. Tracy, Tercentenary History of Canada, Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908)._

At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson, who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as follows:

"They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other, but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he should think that, after all that had taken place, and after the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors, the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object, of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system. That would be done during the summer by the road coming down to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter, when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in contact with their own Ontario road."

CANADA: A. D. 1904. General Election. Continuance of the Laurier Ministry. The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.

The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.

The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904, by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete. "There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one of the London journals lately, "that the present Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been. Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities, he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism (to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close contact with the people at large."

Within the past year it has been announced officially from Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December, 1910.

CANADA: A. D. 1904. Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners. Its large regulative powers.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909. Race problems. Restriction of Chinese Immigration. Labor hostility. Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.

See (in this Volume) RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

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CANADA: A. D. 1905. New Provinces created. Alberta and Saskatchewan. Revival of the Separate School controversy. The compromise settlement.

By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the latter.

See, in Volume IV. of this work, NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.

Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan, Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers. The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the revenue of each.

A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in 1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.

See, in Volume VI. of this work, CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).

The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the denominational character of the instruction determined by the majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all schools as to their government and conduct by the central school authority created by the new provincial Legislature. The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against their parents’ wishes."

CANADA: A. D. 1906. Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

See (in this Volume) Conservation of Natural Resources.

CANADA: A. D. 1906. Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."

See (in this Volume) SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

CANADA: A. D. 1906. Prisons and Reformatory Act.

See (in this Volume) CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May). Departure of the last British garrison.

On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia, under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in undivided control of all military posts.

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907. Political experiments in Ontario. Broadening the functions of government.

The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit, wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are trying governmental experiments that would stagger Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.

For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.

The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100 square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company, which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an extremely reasonable rate.

This adventurous policy in economic directions is less surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in the officializing of political parties, as agencies in representative government, which has been put on trial in Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a legislature has been made a recognized functionary and salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year. Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?

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After between two and three years trial of this last named experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the Toronto correspondent of the London Times wrote, in June, 1909, to that paper as follows:

"This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition. The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would exact compensation in the form of official appointment or legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups should ever replace the established two-party system in Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified, and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it may even be said that the official salary enhances the independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in Parliament."

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908. The Canada Temperance Act.

See (in this Volume) ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1907. The founding of Macdonald College.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March). The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May). Imperial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume) British Empire: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909. Convention respecting commercial relations with France and its amendment.

A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty applicable to like products of other foreign origin," reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted by either to any foreign country should apply to similar products of the other.

In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the 13th of July, and in Canada early in December.

CANADA: A. D. 1908. Child Labor legislation.

See (in this Volume) CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1908. Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April). Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume) FOOD FISHES.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April). Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and demarcation of the international boundary between the United States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the Governments of Great Britain and the United States, respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June, 1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in eight sections, for the determination in each of which each Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and the consideration to be given to former surveys and determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as arbitrator.

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In articles one and two there are provisions for the arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article contains the following:

"If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the questions in dispute and the differences between them, but such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.

"In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but without prejudice to the special provisions contained in Articles I and II regarding arbitration.

"It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the section covered by Article IV, unless either of the Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July). Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.

The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion took an active and important part in the preparations, nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of France and the United States were officially represented. Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany, Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the Dominion and the United States.

The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued through two weeks.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September). Act to amend Civil Service Act.

See (in this Volume) CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909. The projected Georgian Bay Canal. Present state of the project.

"The scheme for a canal to give through transport for ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of view upon the Government. At the present time questions of finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be found that the contract will be entrusted to private enterprise under Government supervision.

… The present position of the negotiations between the Government and the canal company is that the latter corporation having matured its scheme, the Government engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be effected on those points where the recommendations of the Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.

"The total distance of the route planned by the canal company engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440 miles. The project is essentially a river and lake canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course the projected route follows the course of the French River and the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company engineers is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21 miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25 miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal being 24 ft. {71} The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.

"The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ materially from those of the canal company. The latter proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills; the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. … The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from 18,982,755 to 58,217,214.

"Reference should also be made to the water powers which would be created by the present plans for the construction of the canal. The report of the Government engineers states that nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.

"The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent. guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about 86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years from the inception of the work before the canal would be open for navigation, and that the total cost would be about £20,000,000."

_Engineering Correspondence London Times, August 18, 1909._

CANADA: A. D. 1909. The Great Mackenzie Basin. The Newest Canadian West.

A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909. "Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses, the Committee calculate that some two million square miles between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables. Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the chinook wind, the warm current of air that blows across the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard to the future of the district with which it deals the report points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"

CANADA: A. D. 1909. The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.

See (in this Volume) NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January). The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.

Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty, having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government, and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States, in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the United States in the closing hours of the Congressional session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:

"A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American boundary waters.

"Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters, including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.

"Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and provincial Governments exclusive control over the use, diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of either country injured by the use of this privilege will be entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a native of the defendant country. The contracting parties, however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion of water across it.

"Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side, without agreement between the contracting parties and the sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is also forbidden.

"Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the least possible injury to the investments which have already been made in the construction of power plants on the United States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and the Province of Ontario.

{72}

"Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk rivers and their tributaries in the west.

"Article VII. provides for the creation of an International Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of Canada and three of the United States.

"Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The uses of the water are to be considered in the following order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly, purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion with regard to departure from the principle of equal division, &c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a separate report to his Government; whereupon the two Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.

"The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular questions referred, together with such conclusions and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however, to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral award. The Commission shall make joint report to both Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side to their own Government.

"Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing that other matters of difference affecting the rights of either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however, to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding upon any of the questions or matters so referred.

"In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both Governments, or separate reports to their respective Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907. Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed to agree."

The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the United States related to the use of waters flowing at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:

"Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without prejudice to the existing right of the United States and Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the treaty."

This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been understood, however, that the objection will be substantially removed if the Government of the United States acquires possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The necessary proceedings will consume some time.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February). The institution of a Department of External Affairs.

An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has been carried on through the channel of the British colonial and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The process has been much criticised and both the prime minister and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of a modification. The creation of the external department is regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the intimation that in negotiations with the United States there will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."

{73}

In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject, as follows:

"It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com [Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in dealing with external affairs."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February). Participation in a North American Conference on the Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume) CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April). Statistics of the Budget speech. Revenue. Trade. No increase of taxation.

The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April 20, 1909:

"Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year, which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr. Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of $1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The total trade of the country during the past year was $553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were $80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June). Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting American Railways.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August). Imperial Defence Conference. Its agreements.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August). Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August). Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.

A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:

"At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming influence of the West in future."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December). Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.

"Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and are now engaged in this work."

Message of the President of the United States to Congress, December 6, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910. As affected by the new tariff of the United States.

See (in this Volume) TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CANADA: A. D. 1910. Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January). Announcement of naval programme.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

----------CANADA: End--------

CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANAL ZONE.

See (in this Volume) PANAMA CANAL.

CANALS.

See (in this Volume) PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY, and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice. Its fall.

See (in this Volume) VENICE: A. D. 1902.

CANBERRA, YASS-CANBERRA. Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

CANCER RESEARCH.

See (in this Volume) PUBLIC HEALTH.

CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.

See (in this Volume) PERU.

CAPE COLONY.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA.

CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.; also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.

CAPUCHINS: Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

CARDUCCI, Giosue.

See (in this Volume) NOBEL PRIZES.

CARLOS I., King of Portugal. His assassination.

See (in this Volume) Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.

CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW: Gift to Scottish universities and students.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW: Gift of a building at Washington for the Bureau of the American Republics.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW: Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW: At Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said: "We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are the heroes of civilization. {74} The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission $5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under the sanction of the French Government.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg: Its enlargement and re-dedication.

See (in this Volume) EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

CARTAGO, COSTA RICA: Institution of the Central American Court of Justice. Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.

See (in this Volume) Central America: A. D. 1908.

CARTELS.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

CASABLANCA: Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets. The Casablanca incident.

See (in this Volume) MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State. His reports.

See (in this Volume) CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CASTRO, CIPRIANO: President of Venezuela.

See in this Volume) VENEZUELA, also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.

CASTRO, Luciano de.

See (in this Volume) PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

CATALONIA: A. D. 1902. Disorders.

See (in this Volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND: Majority vote in Commons for removing.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.

See (in this Volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

CATTLE DRIVING.

See (in this Volume) IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

CAUCASUS, The: Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

CENSORSHIP.

See (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.

See (in this Volume) CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).

CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.

See (in this Volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906. Participation of all the states in the Second and Third International Conferences of American republics. Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.

See (in this Volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902. Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace between the five republics.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903. Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla in the Presidency.

In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the Government was reported to be in progress, under General Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the American consular agent at Amapala as follows:

"A great part of the members of the Congress that was in session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla has gone ahead with his military operations against the new government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president, who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of about 4,500 men."

In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs, who represented the United States in transactions with both Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored, and that Bonilla should be recognized as President. Accordingly the recognition was given.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.

A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was as follows:

"I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that the four governments represented are controlled by parties who will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."

{75}

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras: Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.

In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary dispute to the King of Spain.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua: Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.

The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:

Article I. The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.

Article II. His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid Treaty of Managua.

Article III. In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government agree to grant them the following concessions:

(a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born before the year 1894, from military service, and from all direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions, animals, and means of subsistence.

(b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention, and following their own customs, in so far as they are not opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.

(c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of two years for them to legalize their rights to the property acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before 1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and, in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will give to each family, at their place of residence, eight manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family exceeds that number.

(d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.

(e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving that the lands which they held in conformity with the Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as near as possible to their present residences.

Article IV. The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence, will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.

Article V. The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador: War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.

Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between the parties to it and the governments of the United States and Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.

Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred to above:

"The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following resolution in reference to this action:

"‘That the Third International American Conference shall address to the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’

"This affords an excellent example of one way in which the influence of the United States can properly be exercised for the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is, by action taken in concert with other American republics and therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which might attach if the action were taken by one alone."

{76}

The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce, etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:

"ARTICLE 1. There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature, which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it, to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress, thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes sister countries.

"ARTICLE 2. In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the present treaty, such event, as well as any particular difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be settled by the civilized means of arbitration.

"ARTICLE 3. The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on board the Marblehead, hereby appoint as umpires, Their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted for arbitration.

"For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at the latest within three months from this date, their respective legations near the Governments of the United States of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of January, 1902.

"ARTICLE 4. Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to continue in force, and that any particular difference which may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of October of that year."

Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907. Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War. Mexican and American Mediation. The Washington Peace Conference. General Treaty of Peace and Amity. Central American Court of Justice.

In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic, accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from the country. A provisional government was established in Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were employed again, with the result which the former communicated to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:

"The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico and of the United States for a general peace conference between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day of September last a protocol was signed between the representatives of the five Central American countries accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means of preserving the good relations among said Republics and bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents of the United States and Mexico should appoint ‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our friendly assistance."

The first regular session of the Conference was held on the 14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of the International Bureau of the American Republics. In addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States, and the United States designated Honorable William I. Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States, was present, also, at the first session, over which he presided until the organization of the Conference had been effected. His opening address to the Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:

"We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many failures which have been made by the people of Central America to establish agreement among themselves which would be lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The trial has often been made and the agreements which have been elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.

"It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some practical methods under which it will be possible to secure the performance of those agreements. {77} The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless there be practical and definite methods provided by which the responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of little value with us in this country were it not for the writ of habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained. The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived of his property without due process of law would be of little value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take away a man’s property without due process of law.

"To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which you should specifically and most earnestly address yourselves."

The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.

Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December 20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and signed on the latter date. These conventions are:

General Treaty of Peace and Amity; Additional Convention to the General Treaty; Establishing a Central American Court of Justice; Extradition; On Future Conferences (Monetary); On Communications; Establishing an International Central American Bureau; and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.

The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and Amity are in the following articles:

"ARTICLE I. The Republics of Central America consider as one of their first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be, by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on this date."

"Article III. Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in order that its territory should have been most often the theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn, provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean territory.

"ARTICLE IV. Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the creation of Central American institutions for the development of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical Institute and the International Central American Bureau which have been established according to the Conventions celebrated to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the Governments.

"ARTICLE V. In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to the others a permanent Legation.

"ARTICLE VI. The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any account to make more contributions or ordinary or extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."

"ARTICLE X. The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."

"ARTICLE XIV. Public instruments executed in one of the contracting Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall have been properly authenticated and in their execution the laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been observed."

"ARTICLE XVI. Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.

"Those who may have been actually established in a permanent manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment when they become a menace to public order they shall be included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.

"ARTICLE XVII. Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or foster revolutionary movements against any of the others, shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic, where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."

"ARTICLE XIX. The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications. Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term, none of the contracting parties shall have given special notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it, it shall remain in force until one year after such notification may have been made."

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The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three articles, as follows:

"ARTICLE I. The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not recognize any other Government which may come into power in any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat, or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not constitutionally reorganized the country.

"ARTICLE II. No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country where the struggle may take place.

"Article III. The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the principle of alternation in power."

The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a "Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The more important provisions are in the following:

"ARTICLE I. The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an understanding.

"ARTICLE II. This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which individuals of one Central American country may raise against any of the other contracting Governments, because of the violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an international character; no matter whether his own Government supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies which the laws of the respective country provide against such violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of justice shall be shown.

"ARTICLE III. It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter whether they arise between two or more of them or between one of said Governments and individuals.

[Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article, and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention, the following words:

"It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by common accord they may have been submitted to it.]

"Article IV. The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international questions which by special agreement any one of the Central American Governments and a foreign Government may have determined to submit to it.

"ARTICLE V. The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be authorized to transfer its residence to another point in Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its functions, or of the personal security of its members.

"ARTICLE VI. The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only because of their moral character but also on account of their professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.

"ARTICLE VII. The legislative power of each one of the five contracting Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves to include their respective contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the proportion which corresponds to them on account of such expenditures."

"ARTICLE XIII. The Central American Court of Justice represents the national conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited from the exercise of their functions because of the interest which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may have in any case or question. With regard to implications and challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix shall make proper provision."

"ARTICLE XXII. The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction, interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the matter in dispute, applying the principles of international law.

"ARTICLE XXIII. Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in accordance with the agreement of at least three of the Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same sense shall have been obtained.

"ARTICLE XXIV. The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must be given to its judgment.

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"Article XXV. The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment; and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court of Justice."

"Article XXVII. The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no motive nor in any case will they consider the present Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider it as being always in force during the term of ten years counted from last ratification. In the event that the political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended ipso facto; and a conference to adjust the constitution of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered as rescinded."

"PROVISIONARY ARTICLE. As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is annexed which contains an amplification of the Central American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying this Convention."

"ANNEXED ARTICLE. The Central American Court of Justice shall also have jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional resolutions are not respected."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908. Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice. Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.

The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909. Financial undertakings in New York. Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great banking houses in New York were announced, involving some handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala. It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries, for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of more intimate Pan-American relations.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909. Nicaragua. Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from the United States.

A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made the following statement:

"To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to begin in January."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909. President Zelaya a menace to peace. His conduct trying the patience of the United States.

In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the relations of his Government with that of the United States, had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.

For some years the United States had been trying to bring about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim, as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession provided that any differences which should arise between the Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903 an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company, and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to $30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping the company’s exportations. This led the American Government to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:

"I have the honor to inform you that I have received instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and that until a decision has been given thereby, your Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case, and permitting the company to resume its work under its concession, as if no controversy had arisen."

This communication secured a promise of the desired international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages to the company included. On this contention the settlement was blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the Washington Government was about worn out. In just what wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated. {80} On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties could make their own settlement within four months.

This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or, rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his part against the United States, which President Taft, in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:

"Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to the government of the United States as a consulting and advising party, this government has been almost continuously called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five Central American republics, to exert itself for the maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The responses made to the representations of Central American republics, as due from the United States on account of its relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone and of the very substantial American interests in Central America give to the United States a special position in the zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.

"I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this government to promote peace and welfare among these republics, efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic, and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as prisoners of war.

"At the date when this message is printed this government has terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government, for reasons made public in a communication to the former Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity, its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a special message."

Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the President no longer feels for the government of President Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the interests of the majority of the Central American republics, and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of the United States reserves for further consideration at the proper time the question of stipulating also that the constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.

"From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication between the government of the United States and the de facto authorities to whom I look for the protection of American interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a government with which the United States can maintain diplomatic relations."

President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment, telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua. Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to President Taft in these words:

"To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."

The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to order a presidential election by the people.

On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to have taken up his residence in Belgium.

The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.

----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------

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CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See, (in this Volume) also, AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.

See (in this Volume) FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

CENTRO CATOLICO.

See (in this Volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.: Military Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this Volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

CHAFIN, Eugene W.: Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume) UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Austen: Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.

See (in this Volume) BRITISH EMPIRE.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: On a State-rights question in Australia.

See (in this Volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies. His resignation from the Cabinet.

See (in this Volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Visit to South Africa. Views on the Labor question.

See (in this Volume) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.

See (in this Volume) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG: Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.

See (in this Volume) OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHANTABUN: Restored to Siam.

See (in this Volume) SIAM: A. D. 1902.

CHANUTE, OCTAVE.

See (in this Volume) SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CHARITIES.

See (in this Volume) POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

CHARLES I., King of Roumania. What he has done for his kingdom.

See (in this Volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark: Election to the Norwegian Throne. Assumes the name of Haakon VII.

See (in this Volume) NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901. The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian Exposition."

Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting Fair.

CHARTREUX MONKS.

See (in this Volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

CHEMULPHO.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909. Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1899. Institution of the first Juvenile Court.

See (in this Volume) CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1903. The burning of the Iroquois Theater.

Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that are in the past of any city. The second was added on the afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the best of any in the city in its method of construction. But inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar condition in other places of assembly, with the result that all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago, were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance with certain provisions of the law.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905. Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.

See (in this Volume) LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908. Struggle for a better charter.

See (in this Volume) MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1906. Packing-House Investigation.

See (in this Volume) Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1907. National Conference on Trusts.

See (in this Volume) COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909. Population, and race mixture.

The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909, gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835, of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of 563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark. The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257. The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909. "The Chicago Plan." Systematizing the future development.

"Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the younger business and professional men of the city, arranged for the preparation of a complete project for the future development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter organization, and the city-planning work was continued under the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago" was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham, chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the expense of preparing and publishing the report has approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions from the business men of Chicago."

_George C. Sikes, The New Chicago (The Outlook, August 28, 1909)._

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CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May). The Second National Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume) WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.

See (in this Volume) RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.

See (in this Volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Dependents: England: The Poor Law Children.

The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:

"In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools, scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d. per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local Government Board should do a great deal by administration. They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or institutions available he would transfer more children. He should not rest until all the sick children throughout the country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to institutions in the country where they would recover health more rapidly."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.

Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President maintained that such legislation is important not only for the welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting an example of a high standard of child protection by the National Government to the several States of the Union, which should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such matters."

Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these children, he said, represents either a potential addition to the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of children no less than in our great material affairs."

In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out that "the National Government is the only agency which can effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for the benefit of all our citizens."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Dependents and as Offenders: England: The Children Act of 1908. Infant Life Protection. Reformatory and Industrial Schools. Treatment of Youthful Criminals. No death-sentence for them. Special "Places of Detention." Juvenile Courts.

An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons." It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them, except the matters of education and child labor, which are subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary "White Book" of 93 pages.

As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14 years; the expression "young person" means one above that age, but under sixteen.

The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with the following main subjects: (1) Infant Life Protection. (2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons. (3) Juvenile Smoking. (4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools. (5) Juvenile Offenders. (6) Miscellaneous and General.

The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.

Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.

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The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be brought before the Court by any person in order that the provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are unable to control their children may themselves take advantage of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the children under the supervision of a probation officer instead of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons with or without the supervision of the probation officer.

The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death," says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall sentence the child or young person to be detained during his Majesty’s pleasure."

In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence, nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention" provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into force until January 1, 1910.

This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial. Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest (if for some special reason they cannot be released on a recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial. Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit "either in a different building or room from that in which the ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days or at different times from those at which the ordinary sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both before and after trial, to prevent the association of children with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be required to attend the hearing of charges against their children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines, damages, or costs imposed.

The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to Scotland and Ireland.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders: Canadian provision for Separate Detention, Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.

The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years who are,

(a) arrested upon any warrant; or, (b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry into a charge for an indictable offence; or, (c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary conviction; or, (d) committed to custody after such trial, but before imprisonment under sentence;

shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged with criminal offences and separate from all persons undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."

Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: The George Junior Republic.

Much attention has been turned from many directions, within the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution, which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a self-governing community,—a republic in which they are citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and social influence of this training has now been proved by more than a decade of success.

This remarkable organization was not framed up by its architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from suggestions of experience as they came. {84} He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn, New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised. Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking and the building of a road now became the penalty for wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see that they did their work.

So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed, until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and other executive officers, its representative legislature, its courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class for treatment by this simple inoculation with social responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in 1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:

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