I. UNITED STATES (part 2 of 3)

I. UNITED STATES (part 2 of 3)

The situation of American affairs--though far from brilliant--was much improved by the late successes. The people of Jersey rose with fresh spirit, and in a number of small skirmishes inflicted loss upon the enemy, both in men and stores: new hope was made to animate the public mind; while congress fanned the flame by judicious and well-timed incitements to vigorous action. Washington was authorized to raise sixteen regiments, and in further testimony of the public confidence, he was invested for six months with almost dictatorial powers in the conduct of the war. It was, however, found to be impossible to collect a sufficient force for active operations upon any considerable scale during the winter. All the hopes of the commander-in-chief were therefore turned to the next campaign; and in the mean time an active warfare was carried on with small posts and foraging parties, which greatly annoyed the British army; while the frequent reports of fresh successes excited the spirit of the American people. The most earnest applications were made to the several states, for rëinforcements enlisted upon longer terms; for, as Washington strongly observed, "to the short engagements of our troops may be fairly and justly ascribed almost every misfortune that we have experienced." These representations produced at last their due impression; and the hope was abandoned of defending the country by hasty assemblages of militia, and of carrying on a protracted warfare upon the impulse and mere foundation of disinterested patriotism.

FOOTNOTES:

[46] Journals of Congress.

[47] Holmes' Annals.

IX. OCCUPATION OF PHILADELPHIA.

POSITION of the Armies--British remove to New York--Sail for the Chesapeake--Advance towards Philadelphia--American Army also move towards the same place--Meet at Brandywine--Battle--Americans repulsed--British enter Philadelphia--Congress retire to Lancaster--Battle of Germantown--Americans retreat--Ineffectual attempts to force the British to evacuate Philadelphia.

During the winter of 1776-7, the American army encamped, as already noticed, at Morristown. The royal army occupied Brunswick. Towards the close of May, the former, which had been augmented by recruits to almost ten thousand men, removed from Morristown to a fortified position at Middlebrook. The British soon after left their encampment, General Howe endeavoring, by various movements, to induce Washington to quit his stronghold and meet him on equal ground. But the latter, too prudent and sagacious to risk an engagement with a force so decidedly superior, determined to remain in his present secure position, until the designs of the British were more fully developed.

At length, the British commander, wearied with an unprofitable contest with an enemy which had the decided advantage as to position, and satisfied that his adversary would, on no consideration, hazard a general engagement, resolved to abandon New Jersey, and direct his attention to the occupation of Philadelphia.

In pursuance of this plan, the British forces fell back upon Amboy, and soon after passed over to Staten Island. Leaving Sir Henry Clinton in command at New York, General Howe, on the 26th of July, put out to sea with sixteen thousand troops. His destination was carefully concealed. Unfavorable winds delayed his voyage beyond his wishes; but, on the 20th of August, he entered Chesapeake bay, and thus rendered it certain that an attack upon Philadelphia was intended. On the 25th, the troops were landed at Elk ferry, in Maryland, fifty miles south of the city.

Washington, penetrating the designs of his adversary, and yielding to the wishes of a great portion of the people in that section of the country, that a general engagement should be hazarded for the defence of Philadelphia, moved with his army across the Delaware, and hastening his march, passed through and took a position on the eastern bank of Brandywine creek, with the hope of giving a check to the advancing foe. The force of Washington, including irregulars, was now about eleven thousand men.

Meanwhile, the British army was advancing towards Philadelphia. "At day-break, on the morning of the 11th, (Washington having crossed the Brandywine, and taken position on a height behind that river,) it was ascertained, that Sir William Howe in person had crossed the Brandywine at the forks, and was rapidly marching down the north side of the river to attack the American army. The commander-in-chief now ordered General Sullivan to form the right wing to oppose the column of Sir William. General Wayne was directed to remain at Chadd's ford with the left wing, to dispute the passage of the river with Knyphausen. General Green, with his division, was posted as a reserve in the center, between Sullivan and Wayne, to rëinforce either, as circumstances might require. General Sullivan marched up the river, until he found favorable ground on which to form his men; his left was near the Brandywine, and both flanks were covered with thick wood. At half-past four o'clock, when his line was scarcely formed, the British, under Lord Cornwallis, commenced a spirited attack. The action was for some time severe; but the American right, which was not properly in order when the assault began, at length gave way, and exposed the flank of the troops, that maintained their ground, to a destructive fire, and, continuing to break from the right, the whole line finally gave way. As soon as the firing began, General Washington, with General Greene's division, hastened towards the scene of action, but, before his arrival, Sullivan was routed, and the commander-in-chief could only check the pursuit of the enemy, and cover the retreat of the beaten troops. During these transactions, General Knyphausen assaulted the works erected for the defence of Chadd's ford, and soon carried them. General Wayne, by this time learning the fate of the other divisions, drew off his troops. General Washington retreated with his whole force that night to Chester. The American loss in this battle was about three hundred killed and six hundred wounded. Four hundred were made prisoners, but these chiefly of the wounded." Among the latter were two general officers; the Marquis de la Fayette and General Woodford. Count Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, fought also with the Americans in this battle.

"Perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road towards the city, General Washington took possession of ground near the Warren tavern, on the left of the British, and twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. The protection of his stores at Reading was one object of this movement. The next morning, he was informed of the approach of the British army. He immediately put his troops in motion to engage the enemy. The advance of the two hostile armies met, and began to skirmish, when a violent storm came on, which prevented a general engagement, and rendered the retreat of the Americans absolutely necessary. The inferiority of the muskets in the hands of the American soldiery, which had been verified in every action, was strikingly illustrated in this retreat. The gun-locks being badly made, and the cartridge-boxes imperfectly constructed, this storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use, and all the ammunition was damaged. The army was, in consequence, extremely exposed, and their danger became the greater, as many of the soldiers were destitute of bayonets. Fortunately the tempest, which produced such serious mischief to the Americans, prevented the pursuit of the British. Washington still continued to make every effort to save the capitol; but Sir William Howe, having secured the command of the Schuylkill, on the 23d of September, crossed it with his whole army; on the 26th, he advanced to Germantown, and, on the succeeding day, Lord Cornwallis, at the head of a strong detachment, entered Philadelphia in triumph." Congress removed from the city, and immediately rëassembled at Lancaster. Fortunately, through the precautions of Washington, the military stores and deposits at Philadelphia, had been removed up the Delaware, and were thus prevented from falling into the hands of the enemy.

Passing over some unimportant events, we arrive at the 4th of October, on the morning of which day, the American army made a spirited attack upon a strong body of British forces encamped at Germantown, a village of a single street, beginning about five miles from Philadelphia, and extending along the road about two miles more. Lord Cornwallis occupied the city with another division, and a numerous detachment had marched to Chester, as an escort for a convoy of provisions. A fair opportunity for assailing the enemy in detail was thus offered to the enterprise of the American commander, and he was not slow in perceiving its advantages. He accordingly chose, for his point of assault, the advanced camp at Germantown, and made masterly arrangements for surrounding and destroying that exposed division of the enemy, before rëinforcements could arrive from Philadelphia.

Never was an attack more auspiciously begun, or the prospect of a decisive victory, for a time, more flattering. But the British army, at length, recovering from its first surprise, rallied the fugitives, and prepared vigorously to assume the offensive. The fortunes of the day, in consequence, changed, and Washington became convinced of the necessity of withdrawing his troops from the contest. The disputed town was therefore evacuated by the Americans. According to the official returns of the English general, his loss in the battle of Germantown scarcely exceeded five hundred men. On the side of the Americans, two hundred were killed, more than five hundred wounded, and four hundred made prisoners. Congress passed a resolution highly commending the plan of the battle, and thanking the commander and the army for their courage and conduct.

The main object of the American commander was now to compel the evacuation of Philadelphia, by cutting off the supplies of the British army. The fleet was effectually prevented from cöoperation by the obstructions fixed in the channel of the Delaware, and by two small forts--one called Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island, near the confluence of the Delaware and Schuylkill, and the other at Red Bank, on the opposite Jersey shore. Strong parties of militia scoured the whole country in the neighborhood of the city, for the purpose of enforcing the resolution of congress, which subjected to martial law all persons supplying provisions to the enemy.

Sir William Howe soon felt the increasing difficulties of his situation, and began to prepare his plans for their forcible removal. Works were erected against Fort Mifflin, which produced severe conflicts with Colonel Samuel Smith, who commanded the station. Lord Howe came up the river, with his ships of war and transports, and anchored from New Castle to Reedy Island; some frigates being detached, in advance, to remove the chevaux de frise that encumbered the channel. Considerable difficulties were encountered in effecting this object, so that the obstructions below Mud Island were not cleared until the middle of October, while those, covered by the American guns, were yet untouched. The capture of the forts was, therefore, the next object, and it was accordingly attempted by a combined attack on land and water.

The importance to the British of effecting the reduction of these forts, brought into requisition every possible means. On the other hand, the most determined resistance was made for their defence; but, at length, the Americans were obliged to yield them up to superior force; in consequence of which, Sir William Howe was fully secured in his conquest of Philadelphia, and in the possession of an uninterrupted communication between his army and fleet.

The occupation of Philadelphia by the British, was to them an important movement. Washington deeply regretted the success of the enterprise by which it fell into their hands; but he had no occasion to reproach himself in view of the event. He had taken every precaution, and made every effort to prevent the loss of so important a place. But the benefits anticipated by the British, were scarcely realized. The prospects of the Americans were, after all, growing brighter, and events were hastening on, which were to make those prospects brighter still.

X. SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE.

BRITISH project for securing the command of the Hudson, between New York and Albany--Intrusted to Generals Howe and Burgoyne--The latter leaves Canada with a strong Force--Invests and takes Crown Point and Ticonderoga--Affair of Skenesborough--Fort Edward abandoned--Retreat of Americans to Stillwater--Battle of Bennington--General Gates supersedes General Schuyler--Critical condition of Burgoyne--Burgoyne advances upon Saratoga--Battle of Saratoga--Battle of Stillwater--Burgoyne retreats--Pursued by the Americans--Capitulates--Public rejoicings.

Events of deep interest transpiring in the north, must divert our attention for a time, from the military operations of the middle states.

At an earlier day, a scheme had been formed by the British ministers, of opening a way to New York, by means of their army, which should descend from the lakes to the banks of the Hudson, and unite in the vicinity of Albany with the whole, or a part of that commanded by General Howe, from the south. By means of such a manœuvre, the eastern and western provinces would be separated from each other; and thus, being prevented from furnishing mutual succor, would become an easy prey to the royal forces.

Obstacles had prevented the execution of this plan in the latter part of 1776, as originally intended, but now (the early part of 1777) it was designed to be prosecuted with a vigor and resolution corresponding to its importance.

To General Burgoyne, an officer distinguished for his ability, and possessed of a competent knowledge of the country, and, moreover, animated with an ardent thirst for military glory, the expedition from the north was confided; while General Howe was expected to lead up the royal forces from the south.

General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec in the beginning of May; and being seconded by General Carleton, immediately prepared himself to push forward the business of his mission. The regular force of General Burgoyne consisted of upwards of seven thousand British and German troops, exclusive of a corps of artillery of five hundred. Seven hundred rangers, under Colonel St. Leger, were added, designed to make an incursion into the country of the Mohawks, and to seize Fort Stanwix, otherwise called Fort Schuyler. It was expected, also, that two thousand Canadians, including hatchmen and other workmen, would join the army. And, finally, one thousand Indians were induced to unite in the expedition. A train of artillery seldom equalled, either in numbers, or in the skill of those who managed it, also accompanied the army. Able and experienced officers had been selected to direct its movements. The principal were, Major-general Philips, of the artillery, who had distinguished himself in the wars of Germany; the Brigadier-generals Frazer, Powel, and Hamilton, with the Brunswick Major-general Baron Reidesel, and Brigadier-general Specht. The whole army shared in the ardor and hopes of its chiefs; not a doubt was entertained of an approaching triumph, and the conquest of America.

Thus prepared, General Burgoyne proceeded to encamp near the little river Bouquet, upon the west bank of Lake Champlain, at no great distance to the north of Crown Point. Here having addressed his army in a speech calculated to excite their highest ardor, and issued a proclamation warning the Americans against any attempt to resist his progress, upon pain of savage fury, devastation, famine, and kindred calamities--he moved upon Crown Point, whence soon after he proceeded with all his force to invest Ticonderoga.

This fortress at the time was under command of General St. Clair. Believing his garrison, only three thousand men, one-third of which were militia, inadequate to resist the attack of so formidable a force as was making its approach, he ordered its evacuation and the retreat of his army, having first burned or destroyed every thing which might prove important to the invading foe.

The night of the 5th of July was appointed for the evacuation. The British army was near, and peculiar caution was to be observed, in order to effect their retreat in safety. General St. Clair led the van-guard, and Colonel Francis the rear. The soldiers had received orders to proceed with silence. St. Clair drew out the van-guard at two in the morning; Francis with the rear left at four. The baggage, furniture, military stores, and provisions, had been embarked on board of two hundred batteaux, and five armed gallies. The general rendezvous was appointed at Skenesborough; the batteaux proceeding up Wood creek, and the main army taking its route by way of Castleton.

Under the animating prospect of affecting their retreat in safety, the army and batteaux were proceeding on their respective routes, when suddenly flames burst forth from a house which had taken fire on Mount Independence, and discovered by their glare, to the surprise of the royalists, the retreating patriots.

Immediate orders were issued to the English to pursue. General Frazer, at the head of a strong detachment of grenadiers and light troops, proceeded by land along the right bank of Wood creek. General Reidesel rapidly followed with his Germans, to aid him if required. General Burgoyne embarked on board of several vessels, and gave chase by water.

"By three in the afternoon, the van of the British squadron, composed of gun-boats, came up with, and attacked the American gallies, near Skenesborough falls. In the mean time, three regiments which had been landed at South bay, ascended and passed a mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the enemy above Wood creek, to destroy his works at the falls of Skenesborough, and thus to cut off his retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The British frigates having joined the van, the gallies, already hard pressed by the gun-boats, were completely overpowered. Two of them surrendered, three were blown up. The Americans now despaired; having set fire to their works, mills, and batteaux, and otherwise destroyed what they were unable to burn, they escaped as well as they could up Wood creek, without halting till they reached Fort Anne. Their loss was considerable; for the batteaux they burned were loaded with baggage, provisions, and munitions, as necessary to their sustenance as to military operations. The corps which had set out by land was in no better situation. The van-guard, conducted by St. Clair, had arrived at Castleton, thirty miles distant from Ticonderoga, and twelve from Skenesborough; the rear, commanded by Colonels Francis and Warner, had rested the night of the 6th, at Hubbardston, six miles below Castleton, towards Ticonderoga.

"At five o'clock in the morning of the 7th, the English column, under General Frazer, made its appearance. The Americans were strongly posted, and appeared disposed to defend themselves. Frazer, though inferior in point of numbers, had great confidence in the valor of his troops. He also expected every moment to be joined by General Reidesel; and being apprehensive that the enemy might escape if he delayed, he ordered the attack immediately. The battle was long and sanguinary. The Americans, being commanded by valiant officers, behaved with great spirit and firmness; but the English displayed an equal obstinacy. After several shocks, with alternate success, the latter began to fall back in disorder; but their leaders rallied them anew, and led them to a furious charge with the bayonet; the Americans were shaken by its impetuosity. At this critical moment, General Reidesel arrived at the head of his column, composed of light troops and some grenadiers. He immediately took part in the action. The Americans, overpowered by numbers, fled on all sides, leaving their brave commander, with many other officers, and upwards of two hundred soldiers, dead on the field. About the same number, besides Colonel Hale, and seventeen officers of inferior rank, were made prisoners. Above six hundred were supposed to be wounded; many of whom, deprived of all succor, perished miserably in the woods. The loss of the royal troops, in dead and wounded, amounted to about one hundred and eighty."[48]

Upon receiving intelligence of the foregoing disasters, St. Clair proceeded by a circuitous route to Fort Edward, in order to strengthen General Schuyler, in anticipation of an attack upon that fortress. With the accessions thus made, the troops at Fort Edward amounted to but little more than four thousand, including the militia. The losses of the Americans had been great, and were severely felt. No less than one hundred and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, besides a great quantity of warlike stores--baggage, provisions, particularly flour--had either fallen into the hands of the enemy, or had been destroyed. Added to these losses, a general panic had seized upon the inhabitants, especially on account of the Indians attached to the British army, and against whose merciless and savage spirit there was felt to be no security.

While General Burgoyne was detained at Skenesborough, General Schuyler was actively engaged in increasing his means of defence. Trenches were opened, and the roads leading to the fort were in every possible way obstructed. The militia from various quarters were summoned to the American standard, and artillery and warlike stores were forwarded from various points.

At length, General Burgoyne moved towards Fort Edward; but such were the obstacles which impeded his movements, that he did not reach the banks of the Hudson, near Fort Edward, till the 30th of July.

In the mean while, under a conviction that, after all the efforts made to render that fort defensible, it could not be maintained against so formidable a force as was approaching, General Schuyler abandoned it, and returned lower down to Stillwater, where intrenchments were thrown up.

Unexpectedly, General Burgoyne now found himself nearly destitute of provisions, and from the 30th of July to the 15th of August, the time was spent in procuring the means of supporting the army, which were obliged to be brought from Ticonderoga, at the expense of vast toil and labor. This, it was afterwards alleged, was the great mistake of General Burgoyne, that he suffered himself, after the occupation of Skenesborough, and the discomfiture of the enemy's army, to have attempted the reduction of Fort Edward. Had he then made his way directly to Albany, he might have secured the possession of that important place to himself, before the Americans could have rallied.

While thus posted at Fort Edward, General Burgoyne received intelligence that large stores of live cattle, corn, and other necessaries belonging to the Americans, had been deposited at Bennington, a village situated about twenty miles from the Hudson, in Vermont. Impelled by necessity, as well as desirous of adding to his military fame, he resolved to attempt their seizure, the accomplishment of which plan, he entrusted to Colonel Baum, a German officer of great bravery, and well versed in this sort of partisan war.

Accordingly, with a force of five hundred men and two light field-pieces, Baum set forth, in proud anticipation of success. The roads, however, were so heavy, that the detachment was fatally retarded. The intelligence of their approach preceded them in time to allow Colonel Stark--a brave, active man, who was in command at Bennington, with a corps of New Hampshire militia--to assemble a considerable rëinforcement of Green-mountain Boys from the neighboring towns. Before Baum made his appearance, the number of Americans had swelled to about two thousand. On learning the numbers of the enemy, Baum dispatched an express to Colonel Breyman, who had been detached to support him if necessary, to urge his march. In the mean while, Baum took post on the banks of the Walloon creek, to await the arrival of his auxiliaries.

Stark, however, was not disposed to accommodate his foe by any such delay; but, taking up his line of march, on the morning of the 6th of August, advanced towards the place of Baum's encampment. Dividing his forces into several corps, he gave orders to attack the British on all sides at once. On their approach, Baum strangely mistaking them for loyalists coming to his aid, held still. Judge his surprise when they poured in from all sides a deadly fire upon him! Rallying his men in the best possible manner, for a time he made a brave resistance; but before the impetuous charge of the Americans, the English were obliged to yield.

The fortune of the day had already been decided, when Colonel Breyman appeared. He was, in fact, perfectly ignorant of the engagement, and the fate of his pioneers. What was his consternation, on reaching the intrenchments of Baum, to find, instead of friends ready to receive him, the place in possession of an enemy ready to give him battle! Perceiving his mistake, his troops, though greatly fatigued, were ordered to the combat; and bravely for a time they fought, and not without some prospect of success, a part of the Americans being employed in pillaging. But the momentary advantage which he seemed to have gained was soon lost; and, leaving all their baggage and one thousand muskets in the hands of the conquerors, they made a rapid retreat. The loss of the British in the two engagements, was about two hundred killed, and five hundred wounded and prisoners. The loss of the Americans did not much exceed one hundred.

The exploit of Bennington redounded not only to the credit of General Stark and his brave troops, but to the good of the country at large. It roused the drooping spirits of the Americans, it inspired the troops with confidence, and presented an earnest of still nobler conquests. In consequence of this defeat, the situation of General Burgoyne was still more perplexing. The hope of supplying his army with provisions from the stores of Bennington, was annihilated, and to other quarters he must look for supplies, without a considerable stock of which, it would be presumption to attempt offensive operations.

While these events were transpiring, congress appointed General Gates to take command of the Northern army, in place of General Schuyler. The latter was a soldier of great bravery, but was not universally acceptable to the troops, especially to those from Massachusetts and other provinces of New England. The former enjoyed a high military reputation, and his appointment was hailed by the army with joy. Gates made his appearance at Stillwater on the 21st of August, and took the command.

"Meanwhile," says Botta, "General Burgoyne continued in his camp, on the left bank of the Hudson, where he used the most unremitting industry and perseverance in bringing stores and provisions forward from Fort George. Having at length, by strenuous efforts, obtained about thirty days' provisions, he took a resolution of passing the river with his army, in order to engage the enemy, and force a passage to Albany. As a swell of water, occasioned by great rains, had carried away his bridge of rafts, he threw another, of boats, over the river at the same place. Towards the middle of September, he crossed with his army to the right bank of the Hudson, and encamped on the heights and in the plain of Saratoga, Gates being then in the neighborhood of Stillwater, about three miles below. The two armies of course faced each other, and a battle was expected soon to follow."

On the morning of the 19th, it was reported by Colonel Colburn, who was watching the enemy, that they were beginning to ascend the hill towards the American left. General Gates sent Colonel Morgan to oppose them, and the firing began about noon. The action extended, and, in three hours, was general, and continued without interruption till dark. The American troops engaged amounted to three thousand; the British to three thousand five hundred.

"For four hours," says General Wilkinson, "the battle fluctuated, like the waves of a stormy sea, with alternate advantage, without one moment's intermission. It was truly a gallant conflict, in which death, by its familiarity, lost its terrors, and certainly a drawn battle, as night alone terminated it." The British army kept possession of the field; but they had nothing of which to boast. Their loss was more than five hundred men, and, among others, Captain Jones, of the artillery, an officer of great merit; the loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was from three to four hundred; among the former, were Colonels Adams and Colburn.

From September 19th to October 7th, was devoted, by the English, to strengthening their fortifications. The army of Gates, in the mean while, was continually increasing, and, on a single occasion, was added to by the arrival of General Lincoln with two thousand men, well trained and disciplined, from the New England provinces. Attacks on the British pickets took place almost every night.

For some time, General Burgoyne had been daily and ardently waiting for news from General Howe, as to the cöoperation he intended. On the 20th of September, he received a letter from that general, informing him that, about the 20th of the month, he should attempt the reduction of Fort Montgomery, situated on the right bank of the Hudson, and near the Highlands.

The situation of Burgoyne was now becoming so critical, that he immediately despatched an express to General Howe, entreating him to hasten his attack on the fort, if there was any prospect of delay, as he was provided with necessaries for his army only to the 12th of October, at which time he would be obliged to move from his present position.

Near the 1st of October, General Burgoyne found it necessary to lessen the rations of his soldiers--a measure to which they cheerfully submitted. The 7th arrived, and no further tidings had reached him of the movements of General Howe.

In this situation, General Burgoyne resolved, as the last resort, to make a bold and, if possible, a decisive attack.

The battle occurred on the 7th, and a most severe and sanguinary contest it proved; we have space only for the results. The loss of the British, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was about six hundred; that of the Americans, three hundred and nineteen. Of the British, Brigadier-general Frazer, a gallant officer, was mortally wounded, and Colonel Breyman killed. General Arnold, of the Americans, was badly wounded, in the same leg which had already been shattered under the walls of Quebec.

Many pieces of artillery, all the baggage of the Germans, and many warlike stores, fell into the hands of the republicans, who needed them greatly. They were impatient for the return of day, to renew the battle. But deplorable and perilous, beyond expression, was the situation of the British troops; they bore it, however, with admirable temper and firmness. It was evidently impossible to continue in their present position, without submitting to a certainty of destruction on the ensuing day. The Americans, invigorated and encouraged, would take advantage of the access they had already opened to themselves on the right, and of other untenable points, to carry every part of the camp, and completely surround the British army. Burgoyne, therefore, determined to operate a total change of ground. He executed this movement with admirable order, and without any loss. The artillery, the camp, and its appurtenances, were all removed, before morning, to the heights above the hospital. The British army, in this position, had the river in its rear, and its two wings displayed along the hills, upon the right bank. The English expected to be attacked the following day. But Gates would not expose to the risk of another battle, that victory of which he was already certain. He intended that time, famine, and necessity, should complete the work which his arms had so fortunately commenced. There were frequent skirmishes, however, occurring in the course of the day, but of little importance. Towards night, the obsequies of General Frazer were celebrated in the British camp; a ceremony mournful of itself, and rendered even terrible by the sense of recent losses, of future dangers, and of regret for the deceased. The darkness and silence of the night aided the effect of the blaze and roar of the American artillery; while, at every moment, the balls spattered the earth upon the face of the officiating chaplain.[49]

The situation of General Burgoyne, after the battle, was gloomy and critical in the extreme. The fortunes of war were obviously against him, and no safe alternative presented itself but in retreat. Orders were accordingly issued for the army to return to Saratoga, six miles up the river. "The retreat began at nine o'clock; but such was the badness of the roads, rendered still more difficult by a heavy rain, which fell that night, and such was the weakness of the teams, for want of forage, that the English did not reach Saratoga till the evening of the ensuing day; the soldiers were harassed with fatigue and hunger. The hospital, with three hundred sick and wounded, and a great number of wheel-carriages, were abandoned to the enemy. The English, as they retired, burned the houses, and destroyed whatever they could use no longer."

From the moment that General Gates learned the movements of the enemy, his plan was formed--to follow up his success by a vigorous pursuit, pushing the contest until they should surrender their arms as a conquered foe.

Accordingly, putting his army in motion, as early as was practicable, he followed. The only hope which now inspired Burgoyne was, that he might effect a passage to Fort Edward, and in that fastness sustain himself till succor could arrive from the south. But when the intelligence arrived, as it did at the moment of his deepest perplexity, that that fortress was in possession of the Americans, he saw he must relinquish all hope of saving himself by his own efforts.

The condition of the British army was indeed deplorable. "The troops, worn down by a series of hard toil, incessant effort, and stubborn action, abandoned by Indians and Canadians, the whole army reduced by repeated and heavy losses of many of their best men and most distinguished officers, from ten thousand combatants to less than five thousand fighting men, of whom little more than three thousand were English. In these circumstances, and in this state of weakness, without a possibility of retreat, they were invested by an army of four times their own number, whose position extended three parts in four of a circle round them--who refused to fight from a knowledge of their own condition--and who, from the nature of the ground, could not be attacked in any part. In this helpless situation, obliged to be constantly on their arms, while a continued cannonade pervaded all the camp, and even rifle and grape-shot fell in every part of their lines, the troops of Burgoyne retained their ordinary constancy, and, while sinking under a hard necessity, they showed themselves worthy of a better fate. Nor could they be reproached with any action or word, which betrayed a want of temper or fortitude.

"At length, no succor appearing, and no rational ground of hope of any kind remaining, an exact account of the provisions was taken on the morning of the thirteenth, when it was found that the whole stock would afford no more than three days' bare subsistence for the army. In such a state, it was alike impossible to advance or to remain as they were; and the longer they delayed to take a definite resolution, the more desperate became their situation. Burgoyne, therefore, immediately called a council of war, at which not only the generals and field-officers, but all the captains of companies were invited to assist. While they deliberated, the bullets of the Americans whistled around them, and frequently pierced even the tent, where the council was convened. It was determined, unanimously, to open a treaty, and enter into a convention with the American general."

On the night of the 15th, the articles of capitulation were settled. The morning of the 17th was appointed as the time on which they were to be signed.

That night (15th) intelligence, by a special messenger, reached the English camp, that General Clinton had reduced Fort Montgomery, and was then rapidly marching to their relief. This added to the suffering of the conquered Burgoyne. Forthwith, he summoned a council of war, and to his discredit--the only apology for which is to be found in the deep mortification felt by a proud and ambitious soldier to surrender--proposed to retreat, and once more try the fortunes of combat, in the hope that Clinton might arrive in season to their relief. But his officers, with stricter notions of propriety, were of the opinion that, as their faith had been pledged, the honor of the English character required a fulfillment of the articles of capitulation.

Meanwhile, Gates, apprised of the nature of the intelligence received, calmly waited for the arrival of the 17th, on the morning of which he proceeded to form his troops in the order of battle; which done, he dispatched a messenger to General Burgoyne, to inform him that the appointed hour had arrived, and he must either sign the articles, or prepare himself for battle.

Deeply as the latter regretted submission, he was fully sensible that circumstances demanded it, and therefore proceeded to sign the articles, which, in substance, were as follows:

"That the army should march out of the camp with all the honors of war and its camp artillery, to a fixed place, where they were to deposit their arms and leave the artillery; to be allowed a free embarkation and passage to Europe, from Boston, upon condition of their not serving again in America during the present war; the army not to be separated, particularly the men from the officers; roll-calling, and other duties of regularity, to be permitted; the officers to be admitted on parole, and to wear their sidearms; all private property to be retained, and the public delivered upon honor; no baggage to be searched or molested; all persons, of whatever country, appertaining to, or following the camp, to be fully comprehended in the terms of capitulation, and the Canadians to be returned to their own country, liable to its conditions."

On the day on which the capitulation took place, the American army numbered nearly fifteen thousand men, ten thousand of whom were regular troops; the English troops amounted to five thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, of whom two thousand four hundred and twelve were Germans, and three thousand three hundred and seventy-nine were English.

The munitions of war, which by the capitulation came into possession of the Americans, were, besides being numerically great, exceedingly valuable. They consisted of a fine train of brass artillery, amounting to forty-two pieces, of different sorts and sizes, four thousand six hundred muskets, and an immense quantity of bombs, balls, and other implements of war.

Such was the result of this expedition of the British, on the banks of the Hudson. To the English, it was most unexpected and disastrous; to the Americans, joyous and fortunate. It had been planned with ability, and had General Howe fulfilled the part expected of him, the result might have been reversed. But his failure to cöoperate, as contemplated in the plan, left General Burgoyne but little chance of success.

The victory won, General Gates forthwith dispatched Colonel Wilkinson to convey the happy tidings to congress. On entering the hall of session, he approached the speaker, and said: "The whole British army has laid down arms at Saratoga; our own, full of vigor and courage, expect your orders; it is for your wisdom to decide where the country may still have need of their services."

"To General Gates and his army, congress, by resolution, expressed their thanks. To the former, in addition, they voted a gold medal, in commemoration of the proud achievement. On one side of it, was the bust of the general, with these words around: Horatio Gates, Duci strenuo; and in the middle, Comita Americana. On the reverse, Burgoyne was represented in the attitude of delivering his sword; and, in the back ground, on the one side and on the other, were seen the two armies of England and America. At the top were these words: Salum regionum septentrion; and at the foot, Hoste ad Saratogam in deditione accepto. Die XVII. Oct. MDCCLXXVII. It would be difficult to describe the transports of joy which the news of this event excited among the Americans. They began to flatter themselves with a still more happy future; no one any longer entertained a doubt of independence. All hoped, and not without reason, that a success of this kind would at length determine France, and the other European powers that waited for her example, to declare themselves in favor of America."

To the American people at large, the news of the victory conveyed the most heartfelt joy. The cloud, which had long rested upon their hopes, seemed to be breaking away, and to presage the dawn of a day for which for years they had prayed and struggled; but which, with all their efforts, hopes, and prayers, had, until now, appeared distant and doubtful.

FOOTNOTES:

[48] Botta.

[49] General Frazer was wounded about four o'clock in the afternoon, and died the following morning at eight. At six in the evening he was buried--all the generals attending his funeral, and marching to an eminence where his remains were deposited. The Americans, entirely ignorant of the nature of the collection, directed their artillery towards the British. Fortunately, no lives were lost, and no one was wounded. General Gates, on learning the object of the assemblage, expressed his deep regret at the firing.

XI. PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

STATE of affairs in England--Treaty with France--Movements in the British Parliament--Overtures to Congress--Rejection of them--Battle of Monmouth--Disastrous Retreat of General Lee--Fortunate interposition of Washington--His rebuke of Lee--Tremendous Battle--Sufferings of the Armies--Renewal of the Contest--Midnight Retreat of the British army--Subsequent Trial and Dismission of General Lee.

1. STATE OF AFFAIRS IN ENGLAND.

The effect produced by the surrender of General Burgoyne, upon the British cabinet and the nation at large, was as grievous and depressing, as it had been joyous and animating to congress and the American people. The most brilliant success had been anticipated by the former; the most ignominious result had occurred. The pride of the nation was humbled, and those who had disapproved of the war, were now loud in their censures of ministers.

Already had the war cost England twenty thousand men and thirty millions of money. But more of both were now needed. Reluctant to ask parliament for a fresh levy, the ministers, during the recess of that body, near the beginning of the year 1778, dispatched agents into the different provinces of the kingdom, to spur the inhabitants to enlist, and to furnish voluntary contributions to carry on the war.

The success of this plan was only partial--far less than anticipated, or the exigencies of the case required. The citizens of Liverpool and Manchester, however, responded to the call, and agreed to raise and equip a regiment of one thousand each. Edinburgh and Glasgow followed their example. London, as a city, peremptorily refused to raise troops--but the friends of the government raised the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

2. TREATY WITH FRANCE.

Not long after the declaration of independence, commissioners were authorized to bring the subject of a recognition before the court of Versailles, and to urge the measure by such considerations as existed in the case. This they had done, and continued to do, so long as any prospect of success existed. At length, despairing of obtaining their object, they were about to abandon further effort, when the joyful intimation was communicated to Dr. Franklin, that a treaty, involving the desired recognition, had been determined upon by the king and his ministers. On the 6th of February, 1778, this measure, most auspicious to American interests, was concluded at Paris. It was signed on behalf of the king by M. Gerard; and for the United States by Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. The treaty stipulated--a thing until then unheard of on the part of a king--that the essential and express object of the alliance was to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of the United States.

On the 21st of March, the American commissioners were with great pomp and ceremony, introduced by Count de Vergennes before the throne, whereon was seated the king, Louis XVI., in the midst of the grandees of his court. The honor was one which was conferred only when the king gave audience to the ambassadors of sovereigns and independent states.

On the 2d of May, the French frigate La Sensible, having on board the important treaty, reached the American shores. Congress was forthwith convened, and the treaty was ratified. The most heartfelt joy pervaded the country. The army, drawn up in the order of battle, received the intelligence with exultation not to be described.

3. MOVEMENTS IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

Before the treaty between France and the United States was made public, the British ministry had knowledge of its existence. Justly alarmed, they felt the necessity of adopting some measures by which to bring the war to a close, without a collision with France. What those measures should be, was a question on which a diversity of opinion existed in the cabinet. It is asserted, that some of the members, in secret session, proposed at once to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and to conclude a treaty with them. But on the 19th of February, Lord North introduced a resolution into parliament, admitting that the parliament could not in future impose any tax or duty on the colonies of North America, except such only as should be deemed beneficial to commerce, and the product even of those to be collected under the authority of the respective colonies, and to be employed for their use and advantage. He proposed, besides, that five commissioners should be appointed, empowered to adjust with any assembly or individual whatsoever, the differences existing between Great Britain and her colonies; it being understood, however, that the compacts were not to take effect till ratified by the parliament.

To the surprise and indignation of the friends of the war, the bill passed; and, shortly after, the king appointed for commissioners the Earl of Carlisle, William Eden, George Johnstone, and the commander-in-chief of the English army in America. The three first sailed from St. Helena for America on the 21st, on board the ship Trident.

In the beginning of June, the commissioners arrived, and on the 9th, repaired to Philadelphia. Soon after, they made a communication to congress, explanatory of their object, and requested the privilege of opening a conference with that body, or with some of its members, either at New York, or some other place which congress should please to appoint.

The serious consideration of congress was given to the overture, and on the 17th of June, their answer was returned. In substance it was, that they would be ready to enter upon the consideration of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of Great Britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose; of which no other proof could be admitted but that of an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, or the withdrawal of his fleets and armies.

Thus terminated the negotiation. America, steady to her purpose, would not listen to any proposal which did not involve the recognition of her independence. Great Britain was yet too proud to accede to such terms, and consequently, the idea of accommodation was abandoned, and the most vigorous measures were adopted to wage war against her ancient ally and her disobedient child, whose fortunes had now become linked together.

It may be added in this place, that, subsequent to the failure of the commissioners in effecting the object of their mission, commenced a system of intrigue with several distinguished persons, and especially with members of congress, to whom one at least addressed confidential letters, with the hope of winning them to the royal cause. Some of these letters and propositions at length were made public. General Reed, a member of congress, stated that a proposition had been made to him by Johnstone, through a lady, that if he would promote the rëunion of the two countries, he should have any office in the colonies which he might name. His reply was worthy of a Christian and a patriot: "I am not worth purchasing; but such as I am, the king of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it."

4. BATTLE OF MONMOUTH.

During the winter of 1777-8, the British army had occupied Philadelphia; the winter-quarters of the American army were at Valley Forge. On the opening of the spring, in consequence of the alliance of France and America, orders were issued to the British general to evacuate Philadelphia, and concentrate the royal force in the city and harbor of New York. In pursuance of this resolution, the royal army, now under command of Sir Henry Clinton--General Howe having returned to England--left Philadelphia, and on the 18th of June, passed the Delaware into New Jersey.

Washington immediately quitted his camp, and hung upon the British army, watching a favorable opportunity to offer battle. On the 27th, the British army encamped on some high grounds in the neighborhood of Freehold court-house, in the county of Monmouth.

On the morning of the 28th, General Lee was ordered to take command of five thousand men, and commence the attack.

At first, he declined the honor; but judging, on reflection, that such a procedure would redound to his discredit, he now sought the command at the hands of Lafayette, to whom, on his declining it, it had been tendered.

Lee immediately put his troops in motion for the plain of Monmouth, some four or five miles distant. On approaching it, the British were already in motion. The army was in advance of the baggage-train, which covered miles in extent. The morning was clear, and the sun poured down his heat so fervidly, as seemingly to cause all nature to faint. Before noon, the mercury of the thermometer reached ninety-six. Man and beast panted for breath. The sand-plain became parched as an oven, and water was needed at almost every step. The sufferings of men and horses early became nearly insupportable.

Moreover, it was the Sabbath--that day when the hum of life is ordinarily hushed, and when men are commonly with their families in the house of God. We may pause, we trust, to say, that that Sabbath, and the God of that Sabbath, would have been more honored--nor do we believe that the patriot cause would have suffered in the sequel--had Washington, instead of sending out a hostile corps--had he and his troops spent it in paying divine honors to the God of our fathers. It had been still better, could hostile armies have that day grounded their arms, and of that plain made a sanctuary, and there, in the exercise of that friendship and love which the gospel enjoins, worshiped together at a common altar, and before a common Father. But the latter was not to be expected--perhaps, not the former. Other thoughts were occupying those bosoms, and a far different spectacle was that day to be witnessed. Let us not judge severely. We will hope that the honor of God did animate those sons of the Pilgrims. We know that they were true patriots, and that they were fighting for their altars and their firesides. Nor is it to be doubted that they would have preferred the calm and delightful worship of God, with their families, in the sanctuaries of their own quiet villages. But they were summoned to the field of battle, and here, now, we find them soon employed amid scenes of carnage and death.

Wayne was that day in command under Lee. On seeing the British train--horses and waggons, miles in extent--following the army in advance, the former, with his detachment, hastened rapidly forward, with the intent to cut off and capture the train. Meanwhile, Lee, with the rest of his division, took a more circuitous route, designing to attack the corps which had the train in charge. Most unexpectedly, however, just as he was ready to commence the charge, intelligence was received that the entire British army--which was on the retreat, but which had had intimation of Lee's advance--had wheeled about, and were in full march to protect its rear.

Lee had reluctantly taken the command; he was in ill-humor, and, moreover, was probably now appalled at the prospect before him. At all adventures, greatly to his discredit, for as yet he had not commenced action, he ordered a retreat. This movement fell upon Wayne like a thunderbolt, who was himself compelled, by reason of it, to fall back, at the hazard of his entire command.

Washington was still at a distance with the remainder of the army; but was rapidly approaching the theatre of the contest. The distant cannonade impelled him forward. The troops, partaking of his own enthusiasm, if not of his anxiety, laid aside knapsacks--coats--all that encumbered, and amidst dust and heat pressed on to the encounter. At this moment, a horseman was seen approaching from the immediate battle-field. He pressed his horse, and made announcement to Washington that Lee's division, in utter disorder, was in full retreat. For a moment, the latter seemed petrified with astonishment; and the next moment--for it seems he had for some reason dismounted--vaulting upon his saddle, he sprang forward, and like a winged arrow directed his way to the scene of confusion and flight. The instant he was seen by the troops in retreat, "The brave fellows"--we use the stirring language of Headley--"the brave fellows, who had not been half beaten, sent up a shout that was heard the whole length of the line, and 'Long live Washington!' rent the air. Flinging a hasty inquiry to Osgood, as to the reason, who replied, 'Sir, we are fleeing from a shadow;' he galloped to the rear, and, reining up his horse beside Lee, bent on him a face of fearful expression, and thundered in his ear, as he leaned over his saddle-bow, 'Sir, I desire to know what is the reason, and whence arises this disorder and confusion!' It was not the words, but the smothered tone of passion in which they were uttered, and the manner, which was severe as a blow, that made this rebuke so terrible. Wheeling his steed, he spurred up to Oswald's and Stewart's regiments, saying, 'On you I depend to check this pursuit;' and riding along the ranks, he roused their courage to the highest pitch by his stirring appeals; while that glorious shout of 'Long live Washington!' again shook the field. The sudden gust of passion had swept by; but the storm that ever slumbered in his bosom was now fairly up; and, galloping about on his splendid charger, his tall and commanding form towering above all about him, and his countenance lit up with enthusiasm, he was the impersonation of all that is great and heroic in man. In a moment, the aspect of the field was changed--the retreating mass halted--officers were seen hurrying about in every direction, their shouts and orders ringing above the roar of the enemy's guns. The ranks opened--and, under the galling fire of the British, wheeled, and formed in splendid order. Washington then rode back to Lee, and, pointing to the firm front he had arrayed against the enemy, exclaimed, 'Will you, sir, command in that place?' He replied, 'Yes.'--'Well,' then said he, 'I expect you to check the enemy immediately.' 'Your orders shall be obeyed,' replied the stung commander, 'and I will not be the first to leave the field.' The battle then opened with renewed fury, and Washington hurried back, to bring his own division into the field."

This took time, as the division was still at a distance. Meanwhile, however, the retreat was partially staid. The troops once more rallied. They stood--they fought--fought with unwonted desperation. But the overpowering legions of the enemy pressed hard. Their shouts were deafening--their cannonade appalling and destructive. Lee now attempted to his utmost power to withstand the impetuous shock--but it was entirely beyond the compass of his troops. They were again giving way. A few moments longer, and all would be lost. At this critical juncture, Hamilton appeared, seemingly sent as a messenger from above--crossing the field--his charger covered with foam, and his hair streaming in the wind--Hamilton appeared, and riding up to Lee, said to him: "My dear general, let us die here rather than retreat."

What would have been the effect of this soul-stirring and patriotic address of Hamilton, had no succor been at hand, we pretend not to say. They were words of comfort and assurance; and, if necessary to prevent a dishonorable retreat, there doubtless Hamilton, and perhaps now Lee himself, would have surrendered up life. But succor was at hand. Washington with his division had arrived. No time was lost. He issued his orders, and they were obeyed. Sterling, Knox, Wayne, brought up their several commands, and soon the battle was raging, and the whole plains shook under the clangor of arms and the thunder of artillery. For a time, few such spectacles were seen during the Revolutionary war. The heat of the day, we have already said, was intense. Water was not to be had, or rather there was no time to quench parched lips, had there been any. Their thirst added to the sufferings of the troops immeasurably. The tongues of the soldiers became so inflamed and swollen, as not to be retained in their mouths. Yet they fought, and fought with a desperation increased by the very sufferings they endured. The British suffered from the same causes, and fought with the same desperation. And for a time, it was indeed doubtful whose cause would triumph. But the batteries of Knox and Sterling, like volcanoes, hurled death and destruction on every side; while the impetuous Wayne with his columns, torrent-like, spread confusion and dismay in every step of their progress. There was a concentration of effort--and that effort, doubtless the more earnest and effective, for the reason of the previous unwarranted and pusillanimous retreat.

In turn, the British themselves now retreated, and encamped on the spot which Lee's division had occupied in the morning. They had fought with unwonted zeal. Officers and soldiers were exhausted. They coveted rest. They needed repose. It was so with the Americans. "Even Washington's powerful frame was overcome by the heat and toil he had passed through; and as he stood begrimed with the dust and the smoke of the battle, and wiped his brow, the perspiration fell in streams from his horse, which looked as if it had been dragged through a muddy stream, rather than rode by a living man."

Yet, wearied as he was--wearied and worn down as were his officers and men--Washington could not consent so to terminate the day. A further duty remained ere he slept. That duty was to dislodge the enemy from the position which he had taken. His officers--his army sympathized with him; they were willing to put forth one more effort to secure all that they had promised themselves, and which in the morning had seemed so practicable.

Two brigades were therefore ordered to attack the British at their post--on the right and left. The battle was now renewed, and renewed with all the spirit and determination of an earlier hour. It continued, however, but for a brief period. The sun was fast descending when the second battle began, and had set ere the several corps had really attained their proposed positions. It was fortunate, probably, that the contest was interrupted. Both armies had done enough. Had Washington succeeded in dislodging the enemy, his troops were too much spent to have followed up the victory.

There they now paused. Darkness soon set in. Too much overcome even to administer to the wants of nature, the troops of both armies flung themselves upon the parched ground, and slept. They slept in sight of each other, and they slept strong and deep. With the morning light, Washington had decided to renew the battle. He, therefore, instead of retiring to his marquee, wrapped himself in his cloak, and sunk upon the earth in the midst of his soldiers.

At the dawn of morning, Washington rose, and with his recruited followers was about to follow up the advantages of the preceding day. But the enemy had retired. Aware of the peril of his condition, the British commander had roused his army at midnight, and ordered a retreat. And so silently was that retreat effected, and so soundly had the American army slept, officers and men, that no one of the thousands which composed it, had any suspicion of the retreat, till the light of day revealed it. Washington was indeed disappointed; but the departure of the enemy, if it was not in all respects equal to a victory, gave practical assurance that Washington had suffered no defeat.

There were doubtless other engagements during the Revolutionary struggle more brilliant, and of greater influence, as to the final result, than the battle of Monmouth. But it is doubtful whether there was a single other one in which there was a higher exhibition of firmness, or the practice of greater self-denial, or the endurance of greater suffering.

Never did commander appear more nobly than did Washington. But for his presence at the critical moment--his quick perception of the danger, and the means of averting it--his celerity in issuing his orders--his manly but terrific rebuke of Lee--and perhaps more than all, his undaunted bravery, and his firm stand when all were flying from a pursuing foe--all would indeed have been lost.

For twelve long hours were the respective armies that day engaged. They numbered about twenty thousand men. They were on a plain where little or no water could be obtained, and with a thermometer standing the whole day at nearly one hundred degrees. Not a few died from sun-stroke--and still more from excessive fatigue. The cry for "water! water!" from the wounded and the dying, was sufficient to overcome the stoutest heart.

It is not necessary to dwell longer on the particulars of this remarkable battle. The British troops, as already intimated, left Washington in occupation of the field. On the following day, finding his foe gone, he took up his line of march, and by easy stages moved towards the Hudson.

It does not belong to the plan of our work to pursue the history of the difficulty which that day arose between Washington and Lee, growing out of the retreat of the latter. That retreat was most unexpected, dishonorable, and needless. So Washington evidently deemed it, and this was the occasion of his severe rebuke of that officer in the field. It has been said that Washington was profane. That he was greatly excited, calm as he usually was, admits of no question. That he was profane, is without proof. Weems says, as quoted by Headley, that as he rode up, he exclaimed, "For God's sake! General Lee, what is the cause of this ill-timed prudence?"--to which the latter replied, "No man can boast a larger share of that rascally virtue than your excellency." What reliance, if any, is to be placed upon the above authority, the writer pretends not to say. To an inquiry once made of Lafayette, at La Grange, by Dr. Sparks, what the precise expression of Washington was, he replied, that although near him at the moment, he could not have told an hour subsequently. He thought, however, that it was not so much the expression itself, as the manner in which it was uttered, that stung the retreating general. That manner was terrible. The wrath of Washington was without disguise.

But the results of the day served to meliorate the feelings of Washington towards Lee, whatever opinion he might have continued to entertain of his unworthy conduct. It is said that he rëinstated him in his old command; and had Lee reciprocated the feelings and kindness of Washington, the unpleasant occurrence might have passed, and have been forgotten. But Lee was hot-tempered; and, under the smart of rebuke, addressed a most ill-judged and "saucy" letter to Washington, in which he demanded a trial by court-martial. Washington, in his reply, accused Lee of a breach of orders, in not attacking the enemy; and a breach of good behavior, unbecoming an officer of his rank, in so hasty and cowardly a retreat. Lee rejoined, and in a manner entirely in accordance with his previous communication. "You cannot," he wrote, "afford me greater pleasure, sir, than in giving me an opportunity of showing to America the efficiency of her respective servants. I trust that the temporary power of office, and the trivial dignity attending it, will not be able, by all the mists they can raise, to effusate the bright rays of truth. In the mean time, your excellency can have no objection to my retiring from the army."

In whatever light Lee's previous conduct deserved to be regarded, no doubt could exist as to the intended insult of Washington conveyed in the above letter. Suffice it to say, that he was put under immediate arrest; and in August was tried before a court-martial on three separate charges, viz: "for disobeying orders, in not attacking the enemy;" "for making an unnecessary and disorderly retreat;" and "for disrespect to the commander-in-chief, in two letters."

Of these charges, with a slight modification of one of them, he was found guilty, and suspended from the army for twelve months. The decision was most unexpected and distasteful, as might be supposed, to a man of Lee's ardent and self-complacential feelings. Washington he never forgave. Stung by the decision of the court-martial, against that body--against congress itself--he launched his bitter invectives. At the expiration of his suspension, and while congress was contemplating his restoration, he addressed an insulting letter to that body, which hastened his dismission. We add, only, that he retired to Virginia, where on a farm he passed the residue of his days.

XII. TREACHERY OF ARNOLD.

THE Vulture in the Hudson--Midnight Adventure--Benedict Arnold--Repairs to Cambridge--Expedition to Canada--Created a Brigadier-general--Grounds of Complaint--Honorable Conduct in Connecticut--Appointed to the command at Philadelphia--Charges preferred against him--Reprimanded by Washington--Plots against his Country--Correspondence with Sir H. Clinton--Appointed to the command of West Point--Interview with Andre--Capture of Andre--Arrival of Washington--Escape of Arnold--Developments of Arnold's traitorous intentions--Trial and Condemnation of Andre--Subsequent incidents in the life of Arnold.

On the night of the 21st of September, 1780, there was lying at anchor on the Hudson, a few miles below West Point, a British sloop-of-war, called the Vulture. A little before midnight, a boat, with muffled oars, and rowed by two men, put off from the American shore, and proceeded with great caution towards the sloop. In the stern of the boat sat a third man, of more consequence than the oarsmen, and the leader of the secret expedition. It was a tranquil night; the stars peered out with unwonted lustre, and the waters moved slowly down the channel. What object was proposed by this cautious midnight adventure? Was intelligence sought from the enemy, or was it to be imparted to them? Was it a patriotic or a traitorous expedition?--The sequel will tell.

Among the brave and chivalrous men who early engaged in the defence of American rights, was Benedict Arnold. On the occurrence of the battle of Lexington, he was residing at New Haven, and was commandant of a company of militia, called the Governor's Guards.

On the arrival of the news of the above battle at New Haven, citizens and soldiers, as if moved by a common impulse, assembled on the green. Fired with indignation, as were others, Arnold proposed to head such as would volunteer under him, and lead them to the more immediate scene of action.

Such was the dispatch of preparation, that the following day, at the head of sixty volunteers, he was ready to march.

After reaching Cambridge, for a time Arnold was employed in an expedition against Ticonderoga. About the time of his return, congress was contemplating a still more important and hazardous movement against Canada, under General Schuyler. Believing that essential aid might be rendered by the way of the Kennebec river, a detachment of troops was made at Cambridge, the command of which was tendered to Arnold.

The troops detached for this service amounted to eleven hundred men--ten companies of musket-men from New England, and three companies of rifle-men from Virginia and Pennsylvania. The field officers were Colonel Arnold, Lieutenant-colonels Greene and Enos, and Majors Bigelow and Meigs. The afterwards-celebrated Daniel Morgan commanded the riflemen. On the 18th of September, the troops sailed from Newburyport, and rendezvoused at Fort Western, on the Kennebec, opposite the present town of Augusta.

From this point they started, and their hardships and trials began. No body of troops during the Revolutionary war, if indeed in the annals of warfare, encountered greater obstacles, or endured more suffering, than this. The distance traversed was about two hundred miles, and nearly the whole of it was a howling wilderness.

On the night of the 14th, Arnold with his men crossed the St. Lawrence; and, ascending the same abrupt precipice which Wolfe had climbed before him, formed his small corps on the heights, near the memorable Plains of Abraham. But he soon discovered that neither the number nor condition of his men would justify him in hazarding an action. Having spent a few days on the heights, and summoned the town to surrender, without even a response, he retired twenty miles above Quebec, to wait the arrival of the troops which were to proceed by the western route, which were now led by General Montgomery, who had succeeded General Schuyler, in consequence of the illness of the latter.

On the 1st of December, Montgomery joined Arnold; and on the morning of the 31st occurred the memorable assault upon Quebec, in which the gallant and lamented Montgomery fell. Arnold, not less bold and intrepid, had his leg-bone severely fractured, and was obliged to be carried from the ground. The issue was disastrous to the Americans, as is well known; about sixty being killed, and between three and four hundred taken prisoners. Notwithstanding his wound and the serious diminution of his force, Arnold maintained a blockade of the city during a long and severe Canadian winter.

As a reward for his persevering efforts in conducting his troops through the wilderness, and for his gallant conduct in the assault of Quebec, congress promoted Arnold to the rank of brigadier-general.

In February, 1777, congress appointed five additional major-generals. According to the usual practice in reference to promotions, Arnold would have been entitled to this honor; but those thus promoted were all his juniors, and one of them, General Lincoln, was taken from the militia. To a man like Arnold, ambitious of military glory, such a neglect could not be otherwise than deeply wounding. In anticipation of his mortified feelings, Washington addressed a kind and soothing letter to him, virtually expressing his disapproval of the course of procedure, and advising Arnold to demean himself with the magnanimity of a soldier, in the hope that justice would still be done him, and others, who were similarly neglected.

Meanwhile, Washington addressed to friends in congress a letter of inquiry on the subject. To this it was replied, that as each state claimed a number of general officers, proportioned to the troops it furnished, and as Connecticut already had two, there existed no vacancy for another. There was at least plausibility in the reason, but it seems not to have satisfied Washington; much less could it be expected to satisfy so sensitive and ambitious a man as Arnold. This disappointment was probably among the causes which soured the mind of the latter, and laid the foundation of those corrodings of the heart, which in after-times led to the utter ruin of his reputation, and came near effecting the ruin of his country.

But this was by no means the only ground of Arnold's complaint. Construing the neglect of congress as an implied censure of his military conduct in past times--and perhaps the inference was not entirely without foundation--Arnold resolved to demand of congress an examination into his conduct. With this object in view, he proceeded to head-quarters, to solicit of Washington permission to proceed to Philadelphia.

Just at the time he was passing through Connecticut, a British force, consisting of two thousand troops, under the infamous General Tryon, had landed at Compo, between Fairfield and Norwalk, for the purpose of penetrating to Danbury, to destroy some public stores, which the Americans had lodged there.

Arnold heard of this invasion; and, for the time, honorably foregoing the object of his journey, and roused by that high military spirit which in no small degree characterized him, he immediately turned his course northward, for the purpose of aiding in repelling the foe.

A militia force of five hundred had been hastily collected by Generals Wooster and Silliman. These, together with about one hundred continental troops, Arnold overtook near Reading, on their march towards Danbury. At Bethel, information was obtained that the town had been fired, and the public stores destroyed. The next morning, the generals divided their forces--General Wooster, with two hundred men, falling in the rear of the enemy, while Arnold and Silliman, with five hundred (their original force having been augmented), by a rapid movement, took post in their front at Ridgefield.

About eleven o'clock, General Wooster overtook the enemy, and attacked them with great gallantry. Riding to the front of his troops, with a design of inspiring them with appropriate courage, he cried: "Come on, my boys! never mind such random shot." But scarcely had he uttered the words, when a fatal ball pierced his side, and this gallant general fell.

Meanwhile, Arnold having reached the north part of the long street at Ridgefield, barricaded the road with carts, logs, hay, and earth, presenting a formidable obstruction to the approaching enemy, and no mean protection to the resisting force.

"At three o'clock the enemy appeared, marching in a solid column, and they commenced a heavy fire as they advanced towards the breastwork: it was briskly returned. For nearly a quarter of an hour, the action was warm, and the Americans maintained their ground, by the aid of their barricade, against four times their number, until the British column began to extend itself, and to stretch around their flanks. This was a signal for retreat. Arnold was the last man that remained behind. While alone in this situation, a platoon of British troops, who had clambered up the rocks on the left flank, discharged their muskets at him. His horse dropped lifeless; and when it was perceived that the rider did not fall, one of the soldiers rushed forward with a fixed bayonet, intending to run him through. Arnold sat unmoved on his struggling horse, watched the soldier's approach till he was near enough to make sure his aim, then drew a pistol from his holsters, and shot him dead. Seizing this critical opportunity, he sprang upon his feet, and escaped unharmed. So remarkable an exhibition of cool and steady courage, in a moment of extreme danger, has rarely been witnessed.

"He rallied his men, and continued to annoy the enemy in their progress. Being rëinforced the next day, he hung upon their flanks and rear throughout the whole march to their ships, attacking them at every assailable point. In a skirmish near Compo, just before the British embarked, the horse which he rode was shot through the neck, and on all occasions he exposed himself with his accustomed intrepidity."

The heroic conduct of Arnold--periling life as a volunteer, and while smarting under a sense of wrong--was duly appreciated wherever the exploit was told. Congress, sensible of the merit of the achievement, immediately promoted him to the rank of major-general; but instead of ante-dating his commission, that he might take rank with those who had been raised above him, they left him still subordinate to them. This was unfortunate, and even inconsistent. Arnold felt the neglect with still deeper sensibility, and saw in it, as he imagined, an undeniable proof that the charge of ingratitude which he had brought against his country was well founded.

At length, his complaints were referred to the Board of War, and the charges of his accusers were examined. The board reported that they were satisfied with the character and conduct of General Arnold. This report congress confirmed. Indeed, they went further, and presented him with a horse properly caparisoned, in token of their approbation of his gallant conduct in resisting the troops under General Tryon. Had they added to this an equality of rank with the generals who had been raised over him, Arnold would have been satisfied; but neglecting this--and the cause was doubtless to be ascribed to the personal influence of bitter enemies, who could not forget his arrogance and presumption--he was chagrined, rather than flattered, by the tokens of approbation he had received--and soured rather than pacified.

Added to this, Arnold was mortified and exasperated that his accounts were not fully and promptly allowed by a committee appointed to audit them. This they could not justly do without much qualification. They were numerous and large, many debts incurred were without authority, and vouchers were wanting. The consequence was a general suspicion that Arnold intended to enrich himself, or meet his private extravagant expenditures at the public expense.

Passing over several intervening events, especially the signal success of General Gates in resisting the progress of General Burgoyne, during which Arnold acted a part so heroic, as to be honored by Washington with one of the three sets of epaulettes and sword-knots which had been presented to him by a gentleman of France, we reach a signal event in the life of this remarkable man--his appointment by Washington, in consideration of his disabled condition, to the command of Philadelphia, following the evacuation of that city by the British. The station was honorable, and the duties, though delicate, were not severe.

Several circumstances, about this time, served to weaken his affections for the patriotic cause. One was the report of specific charges against him by a committee of congress, for acts oppressive and unworthy his rank and station, on which he was tried, and ordered to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief.

In performing this duty, Washington exhibited as much mildness as the case permitted. "Our profession," said he, "is the chastest of all. The shadow of a fault tarnishes our most brilliant actions. The least inadvertence may cause us to lose that public favor, which is so hard to be gained. I reprimand you for having forgotten that, in proportion as you had rendered your name formidable to our enemies, you should have shown moderation towards our citizens. Exhibit again those splendid qualities which have placed you in the rank of our most distinguished generals. As far as it shall be in my power, I will myself furnish you with opportunities for regaining the esteem which you have formerly enjoyed."

The decision of the court, and the reprimand of Washington, mild and delicate as it was, fell heavy on the excitable spirit of Arnold. A burning revenge rankled in his bosom, and from this time--if his traitorous purposes had not before been formed--he sought opportunities to gratify his malice, and at the same time the sordid passion of avarice, which had long held sway in his bosom.

Another circumstance, besides contributing to his expenses, operated to separate his affections from the patriotic cause. He had married a beautiful and accomplished lady, during his residence in Philadelphia, a daughter of Mr. Edward Shippen, a family of distinguished rank; and which, like others of a similar stamp in that city, was intimate with Sir William Howe, Major Andre, and other British officers, during their occupation of Philadelphia. This alliance brought Arnold, as a matter of course, into associations with persons who were attached to the royal cause, and who were ready to foster his prejudices, and justify his complaints of ingratitude and persecution.

At length, he matured a plan--confined for a time to his own bosom--dark, base, and traitorous--as it were the offspring of the nether world.

To the accomplishment of this plan, it was necessary that he should be appointed to the command of West Point, a fortress on the Hudson. With consummate art, he accomplished his purpose; and, at the hands of Washington, to whom he had been indebted more than to any other, for standing by him as a shelter during his stormy life, he received the appointment; soon after which, he repaired to the Highlands, and established his head-quarters at Robinson's house, two or three miles below West Point, on the opposite, or eastern bank of the river.

Previous to her marriage, Mrs. Arnold had been acquainted with Major Andre, and had corresponded with him after that event, and after his removal with the British forces to New York. Acquainted with this correspondence, Arnold took the opportunity presented by it to address, unknown to his wife, letters to Sir Henry Clinton, through Andre, under the signature of Gustavus, and Andre replied under the assumed name of John Anderson. This correspondence had been carried on for months before Arnold's appointment to West Point. For a time, Clinton was at a loss to imagine the real character behind the curtain; but, at length, he became convinced that it could be no other than Arnold himself. Hitherto, that general had treated Gustavus with cautious indifference, but no sooner was Arnold promoted to the command of West Point, than Clinton was ready to enter into negotiation with him to surrender that fortress into the hands of the British, and almost at any price which Arnold might choose to name.

The first plan devised for bringing about an interview between Arnold and Andre failed, but a second proved more successful. The Vulture, a sloop-of-war, with Colonel Robinson on board, came up the river about the 16th of September. On their arrival at Teller's Point, Robinson, who was a tory, and whose property had been confiscated by the state of New York, addressed a letter to General Putnam, relating to the recovery of his property, and forwarded it under cover of a letter to Arnold by a flag-boat. Putnam was known not to be in that quarter, but the letter to him served as a pretext to enable Robinson to communicate a plan, by which an interview could be effected.

Arnold, by means of consummate art and duplicity, had engaged a Mr. Smith, a man of respectable standing, to go on board the Vulture, and convey a gentleman there to the American shore, who would impart intelligence to him of the greatest importance to the American cause. Smith had been employed in procuring intelligence from time to time from New York for Arnold's predecessor at West Point, and at length consented to perform the service solicited by Arnold; and, that his family might not be privy to the transaction, they were removed to Fishkill, under pretence of a visit to some friends.

Thus matters were arranged; and on the night of the 21st, Smith, with two oarsmen, bribed to secresy by the promise of fifty pounds each, left the American shore, and proceeded, as related in the commencement of this account, to the Vulture.

Andre was expecting Arnold himself. Not finding him on board, but receiving a letter putting him on his guard, and inviting him to return in the boat, for a time he hesitated. Robinson was still firmer in the opinion that he should not go. But, at length, the adventurous spirit of Andre decided the point; and having cautiously concealed his uniform in a great-coat, he stepped on board the boat, which immediately proceeded towards the American shore. They landed at the foot of a mountain, called Long Clove, about six miles below Stony Point.

Arnold was in the bushes, ready to receive the stranger. Smith had expected to be present at the interview, and was not only disappointed, but exasperated, in being refused. What a spot! what a conference! what a deep and traitorous planning in midnight darkness!

The interview was long, and the patience of Smith was exhausted, but more his fears were roused. The night was far spent, and the dawning of the day was at hand. He now made known his apprehensions to the midnight traitors; but as they had not perfected their business, Smith and his oarsmen were allowed to retire.

No sooner were they gone, than Arnold proposed that Andre should proceed with him to Smith's house, and leave the manner of his return to future deliberation. This plan was replete with hazard; but no alternative presenting itself, Andre reluctantly followed. Judge his surprise, when, on approaching the American lines, a sentinel hailed them, and demanded the countersign. Andre shuddered. Arnold gave the sign, and they passed on. Andre was now, contrary to all his determinations, within the American lines, on dangerous ground, where his life and fortunes hung, as it were, upon the cast of a die.

Arnold and Andre reached Smith's about the dawn of day. Soon after, the latter made his appearance. An incident now occurred, which added to the anxiety of Andre. The sound of cannon broke upon them, which, on proceeding to a window overlooking the river, was ascertained to be from the American shore; and from the movements of the Vulture soon after down the stream, it was inferred that the fire was against her. So it proved. Believing her to lie in the river for no good purpose, Colonel Livingston had directed a fire to be opened upon her, which caused the movement observed. Andre now felt the delicacy of his situation still more, and the difficulty of his return to the sloop to be still greater.

But the duties of his mission required attention, and to its completion the plotters betook themselves. It was finally settled. The British, on a given day, were to dispatch a fleet up the river with the requisite troops: and Arnold, in order to render the seizure of the fortress easy, was previously to withdraw the garrison, and station them at different points in the neighborhood, in small detachments. In consideration of the surrender, the traitor was to receive a large amount of "British gold."

Having completed these nefarious negotiations, the manner in which Andre should return, next engrossed their deliberations. This was a question of difficult solution. Andre insisted on being put on board the Vulture; Smith was unwilling to run the hazard. Before the question was decided, Arnold left for West Point, giving to Andre passports accommodated to the manner in which it might finally be decided that he should return.

Andre spent the day in an upper room at Smith's--a long and anxious day. Towards its close, he urged Smith to take him on board the Vulture; but to his surprise and distress, the former peremptorily refused, but offered to accompany him on horseback to some point of safety. No other alternative presenting itself, Andre consented; and, having changed his military coat for a citizen's dress, over which throwing his great-coat, they departed.

Between eight and nine o'clock, they were startled by the hail of a sentinel, who ordered them to stop. "Who commands here?" inquired Smith, dismounting, and approaching the sentinel. The commander, Captain Boyd, being himself within hearing distance, approached, and demanded who the stranger was, and whither bound. Smith, ignorant of the real character of Andre, answered as Arnold had dictated; and, moreover, added that he had a pass from the general. Boyd required a sight of the pass, on perusing which, his curiosity was still more excited, and he now in private questioned Smith with still greater particularity. Smith explained the matter as well as he was able; and, by several adroit fabrications, finally induced Boyd to consent to their continuing their journey; not, however, until morning, for fear, as he pretended, they might be waylaid by the Cow-boys.[50] Andre would have purchased a release from tarrying in the neighborhood that night at any price, had he had the means; but such an overture would have been fraught with danger, and therefore, bending to necessity, they repaired to one Miller's, where they passed the night--a night of dread and fearful anticipation.

At early dawn, in order to escape the further scrutiny of Boyd, they were on their journey. At the distance of about a couple of miles from Pine's bridge, they halted, took breakfast, and separated--Smith setting out on his return, and Andre continuing his journey. Andre had now nearly thirty miles to traverse ere he was on safe ground. He had been recommended to proceed by the way of White Plains; but, on crossing the above bridge, deeming the Tarrytown road more safe, he took that, and for a time passed on without molestation.

Two plundering parties were abroad that morning from the "neutral ground;" one of which, consisting of John Paulding, Daniel Williams, and Isaac Van Wart, had concealed themselves in some bushes near the road which Andre was passing, watching there for some valuable prey.

Andre approached the spot; upon which, Paulding rose, and presenting his firelock to his breast, bid him stand. "Gentlemen," said Andre, "I hope you belong to our party." "I asked him"--we follow the testimony of Paulding on the trial of Smith--"what party? He said, 'The lower party.' Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, 'I am a British officer out of the country on particular business, and I hope you will not detain me a minute;' and to show that he was a British officer, he pulled out his watch. Upon which, I told him to dismount. He then said, 'My God! I must do any thing to get along;' and seemed to make a kind of laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold's pass, which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to White Plains and below. Upon that, he dismounted. Said he, 'Gentlemen, you had better let me go, or you will bring yourselves into trouble, for your stopping me will detain the general's business;' and said he was going to Dobb's ferry, to meet a person there, and get intelligence for General Arnold. Upon that, I told him I hoped he would not be offended, that we did not mean to take any thing from him; and I told him there were many bad people who were going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps he might be one."

Williams testified as follows: "We took him into the bushes, and ordered him to pull off his clothes, which he did; but on searching him narrowly, we could not find any sort of writings. We told him to pull off his boots, which he seemed to be indifferent about; but we got one boot off, and searched in that boot, and could find nothing. But we found there were some papers in the bottom of his stocking next to his foot; on which we made him pull his stocking off, and found three papers wrapped up. Mr. Paulding looked at the contents, and said he was a spy. We then made him pull off his other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his foot within his stocking."

After consultation, it was decided to take the prisoner to North Castle, where Lieutenant-colonel Jameson commanded a detachment of dragoons. Having surrendered him to Jameson, the latter for a time hesitated what disposition to make of him. The papers found upon Andre were important--in the hand-writing of Arnold, and endorsed by him.

Most men would have suspected treason--nor would Arnold himself have escaped suspicion. Yet Jameson, at length, decided to forward the papers to Washington by express, and the prisoner to Arnold. These measures had been taken, when Major Talmadge, next in command to Jameson, returned from an excursion to White Plains. On learning the incidents of the day, he expressed his surprise, and begged Jameson to dispatch a counter-order, if possible, to bring back the prisoner and the papers.

To the foregoing, Jameson finally consented, but the papers were left to be conveyed to Washington. Andre was overtaken and brought back. Talmadge, being a sagacious observer, marked Andre--his walk--his military air--his dignified bearing--and decided that the prisoner was no ordinary man. Shortly after, under escort of Talmadge, Andre was removed to Lower Salem, to await the developments of time and the orders of Washington.

The morning after their arrival at Salem, Andre requested paper and ink, and soon presented to Talmadge an open letter addressed to Washington, with a request that he would himself read and forward it.

This letter, couched in most respectful language, communicated to Washington his name, and rank in the British army, and his object in coming within the American lines.

It so happened--a wonderful interposition of Divine Providence, who can doubt?--it so happened, that on the very day that Andre wrote his letter, Washington, on his return from Hartford, arrived at Fishkill, eighteen miles from Arnold's head-quarters. Contrary to his previous intentions, he was induced to remain there during the night. In the morning, an express was dispatched early to give notice to General Arnold, that the party would reach his quarters to breakfast.

Washington and his suite followed soon after, and on coming to the road which led off to Robinson's house--Arnold's residence--Washington was proceeding towards the river. Being informed of his mistake, he observed that as he must inspect the redoubts on this side the river, he himself would forego Mrs. Arnold's breakfast, but his suite might pass on, and enjoy it. They would not, however, leave their general; and all, excepting his aids, who were sent forward to make his excuse, proceeded towards the river.

On learning that General Washington would not be there to breakfast, General Arnold and family, with the aids, proceeded to the breakfast-table.

That was the last peaceful meal Arnold was to enjoy in this world--and even the peace of that was invaded, before they were ready to leave the table. A messenger entered with a letter from Jameson--the letter which first announced the capture of Andre.

It fell as a thunderbolt upon the traitor. Yet he so far concealed his agitation before the aids, as to prevent serious suspicion that any thing uncommon had occurred. A sudden emergency called him to West Point, he said, and he begged to be excused. Having ordered a horse, he requested Mrs. Arnold's presence in her chamber, and here in few words informed her of the necessity of his fleeing for his life. He left her fainting on the floor; and, mounting, put spurs to his horse, directing his course to the river, on reaching which, he entered a boat, and fabricating a story to his purpose, ordered the men to proceed to the Vulture. The promise of reward gave impulse to their energies, and Arnold was soon safely on board of the royal sloop.

Washington having completed his inspection of the redoubts, reached Arnold's soon after his departure. Understanding that he had gone to West Point, after a hasty breakfast, Washington and suite followed. But what was his surprise to learn that Arnold had not been there. After a cursory view of the fortress, the party returned to Arnold's. Meanwhile, the messenger from Colonel Jameson, with Andre's papers, had arrived.

Light was now shed upon the mystery. Arnold was a traitor, and had fled to the enemy. Measures were immediately taken to secure the fortress. An express was dispatched to Salem, with orders to have Andre conveyed to Arnold's house.

Let us hasten to the conclusion. On the 29th of September, Washington ordered a Board of Inquiry, consisting of six major and eight brigadier generals. After a full hearing of the facts, the Board reported that Major Andre ought to be considered as a spy, and, according to the laws and usages of nations, to suffer death.

The decision, though just, was painful--painful to Washington--to the Board--to the officers of the American army--but more painful, if possible, to Sir Henry Clinton and the companions of Andre in arms.

Efforts, and such as did honor to Clinton, were made to reverse the doom of Andre. Intimations were given from Washington, that upon one condition--the surrender of Arnold--Andre might be released; but to this, Clinton thought he could not in honor yield--while in the scale of affection, Andre would have outweighed a thousand traitors like Arnold. A deputation from Clinton repaired to Robinson's house under a flag, to urge the release of Andre, but no change could be effected in the mind of Washington.

Sentence of execution issued, and five o'clock, of the 1st day of October, was appointed for carrying it into effect. On the morning of that day, Andre addressed a letter to Washington, requesting that he might be allowed a soldier's death.

"Tappan, 1_st October_, 1780.

"SIR: Buoyed above the terror of death, by the consciousness of a life devoted to honorable pursuits, and stained with no action that can give me remorse, I trust that the request I make to your excellency, at this serious period, and which is to soften my last moments, will not be rejected.

"Sympathy towards a soldier will surely induce your excellency, and a military tribunal, to adapt the mode of my death to the feelings of a man of honor.

"Let me hope, sir, that if aught in my character impresses you with esteem towards me--if aught in my misfortune marks me as the victim of policy, and not of resentment--I shall experience the operations of those feelings in your breast, by being informed that I am not to die on a gibbet.

"I have the honor to be your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

"JOHN ANDRE."

To this request, Washington could not consistently accede, but to avoid needless pain, he omitted to make a reply.

The execution finally took place October 2d, at twelve o'clock--a delay having been occasioned by pending negotiations, which could not be terminated in season the previous day.

Dr. Thatcher, in his 'Military Journal,' has given the closing particulars of this tragic scene. It follows:

"The principal guard-officer, who was constantly in the room with the prisoner, relates, that when the hour of his execution was announced to him in the morning, he received it without emotion; and while all present were affected with silent gloom, he retained a firm countenance, with calmness and composure of mind. Observing his servant enter the room in tears, he exclaimed, 'Leave me till you can show yourself more manly.' His breakfast being sent to him from the table of General Washington, which had been done every day of his confinement, he partook of it as usual; and having shaved and dressed himself, he placed his hat on the table, and cheerfully said to the guard-officers, 'I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on you.' The fatal hour having arrived, a large detachment of troops was paraded, and an immense concourse of people assembled; almost all our general and field officers, excepting his excellency and his staff, were present on horseback; melancholy and gloom pervaded all ranks; the scene was affecting and awful.

"I was so near during the solemn march to the fatal spot, as to observe every movement, and participate in every emotion which the melancholy scene was calculated to produce. Major Andre walked from the stone house, in which he had been confined, between two of our subaltern officers, arm in arm; the eyes of the immense multitude were fixed on him, who, rising superior to the fear of death, appeared as if conscious of the dignified deportment which he displayed. He betrayed no want of fortitude, but retained a complacent smile on his countenance, and politely bowed to several gentlemen whom he knew, which was respectfully returned. It was his earnest desire to be shot, as being the mode of death most conformable to the feelings of a military man, and he had indulged the hope that his request would be granted. At the moment, therefore, when suddenly he came in view of the gallows, he involuntarily started backward, and made a pause. 'Why this emotion, sir?' said an officer by his side. Instantly recovering his composure, he said, 'I am reconciled to my death, but I detest the mode.'

"While waiting, and standing near the gallows, I observed some degree of trepidation; placing his foot on a stone, and rolling it over, and choking in his throat, as if attempting to swallow. So soon, however, as he perceived that things were in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wagon, and at this moment he appeared to shrink; but instantly elevating his head with firmness, he said, 'It will be but a momentary pang;' and taking from his pocket two white handkerchiefs, the provost-marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with the other, the victim, after taking off his hat and stock, bandaged his own eyes with perfect firmness, which melted the hearts, and moistened the cheeks, not only of his servant, but of the throng of spectators. The rope being appended to the gallows, he slipped the noose over his head, and adjusted it to his neck, without the assistance of the executioner. Colonel Scammell now informed him that he had opportunity to speak, if he desired it. He raised the handkerchief from his eyes, and said: 'I pray you to bear me witness, that I meet my fate like a brave man.' The wagon being now removed from under him, he was suspended, and instantly expired."

Thus was cut off in the morning of life a man full of promise and expectation--one to whose personal attractions were added accomplishments, rich, varied, and brilliant--destined, but for an untimely sacrifice of himself, under the impulse of a forbidden ambition, to have reached the goal of his wishes--honor and renown. His death at the hands of the Americans, according to the usage of war, was just; but to Arnold, the pioneer in the base transaction, the news of his execution must, it would seem, have been as the bitterness of death.

But no:--Arnold had no such feelings. Conscience was seared; the generous sympathies of our nature were extinct; even the honor of a soldier, dearer to him than life itself, had expired. The long-cherished, deep-rooted, sordid passion of his soul--avarice--alone lived; and now, while Andre, who might almost be said to be the victim of that nether spirit, was mouldering in an untimely and dishonored grave, he demanded his pay. What must Clinton--the friend and patron of the high-souled and magnanimous Andre--have felt when he told out to Arnold six thousand three hundred and fifteen pounds, as the reward of his treachery!

In addition to this pecuniary reward, Arnold received the commission of brigadier-general in the British army. But, after his infamous attack on New London, and his inhuman conduct to the brave Ledyard and his garrison in Fort Trumbull, finding himself neglected by the British officers, he obtained permission to retire to England, for which he sailed in 1781 with his family.

The life of Arnold was prolonged twenty years beyond this date. But although the king and a few others in office felt compelled to notice him for a time, yet they, at length, were willing to forget him, while others despised and shunned him. Colonel Gardiner says, that when a petition for a bill authorizing a negotiation of peace was presented to the king, Arnold was standing near the throne. Lauderdale is reported to have declared, on his return to the House of Commons, that, however gracious the language he had heard from the throne, his indignation could not but be highly excited at beholding, as he had done, his majesty supported by a traitor. And on another occasion, Lord Surrey, rising to speak in the House of Commons, and perceiving Arnold in the gallery, immediately sat down, exclaiming: "I will not speak while that man (pointing to him) is in the house."

Not long after the war, Arnold removed to St. John's, in New Brunswick, where he engaged for a time in the West India trade. Subsequently, he returned to England, where he resided to the time of his death, which occurred in London, June 14th, 1804.

FOOTNOTE:

[50] The term Cow-boys was given to Americans attached to the British cause, who resided within their lines, but who frequently plundered the Americans on the other side of their cattle, which they drove to New York. Skinners were those who lived within the American lines, and professed attachment to their cause; but they were even more unprincipled than the former, often committing their depredations on friends as well as foes.

XIII. CONCLUDING SCENES OF THE REVOLUTION.

THEATRE of War changed to the South--Siege of Savannah--Siege of Charleston--Battle of Camden--Battle of Cowpens--Retreat--Subsequent Movements--Battles of Guilford, Kobkirk's hill, Ninety-Six, and Eutaw Springs--Battle of Yorktown--Treaty of Peace--Cessation of Hostilities--Army disbanded--Departure of the British Army--Final Interview between Washington and his Officers--Resigns his Commission--Retires to Mount Vernon.

We must hasten to the closing scenes of the long and sanguinary contest between Great Britain and America.

The capture of Burgoyne, in 1777, was hailed, by a portion of the American people, as indicative of a speedy termination of the war. But, in these anticipations, they were destined to be disappointed. For several years following, although the contest was still continued, but little advance was made towards the termination. Battles were indeed fought, naval engagements occurred, and predatory enterprises were planned, and executed with various success; but neither power could be said at any one period to be decidedly in the ascendant. In 1779, the theatre of war was changed from the northern to the southern section of the confederacy. To this change, the British were invited by the prospect of an easier victory. That portion of the country was rendered weak by its scattered population, by the multitude of slaves, and by the number of tories intermingled with the citizens.

Partial success to the British arms was the consequence. Savannah was taken possession of, which gave the enemy, for a time, the power in Georgia. In like manner, Charleston fell into their hands, and with it, a considerable portion of the state of South Carolina. In the progress of this southern warfare, battles occurred at Camden--at the Cowpens--at Guilford Court-house--and at Eutaw Springs.

1. SIEGE OF SAVANNAH.

In the autumn of 1778, Savannah fell into the hands of the British. At that time, Colonel Campbell, with a force of two thousand men, was dispatched by Governor Clinton from New York against that city. The American garrison, under General Howe, consisting of but six hundred continental troops and a small body of militia, was inadequate to resist so formidable a force; and at the expiration of a spirited action, in which the Americans suffered severely, the latter surrendered, and with that surrender, the British took military occupation of the capital itself.

The succeeding year, D'Estaing, with a French fleet, destined to cöoperate with the Americans for the recovery of Savannah, arrived on the coast of Georgia. This intelligence having been communicated to General Lincoln, who was in the vicinity of Charleston with a small force, he immediately broke up his camp, and marched to assist in the disembarkation of the French troops.

Before the arrival of Lincoln, D'Estaing had sent a "haughty summons" to Prevost, the English commander, to surrender. The safety of the former depended upon rëinforcements, which he was daily expecting; and, in order to attain a delay, he required twenty-four hours to consider the question of a capitulation. Unfortunately, D'Estaing acceded to this demand. This proved fatal to the expedition; for, meanwhile, Prevost was not idle. He succeeded in mounting nearly one hundred cannon, and, moreover, the expected rëinforcement arrived, swelling his force to three thousand men; upon which, he replied to the French commander, that he was resolved to hold out to the last.

The original plan of attempting the place by storm was now prudently abandoned, and the slow process of its reduction by siege was resolved upon. The combined forces numbered between six and seven thousand men. The siege was commenced. Trenches were opened, and, by the 4th of September, a sap had been pushed to within three hundred yards of the abbatis. In the course of a another month, batteries had been erected, and other preparations were ready.

On the evening of October 4th, the tragical scene commenced, and a heavy cannonade was kept up during the night. In the morning, that scene became terrific. Thirty-seven cannon and nine mortars were opened upon the city, while sixteen heavy guns from the fleet added their uproar to the thunder of the former. The response to these was still louder and more appalling. Nearly one hundred guns, which had been mounted by Prevost, as we have said, gave back their tremendous explosions. Carcasses, filled with all manner of combustibles, were hurled into the town, setting on fire the houses, and spreading consternation among the inhabitants. Shells came down from the sky, bursting like meteors, and scattering their death-dealing fragments in every street and in the neighborhood of every dwelling. All that day, and, indeed, for four succeeding days and nights, this mutual tremendous firing was maintained. Savannah and its neighborhood became covered with a dense, dark cloud of smoke, through which the rays of the sun could scarcely penetrate by day, and which, as that set, served as a pall to increase the gloom and darkness of the night.

If the besiegers were steady to their purpose, the besieged were no less resolute and successful in their resistance. Little or no impression had hitherto been made upon the enemy's works, and how long they would continue to hold out, the Americans had no means of judging. They had reason, indeed, to believe that a reduction might at no distant day be effected, as the supplies were cut off, and the inhabitants must be suffering intensely. But D'Estaing began to fear for the safety of his fleet, exposed, as it was, on an open coast. In this posture, he proposed to Lincoln to attempt the place as originally contemplated--by storm. This the latter deemed extremely hazardous; but submitting to the higher authority of the count, an assault was fixed for the 9th of October.

At one o'clock of the morning of that day, the Americans were up, and ready for the fearful contest. The French unwisely delayed for some two or three hours; but at length, led on by D'Estaing and Lincoln, the combined forces--the French in three columns and the Americans in one--proceeded to the attack.

Taking a position at the head of the first column, D'Estaing led them forward to the very walls of the English works. It was a fatal approach. Of a sudden, and when the French commander was congratulating himself that he was taking the enemy by surprise, the blaze of a hundred cannon filled him and his troops with amazement, while the balls and grape-shot mowed down their ranks, as did the fire of the Americans at Bunker's hill. Still, D'Estaing ordered the remainder to advance, he himself heroically leading the way. But it was only to death and defeat. Soon wounded, D'Estaing was borne from the spot, while his brave troops remained to meet a still severer destiny. They were mowed as grass by a new-ground scythe. The few who survived, now made good their retreat to an adjoining wood, leaving room for the second column, pressing forward, to supply their place.

These, passing over the fallen bodies of their brave companions, succeeded in mounting the walls; and there they stood--and there, with almost superhuman strength and determination, they fought. But it was not even for such bravery and such perseverance to succeed. If the struggle was now fearful, the carnage was still more so. One after another, and by tens and twenties, they fell side by side, companions in death of their brave precursors. A remnant only was left; and as that remnant succeeded in securing a retreat, the third and last column of the French troops came into action. A similar contest awaited them, which they entered into with even greater ardor and more excited passion; but it was followed by a similar, and perhaps still more fatal, result. The chivalrous Laurens, at the head of the Americans, now made his appearance; and directing his entire force against the Spring-hill redoubt, attempted to scale its ramparts. But it was a vain attempt. The parapets were too high to be reached, and the assailants fell as they appeared, shot down with equal certainty and rapidity. Among the Americans, at this memorable contest, was that Carolina regiment which, at the siege of Fort Moultrie, had so distinguished itself, and which, as a reward for its valor, Mrs. Elliott had presented two standards, as we had occasion to notice, when describing the noble defence of the old "slaughter pen." Nothing daunted by the fate of their companions, this regiment pressed furiously forward; and now, for a brief period, was witnessed a spectacle, which lighted up gladness in every eye: two American standards--the very standards which we have named--were seen waving on the English ramparts. And there, too, was the noble-hearted Jasper himself, with those standards, which he loved better than life itself. But it was a momentary floating to the breeze, and these standards had for ever done their duty. They soon fell, and with them fell the brave and patriotic Jasper. He grasped his standard as he fell into the ditch, and there the flag covered him as a winding-sheet of glory. He had told Mrs. Elliott that he would surrender his flag only with his life, and he was true to his word. Jasper's name--heroism--patriotism--will descend with the lapse of years; nor will they be remembered but to be honored, while the records of American valor shall have an existence.

The issue may be told in few words. The Americans failed, and retired. Many a noble heart had shed its blood; many an arm, which had that day

Shed fast atonement for its first delay,

was folded on the breast in death. And among those who fell nobly, there was one--a high-souled Polander--the chivalric Pulaski--a volunteer in the American service; he fell at the head of two hundred horsemen, urging on their way amid fire and smoke, until a swivel-shot struck the gallant soldier to the earth.

The contest lasted a little more than an hour; and yet, in that brief space, six hundred and thirty-seven French, and four hundred and fifty Americans, were mangled--bleeding corpses on the ground--more than one thousand! Rapid work! It should seem that Moloch might have been satisfied with the victims offered on that day's altar.

D'Estaing retired soon after with his fleet. He had gained no praise: on the contrary, he was censured for his haste in demanding the surrender of Savannah before the arrival of Lincoln; and then, by allowing Prevost so long a time to deliberate, in truth giving him ample opportunity to prepare for defence. The result was inglorious, and served to perpetuate, and even strengthen, the cause of the English at the South.

2. SIEGE OF CHARLESTON.

Charleston had long been an object of cupidity on the part of the British. We have already had occasion to speak of an expedition under Sir Peter Parker and Generals Cornwallis and Howe, destined against that city, and the summary check they received at Fort Moultrie--that "old slaughter-pen"--every one of whose garrison was a hero, and the record of whose combined resistance can never be remembered but to the honor and praise of American valor. That repulse was not forgotten by the British, and, when next an attempt should be made, it was to be expected that preparations would be commensurate with the magnitude and difficulties of the enterprise.

It proved so. In the spring following the siege of Savannah, General Clinton left New York with ten thousand men, intent on the capture of Charleston. Lincoln was still at the head of the American troops in the South. But they were altogether inadequate to defend the city against so numerous and formidable a force as now appeared against him. For his own credit, as well as for the honor of the American arms, clearly he should have avoided a collision. But, over-persuaded by Governor Rutledge and other prominent citizens, and, moreover, reluctant to abandon a place which contained large public stores, or seem to yield where there was hope of success, he consented to remain, and accomplish whatever human wisdom, combined with American valor, could do.

On the 30th of March, General Clinton commenced the siege. He proceeded with a caution, to be explained only by the lesson taught the British at the siege of Fort Moultrie, and a determination not to be under the necessity of meeting with another such disastrous result. In another place, it should have been noted, that Fort Moultrie, in the present invasion, made no resistance, the contest, it being intended, should be on the mainland, and in the immediate vicinity of the city, where such defences had been erected as the authorities were able to provide.

On the 10th of April, the first parallel was completed, and Lincoln was summoned to surrender. To this summons, he replied: "that he felt it to be his duty, and it was also his instruction, to defend the place to the last extremity." Ten days elapsed, during which a second parallel was finished, and a second summons made and declined. A heavy and formidable cannonade was now opened by Clinton, which was kept up, with scarcely any remission, for several days. Meanwhile, Lincoln was almost constantly on duty--straining every muscle to resist the steady, but apparently fatal, advance of his foe. It is related of him, that "one day he was ten hours in the saddle, without once dismounting--riding hither and thither, with his great heart filled with anxious foreboding; and, the last fortnight, he never took off his clothes to rest. Flinging himself, in his uniform, on a couch, he would snatch a few moments' repose, and then again be seen riding along the lines."

Meanwhile, his defences became weakened, and his troops exhausted with labor and fatigue. They had little time to sleep, and even the supply of provisions was limited. Yet, Lincoln continued, day after day, to inspire them with courage and hope. All that a brave commander could do, he did--concealing the apprehensions which harrowed his inmost soul, and for which there were reasons; all that men could do, his noble few did--suffering privations seldom experienced during the revolutionary contest. It was a brave defence! It was a long, protracted, painful struggle! But it was in vain. At length, the batteries of the enemy had reached within eighty yards of the American defences, and preparations were making for a general storm. Thus environed by a formidable force, both by sea and land,

----"Nec spes opis ulla dabatur"--

it was the dictate of humanity, both in respect to the inhabitants of the city, and the brave, but exhausted, remnant of his devoted army, to capitulate. Accordingly, overtures were made to General Clinton, which were at length accepted. Charleston fell, and the entire army laid down arms. By the terms of capitulation, the garrison were to march out, and deposit their arms in front of the works; but, as a mark of humiliation, the drums were not to beat an American march, nor their colors to be displayed. This was severe; but the humiliation was remembered, when, eighteen months afterwards, Lord Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, and "waters of a full cup were wrung out" to him.

3. BATTLE OF CAMDEN.

The fall of Charleston opened the south to Cornwallis, nor was he slow to take advantage of the opportunity of strengthening the royal cause. Baron de Kalb had been sent from the main army to the assistance of Lincoln; but the latter having surrendered before his arrival, the former assumed the command of the forces opposed to Cornwallis. Shortly after, however, Gates, the "hero of Saratoga," arrived, having been appointed to occupy the place of General Lincoln.

The reputation which Gates had acquired in his contest with Burgoyne, had preceded him, and served to stay the despondency and gloom which was extensively pervading the South. The militia responded to his call, and came flocking to his standard. Thus rëinforced, he proceeded towards Camden, the rendezvous of Lord Rawdon. But his haste was ill-judged. Besides, by reason of a serious lack of provisions for his troops, which he had neglected to provide, they were compelled to subsist for several days on green apples, corn, and other vegetables; their strength, also, was still more diminished for want of needful rest. On reaching the vicinity of Rawdon, instead of an immediate attack, before the latter could receive rëinforcements, and when he was more on an equal footing with the enemy, he wasted several days in skirmishes, which served to darken rather than brighten his chance of success. In this interval, Cornwallis arrived with the troops under his command, thus adding to the strength of the enemy, and greatly increasing their confidence and courage.

Indeed, Cornwallis was not slow in deciding to hazard an engagement, although he knew that the contest would still be unequal. Gates had superior numbers. But a retreat would be to abandon all that he had gained in South Carolina and Georgia; and in effect would be the ruin of the royal cause.

The American army occupied a post at Rugely's mills. On the 11th of August, at ten o'clock in the night, the English began their march. Ignorant of this movement, Gates had put his army in motion at the same time, and with similar intent. What was their mutual surprise, when at two o'clock in the morning, the advanced-guard of the British suddenly came in contact with the head column of the Americans! A brief skirmish ensued--but soon ended, as if by mutual consent--neither commander being willing to hazard a nocturnal rencounter.

At a council of war summoned by Gates, the Baron de Kalb advised a retreat to their former encampment, as in their present position they were between two marshes, while at Rugely's mills they would have the decided advantage as to position. In this, however, he was overruled by Gates, who decided to wait the approach of the enemy where they were.

We shall not enter into the details of this unfortunate battle. It was sad and sanguinary. General Gates misjudged as to position; but still greater was his error in attempting to change the order of battle almost at the moment when the battle began. Of this latter mistake, Cornwallis was not slow to take advantage, but at once ordered his troops to charge. Unprepared for an attack so sudden and so furious, the American column gave way--the Virginians actually betaking themselves to flight. All was soon confusion and uproar. De Kalb threw himself at the head of the regular troops, and, infusing into them the fire and indignation which animated his own bosom, led them on. They advanced firm--calm--determined. But the contest was now unequal. They could not resist the impetuous torrent which came thundering upon them. They could not save the battle. And at this time--their ranks thinned--their path obstructed--the cavalry of Tarleton came bearing down upon them with the impetuosity of a whirlwind. "Shot after shot had struck the Baron de Kalb, and the blood was pouring from his side in streams; yet, animated by that spirit which has made the hero in every age, he rallied his men for a last charge, and led them at the point of the bayonet on the dense ranks. Striking a bayonet from his breast, and laying the grenadier that held it dead at his feet, he pressed forward, and, in the very act of cheering on his men, fell with the blood gushing from eleven wounds. His aids immediately covered him with their bodies, exclaiming, 'Save the Baron de Kalb! save the Baron de Kalb!'"

But their efforts to save him were unavailing. He was taken prisoner, and his troops fled. Gates, meanwhile, was pursuing his fugitive army. Their arrest and recall were, however, beyond his power. The rout was entire; the defeat complete; owing, as was thought by men of competent judgment, to the mismanagement of Gates.

De Kalb survived his wounds but a short time. He was able, however, to dictate a brief letter to the patriotic band of soldiers at whose head he had planted himself, and who nobly sustained him up to the moment of his fall. He died in the cause of liberty--regretted by all who knew his worth as a man and a soldier--and honored by congress, which directed a monument to be erected to his memory at Annapolis.

The battle at Camden was sanguinary, and had the effect to spread a gloom over the face of American affairs. The loss of the patriots exceeded six hundred in killed; the wounded and prisoners thirteen hundred. The British stated their loss to be only three hundred in killed and wounded.

Cornwallis was the victor--but the British cause had now reached its culminating point. Elated at their successes, the conquerors grew insolent and rapacious; the Americans, resolute and determined.

4. BATTLE OF COWPENS.

Never did a service require an able and efficient commander more than the American service at the South, following the disastrous defeat of Gates at the battle of Camden. Fortunately, the precise man was found in General Greene, "who, next to Washington, was the ablest commander in the Revolutionary army"--an officer of large experience, and distinguished for two qualities, which were more important, at this juncture, than all others--"great caution and great rapidity." To these were added a wonderful fortitude and as wonderful perseverance.

On assuming the command, Greene found the army reduced to two thousand men, of whom not more than eight hundred were fit for service. The officers, however, had few equals--and no superiors. There were Morgan, Lee, Marion, Sumpter, and Washington (Lieutenant-colonel), men, whose heroic achievements have justly placed them high on the rolls of military fame. Had the army borne any comparison to its officers, either in point of numbers or in discipline, energy, and enthusiasm, the royal cause, in the South, would have met a still earlier doom than it did. But the army was not only greatly reduced in numbers, but so destitute was it of arms, ammunition, food, and clothing, that it seemed a matter of presumption to attempt entering the list with Cornwallis, who, to a well-disciplined and powerful army, added every desirable materiel of war. But it often occurred during the Revolutionary struggle, that "the race was not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong."

The first measure adopted by Greene was unusual--he separated his forces, small as they were, into several divisions, and stationed them at different points. For this he has been censured, as contrary to military rule; but the sequel proved the wisdom of the measure. It served greatly to dismay Cornwallis, who scarcely knew in what direction to proceed, or which one to attack--whether Morgan, Marion, or Lee, who, with their respective detachments, were threatening him from different points.

At length, however, he decided to begin with Morgan, who was stationed at Cowpens, with an available force of less than a thousand men. The plan proposed by Cornwallis was, that Tarleton, with eleven hundred men, should assail him in front, while he himself, with the main army, would attempt to prevent his retreat. On the appearance of Tarleton, Morgan retired; but being, at length, hotly pressed, a contest became inevitable. The first onset of Tarleton was terrible--the Americans gave way, and the victorious British were anticipating the utter rout of their foes. But, at a critical moment of the action, Colonel Washington, who had been watching the various movements of the respective armies, gave orders to his bugler to sound a charge. It was nobly done! Nothing could withstand the impetuosity, the fire, the fury of the assailants. The infantry, which was pressing on to victory, were, as in a moment, borne down, and scattered like chaff before the whirlwind. Morgan had time to rally his repulsed force; and, with such an example as had been set them, they now sped their way to victory. It was a brief, but a stirring, sanguinary scene. Tarleton lost of his eleven hundred, seven hundred--besides two cannon, eight hundred muskets, and a hundred dragoons.

The battle over, Morgan hastily retired, in order to escape Cornwallis, who was bearing down upon him. In this he was successful; but it was only at the sacrifice of the baggage, and a large part of the stores of the army. Cornwallis pursued a similar policy--never was man more determined to make sure of the enemy than he was; and never was man more determined to escape than Morgan. His object was to reach the head-quarters of Greene; but, at the distance of fifty miles, it was his good fortune to meet his general, who, with a small force, was hastening to his assistance.

5. RETREAT--SUBSEQUENT MOVEMENTS.

Immediately following the battle of Cowpens, Greene directed his course towards Guilford, which he had appointed as the rendezvous of his army. This was a perilous undertaking; and the more so, as his route lay across the Catawba, the Yadkin, and the Dan--each of which was liable to be suddenly swelled, and thus prevent his passage; and at a time, perhaps, when Cornwallis would be pressing upon him. Besides, the winter was a most unpropitious season for such an enterprise. The soldiers were poorly clad; many of them were barefoot; blankets were greatly needed, and even provisions were scarce. But there was no safe alternative. Greene's force was inadequate to maintain a position against so formidable a force as Cornwallis had under his command. It was not indeed certain that a retreat so distant, and so fraught with difficulties, could be effected in safety. But it was decided to run the hazard, and towards the accomplishment of his plans, Greene now put forth all his energy and skill.

We shall not follow him minutely in the various steps of his remarkable and successful enterprise. Often did the English advance columns press upon his rear; and so determined were the former--with such rapidity did they urge their pursuit--that the fugitives were able in some instances to rest but three hours out of the twenty-four, and to secure but one meal a-day. Their fatigue--their deprivations--their sufferings, penetrated the very heart of their sympathizing leader. His own anxiety was deep and wasting; yet he had a smile and a word of encouragement as he rode up, and hurried forward his exhausted columns.

At length they approached the Dan; that passed, they were safe; but this was the point of their greatest danger. Cornwallis was near at hand, and, like Pharaoh of old, pressing upon the children of Israel at the banks of the Red sea, was confident of their utter extermination--he had resolved to overwhelm and annihilate the American army on the banks of the Dan.

They reached those banks. In the rear, covering their embarkation, and, if possible, keeping in check the advance of the now infuriated enemy, were stationed Lee's legion and Washington's horsemen. It was a noble but perilous enterprise which they had undertaken. Had the forces of Cornwallis reached them, it is impossible to conjecture the issue. They had decided to succeed or perish.

But about noon, a messenger made his appearance upon a swift charger, making the joyful announcement that the army had safely made the passage. The guard now themselves urged their way to the ferry. Greene had not yet crossed. He had delayed through his anxiety for the safety of Lee and Washington, and their brave comrades. Who can describe his exultation as they came dashing on their proud steeds! That was a moment of intense joy; but that joy reached its climax when all were safely on the opposite shore, and the deep waters of the Dan were rolling between his army and their pursuers. The last boat that left, bore the intrepid Lee, and, as it grounded upon the opposite shore, the British van had reached the banks. This was the climax of their disappointment. At the end of a pursuit of two hundred and fifty miles, and during which they had destroyed all their baggage to accelerate their progress, it was their destiny to behold their prey exulting beyond their reach. Of this retreat, it has been well remarked, that "for the skill with which it was planned, the resolution and energy with which it was carried through, and the distance traveled, it stands alone in the annals of our country, and will bear a comparison with the most renowned feats of ancient or modern times. It covered Greene with more glory than a victory could have done, and stamped him at once the great commander."

Soon after the events now recited, the army of General Greene was augmented by the arrival of rëinforcements from Virginia, to five thousand five hundred men. Numerically, his force was larger than that of Cornwallis, but most of the troops were for the first time in a camp. Thus strengthened, Greene decided to hazard an engagement as early as circumstances allowed. With this object in view, after giving his troops some little opportunity to rest, he proceeded, and took post at Guilford.

Here, on the 15th of March, occurred the battle of Guilford Court-house, which on the part of Greene had been so wisely planned as must have issued in the utter discomfiture of Cornwallis, had all the Americans behaved with their accustomed bravery. But, most unfortunately, the terrible aspect of the British army, on its near approach, spread consternation and dismay among the Carolina militia; and, throwing down their guns, knapsacks, and canteens, they precipitately left the scene of action. These were followed by a portion of the Marylanders. It was impossible to rally them, or even to stay their progress. But the Virginians fought nobly, as did the second regiment of the Marylanders. Upon these and the continental troops, the entire force of the battle fell. For a time, even with the loss of the aid of those who so ignobly fled, victory seemed to decide for the Americans. But at length Cornwallis, at a great sacrifice of men, succeeded in getting the ascendancy, and no alternative was left to Greene but to order a retreat, while it could safely be made. The loss of the Americans was about four hundred, in killed and wounded; that of the British reached nearly six hundred. The British claimed the victory, but it was a victory which caused Fox to exclaim, when announced in the British House of Commons, "Another such will ruin the British army."

Following the battle above described, Cornwallis retreated to such a distance from Greene, as to present little inducement to the latter to follow, even had his force been able to cope with that under his lordship's command. It remained, therefore, for him to adopt some new plan, and to look in another direction for some field of usefulness to his country's cause. After much consideration, he decided to lead back his forces into South Carolina, and to fall on the line of the British posts between Ninety-Six and Charleston. It was a bold, original, and hazardous experiment; and the more so, as Cornwallis might also return, and press him with his superior force. But the decision was made; and, taking up his line of march, in twelve days he reached Camden, where Lord Rawdon was strongly intrenched.

Taking a position on Hobkirk's hill, two miles north of Camden, Rawdon in a few days drew out his forces, and appeared in battle array against him. At the time the approach of the enemy was announced, the Americans were deeply engaged in cooking food, of which, for twenty-four hours, they had been destitute. For a moment, there was confusion; but, abandoning their meal, as did Greene his coffee, they soon stood in order of battle. The action opened with promise to the Americans. Greene himself, at the head of a single regiment, fought as a common soldier. His troops appeared firm, and even enthusiastic. Judge his surprise, when, at this critical moment, he perceived the regiment of Gunby, the one upon which, more perhaps than all others, he depended--the one which at Guilford had displayed such bravery--that regiment was giving way--was in the very act of retreating. Greene sped his charger among them--headed them--rallied them; but it was too late: the battle was lost. There was, indeed, more fighting, and every effort was made to recover from the shock caused by the retreat of Gunby's veteran regiment. But it was fruitless, and Greene retreated, in rather a creditable manner, considering the circumstances.

But the regiment, it is recorded--the cause of such deep mortification and utter failure--was after all not to blame. At least, the apology was made for them, that they mistook the order of Gunby, their leader, who had directed them only to halt, for an order to retreat. In the din of arms, his command was not understood, and the consequence was the disastrous result we have named.

The situation of Rawdon, notwithstanding his success, was critical; Greene's was still more critical. For the first time, it is said, the latter became vacillating and despondent. On the one hand, he was in danger from Rawdon; and on the other, it was reported that Cornwallis was marching rapidly against him. His army was small--destitute--discouraged. But it was not Greene's nature long to despond. He rose above the difficulties and perils of his position, and decided to occupy the place which God and his country had assigned him.

At this juncture, more certain intelligence was received that Cornwallis was on his march to Virginia. This left him at liberty to follow out his original plan.

Meanwhile, Rawdon broke up his encampment at Camden, and moved towards Fort Motte, against which Marion and Lee were pursuing a siege. Before Rawdon could reach it, it had surrendered to the Americans.

There remained now in the hands of the British but one fortress more of importance. This was Ninety-Six, situated one hundred and forty-seven miles north-west from Charleston, and garrisoned by five hundred and sixty men. To the reduction of this, Greene turned his attention. On the 22d of May, he appeared before it, and commenced a siege. While successfully pursuing his design, and daily advancing towards the consummation of his wishes, news arrived of the rapid approach of Rawdon. Indeed, he appeared even earlier than had been anticipated, and Greene had no alternative but to retreat. But, listening to his army, who were intent on a demonstration against the enemy, he consented thereto: but, although they made the assault with admirable firmness, and even enthusiastic zeal, they failed, and orders to retreat were given.

Rawdon followed Greene some fifteen or twenty miles on his retreat; when, returning to Ninety-Six, he ordered its evacuation, and himself took up his march for Charleston.

As the sickly season had now commenced, Greene withdrew his army to a cool and salubrious position on the high hills of Santee. Here, having remained until the 22d of August--his troops resting and recruiting, as much they needed both--he broke up his encampment, and began his march; and on the 7th of September, arrived within seven miles of Eutaw Springs, where the British lay encamped in an open field, under command of General Stewart.

On the following day, putting his army in motion, he proceeded towards the field, where occurred--

6. THE BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS.

Greene took the British commander somewhat by surprise, but he was not slow to put his army in the order of battle. The Americans were the first to commence the contest, and that commencement was auspicious. The militia did themselves greater credit than on some former occasions. Both armies were soon engaged; both contended with a seriousness, a determination, a perseverance, commensurate with the prize at stake. It is not necessary to descend to particulars. Each cause was apparently more than once in the ascendant, but in the sequel neither could claim a decided victory. Yet, the advantage rested with Greene. The English had lost one-quarter of their number in killed, and another quarter were made prisoners. Moreover, he had driven them from the field; but he could not pursue them, on account of his prisoners and wounded, and the exhausted state of his army.

At the close of the contest, the belligerent armies united in burying their dead. What a contrast to the spectacle which had been exhibited a few hours before!

The battle of Eutaw Springs was the last general engagement in the South. Soon after, the British concentrated themselves at Charleston; and here they were for months hemmed in, and watched by the faithful and persevering Greene. But their situation, at length, became so distressing, that they determined to evacuate the city. This was carried into effect on the 13th of December, 1781. At three o'clock of the same day, Greene entered in triumph, to the exultation of its emancipated citizens, and with all the honors which a grateful people could shed upon him. "God bless you! God bless you!" was uttered by hundreds, as he passed along; nor was it a thoughtless, unmeaning prayer, but the warm and ardent desire of warm and ardent hearts. Greene merited it all: he loved his country with an affection which no circumstances could weaken, and served her with a fidelity which no temptation could interrupt. Truthfully, most truthfully, did Washington say of him: "Could he but promote the interests of his country in the character of a corporal, he would exchange, without a murmur, his epaulettes for the knot."

7. BATTLE OF YORKTOWN.

The campaign for the year 1781, as arranged between Washington and the Count de Rochambeau at Wethersfield, Connecticut, had for its object the recovery of New York, still in possession of the British. A French fleet, to arrive in August, was expected to cöoperate. In pursuance of this plan, the allied forces were concentrated at Kingsbridge, fifteen miles above New York.

While these movements were in progress, it was unexpectedly announced that the destination of the French fleet was the Chesapeake, instead of New York; and here the Count de Grasse, at length, arrived with twenty-eight ships of the line, several frigates, and three thousand troops.

This intelligence manifested the necessity of a change of purpose. Without the cöoperation of a fleet, it would be impossible to succeed in the reduction of New York. Besides, there now opened an equally, if not a more important enterprise, in a different quarter.

Lord Cornwallis, who had for some time conducted the military operations of the British at the South, as we have had occasion to notice, had concentrated his forces at Yorktown, in Virginia, which, together with Gloucester Point, he had strongly fortified. His army consisted of ten thousand effective men.

Washington was not long in deciding the course which the interests of his country required him to pursue. He was now ready to follow the indications of Providence: and it was now apparent that a victory over Cornwallis must necessarily forward the triumph of the patriot cause. It was happily ordered that the French fleet should have the Chesapeake for its destination. In that vicinity, the final conflict was to be waged; there, the pride of Britain was to be humbled; there, the last act in the drama was to transpire.

Pursuant to his altered purposes, Washington put his army in motion, and on the 25th of August, the passage of the Hudson was effected.

It being a point of great moment to conceal the real object of this movement, the march of the army was continued until the 31st, in such a direction as to keep up fears for New York; and a considerable degree of address was used to countenance the opinion that the real design was against that place. The letters which had been intercepted by Sir Henry Clinton favored this deception; and so strong was the impression made, that after it became necessary for the combined army to leave the route leading down the Hudson, he is stated to have retained his fears for New York, and not to have suspected the real object of his adversary, until he had approached the Delaware, and it had become too late to obstruct the progress of the allied army towards Virginia. He then resolved to make every exertion in his power to relieve Lord Cornwallis, and, in the mean time, to act offensively in the North. An expedition was planned against New London, in Connecticut; and a strong detachment, under the command of General Arnold, was embarked on board a fleet of transports, which landed early in the morning of the 6th of September on both sides of the harbor, about three miles from the town. The result of this expedition--so infamous to Arnold--so inhuman--so contrary to all the laws governing modern warfare--is too well known to need recital here.

The progress of Washington could not consistently be arrested by such an incursion, ready, as in other circumstances he would have been, to have hastened to the defence of his fellow-citizens, against so vindictive a monster as that traitor had shown himself to be. Momentous results were now depending upon accelerated movements; and, accordingly, he urged his troops forward to the extent of their power.

Having made the necessary arrangements for the conveyance of his army down the Chesapeake, Washington, accompanied by several distinguished officers, French and American, hastened forward to Williamsburg, where, in an interview with the Count de Grasse, a system of operations for the contemplated siege was devised.

On the 25th of September, the last division of the allied troops arrived in James' river, and were disembarked at the landing near Williamsburg. On the 30th, the combined armies, twelve thousand in number, moved upon Yorktown and Gloucester, at which time the fleet of Count de Grasse proceeded up York river, with the double object of preventing the retreat of Cornwallis, and intercepting his supplies.

The village of Yorktown lies on the south side of York river. Its southern banks are high. In its waters a ship-of-the-line could ride with safety. Gloucester Point projects far into the river on the opposite shore. Both these posts were occupied by Cornwallis--the main body of the army being at York, under the immediate command of his lordship; Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton was stationed at Gloucester with a detachment of about six hundred men. Every possible effort had been made to fortify these posts. The interests involved were of incalculable magnitude. A failure now, Cornwallis could not but perceive, would put to hazard the royal cause. Every expedient, therefore, was adopted, which was calculated to secure his success, and give victory to the British arms.

Washington was equally impressed with the greatness of the enterprise in which he had embarked. The eyes of his countrymen were turned with intense interest to the issues of the impending contest. Nor can it be doubted that supplications went up from thousands of family altars, and from private closets, that the God of the Pilgrim Fathers would interpose for the salvation of a people, who, from their first landing on these shores, had regarded his honor as their highest object, and the enjoyment of rational liberty as their greatest privilege.

The preparations having now been completed, Yorktown was invested, upon which Cornwallis, abandoning all his advanced works, retired behind his principal fortifications. The former were immediately occupied by the besiegers.

It is not important to detail the events of each succeeding day, as this siege progressed. Washington, calm and collected, continued to extend his batteries towards the principal works of the enemy. The cannonade from the British line of defences was furious and incessant. On the 16th, a fierce sortie was made by the British, an American battery was stormed--the artillerists were overpowered, and seven cannon spiked; but the Americans rallied, and succeeded in recovering all that was lost.

Finding his situation extremely critical, Cornwallis now decided on abandoning his sick, together with his baggage, and, crossing to Gloucester, to attempt an escape to New York. In pursuance of this plan, boats, prepared under various pretexts, were held in readiness to receive the troops at ten in the evening, and convey them over the river. The arrangements were made with such secresy, that the first embarkation arrived at the Point unperceived, and part of the troops were landed, when a sudden and violent storm interrupted the execution of this hazardous plan, and drove the boats down the river. The storm continued till near daylight, when the boats returned. But the plan was necessarily abandoned, and the boats were sent to bring back the soldiers, who were rëlanded on the southern shore in the course of the forenoon without much loss.

On the morning of the 17th, several new batteries which had been completed were opened, and a more appalling, and, if possible, destructive fire, was commenced upon the British works. It could no longer be withstood. Cornwallis became convinced of the folly of protracting a contest which was only weakening his forces, and sacrificing the lives of his troops. It was a most unwelcome and humiliating necessity, but that necessity existed, and at ten o'clock he ordered the British lines to beat a parley. This was immediately followed by a proposed cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, with reference to a settlement of terms of capitulation. Washington, in his reply, expressed his desire to stay the effusion of blood, but not one moment could he lose in fruitless negotiations. His lordship might transmit his proposals, and two hours would be given to consider them. These were transmitted, but they proved unsatisfactory. Washington now himself dictated the terms; and they were the same as given to Lincoln at the fall of Charleston. At the appointed time, the conquered army, with colors cased, and drums silent, marched out, and laid down their arms. Lincoln was appointed to receive the sword of Cornwallis--an honor which he deserved--and a service doubtless the more grateful from the circumstance that, eighteen months before, he had been compelled to surrender his sword to an English commander. It was an imposing spectacle. To the British, the more humiliating, as it cast a shade over all their prospects of success in the land of rebellion--to the Americans, the more grateful, as it was a presage of an end to their toils and hardships. The conduct of Cornwallis, on the occasion of surrender, was unbecoming the firm and high-minded officer. He was not present, but appointed another to tender his sword in his place. There are men who can participate in the honors of victory, and claim their full portion--but who are too proud to share with their fellow-officers and soldiers the mortification of defeat. Cornwallis was one.

To Washington and his army the issue of this contest was most joyful; and in token of that joy, orders were issued that all under arrest, should forthwith be set at liberty. But this was not enough. A public recognition of the Divine goodness seemed befitting; accordingly, in his public orders, in terms most solemn and impressive, he directed that divine service should be performed in the different brigades and divisions. All the troops not on duty were recommended to be present, and to assist in the solemn and grateful homage paid to the Benefactor of the nation.

8. TREATY OF PEACE.

The first intelligence received in America from England, after the news of the battle of Yorktown had reached that country, was different in its tenor from what had been expected. The Americans regarded it as the finishing stroke of the war, and anticipated a similar estimation of the battle in England. But on the assembling of parliament in November, 1781, the speech from the throne breathed a settled purpose to continue the war; and the addresses from both houses, which were carried by large majorities, echoed the sentiment.

But when the first excitement had passed, and men began to contemplate the posture of things with calm and enlightened reason, they saw the folly of persisting in the contest. To conquer America by force, was impracticable, and the further waste of treasure and blood, was both impolitic and inhuman.

Pursuant to these corrected views, on the 22d of February, 1782, General Conway moved an address to the king, praying that the war on the continent of North America might no longer be pursued, for the impracticable purpose of reducing that country to obedience by force; and expressing their hope, that the earnest desire and diligent exertion to restore the public tranquillity, of which they had received his majesty's most gracious assurances, might, by a happy reconciliation with the revolted colonies, be forwarded and made effectual; to which great end his majesty's faithful Commons would be ready to give their utmost assistance. This motion being lost by a single vote only, was, five days after, renewed by the same gentleman, in a form somewhat different, and was carried; and an address, in pursuance of it, presented to the king. Not yet satisfied with the triumph obtained over the ministry, and considering the answer of the king not sufficiently explicit, the House of Commons, on the 4th of March, on the motion of General Conway, declared, that all those who should advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of offensive war in America, should be considered as enemies to their king and country. In this state of things, it was impossible for the ministry longer to continue in power, and on the 19th, they relinquished their places. A new administration was soon after formed--the Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the treasury, and the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox held the important places of secretaries.

Measures were immediately adopted by the new ministry with a view to peace. As the basis of peace, it was the wish of the Marquis of Rockingham to offer America unlimited, unconditional independence. To this, the Earl of Shelburne was opposed; and, moreover, it was one of the last measures to which the king himself would give his assent. In July, the Marquis of Rockingham died, and Lord Shelburne was appointed first lord of the treasury. This produced an open rupture in the cabinet, and the resignation of Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Fox, and others; in consequence of which, William Pitt was made chancellor of the exchequer, and Thomas Townshend and Lord Grantham, secretaries of state. On the 11th of July, parliament adjourned. Among their last acts, was one authorizing the king to conclude a peace or truce with the Americans.

On the 30th of November, 1782, a provisional treaty was agreed on at Paris, by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, on the part of America, and by Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, on the part of Great Britain.

It may be added, in this connection, that the definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris, on the 3d of September, by David Hartley, Esq., on the part of his Britannic majesty, and by John Jay, Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams, on the part of the United States. The provisions of the treaty attest the zeal and ability of the American negotiation, as well as the liberal feelings which actuated the British minority. The independence of the United States was fully acknowledged. The right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, and certain facilities in the enjoyment of that right, were secured to them for ever.

9. CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES.

On the 18th of April, 1783, Gen. Washington announced the cessation of hostilities between the two countries, in the following general order:

"The commander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities between the United States of America and the King of Great Britain, to be publicly proclaimed to-morrow, at twelve o'clock, at the New Building; and the proclamation, which will be communicated herewith, be read to-morrow evening, at the head of every regiment and corps of the army; after which, the chaplains, with the several brigades, will render thanks to Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations."--It is worthy of notice that this order was read to the army just eight years after the battle of Lexington.

10. THE ARMY DISBANDED.

On the 2d of November, Washington issued his farewell orders to the army. In conclusion, he said:

"Being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military character, and to bid adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the Divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be for ever closed."

What more tender!--what more touching! While to Washington himself, and to his army, it must have been most grateful that years of toil, privation, and suffering were ended, and the glorious object for which that toil, privation, and suffering had been endured, was achieved, the hour of separation must have been most painful. They were to part to meet no more. Well did his soldiers know that their brave and beloved chief would bear them in his heart. But there were circumstances which, at this final interview, bore heavily upon them. They were poor; and, in rags and destitution, they were returning to their homes. Washington's sympathies were enlisted for them; and while he could not justify the course they had pursued--for they had passed resolutions in their encampment reflecting on the justice of their country, and especially upon congress, and had used terms of harshness and threatening--yet Washington expressed his pity, and his ardent hope that ample justice would be done them by a grateful country for the services they had rendered, and for the toils and trials they had sustained.

The parting moment now arrived. Column after column marched by him, receiving as they passed his tender and affectionate salutation--the several bands of music playing the mournful, yet, on this parting occasion, appropriate dirge of "Roslin Castle."

11. DEPARTURE OF THE BRITISH ARMY.

The 25th of November had been fixed for the final retirement from the American shores of the British officers and troops. The place of departure was New York; and on that day they went on board the British fleet--the American troops, under General Knox, at the same time entering and taking possession of the city.

Guards being posted for the security of the citizens, General Washington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, and attended by many civil and military officers, and a large number of respectable inhabitants on horseback, made his public entry into the city. What a triumph! What a glorious issue of the toils, anxieties, and hardships, growing out of an eight years' contest! It was an occasion of joy, such as the sun had not beamed upon since the day he was lighted up in the firmament. Public dinners followed, and magnificent fireworks attested the general joy.

12. FINAL INTERVIEW OF WASHINGTON AND HIS OFFICERS.

One other painful, yet pleasing scene, awaited the commander-in-chief--the parting with the officers of the army, the companions of his toils and triumph. The affecting interview took place on the 4th of December. "At noon, the principal officers of the army assembled at Francis's tavern; soon after which, their beloved commander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them, and said: 'With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you; I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' Having drunk, he added: 'I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner, he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tear of manly sensibility was in every eye; and not a word was articulated to interrupt the dignified silence and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to Powles' Hook. The whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. They paid him the same affectionate compliment; and after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled."

13. WASHINGTON RESIGNS HIS COMMISSION.

And there was still one further duty obligatory upon Washington--one act more, and his earthly glory was consummated--to give back the commission which for eight years he had held, and which, had he been actuated by the ambition of Alexander, Cæsar, or Napoleon, he might have employed to ascend a throne. To the fulfillment of this last and highest duty he now addressed himself. Leaving New York, he repaired to Annapolis, in Maryland, where congress was in session, and, on the 20th of December, informed that body of his intention, and requested a day to be assigned for the performance of the duty.

"To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be offered at a public audience on the following Tuesday at twelve o'clock.

"When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to recall the various interesting scenes which had passed, since the commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators, and several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor of congress. The members remained seated and covered. The spectators were standing and uncovered. The general was introduced by the secretary, and conducted to a chair. After a short pause, the president informed him that 'The United States, in congress assembled, were prepared to receive his communications.' With native dignity, improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general rose, and delivered the following address:

"'Mr. President: The great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"'Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven.

"'The successful termination of the war, has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest.

"'While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible that the choice of confidential officers to compose my family, should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress.

"'I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping.

"'Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.'"

Here, advancing to the chair, he delivered his commission to the president, who in turn addressed him, and in conclusion said:

"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you, we address to him our earnest prayers, that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be happy as they have been illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give."

The great act was now accomplished: Washington retired, greater, nobler in the estimation of his countrymen than ever; and followed by their love, esteem, and admiration, he once more took up his abode in the quiet and peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, happier in the consciousness of a disinterested patriotism, than if, as the reward of his toils, he had attained the proudest diadem on earth.

XIV. NAVAL OPERATIONS.

STATE of Naval Affairs of the Colonies at the commencement of the Revolution--First Naval Engagement--Measures adopted by Congress to provide a Naval Armament--Naval Officers appointed--Vessels built--Flag adopted--Success of American Privateering--Distinguished Naval Officers--General character of Naval Commanders--Particular Engagements--Randolph and Yarmouth--Raleigh and Druid--Submarine Warfare--Le Bon Homme Richard and Serapis--Trumbull and Watt--Alliance, Atalanta, and Trepassey--Congress and Savage.

Having given some account of the military land operations, during the Revolutionary struggle, it belongs to this place to speak of the operations of the American marine, during the same period.

The colonies were poorly prepared, in respect to the organization of an army, or the supply of munitions of war, at the commencement of the contest. The preparations for the struggle on the ocean were, as might be believed, still more limited. But few, even of the maritime colonies, had turned their attention to a naval force as among the means of defence. Indeed, although the storm had for some years been gathering, and, to men of forecast, the day of open rupture was likely to arrive, yet, at length, it broke upon the country suddenly. Besides, maritime preparations for such a contest long beforehand would have been difficult, if not impossible. Every measure having such an object in view would have been regarded with jealousy, and have brought down the wrath of the mother-country at a still earlier period than it came. Moreover, the colonies had no general congress till 1774, and when first convened, and until hostilities had actually commenced, the object of that body was rather to obtain a redress of grievances, and thus prevent war, than by strong and threatening measures, to hasten an event which all regarded as a general calamity. In addition to these considerations, in view of the magnitude and power of the British navy, it was not probably seriously contemplated, in case of hostilities, that the scene of successful action could be on the ocean, but only on the land.

No sooner, however, had the struggle actually commenced, than many of the brave and enterprising commercial and sea-faring men, began to look with wishful eyes towards an element which promised, if not honor in competing with the navy of Great Britain, at least wealth by cruising against her commerce. At this early period, the seamen of the the colonies were at home on the deep. They were then, as now, bold, hardy, and adventurous; and had orders of capture been issued at an earlier day, it is probable that the commerce of England would have suffered a signal interruption and loss.

While the limits of this work forbid a minute history of the rise, progress, and success of the American navy, provincial and continental, during the Revolutionary contest, such notices are subjoined in relation thereto, as will give the reader an impression of the efforts and prowess of the Americans, in despite of the obstacles against which they had to contend.

The news of the battle of Lexington reached Machias, in Maine, on Saturday, the 9th of May, 1775, and there, as well as in other parts of the country, roused the indignation of the inhabitants. At this time, there was lying in that port a British armed schooner, called the Margaretta, convoy to two sloops which were loading with lumber in behalf of his majesty's government. Immediately a plan was devised to seize the officers of the schooner, while in church the next day. The scheme, however, failed; Captain Moore and his officers being enabled to escape through the windows of the church, and effecting their retreat to the schooner. Immediately she was got under way, and, dropping down the river, cast anchor in the bay.

The next morning possession was taken of one of the sloops, and with a volunteer corps of thirty men on board, sail was made upon her, in quest of the fugitive schooner.

At this time, Captain Moore was ignorant of the commencement of hostilities, and wishing therefore to avoid a collision, weighed anchor on the appearance of the sloop, and stood out to sea. Chase was given, and the sloop being the better sailer, at length came up with the schooner. The latter was armed with four light guns, and fourteen swivels. With these a fire was opened, and a man killed on board the sloop. The latter returned the fire from a wall piece, which, besides clearing the quarter-deck, killed the helmsman of the schooner. A further short conflict ensued, when, by the broaching to of the schooner, the vessels came in contact; upon which, the Americans boarded her, and took her into port. Twenty men on both sides were killed and wounded. Among the former was Captain Moore. Such was the first naval engagement in the war of the Revolution. It was wholly a private adventure--an enterprise on the part of a party banded together in a moment of excitement, and successful with fearful chances against them, only through their superior bravery.

Before the subject of a naval armament was entertained by congress, three of the colonies--Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut--had provided each two vessels, fitted, armed, and equipped, without the orders or advice of congress. The precise time when these vessels were ordered by these colonies cannot, perhaps, be satisfactorily fixed at this distant period.

Mr. Austin, in his life of the late vice-president Gerry, accords to that gentleman the honor of having first made the proposal in the provincial assembly of Massachusetts for appointing a committee to prepare a law to encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to establish a court for the trial and condemnation of prizes. "The law reported by this committee," remarks the biographer, "was passed by the provincial congress November 10th, 1775, and is the first actual avowal of offensive hostility against the mother-country, which is to be found in the annals of the Revolution. It is not the less worthy of consideration as the first effort to establish an American naval armament."

It is certain, however, that previous to the above action of the Massachusetts provincial assembly, but in no respect derogating from her honor, congress had had the subject of armed vessels before them, and had adopted resolutions ordering vessels of a certain description to be provided.

The following extracts from the journal of congress for 1775, exhibit the first action of that body on the subject of a navy: Friday, September 22, 1775, congress appointed a committee to take into consideration the state of the trade of America. Thursday, October 5, 1775, Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed, to prepare a plan for intercepting two vessels which are on their way to Canada, laden with arms and powder; and that the committee proceed on this business immediately.

Pursuant to this resolve, the committee, consisting of Silas Deane, John Langdon, and John Adams, reported that a letter be sent to General Washington, advising him of the sailing of two brigs from England to Quebec, with military stores; and authorizing him to request of the council of Massachusetts any two armed vessels in their service, and dispatch the same to intercept said brigs and cargoes. Also, that the governors of Rhode Island and Connecticut be requested to dispatch, the former one or both of the armed vessels belonging to that colony, and the latter the largest vessel in the service of the colony of Connecticut, on the same enterprise. This report was accepted, and the resolution was adopted.

The preceding measures in respect to a naval movement, were soon followed by others on a more enlarged scale, and looking still further into the future. Several vessels were ordered, by sundry resolves, to be fitted out at the expense of congress--and among them was one able to carry fourteen guns, one twenty, and a third not to exceed thirty-six guns. In November, privateering was authorized, and rules adopted for the navy. In the following month, a resolve was adopted for the building of thirteen ships--five of thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four.

Thus it appears that in 1775, congress authorized a regular marine, consisting of seventeen cruisers, varying in force from ten to thirty-six guns. These vessels were to be built in the four colonies of New England, in New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The following is a list of their names and respective rates, as well as of the colony where each was to be built, viz:

WASHINGTON, 32 guns Pennsylvania. RALEIGH, 32 ---- New Hampshire. HANCOCK, 32 ---- Massachusetts. RANDOLPH, 32 ---- Pennsylvania. WARREN, 32 ---- Rhode Island. MARYLAND, 28 ---- Virginia. TRUMBULL, 28 ---- Connecticut EFFINGHAM, 28 ---- Pennsylvania. CONGRESS, 28 ---- New York. PROVIDENCE, 28 ---- Rhode Island. BOSTON, 24 ---- Massachusetts. MONTGOMERY, 24 ---- New York. DELAWARE, 24 ---- Pennsylvania.

Such was the commencement of the American navy.

Ezekiel Hopkins was placed at the head of the navy, with the title of "commander-in-chief," thus giving him, in respect to the navy, a rank corresponding to the rank of Washington in the army. Among the seamen, his usual appellation was "commodore;" but not unfrequently he was styled "admiral." His pay was one hundred and twenty-five dollars a-month. Other officers for the navy were appointed from time to time, as the exigencies of the service required. Originally, congress left the rank of the several officers to be regulated by those who were actually in command; but this gave rise to discontent and dispute; whereupon, in 1776, congress decided the rank of the several captains. They ranked as follows:

1. James Nicholson, 2. John Manly, 3. Hector McNiel, 4. Dudley Saltonstall, 5. Nicholas Biddle, 6. Thomas Thompson, 7. John Barry, 8. Thomas Read, 9. Thomas Grennall, 10. Charles Alexander, 11. Lambert Wickes, 12. Abraham Whipple, 13. John B. Hopkins, 14. John Hodge, 15. William Hallock, 16. Hoysted Hacker, 17. Isaiah Robinson, 18. John Paul Jones, 19. James Josiah, 20. Elisha Hinman, 21. Joseph Olney, 22. James Robinson, 23. John Young, 24. Elisha Warner.

The arrangement of rank of inferior officers was assigned to the marine committee.

Commodore Hopkins continued to act as commander-in-chief till January 2d, 1777, when, by a vote of congress, he was dismissed from the service, for not performing the duties on which he had been sent with a fleet to the South. From this date, Captain Nicholson became the senior officer of the navy, though only with the rank of captain.

The foregoing general view of the proceedings of congress in relation to the provision and equipment of a naval armament for the Revolutionary contest, must suffice. Had their various resolutions been fully carried into effect, more important results might have been expected from this source of opposition to Great Britain. But the want of funds, but much more the want of materials for the final equipment of vessels which had been launched--such as guns, anchors, rigging, &c.--in some instances retarded, and in others prevented the completion of vessels which had been ordered, and which the exigencies of the country so much required.

By the act of October, 1775, thirteen frigates were ordered to be built. Of these, the Raleigh was laid down in New Hampshire, and in sixty days was launched. But the want of materials for equipment for some time delayed her completion.

The Hancock and Boston were built in Massachusetts, and entered the service.

The Warren and Providence were constructed in Rhode Island, but were the most indifferent of the thirteen.

The Congress and Montgomery, ordered to be built in New York, never reached the mouth of the Hudson, being obliged to be burned in 1777, to prevent their falling into the hands of the British.

The Maryland, constructed in Virginia, was completed, and took her place in the service.

The Randolph, the Washington, the Delaware, and the Effingham were allotted to Pennsylvania. The first of these was launched in 1776, and sailed on her first cruise early in 1777. The Delaware was equipped, but is supposed to have fallen into the hands of the British at the time they took possession of Philadelphia. The Washington and the Effingham were burned by the British in 1778.

"Thus, of the thirteen vessels from which so much was expected, but six got to sea at all in the service in which they were built. To these were added, in the course of the war, a few other frigates, some permanently and some only for single cruises. Of the former class, were the Deane, (Hague,) Alliance, Confederacy, and Queen of France. It is believed that these four ships, added to the thirteen ordered by the law of 1775, and the Alfred and Columbus, will comprise all the frigate-built vessels that properly belonged to the marine of the country during the war of the Revolution. The French vessels that composed most of the squadron of Paul Jones were lent for the occasion, and we hear no more of the Pallas after the cruise had ended. She reverted to her original owners."

During the progress of the war, quite a number of sloops of war and other vessels were employed by congress, and some by the commissioners in France. But a complete catalogue of these, it is now impossible to give.

At the commencement of the Revolution, the flag used on board of some ships, bore a device, representing a pine-tree with a rattle-snake coiled at the root, and ready to strike, with the appropriate motto, "Don't tread on me." Some privateers showed flags with devices upon them after the fancy of their captains or owners; others adopted the arms of the colony from which they sailed, or by whose authority they cruised. In 1777, congress adopted the present national colors.

Many of the officers of the navy were high-spirited and intelligent men. Not a few of the commanders of privateers--and the ocean soon swarmed with them--were distinguished for their nautical skill, and were possessed of as noble and generous impulses as ever actuated the human bosom. None at the present day can adequately realize the obstacles which, at that early period, were to be overcome. Vessels of war were not in existence; even vessels originally adapted for cruising were not numerous. Besides, not only was the government poor, but the fortunes of individuals bore no comparison to some at the present day. And, moreover, the principal theatre of the war was designed from the beginning to be on the land. But the maritime spirit was by no means to be restrained. A writer somewhere remarks, that the conflict between Great Britain and her oppressed and despised colonies had not continued a twelvemonth, when the coasts of the former country were harassed and agitated by the audacity and enterprise of the American cruisers. Insurance in England rose to an unprecedented height. Ship-owners were afraid to trust their vessels abroad; and few indeed did venture, unless they were protected by a convoy. England was made to feel, few and ill-equipped as were the American vessels, compared with her numerous and well-furnished navy, that a nation thoroughly imbued with the love of maritime adventure, was not to be despised, though she were distant and poor.

It is remarked by Mr. Hinton that, "in the course of three years, the Americans had taken more than double the number of their own guns from the enemy, besides a great number of merchantmen of value. More than eight hundred guns had been taken from the enemy during this time by the marine which congress had fitted out; while that of Massachusetts and of the other states were equally successful. The vessels taken by the public and private armed vessels, from the battle of Lexington to the 17th of March, 1776, when the British evacuated Boston, amounted to thirty-four, of considerable size and value, with excellent cargoes. The tonnage of these captured vessels amounted to three thousand six hundred and forty-five tons. In 1776, the British vessels captured by the private armed vessels alone, amounted to the great number of three hundred and forty-two, of which forty-four were rëtaken, eighteen released, and five burned. In the following year, 1777, the success of our privateers was still greater. Vessels were captured to the amount of four hundred and twenty-one. The success continued without any great diminution until 1780. At this time, the British merchants made so strong an appeal to their government, that they provided a convoy for every fleet of merchant vessels to every part of the globe. Out of the fleet sailing from England to the West Indies, consisting of two hundred in number, in the year 1777, one hundred and thirty-seven were taken by our privateers; and from a fleet from Ireland to the West Indies of sixty sail, thirty-five were taken. Taking the years 1775, 6, 7, 8, and 9, say for the first year, thirty-four; second, three hundred and forty-two; third, four hundred and twenty-one; and for the fourth, which has not been accurately given, I believe, in any work, say, and this within bounds, two hundred; and, for the fifth, the same, two hundred; and allowing but one hundred for the balance of the time during the war, will make twelve hundred and ninety-seven, without including those taken by public vessels from 1776 to the close of the war; and this latter number, if it could be precisely given, would add greatly to the list of captures."

The naval names, that have descended to us from this war with the greatest reputation, are those of Manly, Mugford, Jones, Barry, Barney, Waters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle, Hopkins, Robinson, Wickes, Rathburne, and Hacket. Besides these, there were many others, either in the service of one of the state sovereignties, at that time, or of congress, who were equally worthy of notice, but who have been neglected, because they were only commanders of privateers.

It cannot be doubted that, considering the great number of privateers that swarmed upon the ocean during the war, there were sometimes cruelties practiced, and scenes enacted, disgraceful to the perpetrators. The contrary was not to be expected. But generally, the commanders of these privateers were men of principle and humanity. Indeed, instances of the most magnanimous conduct among them might be given. In several cases of capture, when they understood that the owners were friendly to the cause of America, both the vessel and the crew were suffered to depart without losing a particle of property. And still further, the officers of vessels, captured by privateers, as well as by public armed ships, were never deprived of their baggage, and often not of their adventures, when they had any.

From the preceding account of the capture of British vessels, during the Revolution, by American privateers and regular ships of war, it can easily be credited that the ocean must have been the scene of many thrilling and adventurous exploits. The American seamen were fired with a patriotism, not less pure and impulsive than the soldiers on the land. But the story of their bravery, the hardships they endured, the zeal and courage with which they fought, unlike that of their compatriots, were left in a great measure unrecorded; or, if noticed in the papers of the day, were told without those circumstantial details, from which the chief interest of a naval engagement often arises. Some privateersmen probably had not the ability to draw up such accounts, and others who had, not being obliged to report to the government an account of their engagements, lacked the inclination, amid the stirring scenes in which they were engaged. Hence, but few well-authenticated and circumstantial accounts of the operations of this species of force have descended to the present time.

The records of engagements by the regular marine are more abundant, but far from being as copious and circumstantial as those of the American navy, during the late war with Great Britain. Enough of interest, however, exists and more than sufficient for the space which we can allow to the subject. Indeed, we must leave unnoticed several as full of interest and as evincive of prowess, as those which find a place in this volume.

1. RANDOLPH AND YARMOUTH

The Randolph, a frigate of thirty-two guns, was launched at Philadelphia in 1776, and sailed on her first cruise in 1777, being one of the first, if not the very first, of the new vessels built under the resolution of congress of October, 1775, that proceeded to sea. She was commanded by Nicholas Biddle, a man combining all the distinguishing qualifications of a great naval commander.

After having been at sea a few days, a defect in his masts, and a disposition to mutiny discovered in his crew, induced him to put into Charleston. On again sailing, he soon fell in with and captured four Jamaica-men, one of which, the True-Briton, had an armament of twenty-guns. With these prizes, he returned to Charleston. The citizens of that place, pleased with the character and enterprise of Captain Biddle, placed four small vessels of their own under his care; with these and the Randolph he proceeded to sea, in search of several British vessels which had been seen cruising off Charleston for some time. No traces of them, however, were discovered.

Nothing more was heard from this squadron for some time. But, at length, intelligence was received of the most distressing nature. It was contained in a letter of Captain Vincent, of his Britannic majesty's ship Yarmouth, sixty-four, dated March 17th, 1778.

On the 7th of that month, the Yarmouth, while cruising to the east of Barbadoes, discovered six sail bearing south-east, and standing on a wind. On getting nearer, they were discovered to be two ships, three brigs, and a schooner. At nine o'clock P. M., the Yarmouth succeeded in ranging up on the weather-quarter of the largest and leading vessel--the ship, next in size, being astern to leeward. Here, displaying her colors, the Yarmouth ordered the Randolph (for so she proved to be) to show her ensign. At this moment the American flag was run up, and a whole broadside poured in upon the Yarmouth. A spirited action immediately ensued, and for twenty minutes was maintained by both ships with great energy--when on a sudden the Randolph blew up. So near were the ships at the time, that portions of the flying wreck struck the Yarmouth, and even the American ensign fell upon her forecastle. It was rolled up, and not even singed.

Immediately following this catastrophe, the Yarmouth went in pursuit of the other vessels, which, meanwhile, were attempting to escape. But he was unable to come up with them, his own sails having been so injured during the short action had with the Randolph. The chase, therefore, was relinquished, and the Yarmouth continued to cruise in the neighborhood. She was still ignorant of the name of the ill-fated vessel, which she had engaged, nor was there now any prospect of her ever learning it.

But at length, on the 12th, while passing near to the theatre of the engagement, signals of distress were discovered proceeding from persons at a short distance. On reaching them, they proved to be four men, on a piece of wreck. On being taken on board of the Yarmouth, they reported themselves as having belonged to the Randolph, thirty-two, Captain Biddle, blown up in an action with an English frigate on the night of the 7th. They had been floating on the wreck on which they were discovered, without sustenance, since the time of explosion.

These men reported, that, soon after the action commenced, Captain Biddle was severely wounded in the thigh. Being taken below, and seated in a chair, the surgeon was proceeding to examine his wound, when the explosion occurred, by which the vessel was blown into fragments, and the whole crew, officers and men, with the exception of the four named, were in a moment killed. The Yarmouth, in the brief time the action lasted, lost five killed and twelve wounded.

What would have been the result, had not this catastrophe occurred, no one can say. Captain Biddle was fighting at fearful odds. But he was young, ardent, ambitious; and, while we can scarcely refrain from thinking him presumptuous, it is quite apparent, from his actually entering the lists, that he contemplated a victory over his powerful antagonist as an achievement quite possible. He was only twenty-seven years of age. His untimely fate caused a deep sensation in all quarters; the navy was felt to have lost a true friend, and the country a zealous patriot.

2. RALEIGH AND DRUID.

Under the law of 1775, the Raleigh was constructed in New Hampshire. She was a fine twelve-pounder frigate, commanded by Captain Thompson. In the latter part of August, 1777, for the first time, she went to sea. She was accompanied by the Alfred, twenty-four, Captain Hinman. Both vessels were bound to France for military stores.

During the first few days, while running off the coast, they captured several small vessels; and, on the 2d of September, fell in with and captured a scow, called the Nancy, belonging to the outward-bound windward fleet. Learning the direction of this fleet, which was in the advance of the Nancy, Captain Thompson went in chase. On the 3d, the convoy of the fleet was descried. It consisted of the Camel, Druid, Weasel, and Grasshopper, which had under their protection sixty merchantmen. At sunset, Captain Thompson spoke the Alfred, and signified his intention of running in among the fleet, and, if possible, engaging the commodore.

By means of the officers of the Nancy, he had obtained the signals of the fleet, and by means of these he was able to pass for one of the convoy. The Alfred proving unable to carry the requisite sail, Captain Thompson left her, and passed on into the midst of the fleet. His guns being housed and his ports lowered, she showed no signs of preparation for an attack. Added to this, making use of the commodore's signals, he was able to give several of the merchantmen direction how to steer. Thus he avoided suspicion, and was able to run the Raleigh alongside of the vessel of war, and "when within pistol-shot, she hauled up her courses, run out her guns, set her ensign, and commanded the enemy to strike." This was a bold movement. Taken by surprise, the British commander was at an utter loss how to act. The confusion was general. The sails got aback. Taking advantage of the perturbation on board the Druid, (for so she proved,) Captain Thompson poured in upon her a broadside. This was followed by a second, third--twelve broadsides in twenty minutes, scarcely receiving a shot in return.

While thus engaged, a sudden and violent squall came on, which, in a measure, slackened the engagement, and rendered the aim uncertain. As the squall ceased, it was discovered that the convoy had scattered in all directions, and were doing their utmost to escape. The other armed vessels now hastened to the assistance of their crippled companion. Yet the Raleigh continued to deal out her thunder, nor did she haul off until the other vessels were almost within gun-shot of her. Thus compelled, she ran to leeward, and joined the Alfred. Hoping, however, that the commodore might be induced to renew the engagement, she shortened sail, thus giving her antagonist an opportunity to restore his wounded honor; but, instead of this, he hauled in among his convoy. For several following days the American ships continued to follow the fleet, but they were not so fortunate as to receive the respects of any of the vessels of war.

The Druid, which was of twenty guns, was so much disabled as to be obliged immediately to return to England. Her loss was six killed and twenty-six wounded; among the latter, was her commander, Captain Carteret. Five of the wounded subsequently died. The Raleigh had three men killed and wounded.

3. SUB-MARINE WARFARE

During the year 1777, David Bushnell, a native of Connecticut, made several attempts to blow up the ships of the enemy by means of torpedoes. This mode of warfare had employed his thoughts during his collegiate course, so that on graduating in 1775, his plans were in a good degree matured. An account of some of his early plans he gave to the world himself. The following is a description of his celebrated torpedo: "It bore a resemblance to two upper tortoise shells of equal sizes, placed in contact, leaving, at that part which represents the head of the animal, a flue or opening sufficiently capacious to contain the operator, and air to support him thirty minutes. At the bottom, opposite to the entrance, was placed a quantity of lead for ballast. The operator sat upright, and held an oar for rowing forward or backward, and was furnished with a rudder for steering. An aperture at the bottom with its valves admitted water for the purpose of descending, and two brass forcing-pumps served to eject the water within, when necessary for ascending. The vessel was made completely water-tight, furnished with glass windows for the admission of light, with ventilators and air-pipes, and was so ballasted with lead fixed on the bottom as to render it solid, and obviate all danger of oversetting. Behind the sub-marine vessel was a place above the rudder for carrying a large powder magazine; this was made of two pieces of oak timber, large enough, when hollowed out, to contain one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, with the apparatus used for firing it, and was secured in its place by a screw turned by the operator. It was lighter than water, so that he might rise against the object to which it was intended to be fastened.

"Within the magazine was an apparatus constructed to run any proposed period under twelve hours; when it had run out its time, it unpinioned a strong lock, resembling a gun-lock, which gave fire to the powder. This apparatus was so pinioned, that it could not possibly move, until, by casting off the magazine from the vessel, it was set in motion. The skillful operator could swim so low on the surface of the water, as to approach very near the ship in the night, without fear of being discovered, and might, if he chose, approach the stem or stern above water, with very little danger. He could sink very quickly, keep at any necessary depth, and row a great distance in any direction he desired, without coming to the surface. When he rose to the top, he could soon obtain a fresh supply of air, and, if necessary, descend again and pursue his course."

With a torpedo of the above construction, Bushnell made an experiment on the Eagle, a sixty-gun ship, then lying in the harbor of New York, and under command of Lord Howe. A sergeant of one of the Connecticut regiments conducted the operation. General Putnam, standing on the wharf, was a witness of the proceeding.

The sergeant, having under cover of night proceeded to the ship, attempted to fasten the torpedo to her bottom by means of a screw. But in this he failed, striking, as he supposed, a bar or bolt of iron, which resisted the screw. In attempting to move to another place, he passed from under the ship, and soon rose to the surface. By this time, daylight had so far advanced as to make any further experiments hazardous. He therefore concluded to return to New York. On passing Governor's island, supposing himself discovered by the British stationed there, he cast off his magazine, and proceeded without it. The internal apparatus was set to run one hour; at the expiration of which, it blew up, in a tremendous explosion, throwing a vast column of water to a great height, to the no small wonder of the enemy.

This experiment was followed in the course of the year by an attempt from a whaling-boat against the frigate Cerebus, off New London. The expedient adopted in this case was to draw a machine, loaded with powder, against her side by means of a line, to be exploded by a gun-lock. But failing to attach itself as intended, against the frigate, it became attached to a schooner, at anchor astern of the frigate, which, on exploding, it demolished.

In a letter addressed to Sir Peter Parker, by Commodore Simmons, at the time of the explosion on board the Cerebus, he gave an account of this singular disaster. Being at anchor to the westward of the town with a schooner which he had taken, about eleven o'clock in the evening he discovered a line towing astern from the bows. He believed some person had been veered away by it, and immediately began to haul in. A sailor belonging to the schooner taking it for a fishing-line, laid hold of it, and drew it in about fifteen fathoms. It was buoyed up by small pieces tied to it at regular distances. At the end of the rope a machine was fastened, too heavy for one man to pull up, for it exceeded one hundred pounds in weight. The other people of the schooner coming to his assistance, they drew it upon deck. While the men, to gratify their curiosity, were examining the machine, it exploded, blew the vessel into pieces, and set her on fire. Three men were killed, and a fourth blown into the water, very much injured. On subsequent examination, the other part of the line was discovered buoyed up in the same manner; this the commodore ordered to be instantly cut away, for fear (as he termed it) of hauling up another of the "infernals!"

The above mode of warfare cannot but be considered too shocking and inhuman to be encouraged by civilized nations, and we do not regret that the experiment of Bushnell, and the more recent experiments of Fulton, failed. But it is said that the failure of his efforts cast a deep and permanent gloom over the mind of Bushnell.

4. LE BON HOMME RICHARD AND SERAPIS.

On the 10th of April, 1778, the celebrated John Paul Jones sailed on a cruise from France, having the Ranger placed under his command by the American commissioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee. In consideration of his previous valuable services, he was allowed to cruise wherever he pleased. Accordingly, he directed his course along the British coast, and for a time kept the people of the maritime part of Scotland, and part of England, in a state of great alarm and excitement.

Among his exploits on this cruise, previous to that in which he engaged the Serapis, his descent upon Whitehaven was of the boldest character. Two forts, with thirty pieces of cannon, guarded this port, in which, at the time, were a hundred vessels at anchor.

"Two parties landed in the night; the forts were seized and the guns spiked; the few look-outs that were in the works being confined. In effecting this duty, Captain Jones was foremost in person; for, having once sailed out of that port, he was familiar with the situation of the place. An accident, common to both the parties into which the expedition had been divided, came near defeating the enterprise in the outset. They had brought candles in lanterns, for the double purpose of lights and torches, and, now that they were about to be used as the latter, it was found that they were all consumed. As the day was appearing, the party under Mr. Wallingford, one of the lieutenants, took to its boat without effecting any thing, while Captain Jones sent to a detached building, and obtained a candle. He boarded a large ship, kindled a fire in her steerage, and by placing a barrel of tar over the spot, soon had the vessel in flames. This ship lay in the midst of more than a hundred others, high and dry, the tide being out; Captain Jones took to his boats, and pulled towards his ship. Some guns were fired on the retiring boats without effect; but the people of the place succeeded in extinguishing the flames before the mischief became very extensive."

During this cruise, another bold enterprise was undertaken. This was an attempt to seize the Earl of Selkirk, who had a seat on St. Mary's Isle, near the point, where the Dee flows into the channel. Jones was well acquainted with the place, his father having been gardener to the earl, but he was not himself immediately engaged in the attempt, that being entrusted to a subordinate officer. The party landed, demanded and took possession of the house, but, to their great disappointment, the duke himself was absent. One unauthorized act of the party, Captain Jones condemned, viz: the seizure of about one hundred pounds value of plate. This, however, he afterwards purchased of the crew, and returned to Lady Selkirk, with a letter expressive of his regrets at the occurrence.

He next steered towards the coast of Ireland, where he encountered the Drake, twenty, a ship which he had a sincere desire to meet. On approaching the Ranger, the Drake hailed, and received the name of her antagonist, by way of challenge, with a request to come on. As the two ships were standing on in this manner, the Drake a little to leeward and astern, the Ranger put her helm up, a manœuvre that the enemy imitated, and the former gave the first broadside. The wind admitted of but few changes, but the battle was fought running fire, under easy canvas. It lasted an hour and four minutes, when the Drake called for quarter, her ensign being already cut down.

The English ship was much cut up, both in her hull and aloft, and Captain Jones computed her loss at about forty men. Her captain and lieutenant were both desperately wounded, and died shortly after the engagement. The Ranger suffered much less, having Lieutenant Wallingford and one man killed, and six wounded. The Drake was not only a heavier ship, but she had a much stronger crew than her antagonist. She had also two guns the most.

With this prize, Jones returned to Brest, where for a time he remained in hope of receiving a more important command, and which had brought him to Europe.

After many delays, the king of France purchased for him the Duras, an old Indiaman, which name Jones exchanged for Le Bon Homme Richard.[51] To this were, added by order of the French ministry, the Pallas, Cerf, and Vengeance, and, by Dr. Franklin, commissioner, the Alliance, thirty-two, then in France. The Cerf and Alliance were the only vessels of the squadron fitted for war.

With this squadron, Commodore Jones, on the 19th of June, 1779, sailed from the anchorage under the Isle of Groix, off l'Orient, bound southward; but, finding it necessary to return, he left the anchorage a second time, on the 14th of August. About the 23d of September, he fell in with a fleet of merchantmen, of more than forty sail, under convoy of the Serapis, forty-four, Captain Richard Pearson, and the Countess of Seaborough, twenty-two.

The Serapis was a new ship, mounting on her lower gun-deck, twenty eighteen-pound guns, on her upper gun deck, twenty nine-pound guns, and on her quarter-deck and forecastle, ten six-pound guns; making an armament of fifty guns in the whole. Her crew consisted of three hundred and twenty men. The Bon Homme Richard was a single-decked ship, with six old eighteen-pounders mounted in the gun-room below, and twenty-eight twelve-pounders on her main or proper gun-deck, with eight nines on her quarter-deck forecastle, and six in the gangways, making in all a mixed, or rather light amount of forty-two guns. Her crew consisted of three hundred and eighty men, of whom one hundred and thirty-seven were marines or soldiers.

Our narrative will be confined to the action between the Richard and the Serapis, which proved one of the most terrible and hotly-contested engagements recorded in the annals of naval warfare.

About half-past seven in the evening, the Richard came up with the Serapis. Captain Pearson hailed. The answer of Commodore Jones was designedly equivocal, and, in a moment after, both ships delivered their entire broadsides. A sad and destructive catastrophe befel the Richard. Two of her eighteen guns burst, blowing up the deck above, and killing or wounding a large proportion of the people stationed below. This disaster caused all the heavy guns to be deserted, the men having no longer sufficient confidence in them to use them. The loss of these reduced the Richard one-third below that of her rival; in short, it became a contest between a twelve-pounder and an eighteen pounder, a species of contest in which it has been said the former has never been known to prevail. Captain Jones, however, more than most men, was fitted for desperate circumstances, and in a moment determined to make up in rëdoubled activity what was wanting in power of metal.

Nearly an hour was consumed in different manœuvres--shifting, firing--each endeavoring to obtain the advantage of position; till, at length, the vessels came close together, but not in a manner which permitted either party to board. The firing ceased for a few minutes. Captain Pearson, imagining the enemy had surrendered, demanded, "Have you struck your colors?" "I have not yet begun to fight!" vociferated the intrepid Jones.

The ships again separated, and the firing was renewed. Again they fell upon each other, and in the moment of collision, Captain Jones, with his own hands, lashed the enemy's head-gear to his mizen-mast. This brought them more entirely side by side, and it being desirable on the part of Captain Jones to retain the enemy in that position, additional lashings were employed to effect that object. This was a disappointment to Captain Pearson, but he determined to be first in boarding, and now made a vigorous attempt with that object in view, but was repulsed.

"All this time, the battle raged. The lower ports of the Serapis having been closed, as the vessels swung, to prevent boarding, they were now blown off, in order to allow the guns to be run out; and cases actually occurred in which the rammers had to be thrust into the ports of the opposite ship, in order to be entered into the muzzles of their proper guns. It is evident that such a conflict must have been of short duration. In effect, the heavy metal of the Serapis, in one or two discharges, cleared all before it, and the main guns of the Richard were in a great measure abandoned. Most of the people went on the upper deck, and a great number collected on the forecastle, where they were safe from the fire of the enemy, continuing to fight by throwing grenades and using muskets.

"In this stage of the combat, the Serapis was tearing her antagonist to pieces below, almost without resistance from her enemy's batteries, only two guns on the quarter-deck, and three or four of the twelves, being worked at all. To the former, by shifting a gun from the larboard side, Commodore Jones succeeded in adding a third, all of which were used with effect, under his immediate inspection, to the close of the action. He could not muster force enough to get over a second gun. But the combat would now have soon terminated, had it not been for the courage and activity of the people aloft. Strong parties had been placed in the tops; at the end of a short contest, the Americans had driven every man belonging to the enemy below; after which, they kept up so animated a fire, on the quarter-deck of the Serapis in particular, as to drive nearly every man off it, that was not shot down.

"Thus, while the English had the battle nearly all to themselves below, their enemies had the control above the upper-deck. Having cleared the tops of the Serapis, some American seamen lay out on the Richard's main-yard, and began to throw hand-grenades upon the two upper-decks of the English ship; the men on the forecastle of their own vessel seconding these efforts, by casting the same combustibles through the ports of the Serapis. At length, one man in particular became so hardy, as to take his post on the extreme end of the yard, whence, provided with a bucket filled with combustibles and a match, he dropped the grenades with so much precision, that one passed through the main-hatchway. The powder-boys of the Serapis, had got more cartridges up than were wanted, and, in their hurry, they had carelessly laid a row of them on the main-deck, in a line with the guns. The grenade just mentioned, set fire to some loose powder that was lying near, and the flash passed from cartridge to cartridge beginning abreast the main-mast, and running quite aft.

"The effect of this explosion was awful. More than twenty men were instantly killed, many of them being left with nothing on them but the collars and wristbands of their shirts, and the waistbands of their duck trowsers; while the official returns of the ship, a week after the action, show that there were no less than thirty-eight wounded on board still alive, who had been injured in this manner, and of whom thirty were said to have been then in great danger. Captain Pearson describes this explosion as having destroyed nearly all the men at the five or six aftermost guns. On the whole, nearly sixty must have been disabled by this sudden blow.

"The advantage thus obtained by the coolness and intrepidity of the topmen, in a great measure restored the chances of the combat; and, by lessening the fire of the enemy, enabled Commodore Jones to increase his. In the same degree that it encouraged the crew of the Richard, it diminished the hopes of the people of the Serapis. One of the guns, under the immediate inspection of Commodore Jones, had been pointed some time against the main-mast of his enemy, while the two others had seconded the fire of the tops, with grape and cannister. Kept below decks by this double attack, where a scene of frightful horror was present in the agonies of the wounded, and the effects of the explosion, the spirits of the English began to droop, and there was a moment when a trifle would have induced them to submit. From this despondency, they were temporarily raised, by one of those unlooked-for events that ever accompany the vicissitudes of battle.

"After exchanging an ineffective and distant broadside with the Scarborough, the Alliance kept standing off and on, to leeward of the two principal ships, out of the direction of their shot, when, about half-past eight, she appeared crossing the stern of the Serapis and the bow of the Richard, firing at such a distance as to render it impossible to say which vessel would suffer the most. As soon as she had drawn out of the range of her own guns, her helm was put up, and she ran down nearly a mile to leeward, hovering about, until the firing had ceased between the Pallas and Scarborough, when she came within hail, and spoke both of these vessels. Captain Cottineau, of the Pallas, earnestly entreated Captain Landais to take possession of his prize, and allow him to go to the assistance of the Richard, or to stretch up to windward in the Alliance himself, and succor the commodore."[52]

At length, Captain Landais determined to go to the assistance of the Richard, but on reaching the scene of engagement, he opened a fire which did as much damage to friend as foe. He was hailed, and informed that he was firing into the wrong ship. At the time, it was supposed to be a mistake; but afterwards it was more than conjectured to have been a wanton and cruel act of revenge on the part of Landais, who had for some time exhibited strong feelings of hostility to Captain Jones, and had neglected on several occasions to follow out his orders.

"Let the injuries have been received," continues Mr. Cooper, "from what quarter they might, soon after the Alliance had run to leeward, an alarm was spread in the Richard that the ship was sinking. Both vessels had been on fire several times, and some difficulty had been experienced in extinguishing the flames; but here was a new enemy to contend with, and as the information came from the carpenter, whose duty it was to sound the pump-wells, it produced a great deal of consternation. The Richard had more than a hundred English prisoners on board, and the master-at-arms, in the hurry of the moment, let them all up below, in order to save their lives. In the confusion of such a scene at night, the master of a letter-of-marque, that had been taken off the north of Scotland, passed through a port of the Richard into one of the Serapis, when he reported to Captain Pearson, that a few minutes would probably decide the battle in his favor, or carry his enemy down, he himself having been liberated in order to save his life. Just at this instant, the gunner, who had little to occupy him at his quarters, came on deck, and not perceiving Commodore Jones, or Mr. Dale, both of whom were occupied with the liberated prisoners, and believing the master, the only other superior he had in the ship, to be dead, he ran up the poop to haul down the colors. Fortunately, the flag-staff had been shot away, and, the ensign already hanging in the water, he had no other means of letting his intention to submit be known than by calling out for quarters. Captain Pearson now hailed to inquire if the Richard demanded quarter, and was answered by Commodore Jones himself in the negative. It is probable that the reply was not heard, or if heard, supposed to come from an unauthorized source; for encouraged by what he learned from the escaped prisoner, by the cry, and by the confusion that prevailed in the Richard, the English captain directed his boarders to be called away, and, as soon as mustered, they were ordered to take possession of the prize. Some of the men actually got on the gunwale of the latter ship, but finding boarders ready to repel boarders, they made a precipitate retreat. All this time the topmen were not idle, and the enemy were soon driven below again with loss.

"In the mean while, Mr. Dale, who no longer had a gun that could be fought, mustered the prisoners at the pumps, turning their consternation to account, and probably keeping the Richard afloat by the very blunder that had come so near losing her. The ships were now on fire again, and both parties, with the exception of a few guns on each side, ceased fighting, in order to subdue this dangerous enemy. In the course of the combat, the Serapis is said to have been set on fire no less than twelve times, while towards its close, as will be seen in the sequel, the Richard was burning all the while.

"As soon as order was restored in the Richard, after the call for quarter, her chances for success began to increase, while the English, driven under cover almost to a man, appear to have lost, in a great degree, the hope of victory. Their fire materially slackened, while the Richard again brought a few more guns to bear; the main-mast of the Serapis began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to lessen. About an hour after the explosion, or between three hours and three hours and a half after the first gun was fired, and between two hours and two hours and a half after the ships were lashed together, Captain Pearson hauled down the colors of the Serapis with his own hands, the men refusing to expose themselves to the fire of the Richard's tops."

Thus ended a conflict as murderous and sanguinary as the annals of naval warfare have recorded. Each ship lost about one hundred and fifty men, or nearly one-half of the whole number engaged.

At the time of the surrender, the Richard was on fire, and apparently sinking. So imminent was the danger, that the powder was hastily removed from the magazine, and placed on the deck, to prevent explosion. Men from the other ships were sent on board, and the pumps were kept in motion, and water raised and dashed around until ten o'clock the next day, before the fire was got under. An examination of the ship followed, the result of which was, that it was necessary to abandon her. The wounded were consequently ordered to be removed, and on the following day, about ten o'clock, this gallant ship settled slowly into the sea.

The squadron now left the scene of mortal combat, with the Serapis and Scarborough, the latter having struck to the Pallas. The former having lost her main-mast, jury masts were obliged to be rigged; after driving about in the rough sea until the 6th of October, the squadron and prizes entered the Texel, the port to which they had been ordered to repair.

5. AMERICAN FRIGATE TRUMBULL AND ENGLISH SHIP WATT.

The action between these two vessels, next to that of the Richard and Serapis, is supposed to have been the most severe during the war of the Revolution.

The Trumbull, of thirty-two guns, was commanded by Captain James Nicholson, a spirited and skillful officer. During a cruise in June, 1780, a large ship was perceived bearing down upon the Trumbull's quarter. At half-past eleven, she hauled a point more to stern of her. The Trumbull now made sail, hauling upon a wind towards her, upon which she came down upon the Trumbull's beams. The latter then took in all her small sails, hauled her courses up, hove the main-topsail to the mast, cleared for action, end waited the approach of the enemy.

After several manœuvres on the part of each vessel, Captain Nicholson discovered that his adversary had thirteen ports on each side, and eight or ten on her quarter-deck and forecastle, and of course mounted thirty-six guns. At twelve, the Trumbull, finding her great superiority as to sailing, and having gotten to windward, determined to avail herself of the advantage to commence the engagement.

The stranger, observing the design of Captain Nicholson, fired three shots, and hoisted British colors as a challenge. The Trumbull wore after her, hoisting British colors, with an intention of getting alongside. A private signal was made in turn by the British ship, which not being answered she opened a broadside at a hundred yards distance. The Trumbull, upon this, run up the continental colors, and returned the fire.

Such was the commencement of an action of three hours' continuance. There was bravery, determination, on both sides. During the greater part of the action, the vessels were not fifty yards apart, and at one time, they were nearly enlocked.

Twice was the Trumbull set on fire by means of wads from the other vessel. Her masts and rigging were greatly injured. Observing, at length, that her masts were in imminent danger of going by the board, the first lieutenant informed Captain Nicholson of the danger, and begged him to abandon further attempt to take the enemy's ship, as without masts they should be at his mercy.

It was with great reluctance that Captain Nicholson adopted the course suggested. He was confident that with one half-hour more, he should have been able to have achieved the victory. But yielding to stern necessity, and the dictates of humanity, he gave up the contest. He lost his main and mizen-top-mast, when only musket-shot distant from the other vessel. At length, only her fore-mast was left, and that was badly wounded and sprung. She had eight men killed, and twenty-one wounded, nine of whom died after the action. Her crew consisted of one hundred and ninety-nine men. The English ship proved to be the Watt, letter-of-marque. She had upwards of ninety men killed and wounded. Not less than one hundred balls struck her hull.

6. ALLIANCE, ATALANTA, AND TREPASSEY.

In February, 1781, Captain Barry, of the frigate Alliance, of thirty-two guns, sailed from Boston for l'Orient, having on board Colonel Lawrence, destined to France on an important embassy to the French court. Having landed Mr. Lawrence, he sailed on a cruise.

On the 28th of May, two sail were discovered on the weather-bow of the Alliance, standing towards her. After having approached sufficiently near to be discovered by Captain Barry, they hauled to wind, and stood on the same course with the Alliance. On the 29th, at day-break, the wind lulled. At sunrise, the Alliance displayed the American colors, and preparations were made for action. The men look their stations.

The vessels with which the Alliance was now to contend were a ship and a brig, displaying English colors--the Atalanta, Captain Edwards, carrying twenty guns and one hundred and thirty men, and the Trepassey, of fourteen guns and eighty men, under command of Captain Smith.

The advantage was, both as to men and guns, on the side of the British; but more than this, as the Alliance must necessarily engage both at the same time. But Captain Barry, no way daunted, determined to do his duty as an officer and a patriot. He, therefore, summoned them to strike their colors. To such a summons they had, of course, no inclination to accede, and the engagement opened with a spirit corresponding to the interest at stake. Unfortunately for the Alliance, a perfect calm prevailed--and on the bosom of the water she lay, in respect to motion, as a thing devoid of life. The opposing vessels had sweeps, and were therefore able to choose their positions. And the most advantageous positions they did choose--they lay on the quarters, and athwart the stern of the Alliance. Consequently, but few of her guns could be brought to bear.

Added to these untoward circumstances, there soon occurred, on board the Alliance, a still greater misfortune. A grape-shot struck the shoulder of Captain Barry, inflicting a severe and dangerous wound. But he neither heeded its pain nor its danger, but continued on the quarter-deck, marking the progress of the action, and giving his orders as occasion required. At length, however, by reason of loss of blood, he was obliged to be borne below. At this time, the American flag was shot away, and fell. There was a momentary pause on board the Alliance, which the enemy construing into a surrender, they filled the air with loud rejoicings.

But they mistook. The flag had been shot down, not hauled down. The supposed pause was only the needful interval occupied in rëloading. The colors were soon rëinstalled, and again floated as proudly as before; and a full broadside from the Alliance showed to her foes how the interval had been occupied. That broadside rëcalled them to their quarters. Fortunately, about this time, a welcome breeze, though still light, sprung up. The sails of the Alliance, which had scarcely served any purpose during the engagement, and seemed destined to acquire no honor in the coming victory--the sails were no longer idle. They soon brought the vessel into a more favorable position. This circumstance added to the confidence and rëdoubled the efforts of the seamen. Broadside followed broadside in quick succession, and did all desirable execution. At three o'clock in the afternoon the action terminated: the Alliance was the victor.

On being ushered into the presence of Barry, Captain Edwards presented his sword; which, however, the former declined taking, observing, "that he richly merited it, and that his king ought to give him a better ship."

The importance of firmness and perseverance, in a commander, was well illustrated during the above engagement. Soon after Barry received his wound, and had been obliged to go below, one of his lieutenants, disheartened by the misfortune which had befallen his commander, and appalled by the fearful devastation which seemed to be making by the enemy with the ship's spars and rigging, repaired to him, and proposed that the colors should be struck.

Barry started. The colors be struck! no such thought had entered his mind. The colors be struck! "No!" said he; "if the ship can't be fought without me, carry me at once on deck." The lieutenant, if ashamed, was also rëanimated. He repaired on deck, went round among the crew, and made known Barry's courage and determination. There was but one response among the brave tars. They decided to "stick to him manfully." And they did. From that moment "the ship was fought"--and fought without the presence of Barry. But no sooner was his wound dressed, than he insisted on being aided in ascending to the deck; before reaching it, however, the enemy had struck. Brave seamen! brave commander!

The Alliance had eleven killed during the action, and twenty-one wounded. Among the latter, were several officers. She had suffered terribly in her spars and rigging. The loss of the enemy was eleven killed and thirty wounded.

7. CONGRESS AND SAVAGE.

The Savage was a British sloop, carrying twenty guns and about one hundred and fifty men. In September, 1781, while on a cruise along the Southern coast of the United States, she entered the Potomac, and plundered the estate of Washington, then in another quarter, commanding the American army. It was an expedition unworthy a high-minded and honorable officer, and a well-merited rebuke was soon after meted out to him.

On leaving the Potomac, the Savage fell in with the American privateer Congress, Captain Geddes, off Charleston. The vessels were of the same force. On board the Congress, at the time, was Major McLane, a distinguished American officer, who with a part of his command had volunteered to serve as marines. As the crew of the Savage were all seamen, she had decidedly the advantage, in respect to the Congress, whose crew, in part, were landsmen, unacquainted with marine warfare.

The vessels were now within cannon distance. The Congress commenced by firing her bow-chasers. This was at half-past ten in the morning. At eleven, they had approximated so near each other, that the landsmen employed their musketry, and with effect. A sharp and destructive cannonade followed on both sides.

At the commencement of the engagement, the advantage lay with the Savage. Her position being on the Congress' bows, was favorable for raking. But a closer engagement followed, and the tide turned in favor of the privateer. So well did she manœuvre, so promptly, so dextrously, that she soon disabled her enemy. At the expiration of an hour, the braces and bowlines of the Savage were shot away. Not a rope was left by which to trim the sails. The musketry of the Americans had cleared her decks. In this situation, it was deemed impossible that she could much longer continue the contest. Indeed, she was already nearly a wreck--her sails, rigging, and yards were so shattered as to forbid her changing her position, but with the greatest difficulty. She would not, however, surrender, but rëcommenced a vigorous cannonade. Again her quarter-deck and forecastle were cleared by the fatal musketry of the American landsmen. Three guns on her main deck were rendered useless. The vessels were now so near each other, that the fire from the guns scorched the men opposed to them in the other. At length, the mizen-mast of the Savage was shot away. At this instant, the boatswain of the Savage appeared forward, with his hat off, calling for quarter. But it was half an hour before the crew of the Congress could board her, by reason of the loss of their boats. But, on reaching her, she was found to be scarcely more than a wreck. Her decks were covered with blood, and killed and wounded men.

The Congress had thirty men killed and wounded. The Savage had twenty-three killed and thirty-one wounded. Among the latter, was her commander, Captain Sterling.

The marine service often furnished examples of great heroism and most patriotic endurance. Such an instance occurred on board the Congress. After the action terminated, Major McLane went forward to ascertain what had become of his sergeant, Thomas. He found the poor fellow lying on his back in the netting, near the foot of the bowsprit, with his musket loaded, but both legs broken. "Poor fellow!" thought the major, as he beheld him; "poor fellow!" But the poor fellow began huzzaing lustily for the victory achieved; and followed his exulting and even vociferous huzzas by a corresponding exclamation addressed to his major: "Well, major, if they have broken my legs, my hands and my heart are still whole."

Sergeant Thomas was terribly wounded, but the kind-hearted major did not neglect him. The best care was taken of him; ultimately, he recovered; and, nothing deterred by the painful experience he had had of the sometimes ill-fortune of war, he entered on board the Hyder Ali, commanded by Captain Barney.

It is ever delightful to record instances of high-minded and magnanimous conduct on the part of victors towards the vanquished. This engagement furnishes one most honorable to the American character. The officers and crew of the Savage were treated with the greatest kindness and attention. Major McLane even accompanied Captain Sterling into Pennsylvania, to secure him from insult, his treatment of American prisoners having rendered him highly obnoxious to the patriots.

Such is a brief account of some of the exploits of the American marine during the war of the Revolution. There were others perhaps equally honorable to the skill and enterprise of our naval officers, but which our limits forbid us to notice. On the breaking out of the war, the country was poorly prepared to enter the lists with the mistress of the ocean. Indeed, it was not until 1776, that the forbearing policy of congress was abandoned, and the nautical enterprise of the country was let loose upon British commerce. From that time, however, American valor was exhibited in its true and persevering spirit, and contributed, as far as it had scope, in inducing the mother-country to acknowledge the independence of her wayward child--which she did on the 20th of January, 1783.

Upon this most desirable event, orders of recall were issued to all naval commanders; and the commissions of privateers and letters of marque were annulled. On the 11th of April following, a proclamation from the proper authorities announced the cessation of hostilities. From this time, as the glad intelligence spread, the helms of our warlike ships were turned towards our home ports, leaving the merchantmen again to the peaceful possession of that element, which for years they had traversed, if at all, at the greatest hazard.

FOOTNOTES:

[51] Jones was an ardent man, and bore disappointment and delay with no good grace. Chance one day threw into his hands an old almanac, containing Poor Richard's Maxims, by Dr. Franklin. In that curious assemblage of useful instructions, a man is advised, "if he wishes to have any business faithfully and expeditiously performed, to go and do it himself--otherwise, to send." Jones was immediately struck, upon reading this maxim, with the impropriety of his past conduct, in only sending letters and messages to court, when he ought to have gone in person. He instantly set out, and, by dint of personal representation, procured the immediate equipment of the squadron, which afterwards spread terror along the Eastern coasts of England, and with which he so gloriously captured the Serapis, and the British ships of war returning from the Baltic. In gratitude to Dr. Franklin's maxim, he named the principal ship of his squadron after the name of the pretended almanac-maker, Le Bon Homme Richard, the Good Man Richard.

[52] Cooper's Naval History.

XV. EMINENT FOREIGNERS,

CONNECTED WITH THE REVOLUTION.

George III. King of England--General Burgoyne--Sir Henry Clinton--Colonel Barre--Charles Townshend--Lord Cornwallis--William Pitt--Marquis of Bute--George Grenville--Duke of Grafton--Lord North--Colonel Tarleton--Sir Peter Parker--Sir William Meadows--Sir Guy Carlton--General Gage--Marquis of Rockingham--Edmund Burke--Kosciusko--Count Pulaski--Baron de Kalb--Baron Steuben--Count Rochambeau--Count D'Estaing.

In the preceding pages, we have had occasion to trace the causes and events of that struggle which resulted in the independence of the United States; and, in so doing, incidental mention has been made of some of the leading men of England, who figured in the cabinet, in the field, and on the ocean; with the part they acted either in favor of, or in opposition to the grand object of the colonies in their contest with the mother-country. Judging from his own early desires, the author persuades himself that he will be conferring a favor upon his readers by giving some brief sketches, in this place, of those distinguished men, and of others, who contributed to retard or accelerate the final result. Such notices of the most prominent, we proceed to give, beginning with the monarch, the great fountain of power and law, then on the throne of Great Britain.

GEORGE III.

George III. was born in 1738, and succeeded to the throne on the death of his grandfather, George II., October 25, 1760, about the time the troubles with America began. At this period, principally through the lofty spirit and political sagacity of Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, who was, and for some time had been, at the head of the administration, the affairs of the nation were in a most prosperous state. The army and navy were highly efficient, and flushed with recent conquests; the revenue flourished; commerce was increasing; the people were loyal; and, perhaps, no prince had ascended the throne of his ancestors with more flattering prospects than George the Third.

Soon after ascending the throne, the king evinced a determination to procure a general peace. In this measure he differed from his great minister, Pitt, who, on that account, retired from office, October 5, 1761. Peace, however, contrary to the wishes and designs of the king could not be obtained on a just basis, and the war proceeded.

In May, 1762, Lord Bute, a particular favorite of the king, who had contrived to gain a remarkable ascendancy over him, succeeded the Duke of Newcastle, as first lord of the treasury. Preliminaries of peace between England, France, and Spain, were signed on the 3d of November, and the definite treaty followed, February 10th, 1763. The people, however, were by no means pacifically inclined, or contented with the political ascendancy of Lord Bute, whose administration was attacked with unsparing severity by several popular writers, particularly by the celebrated John Wilkes, in his periodical paper, called the North Briton. The arrest of Wilkes, and the seizure of his papers under a general warrant, issued by the secretary of state for the home department, increased the indignation and clamors of the people; Lord Bute was execrated throughout the country, and the king himself became exceedingly unpopular. The removal of the favorite, and the appointment of George Grenville to the head of the treasury, having failed to allay the national irritation, Pitt, it is asserted, was at length summoned to court, and requested to make arrangements for forming a new ministry; but he presumed, it is added, to dictate such arrogant terms, that, rather than submit to them, the king said he would place the crown on Pitt's head, and submit his own neck to the axe.

In 1764, the king suggested to Grenville the taxation of America, as a grand financial measure for relieving the mother-country from the heavy war expenses, which, it was unjustly claimed, had chiefly been incurred for the security of the colonies. The minister was startled, and raised objections to the proposal, which, however, were overruled by the king, who plainly told him that, if he were afraid to adopt such a measure, others might easily be found who possessed more political courage. At length, Grenville reluctantly brought the subject before parliament; and, in spite of a violent opposition, the stamp act, so important in its consequences, was passed in the following year. The most alarming irritation prevailed among the colonists of America.

The Rockingham party, which now came into power, procured the repeal of the stamp act; but, notwithstanding this and some other popular measures of the new cabinet, it was dissolved in the summer of 1766. The Duke of Grafton succeeded Lord Rockingham, as first lord of the treasury, and Pitt (then Earl of Chatham) took office as lord privy seal. In the following year, Charles Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer, proposed the taxation of certain articles imported by the American colonists; and, early in 1768, Lord Chatham retired in deep disgust from the administration, which, during the preceding autumn, had been weakened by the succession of Lord North to Charles Townshend, as chancellor of the exchequer. Some other official changes took place; one of the most important of which, perhaps, was the appointment of Lord Hillsborough to the new colonial secretaryship.

The aspect of affairs in America grew more serious every hour: the deputies of Massachusetts declared taxation by the British parliament to be illegal; a scheme for a general congress of the different states was proposed, and an open rupture with the mother-country was evidently approaching. Blind to the consequences of their fatal policy, the king and his ministers, however, persisted in those measures, with regard to the trans-Atlantic colonies, which eventually produced a dismemberment of the empire.

In January, 1770, the Duke of Grafton resigned all his employments; but, unfortunately for America, he was succeeded by Lord North, who increased rather than alleviated the national calamities, and was decidedly with the king in his determination never to yield to the demands of the colonists, but to coerce them to submission, however unjustly, by the arm of power.

In 1782, Lord North was compelled to resign, and the Rockingham party, friendly to the independence of America, came into office; but the new administration soon afterwards broke up, on account of the sudden death of the premier. Lord Shelburne was now placed at the head of the treasury, and Pitt, son of the great Earl of Chatham, became chancellor of the exchequer.

In 1783, a general peace was concluded, and the United States procured a formal acknowledgment of their independence. When Adams, the first American envoy, attended at the levee, the king, to whom he was personally disagreeable, received him with dignified composure, and said, "I was the last man in England to acknowledge the independence of America, but having done so, I shall also be the last to violate it." This was highly honorable to the king. America was a jewel in the British crown which was increasing in lustre, to part with which was truly painful to royal ambition. Nor did George III. consent to any acts which tended to this relinquishment, only as he was compelled to it by the ill success of his armies in America, and the clamorous demands for peace by his subjects at home. But having, at length, parted with this jewel, and having acknowledged the independence of America, he nobly declared his intention to live in peace with this newborn empire.

JOHN BURGOYNE.

General Burgoyne was the natural son of Lord Bingley. At an early age he entered the army; and while quartered with his regiment at Preston, married Lady Charlotte Stanley, whose father, the Earl of Derby, was so incensed at the match, that he threatened utterly to discard her; but a reconciliation at length took place, and the earl allowed her three hundred pounds a-year during his life, and, by his will, bequeathed her a legacy of twenty-five thousand pounds. The influence of the family to which Burgoyne had thus become allied, tended materially to accelerate his professional advance. In 1762, he acted as brigadier-general of the British forces which were sent out for the defence of Portugal against France and Spain.

In 1775, he was appointed to a command in America; whence he returned in the following year, and held a long conference with the king on colonial affairs. Resuming his post in 1777, he addressed a proclamation to the native Indians, in which he invited them to his standard, but deprecated, with due severity, the cruel practice of scalping. The pompous turgidity of style, in which this address was couched, excited the ridicule of the Americans, and procured for General Burgoyne the soubriquet of "Chrononhotonthologos." His first operations were successful: he dislodged the enemy from Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and took a large number of cannon, all their armed vessels and batteries, as well as a considerable part of their baggage, ammunition, provisions, and military stores. But his subsequent career was truly disastrous; his troops suffered much from bad roads, inclement weather, and a scarcity of provisions; the Indians, who had previously assisted him, deserted; and the Americans, under General Gates, surrounded him with a superior force, to which, although victorious in two engagements, he was, at length, compelled to capitulate at Saratoga, with the whole of his army. This event, which rendered him equally odious to ministers and the people, was, for some time, the leading topic of the press; and numberless lampoons appeared, in which the general's conduct was most severely satirized. The punsters of the day, taking advantage of the American general's name, amused themselves unmercifully at Burgoyne's expense; but of all their effusions, which, for the most part, were virulent rather than pointed, the following harmless epigram, poor as it is, appears to have been one of the best:

"Burgoyne, unconscious of impending fates, Could cut his way through woods, but not through GATES."

In May, 1778, he returned to England, on his parole, but the king refused to see him. Burgoyne solicited a court-martial, but in vain. In 1779, he was dismissed the service for refusing to return to America. Three years after, however, he was restored to his rank in the army, appointed commander-in-chief in Ireland, and sworn in one of the privy-council of that kingdom. He died suddenly of a fit of the gout, at his house in Hertford street, on the 4th of August, 1792; and his remains were interred in the cloisters of Westminster abbey.

It would, perhaps, be rash to pronounce a positive opinion of the merits of Burgoyne, as a commander. He boldly courted a scrutiny into the causes which led to his surrender at Saratoga, which ministers refused, because, as it has been insinuated, such a proceeding might expose the absurd imprudence and inefficiency of their own measures with regard to the American war. Prior to the capitulation, his military career, as well in America as Portugal, had been rather brilliant; his misfortune was precisely that which befel Cornwallis; but, unlike the latter, Burgoyne was not allowed an opportunity of redeeming his reputation.

In parliament, he was a frequent and fluent, but neither a sound nor an impressive speaker. While in employment, he appears to have been a staunch advocate for the American war; which, however, he severely reprobated, from the time that he ceased to hold a command. He was a writer, chiefly dramatic, of considerable merit.

SIR HENRY CLINTON.

This distinguished general was a grandson of the Earl of Clinton, and was born about the year 1738. After having received a liberal education, he entered the army, and served for some time in Hanover. In the early part of the revolutionary struggle he came to America, and was present at the battle of Bunker's hill; from which time to the close of the American war, he continued to aid the British cause. In 1777, he was made a Knight of the Bath, and in January, 1778, commander-in-chief of the British forces in America. On his return to England, a pamphlet war took place between him and Cornwallis, as to the surrender of the latter, the entire blame of which each party attributed to the other. In 1793, he obtained the governorship of Gibraltar, in possession of which he died on the 23d of December, 1795.

The merits of Sir Henry Clinton, as a commander, have been variously estimated; and, as is usually the case, the truth seems to be intermediate between the panegyric of his friends and the censure of his enemies. That he was endowed with bravery, and possessed a considerable share of military skill, cannot, in fairness, be denied; but he was decidedly unequal to the great difficulties of his situation and unfit to contend against so lofty a genius as Washington, supported by a people resolved on obtaining their independence, and fighting on their native soil.

ISAAC BARRE.

Colonel Barre was born in Ireland, about the year 1726. He served at Quebec, under Wolfe, in the picture of whose death, by Benjamin West, his figure is conspicuous. The Earl of Shelburne procured him a seat in parliament, where, acting in opposition to government, he was not only deprived of his offices of adjutant-general and governor of Stirling castle, which he had received as a reward for his services in America, but dismissed from the service. During the Rockingham administration, he was compensated for the loss which he had sustained, by being voted a pension of three thousand two hundred pounds per annum; which he subsequently relinquished, pursuant to an arrangement with Pitt, on obtaining a lucrative, but not distinguished office. He usually took office when his party predominated; and was, in the course of his career, a privy counsellor, vice treasurer of Ireland, paymaster of the forces, and treasurer of the navy. His best speeches were delivered during North's administration, on the American war, to which he appears to have been inflexibly opposed. His oratory was powerful, but coarse; his manner, rugged; his countenance, stern; and his stature, athletic. He was suspected, but apparently without reason, of having assisted in writing the letters of Junius. For the last twenty years of his life, he was afflicted with blindness, which, however, he is said to have borne with cheerful resignation. His death took place on the 20th of July, 1792.

CHARLES TOWNSHEND.

Charles Townshend, son of Viscount Townshend, was born 1725. From his youth, he was distinguished for great quickness of conception and extraordinary curiosity. In 1747, he went into parliament, and continued a member till he died. He held various offices in the government. In 1765, he was paymaster general, and chancellor of the exchequer; and a lord of the treasury in August, 1766, from which period he remained in office until his decease, which took place on the 4th of September, 1767.

In person, Charles Townshend was tall and beautifully proportioned; his countenance was manly, handsome, expressive, and prepossessing. He was much beloved in private life, and enjoyed an unusual share of domestic happiness.

Burke, in his speech on American taxation, thus admirably depicted the general character of Charles Townshend: "Before this splendid orb (alluding to the great Lord Chatham) had entirely set, and while the western horizon was in a blaze with his descending glory, on the opposite quarter of the heavens arose another luminary, and for his hour he became lord of the ascendant. This light, too, is passed, and set for ever! I speak of Charles Townshend, officially the rëproducer of this fatal scheme (American taxation); whom I cannot even now remember, without some degree of sensibility. In truth, he was the delight and ornament of this house, and the charm of every private society which he honored with his presence. Perhaps there never arose in this country, nor in any country, a man of more pointed and finished wit, and (where his passions were not concerned) of a more refined, exquisite, and penetrating judgment. If he had not so great a stock, as some have had who flourished formerly, of knowledge long treasured up, he knew better by far, than any man I ever was acquainted with, how to bring together, within a short time, all that was necessary to establish, to illustrate, and to decorate that side of the question he supported. He stated his matter skillfully and powerfully; he particularly excelled in a most luminous explanation and display of his subject."

CHARLES CORNWALLIS, MARQUIS.

Lord Cornwallis, eldest son of the fifth lord, and first Earl Cornwallis, was born 1738. At the age of twenty, he entered the army, and obtained a captaincy. In 1762, on the death of his brother, he took his seat in the house of lords. In 1770, he and three other young peers, having protested, with Lord Camden, against the taxation of America, Mansfield, the chief justice, is said to have sneeringly observed, "Poor Camden could only get four boys to join him!"

Although he had opposed the measures of the government with regard to the disaffected colonies, yet when hostilities commenced, he did not scruple to accept of active employment against the Americans. His history, during the war, will be found in the preceding pages. He was a proud man, and most humiliating was it when he was obliged to surrender to Washington at Yorktown.

But his failure in America did not impair his reputation. On his return to England, he was made governor of the Tower. In 1786, he was sent to Calcutta, as governor-general and commander-in-chief. Having terminated, successfully, a war in that country, he returned to England. In 1799, he became lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Soon after the expiration of his vice-regency, he was sent to France as plenipotentiary for Great Britain, in which capacity he signed the treaty of Amiens. In 1804, he succeeded the Marquis Wellesley, as governor-general of India. On his arrival at Calcutta, he proceeded, by water, to take the command in the upper provinces. The confinement of the boat, the want of exercise, and the heat of the weather, had a most serious effect on his health. Feeling, soon after he had landed, that his dissolution was at hand, he prepared some valuable instructions for his successor; and the last hours of his life were passed in taking measures to lessen the difficulties which his decease would produce. He expired at Ghazepoore, in Benares, on the 5th of October, 1805.

Lord Cornwallis was not endowed with any brilliancy of talent. He had to contend with no difficulties, on his entrance into life: high birth procured him a military station, which his connexions enabled him to retain, after he had committed an error, or, at least, met with a mischance, that would have utterly ruined a less influential commander. Although ambitious, he appears to have possessed but little ardor. He manifested no extraordinary spirit of enterprise; he hazarded no untried manœuvres; and yet, few of his contemporaries passed through life with more personal credit or public advantage. He had the wisdom never to depute to others what he could perform himself. His perseverance, alacrity, and caution, procured him success as a general, while his strong common sense rendered him eminent as a governor. He always evinced a most anxious desire to promote the welfare of those who were placed under his administration; Ireland and Hindostan still venerate his memory. His honor was unimpeachable; his manners, devoid of ostentation; and his private character, altogether amiable.

Napoleon Buonaparte, in his conversations with Barry O'Meara, declared that Lord Cornwallis, by his integrity, fidelity, frankness, and the nobility of his sentiments, was the first who had impressed upon him a favorable opinion of Englishmen. "I do not believe," said the ex-emperor, "that he was a man of first-rate abilities; but he had talent, great probity, sincerity, and never broke his word. Something having prevented him from attending at the Hôtel de Dieu, to sign the treaty of Amiens, pursuant to appointment, he sent word to the French ministers that they might consider it completed, and that he would certainly execute it the next morning. During the night, he received instructions to object to some of the articles; disregarding which, he signed the treaty as it stood, observing that his government, if dissatisfied, might refuse to ratify it, but that, having once pledged his word, he felt bound to abide by it. There was a man of honor!" added Napoleon; "a true Englishman."

LORD CHATHAM.

William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, was born November 15, 1708. His father was Robert Pitt, of Boconnock, in the county of Cornwall. He received his education at Trinity college, Cambridge. He took a seat in parliament as early as 1735, as a member for Old Sarum. His exalted talents, his lofty spirit, and commanding eloquence, soon rendered him singularly conspicuous. Under George II., in 1757, he became premier of that celebrated war administration, which raised England to a proud prëeminence over the other nations of Europe. His energy was unbounded. "It must be done," was the reply he often made, when told that his orders could not be executed. After which, no excuse was admitted. Under his auspices, England triumphed in every quarter of the globe. In America, the French lost Quebec; in Africa, their chief settlements fell; in the East Indies, their power was abridged; in Europe, their armies suffered defeat; while their navy was nearly annihilated, and their commerce almost reduced to ruin.

On the accession of George the Third, Pitt, who felt strongly impressed with the policy of declaring war against Spain, was thwarted in his wishes by the influence of Lord Bute; and, disdaining to be nominally at the head of a cabinet which he could not direct, he resigned his office in October, 1761.

In 1764, he greatly distinguished himself by his opposition to general warrants, which, with all his accustomed energy and eloquence, he stigmatized as being atrociously illegal. A search for papers, or a seizure of the person, without some specific charge, was, he contended, repugnant to every principle of true liberty. "By the British constitution," said he, "every man's house is his castle! not that it is surrounded by walls and battlements; it may be a straw-built shed; every wind of heaven may whistle round it; all the elements of nature may enter it; but the king cannot; the king dare not."

He invariably opposed, with the whole force of his eloquence, the measures which led to the American war: and long after his retirement from office, he exerted himself most zealously to bring about a reconciliation between the mother-country and her colonies; But when the Duke of Portland, in 1778, moved an address to the crown, on the necessity of acknowledging the independence of America, Lord Chatham, although he had but just left a sick bed, opposed the motion with all the ardent eloquence of his younger days. "My lords," said he, "I lament that my infirmities have so long prevented my attendance here, at so awful a crisis. I have made an effort almost beyond my strength to come down to the house on this day, (and perhaps it will be the last time I shall be able to enter its walls,) to express my indignation at an idea which has gone forth of yielding up America. My lords: I rejoice that the grave has not yet closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy. Pressed down, as I am, by the hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in this most perilous conjuncture; but, my lords, while I have sense and memory, I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the house of Brunswick of their fairest inheritance."

The Duke of Richmond having replied to this speech, Lord Chatham attempted to rise again, but fainted, and fell into the arms of those who were near him. The house instantly adjourned, and the earl was conveyed home in a state of exhaustion, from which he never recovered. His death took place at Hayes, early in the following month, namely, on the 11th of May, 1778. The House of Commons voted the departed patriot, who had thus died gloriously at his post, a public funeral, and a monument in Westminster abbey at the national expense. An income of four thousand pounds per annum was annexed to the earldom of Chatham, and the sum of twenty thousand pounds cheerfully granted to liquidate his debts: for, instead of profiting by his public employments, he had wasted his property in sustaining their dignity, and died in embarrassed circumstances.

In figure, Lord Chatham was eminently dignified and commanding. "There was a grandeur in his personal appearance," says a writer, who speaks of him when in his decline, "which produced awe and mute attention; and, though bowed by infirmity and age, his mind shone through the ruins of his body, armed his eye with lightning, and clothed his lips with thunder." Bodily pain never subdued the lofty daring, or the extraordinary activity of his mind. He even used his crutch as a figure of rhetoric. "You talk, my lords," said he, on one occasion, "of conquering America--of your numerous friends there--and your powerful forces to disperse her army. I might as well talk of driving them before me with this crutch."

CHARLES JAMES FOX.

Charles James Fox was the third son of Henry Fox, Lord Holland, and was born January 24th, 1749. His mother was a daughter of the Duke of Richmond, and his sister the wife of Lord Cornwallis. Lord Holland made it a rule, in the tuition of his children, to follow and regulate, but not to restrain nature. This indulgence was a sad error, as it always is on the part of parents. On arriving to maturity, Charles used to boast that he was, when young, never thwarted in any thing. Two instances are related of this indulgence of the father, before the son was six years old. One day, standing by his father, while he was winding up a watch--"I have a great mind to break that watch, papa," said the boy. "No, Charles; that would be foolish." "Indeed, papa," said he, "I must do it." "Nay," answered the father, "if you have such a violent inclination, I won't baulk it." Upon which, he delivered the watch into the hands of the youngster, who instantly dashed it on the floor.

At another time, while Lord Holland was secretary of state, having just finished a long dispatch which he was going to send, Mr. Charles, who stood near him, with his hand on the inkstand, said, "Papa, I have a good mind to throw this ink over the paper." "Do, my dear," said the secretary, "if it will give you any pleasure." The young gentleman immediately threw on the ink, and his father sat down very composedly to write the dispatch over again.

Such a course of education, we should anticipate, would work the moral ruin of a child. Its baleful influence was seen in after years, in gambling, horse-racing, drinking, and kindred vices, carried to a fearful extent on the part of this son, whose training was so inauspiciously begun and persevered in.

But, despite of these most degrading and ruinous practices, Fox proved to be one of the most accomplished and effective orators, and perhaps we may add, statesman of his times. He was the rival of Pitt; and, though not so finished in his elocution, he not unfrequently equalled him in the effect produced.

By what means he attained to such eminence, it scarcely appears; for the younger part of his life seems to have been so exclusively devoted to his pleasures, as scarcely to have time left for the cultivation of his intellect. His genius, however, was brilliant; and from his earliest years he was in the society of men distinguished for their cultivated intellect, and the eminent part they took in the government of the country. It is related of Fox, that he would not unfrequently spend the entire night at his favorite amusement, gambling, and thence proceed to the House of Commons, when he would electrify the whole assembly with some cogent and brilliant speech.

Fox was a firm, steadfast friend to the Americans and their independence. At the time the measures which led to the American war had come to a crisis, a formidable party existed in England, opposed to the unjust and illiberal policy of the government. To this party, Fox united himself; and, from his conspicuous talents, soon acquired the authority of a leader. In 1773, he opposed the Boston port bill, and apologized for the conduct of the colonies. In his speech on that occasion, he arraigned the measures of the ministers in bold and energetic language, and explained the principles of the constitution with masculine eloquence. The session of 1775, opened with a speech from the king, declaring the necessity of coercion. On this occasion, Fox poured forth a torrent of his powerful eloquence. In that plain, forcible language, which formed one of the many excellencies of his speeches, he showed what ought to have been done, what ministers had promised to do, and what they had not done. He affirmed that Lord Chatham, the king of Prussia--nay, even Alexander the Great--never gained more in one campaign than Lord North had lost.

When the news of the disastrous defeat of Burgoyne reached England, Fox loudly insisted upon an inquiry into the causes of his failure. And in like manner, when the fate of Cornwallis' army at Yorktown was made known, the oppositionists were loud in their denunciations of the proceedings of ministers in regard to the war. Mr. Fox designed to make a motion for an investigation into the conduct of Lord Sandwich, who was at the head of the admiralty. But he was, for a time, too much indisposed to make the attempt. It was on this occasion, that Burke is reported to have said, "that if Fox died, it would be no bad use of his skin, if, like John Ziska's, it should be converted into a drum, and used for the purpose of sounding an alarm to the people of England."

The death of Mr. Fox occurred 13th of August, 1806.

Walpole thus compares the two great orators of England: "Mr. Fox, as a speaker, might be compared to the rough, but masterly specimen of the sculptor's art; Mr. Pitt, to the exquisitely finished statue. The former would need a polish to render him perfect; the latter possessed, in a transcendent degree, every requisite of an accomplished orator. The force of Mr. Fox's reasoning flashed like lightning upon the mind of the hearer: the thunder of Mr. Pitt's eloquence gave irresistible effect to his powerful and convincing arguments."

The sympathy and support of such men as Fox, during our Revolutionary struggle, served to sustain and animate our patriotic fathers. They felt that while they were in the field, engaged in defeating the armies of England, they had friends in the House of Commons, who were making every possible effort to defeat the impolitic and oppressive measures of the king and his ministers.

JOHN STUART.

John Stuart, Marquis of Bute, was born in 1715. In the ninth year of his age, he succeeded his father as Marquis of Bute. On the accession of George the Third, the highest dignities in the state were supposed to be within the grasp of Lord Bute; but, however he might have swayed the king's mind in private, he took no public part in the direction of public affairs until 1761, when he accepted the secretaryship resigned in that year by Lord Holderness. At length, he became prime minister; and, immediately on coming into power, determined, if possible, to effect a peace, which had for some time been negotiating. He accomplished his object, but his success rendered him exceedingly unpopular. He was accused, by some weak-minded persons, of having been bribed by the enemies of his country; and it was added, that the princess dowager had shared with him in the price at which peace had been purchased by the French government.

He quitted office in April, 1763, but continued to exert a powerful influence over the mind of the king, especially in relation to America. Several measures, the object of which was to humble the colonies, and continue them in subjection to the crown, are said to have been suggested by this nobleman. He died in 1792.

GEORGE GRENVILLE.

George Grenville was born 1712. In 1741, he was returned to parliament for the town of Buckingham, for which place he served during the remainder of his life. He held several important offices. In April, 1763, he became first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer. He resigned his office in July, 1765, and died in November, 1770. During his premiership, the project of imposing internal taxes in America was carried into effect. The project was first named to him by the king, and urged upon him. At first, the minister was opposed to the idea, but after having adopted it as a measure of his administration, which he was compelled to do by royal authority, he urged and supported it by all the means in his power.

DUKE OF GRAFTON.

Henry Augustus Fitzroy, Duke of Grafton, was born 1735. He was educated at Cambridge, where he was notoriously profligate. In July, 1766, the Rockingham administration was dissolved, and the Duke of Grafton was made first lord commissioner of the treasury, which office he held until January, 1770. He has received an unenviable notoriety from the strictures of Junius. His administration was composed of men of different political principles and parties. Junius, in a letter addressed to the duke, thus narrates, and severely animadverts upon, the circumstances of his grace's appointment to the premiership: "The spirit of the favorite (Lord Bute) had some apparent influence upon every administration; and every set of ministers preserved an appearance of duration as long as they submitted to that influence; but there were certain services to be performed for the favorite's security, or to gratify his resentments, which your predecessors in office had the wisdom, or the virtue, not to undertake. A submissive administration was, at last, gradually collected from the deserters of all parties, interests, and connexions; and nothing remained but to find a leader for these gallant, well-disciplined troops. Stand forth, my lord, for thou art the man! Lord Bute found no resource of dependence or security in the proud, imposing superiority of Lord Chatham's abilities; the shrewd, inflexible judgment of Mr. Grenville; nor in the mild, but determined integrity of Lord Rockingham. His views and situation required a creature void of all these properties; and he was forced to go through all his division, resolution, composition, and refinement of political chemistry, before he happily arrived at the caput mortuum of vitriol in your grace. Flat and insipid in your retired state, but brought into action, you become vitriol again. Such are the extremes of alternate indolence or fury, which have governed your whole administration!"

FREDERICK NORTH, EARL OF GUILFORD.

This nobleman, better known as Lord North, was the minister of George III., under whose administration England lost her American colonies. He succeeded Charles Townshend, as chancellor of the exchequer; and, in 1770, the Duke of Grafton, as first lord of the treasury, and continued in that high, but laborious office, till the conclusion of the war. As a public character, Lord North was a flowing and persuasive orator, well skilled in argumentation, and master of great presence and coolness of mind; and, in private life, he was very amiable, cheerful, and jocose in conversation, the friend of learned men, and correct in conduct. In his policy towards America, he was stern and uncompromising. On first coming into power, he was inclined to be conciliatory; but soon he adopted restrictive and oppressive measures, more so than his predecessors, and, at length, declared that he would omit no means but that he would bring America in humility at his feet. The faithful warnings of Pitt, Burke, Fox, and others, had no restraining influence, and the consequence was, that America was lost to the British crown. Lord North, in the latter years of his life, was afflicted with blindness. He died July, 1792, aged sixty.

BARRASTRE TARLETON.

Colonel Tarleton was born in Liverpool, on the 21st of August, 1754, and at first commenced studying law, but, on the breaking out of war in America, he entered the army, and, having arrived in that country, he was permitted to raise a body of troops called the "British Legion," which he commanded in several successful excursions against the enemy. Such was the daring intrepidity, energy, and skill, with which he conducted his corps, that he may be said to have greatly accelerated, if not secured, some of the most important victories under Lord Cornwallis. On his return to England, he was made a colonel, and became so popular that, in 1790, he was returned, free of expense, as a member for Liverpool, which he represented in three subsequent parliaments.

In 1818, previously to which he had been raised to the rank of general, he was created a baronet, and, on the coronation of George the Fourth, was made a K. C. B. He was one of the bravest officers of his time, and is described as having been to the British, in the American war, what Arnold, in his early career, was to the Americans.

SIR PETER PARKER.

Sir Peter Parker, son of Rear-admiral Christopher Parker, was born in 1723, and entered the navy under the auspices of his father. Having served with great reputation on several occasions, in 1775 he hoisted his broad pendant on board the Bristol, of fifty guns, in which he proceeded, with a squadron under his command, to the American station. On account of bad weather and other impediments, he did not reach Cape Fear until May, 1776. In the following month, he made an unsuccessful attack on Charleston, in South Carolina. Shortly afterwards, he joined Lord Howe, the commander-in-chief, at New York, whence he was dispatched, with the Asia, Renown, and Preston, to distract the attention of the enemy, while the army attacked the lines on Long Island. Towards the close of the same year, he proceeded, in command of a small squadron, to make an attempt on Rhode Island, of which he obtained possession without loss. He was now advanced to the rank of rear-admiral of the blue; and, a few months after, appointed to the chief command on the Jamaica station, where he served with signal success until 1782, in which year he returned with a convoy to England. Before his death, which occurred in 1811, he became admiral of the blue and admiral of the white.

SIR WILLIAM MEADOWS.

Sir William Meadows was born in 1738. In 1775, he repaired with his regiment to America, where he distinguished himself, particularly at the battle of Brandywine, during which he was wounded.

In 1792, he served under Cornwallis in India. On returning to England, he was appointed governor of the Isle of Wight, and, afterwards, governor of Hull. He died at Bath, 1813.

As a military man, he was highly distinguished. He was invariably cheerful, during an engagement; and his troops, by whom he was much beloved, are said, on more than one occasion, to have mounted the breach, laughing at their general's last joke. His hilarity scarcely ever deserted him; one day, while on a reconnoitering party, he observed a twenty-four-pound shot strike the ground, on his right, in such a direction that, had he proceeded, it would, in all probability, have destroyed him; he, therefore, stopped his horse, and, as the ball dashed across the road in front of him, gracefully took off his hat, and said: "I beg, sir, that you will continue your promenade; I never take the precedence of any gentleman of your family."

GENERAL GAGE.

General Thomas Gage, second son of Viscount Gage, was born about the year 1721, and entered the army at an early age. Having served with considerable credit, he was commissioned as lieutenant-general; soon after which, (April, 1774,) he was appointed to succeed Mr. Hutchinson, as governor of Massachusetts Bay. In May, he sailed for Boston with four regiments, where, contrary to his expectations, he was received with great ceremony and outward respect.

About this time, serious troubles of the colonies with England began. General Gage took strong and decided measures, and hastened, rather than retarded, an open contest. By his order it was that the military stores at Concord were destroyed, which led to the skirmish at Lexington, and which opened the war.

On the 10th of October, 1775, he resigned his command to Sir William Howe, and departed for England. At the time of his death, which took place on the 2d of April, 1788, he was a general in the army. His talents for command are said to have been respectable.

SIR GUY CARLTON.

Guy Carlton, Lord Dorchester, was born in Ireland, in 1722. In 1748, he became lieutenant-colonel. In 1758, he served at the siege of Louisburg under Amherst, and the following year under Wolfe, at the siege of Quebec. Ultimately he became governor of Quebec, and, during his administration, defeated the American flotilla under Arnold. In 1790, having been created Baron Dorchester, he was appointed governor of all the British possessions, except Newfoundland, in North America. The close of his life was passed in retirement. He died in 1808. As a soldier, Lord Dorchester appears to have deservedly obtained a high reputation for courage and skill.

MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM.

Charles Watson Wentworth, Marquis of Rockingham, was born 1730. In 1763, disgusted with the proceedings of Lord Bute, then the reigning favorite at court, he resigned the situation of a lord of the bed-chamber, which he had for some time before held, and also his lord-lieutenancy of Yorkshire. Two years had scarcely elapsed, however, when the whole system of government having undergone a change, he was appointed, in July, 1765, first lord of the treasury, in the room of George Grenville. He seems to have brought to his exalted station an anxious desire to advance the prosperity of his country; and had his talents been equal to his good intentions, his administration might have proved fortunate. But the crisis in which he took office was important and even dangerous, and he had to struggle against the intrigues of an opposition, powerful both in numbers and talent. He soon became convinced of the impracticability of remaining at the helm of affairs, and resigned the premiership on the 1st of August, 1766.

During the long administration of Lord North, the marquis was considered, in the House of Lords, as the head of the aristocratic part of the opposition; but his conduct was entirely free from that political rancor which has too often disgraced the parliamentary behavior of the greatest statesmen in England. At length, Lord North felt compelled to succumb beneath the force and continued attacks of his powerful rival, Fox; and George the Third offered the premiership to Lord Shelburne, who, however, declared that, in his judgment, no one was so well fitted to take the lead in administration as the Marquis of Rockingham. Accordingly, in March, 1782, the marquis was again elevated to the chief direction of affairs, having for his principal colleagues, the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox. The ministry thus formed, seemed likely to be permanent; for it united much of the wealth and talent of the country. The hopes of the nation were, however, doomed to be miserably disappointed. On the 1st of July, the marquis was seized with a violent spasmodic affection, and almost instantly expired. He had long anticipated his approaching death, and is said to have expressed but one motive for wishing a continuance of life, which was, that he might see his country extricated from her troubles.

EDMUND BURKE.

The history of this distinguished statesman and eloquent orator is exceedingly interesting, but it belongs to these pages to notice him only as he was a friend to American rights, and often lifted up his voice in parliament in defence of them. He was born in Dublin, 1730. His father was a respectable attorney. Burke received his education at Trinity college; on the completion of which, he studied law, but devoted himself chiefly to literature. He conducted Dodley's celebrated Annual Register for many years. In 1765, he entered into public life, being made private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham at the time that nobleman was called to the head of the treasury. Soon after, he was elected to parliament. In 1766, he took a prominent part in a debate relative to the affairs of America, and often, afterwards, raised his voice in opposition to the arbitrary measures of the government. For a time, the affairs of America are said to have engrossed almost all his attention.

During one of the debates on American affairs, a member from Hull, by the name of Hartley, after having driven four-fifths of a very full house from the benches, by an unusually dull speech, at length requested that the riot act might be read, for the purpose of elucidating one of his propositions. Burke, who was impatient to address the house himself, immediately started up, and exclaimed: "The riot act! My dearest friend, why, in the name of every thing sacred, have the riot act read? The mob, you see, is already dispersed!" Peals of laughter followed the utterance of this comic appeal, which Lord North frequently declared to be one of the happiest instances of wit he ever heard.[53]

Burke died in 1797. Unlike many of the statesmen of his day, "his character, in private life, was almost unimpeachable." As a public speaker, his manner was bold and forcible; his delivery, vehement and unembarrassed; but, though easy, he was inelegant. His head continually oscillated, and his gesticulations were frequently violent. To the last hour of his life, his pronunciation was Hibernian. Although a great orator, he was not a skillful debater. Few men ever possessed greater strength of imagination, or a more admirable choice of words. His mind was richly stored, and he had the most perfect mastery over its treasures. Johnson said he was not only the first man in the House of Commons, but the first man every where; and, on being asked if he did not think Burke resembled Cicero, replied, "No, sir; Cicero resembled Burke."

THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO.

Thaddeus Kosciusko, a Polish officer in the American revolutionary war, was born in Lithuania, in 1756, of an ancient and noble family, and educated at the military school at Warsaw. He afterwards studied in France. He came to America, recommended, by Franklin, to General Washington, by whom he was appointed his aid. He was also appointed his engineer, with the rank of colonel, in October 1776. At the unsuccessful siege of Ninety-Six, in 1781, he very judiciously directed the operations. It was, in 1774, that he left this country, and, in 1786, he returned to Poland. In 1789, the diet gave him the appointment of major-general. In the campaign of 1792, he distinguished himself against the Russians. In 1794, the Poles again took arms, and were headed by Kosciusko; but, after several splendid battles, he was taken and thrown into prison by Catharine, but was released by Paul I. When the emperor presented him with his own sword, he declined it, saying: "I no longer need a sword, since I have no longer a country." Never afterwards did he wear a sword. In August, 1797, he visited America, and was received with honor. For his revolutionary services, he received a pension. In 1798, he went to France. Having purchased an estate near Fontainebleau, he lived there till 1814. In 1816, he settled at Soleure, in Switzerland. In 1817, he abolished slavery on his estate in Poland. He died at Soleure, in consequence of a fall with his horse from a precipice near Vevay, October 16, 1817, aged sixty-one. He was never married.

COUNT PULASKI.

Count Pulaski was a Polander by birth, who, with a few men, in 1771, carried off King Stanislaus from the middle of his capital, though surrounded with a numerous body of guards and a Russian army. The king soon escaped, and declared Pulaski an outlaw. After his arrival in this country, he offered his services to congress, and was honored with the rank of brigadier-general. He discovered the greatest intrepidity in an engagement with a party of the British near Charleston, in May, 1779. In the assault upon Savannah, October 9th, by General Lincoln and Count D'Estaing, Pulaski was wounded, at the head of two hundred horsemen, as he was galloping into the town, with the intention of charging in the rear. He died on the 11th, and congress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory.

BARON DE KALB.

Baron de Kalb was a native of Germany, but had been long employed in the service of France, previous to the commencement of the American revolution. He arrived in this country in 1777; and being an officer of great experience, he early received from congress the commission of major-general. In the battle near Camden, August, 1780, he fell, after receiving eleven wounds, in his vigorous exertions to prevent the defeat of the Americans. He died August 19th, aged forty-seven, having served three years with high reputation. His last moments were spent in dictating a letter, which expressed his warm affection for the men and officers of his division, and his admiration of their firmness and courage in withstanding a superior force. An ornamental tree was planted at the head of his grave in the neighborhood of Camden, and congress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory at Annapolis, with a very honorable inscription.

BARON STEUBEN.

Frederick William, Baron de Steuben, was a Prussian officer, aid-de-camp to Frederick the Great, and lieutenant-general in the army of that distinguished commander. He arrived in America in 1777; soon after which, he was made inspector-general, with the rank of major-general. He established a uniform system of manœuvres; and, by his skill and persevering industry, effected, during the continuance of the troops at Valley Forge, a most decided improvement in all ranks of the army. He was a volunteer in the action at Monmouth, and commanded in the trenches at Yorktown on the day which concluded the struggle with Great Britain. He died at Steubenville, New York, November 28th, 1794, aged sixty-one years.

"When the army was disbanded, and the old soldiers shook hands in farewell, Lieutenant-colonel Cochran, a Green-mountain veteran, said: 'For myself, I could stand it; but my wife and daughters are in the garret of that wretched tavern, and I have no means of removing them,' 'Come,' said the baron, 'I will pay my respects to Mrs. C. and her daughters.' And when he left them, their countenances were brightened; for he gave them all he had to give. This was at Newburg. On the wharf, he saw a poor wounded black man, who wanted a dollar to pay for his passage home. Of whom the baron borrowed the dollar, it is not known; but he soon returned; when the negro hailed the sloop, and cried: 'God bless you, master baron!' The state of New Jersey gave him a small farm. New York gave him sixteen thousand acres in Oneida county; a pension of twenty-five hundred dollars was also given him. He built him a log house at Steubenville, gave a tenth-part of his land to his aids and servants, and parceled out the rest to twenty or thirty tenants. His library was his chief solace. Having but little exercise, he died of apoplexy. Agreeably to his request, he was wrapped in his cloak, and buried in a plain coffin, without a stone. He was a believer in Jesus Christ, and a member of the Reformed Dutch Church, New York."

COUNT ROCHAMBEAU.

Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau, marshal of France, was born at Vendome in 1725. At the age of sixteen he entered the army, and served in Germany, under Marshal Broglio. In 1746, he became aid to Louis Philip, Duke of Orleans. In 1780, having been made lieutenant-general, he was sent with an army of six thousand men to the assistance of the United States of America. On reaching the place of his destination, he landed in Rhode Island, and soon after acted in concert with Washington, first against Clinton in New York, and then against Cornwallis, rendering important services at the siege of Yorktown, which were rewarded by a present of two cannon taken from Lord Cornwallis. After the Revolution, Rochambeau was raised to the rank of a marshal by Louis XVI., and received the command of the army of the north. He was soon superseded by more active officers, and being calumniated by the popular journalists, he addressed to the legislative assembly a vindication of his conduct. A decree of approbation was consequently passed in May, 1792, and he retired to his estate near Vendome, with a determination to interfere no more with public affairs. He was subsequently arrested, and narrowly escaped suffering death under the tyranny of Robespiere. In 1803, he was presented to Buonaparte, who in the following year gave him a pension and the cross of grand officer of the legion of honor. His death took place in 1809.--Encyclopedia Americana.

COUNT D'ESTAING.

Charles Henry, Count d'Estaing, admiral and lieutenant-general of the armies of France, before the Revolution, was a native of Ravel, in Auvergne, and was descended from an ancient family in that province. Count d'Estaing commenced his career by serving in the East Indies, under Lally, when he was taken prisoner, and sent home on his parole. Having engaged in hostilities again before he was regularly exchanged, he was taken a second time, and imprisoned at Portsmouth. During the American war, he was employed as vice-admiral.

At the capture of the isle of Grenada, he distinguished himself; but on every occasion he showed more courage than conduct or professional skill. He promoted the Revolution, and in 1789, he was appointed a commander of the National Guards at Versailles. In 1791, he addressed to the national assembly a letter full of protestations of attachment to the constitution, on the occasion of the approaching trial of the king. He suffered under the guillotine in 1793, as a counter-revolutionist, at the age of sixty-five.

FOOTNOTE:

[53] Hartley was considered a tedious speaker on account of his prolixity. But he was a friend to America, and often told the ministers some very unwelcome truths. The following good story is told of him: One afternoon, Jenkinson, the first Lord Liverpool, left the house when the member from Hull rose to speak; and presuming that the honorable gentleman would, as usual, deliver a very long, dull speech, he walked home, mounted his horse, and rode to his country-house, where he dined; and, after strolling for some time about his grounds, returned at a gentle pace to town. On his arrival at home, he sent a messenger to the house to ascertain what had been done, and how soon the division might be expected to take place. The reply he received was, that Mr. Hartley had not yet done speaking; and when Jenkinson, at length, thought it advisable, in order to be in time for voting, to go down to Westminster, he found the long-winded orator still on his legs!

V. FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

ORIGINAL Governments of the Colonies--Union between them--Plan proposed by Dr. Franklin--First Congress--Congress of '74--Confederation--Defects of it--Convention of States proposed by Virginia--Commissioners from five States meet at Annapolis--Powers too limited to act--Recommend a General Convention of States--Delegates appointed--Convention meets at Philadelphia--Decides to form a new Constitution--Draft prepared--Discussed--Adopted--Speech of Dr. Franklin--Constitution signed--Adopted by the several States--Amendments--States admitted since the adoption--Remarks on the Constitution.

The several colonies established in America had governments which varied according as they were charter, proprietary, or royal, which were the three forms of government existing in America prior to the Revolution. In certain particulars, they differed from each other as classes, and the classes differed as individuals. But for a series of years there existed no general political association, or bond of union among them. As early, however, as 1643, the New England colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a perpetual alliance, offensive and defensive, for mutual protection against the claims of their Dutch neighbors, and the assaults of their Indian foes. By the articles of this confederation, the jurisdiction of each colony within its own borders was to be exclusive; on the occurrence of war, each one was to furnish its quota of men and provisions, according to its population; and two commissioners from each colony were to hold an annual meeting to decide on all matters of general interest. With some alterations, this confederacy existed more than forty years; it was dissolved only in 1686, when the charters of the New England colonies were vacated by a commissioner from James II. This union was productive of many advantages to the colonies. Besides preserving a mutual good understanding among them, and thus preventing encroachments upon one another's rights, assistance was rendered in their wars with the Indians; without which, it is probable that the more feeble would have been broken up.

In 1754, an attempt at union was made on a more extensive scale. The plan originated in a call from the lords commissioners for trade and the plantations, and consisted of deputies from the New England provinces, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The congress met at Albany. The object proposed by the commissioners was to consider the best means of defence in case of a war with France, and particularly to form an alliance with the Six Nations. Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, availing himself of the occasion, proposed to the several governors that the delegates should be instructed on the subject of a general union or confederation. This meeting with general approbation, the delegates were so instructed. A plan of union, prepared by Dr. Franklin, was discussed, and substantially adopted--the delegates from Connecticut dissenting.[54] But it received the approbation neither of the colonies nor of the king's council; not by the first, because it was supposed to give too much power to the president-general, who was to be the king's representative; nor by the latter, because too much power was supposed to be given to the representatives of the people.

The foregoing plan having failed, no other attempt at union was made for several years. At length, in 1765, in consequence of the passing of the stamp act by parliament, and other grievances, the assembly of Massachusetts in June of that year adopted the following resolution: "That it is highly expedient there should be a meeting, as soon as may be, of committees from the houses of representatives or burgesses, in the several colonies, to consult on the present circumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced, and to consider of a general congress, to be held at New York, the first Tuesday of October. A letter was prepared, to be sent to the several speakers, and a committee was chosen for Massachusetts."

In consequence of the proceedings under this recommendation, "on the 7th of October, a congress, consisting of twenty-eight delegates from the assemblies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland, and South Carolina, convened in the city of New York, and Timothy Ruggles, of Massachusetts, was chosen president. The first measure of the congress was a declaration of the rights and grievances of the colonists. They were declared to be entitled to all the rights and liberties of natural-born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain; among the most essential of which are, the exclusive power to tax themselves, and the privileges of a trial by jury. The grievance chiefly complained of was the act granting certain stamp duties and other duties in the British colonies, which, by taxing the colonies without their consent, and by extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, was declared to have a direct tendency to subvert their rights and liberties. A petition to the king, and a memorial to each house of parliament, were also agreed on; and it was recommended to the several colonies to appoint special agents, who should unite their utmost endeavors in soliciting redress of grievances. The assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, were prevented, by their governors, from sending representatives to the congress; but they forwarded petitions to England, similar to those appointed by that body."[55]

In 1774, the grievances of the colonies still continuing, and having been increased by the open assertion of Great Britain of the justice of her pretensions, another congress was assembled at Philadelphia, which consisted of delegates from eleven colonies. In this congress, each colony had one vote. Their principal acts consisted of a declaration of rights, and in spirited addresses to the people of British America and Great Britain, together with a recommendation to the colonies to adopt resolutions of non-importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption.

The resolutions of this congress received the general sanction of the provincial congress and of the colonial assemblies. Their power was merely advisory; "yet their recommendations," says Dr. Holmes, "were more generally and more effectually carried into execution by the colonies than the laws of the best-regulated state."

But the dissuasive measures adopted by this congress having no effect on the king and his ministers, another congress followed in 1775, "whose pacific efforts to bring about a change in the views of the other party being equally unavailing, and the commencement of actual hostilities having, at length, put an end to all hope of reconciliation, the congress finding, moreover, that the popular voice began to call for an entire and perpetual dissolution of the political ties which had connected them with Great Britain, proceeded on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, to declare the thirteen colonies independent states.

"During the discussions of this solemn act, a committee, consisting of a member from each colony, had been appointed to prepare and digest a form of confederation for the future management of the common interest, which had, hitherto, been left to the discretion of congress, guided by the exigencies of the contest, and by the known intentions, or occasional instructions of the colonial legislatures.

"It appears that as early as the 21st of July, 1775, a plan, entitled 'Articles of Confederation and perpetual union of the Colonies,' had been sketched by Dr. Franklin, the plan being on that day submitted by him to congress; and though not copied into their journals, remaining on their files in his hand-writing. But, notwithstanding the term 'perpetual,' observed in the title, the articles provided expressly for the event of a return of the colonies to a connection with Great Britain.

"This sketch became a basis for the plan reported by the committee on the 12th of July, now also remaining on the files of congress, in the hand-writing of Mr. Dickinson. The plan, though dated after the Declaration of Independence, was probably drawn up before that event; since the name of colonies, not states, is used throughout the draught. The plan reported was debated and amended from time to time, till the 17th of November, 1777, when it was agreed to by congress, and proposed to the legislatures of the states, with an explanatory and recommendatory letter. The ratifications of these, by their delegates in congress, duly authorized, took place at successive dates; but were not completed till the 1st of March, 1781; when Maryland, who had made it a prërequisite that the vacant lands acquired from the British crown should be a common fund, yielded to the persuasion that a final and formal establishment of the federal union and government would make a favorable impression, not only on other foreign nations, but on Great Britain herself."[56]

Under this confederation, the country went through the war. Fortunate it was, however, that the war terminated when it did, as the "rope of sand," as the confederation was called, would probably have served as a bond of union but a few years longer. Indeed, it had received the cordial approbation of none of the colonies--while some of them had, at length, acceded to it rather from necessity than choice.

"The principal difficulties which embarrassed the progress and retarded the completion of the plan of confederation," says Mr. Madison, "may be traced to--first, the natural repugnance of the parties to a relinquishment of power; secondly, a natural jealousy of its abuse in other than hands their own; thirdly, the rule of suffrage among parties whose inequality in size did not correspond with that of their wealth, or of their military or free population; fourthly, the selection and definition of the powers, at once necessary to the federal head, and safe to the several members.

"To these sources of difficulty, incident to the formation of all such confederacies, were added two others, one of a temporary, the other of a permanent nature. The first, was the case of the crown-lands, so called, because they had been held by the British crown; and being ungranted to individuals, when its authority ceased, were considered by the states within whose charters or asserted limits they lay, as devolving on them; while it was contended by the others, that, being wrested from the dethroned authority by the equal exertions of all, they resulted of right and in equity to the benefit of all. The lands, being of vast extent, and of growing value, were the occasion of much discussion and heart-burning, and proved the most obstinate of the impediments to an earlier consummation of the plan of the federal government. The state of Maryland, the last that acceded to it, firmly withheld her assent, till the 1st of March, 1781; and then yielded only in the hope that, by giving a stable and authoritative character to the confederation, a successful termination of the contest might be accelerated. The dispute was happily compromised, by successive surrenders of portions of the territory by the states having exclusive claims to it, and acceptances of them by congress.

"The other source of dissatisfaction was the peculiar situation of some of the states, which, having no convenient ports for foreign commerce, were subject to be taxed by their neighbors, through whose ports their commerce was carried on. New Jersey, placed between Philadelphia and New York, was likened to a cask tapped at both ends; and North Carolina, between Virginia and South Carolina, to a patient bleeding at both arms. The Articles of Confederation provided no remedy for the complaint; which produced a strong protest on the part of New Jersey, and never ceased to be a source of discord, until the new constitution superseded the old.

"But the radical infirmity of the Articles of Confederation was the dependence of congress on the voluntary and simultaneous compliance with its requisitions by so many independent communities, each consulting, more or less, its particular interests and convenience, and distrusting the compliance of the others. While the paper emissions of congress continued to circulate, they were employed as a sinew of war, like gold and silver. When that ceased to be the case, and the fatal defect of the political system was felt in its alarming force, the war was merely kept alive, and brought to a successful conclusion, by such foreign aids and temporary expedients as could be applied; a hope prevailing with many, and a wish with all, that a state of peace, and the sources of prosperity opened by it, would give to the confederacy, in practice, the efficiency which had been inferred in theory."

The close of the war brought no adequate relief. The wealth of the country was exhausted. Congress had no funds, and no means of raising money for the discharge of arrears of pay due to the soldiers of the Revolution, but by an appeal to the legislative assemblies of the several states. Even for their own maintenance, they were dependent upon the assemblies. The legislatures themselves often knew not what to do.

"The distress of the inhabitants was continually on the increase; and in Massachusetts, where it was most felt, an insurrection of a serious character was the consequence. Near the close of the year 1786, the populace assembled, to the number of two thousand, in the north-western part of the state, and, choosing Daniel Shays their leader, demanded that the collection of debts should be suspended, and that the legislature should authorize the emission of paper money for general circulation. Two bodies of militia, drawn from those parts where dissatisfaction did not prevail, were immediately dispatched against them, one under command of General Lincoln, the other of General Shepard. The disaffected were dispersed with less difficulty than had been apprehended, and, abandoning their seditious purposes, adopted the proffered indemnity of the government.

"The time, at length, came, when the public mind gave tokens of being prepared for a change in the constitution of the general government--an occurrence, the necessity of which had long been foreseen by Washington and most of the distinguished patriots of that period. Evil had accumulated upon evil, till the mass became too oppressive to be endured, and the voice of the nation cried out for relief. The first decisive measures proceeded from the merchants, who came forward almost simultaneously in all parts of the country, with representations of the utter prostration of the mercantile interests, and petitions for a speedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the advantages of this most important source of national prosperity were flowing into the hands of foreigners, and that the native merchants were suffering for the want of a just protection and a uniform system of trade. The wise and reflecting were convinced that some decided efforts were necessary to strengthen the general government, or that a dissolution of the union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable."[57]

The first step, which led to the convention of 1787, was taken by Virginia, in a proposition of her legislature, in January, 1786, for a convention of delegates to establish such a system of commercial relations as would promote general harmony and prosperity. The above proposal was cordially approved by Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, and delegates were accordingly appointed by them, in addition to Virginia. These convened at Annapolis, September, 1786; but they had scarcely entered into a discussion of topics, which naturally forced themselves into view, before they discovered the powers with which they were intrusted to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from effecting any purpose that could be of essential utility. On this account, as well as from the circumstance that so few states were represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important measures in reference to the particular subject for which they had come together. This convention is memorable, however, as having been the prelude to the one which followed. Before the commissioners adjourned, a report was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a revision and reform of the articles of the old federal compact was strongly urged, and which contained a recommendation to all the state legislatures "for the appointment of deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with more ample powers and instructions." This report was sent to congress, as well as to the several states.

In the appointment of delegates, agreeably to the foregoing recommendation, Virginia took the lead. February, 1787, the subject claimed the attention of congress, and the following preamble and resolution were adopted:

"Whereas, there is provision, in the articles of confederation and perpetual union, for making alterations therein, by the assent of a congress of the United States, and of the legislatures of the several states; and whereas experience hath evinced that there are defects in the present confederation, as a means to remedy which, several of the states, and particularly the state of New York, by express instruction to their delegates in congress, have suggested a convention for the purpose expressed in the following resolution, and such convention appearing to be the most probable means of establishing in these states a firm national government--

"Resolved, That, in the opinion of congress, it is expedient, that, on the second Monday in May next, a convention of delegates, who shall have been appointed by the several states, be held at Philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and reporting to congress and the several legislatures such alterations and provisions therein, as shall, when agreed to in congress, and confirmed by the states, render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the union."

In consequence of this recommendation, all the states appointed delegates to the convention, excepting Rhode Island.

On the day fixed for the meeting of the deputies in convention, Monday, May 14th, 1787, a small number only had assembled. May 25th, seven states were represented. The deputation from Pennsylvania, proposed George Washington, Esq., late commander-in-chief, for president of the convention,[58] and he was unanimously elected.

Tuesday, March 29th, the convention entered upon the solemn duties of their commission. A question of serious magnitude early engrossed their attention, viz: whether they should amend the old system, or form a new one. For the former object, they had been appointed, congress having limited their power to a revision of the articles of the confederation. But the defects of the old system were so many, and of such magnitude, that, at the session of the convention the above day, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, submitted fifteen resolutions, as the basis of a new constitution. These resolutions, denominated the Virginia plan, were debated and amended until the 15th of June, when Mr. Patterson, of New Jersey, presented a project for revising the articles of confederation. This was called the Jersey plan,[59] and, on motion of Mr. Patterson, was taken up--the Virginia plan, meanwhile, being postponed.

On the 18th, Mr. Dickinson moved, in committee of the whole, to "postpone the first resolution in Mr. Patterson's plan, in order to take up the following, viz: 'that the Articles of Confederation ought to be revised and amended, so as to render the government of the United States adequate to the exigencies, the preservation, and the prosperity of the union'--the postponement was agreed to by ten states; Pennsylvania, divided." The following day, this substitute was rejected by a vote of six states to four, and one divided. Mr. Patterson's plan was again at large before the committee. Towards the close of the session of the same day, the question was taken upon postponing this latter plan, and carried by a vote of seven states to three, and one divided. Mr. Randolph's, or the Virginia plan, came again under consideration. This was now further discussed to the 23d of June, when, on motion of Mr. Gerry, the proceedings of the convention for the establishment of a national government, except the part relating to an executive, were referred to a committee, to prepare and report a constitution conformable thereto. This committee consisted of Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Gorham, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Wilson. "On the 26th of the same month, those relating to the executive having been adopted, they, with various other propositions submitted by individuals, were referred to the same committee, and the committee adjourned to the 6th of August, when the committee reported a draft of a constitution. This was under debate until the 9th of September, and underwent many material alterations. A committee, consisting of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Hamilton, G. Morris, Mr. Madison, and Mr. King, was then selected 'to revise the style and arrange the articles.' The manner in which these eminent scholars and statesmen performed the duty assigned them, appears from the great precision and accuracy of the language of the constitution, as well as the happy arrangement of its various articles."

The report of this committee was made on the 12th of September, and further debated till the 16th, when the constitution as amended was agreed to by all states, and ordered to be engrossed.

On the following day, September 17th, after the reading of the constitution as engrossed, the venerable Franklin rose, and putting a written speech into the hands of Mr. Wilson, requested him to read it:

"Mr. President: I confess that there are several parts of this constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them; for having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment, and to pay more respect to the judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steele, a protestant, in a dedication, tells the pope, that the only difference between our churches, in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrines, is, 'the church of Rome is infallible, and the church of England is never in the wrong.' But though many private persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who, in a dispute with her sister, said, 'I don't know how it happens, sister, but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right.'

"In these sentiments, sir, I agree to this constitution, with all its faults, if they are such, because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people, if well administered; and I believe further, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better constitution. For when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble, with those men, all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly, can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our councils are confounded, like those of the builders of Babel; and that our states are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats. Thus I consent, sir, to this constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all its salutary effects and great advantages, resulting naturally in our favor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any government in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends on opinion--on the general opinion of the goodness of the government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, that for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution (if approved by congress and confirmed by the conventions) wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered.

"On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the convention, who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument." He then moved that the constitution be signed by the members, and offered the following as a convenient form, viz: "Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, the 17th of September, &c. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names."

The motion of Dr. Franklin to sign by states was objected to by several of the members, but was agreed to--all the states answering "ay."

While the last members were signing their names, Dr. Franklin, looking towards the president's chair, at the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near him, that painters had found it difficult to distinguish, in their art, a rising from a setting sun. I have, said he, often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the president, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting; but now, at length, I have the happiness to know that it is a rising, and not a setting sun.[60]

During the deliberations of the convention, several questions of deep interest arose; but none, perhaps, more exciting than that which related to the relative weight of the states in the two branches of the national legislature. The small states, at length, consented that the right of suffrage in the house should be in proportion to the whole number of white or other free citizens in each, including those bound to service for a term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons. While they yielded this point, they insisted on an equal vote in the senate.

To this, the larger states objected; and, on this question, they remained for a time about equally divided. "On the first trial, in committee of the whole, six states against five decided that the right of suffrage in the senate should be the same as in the house; the states of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, being in the affirmative, and Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland in the negative.

"On the 29th of June, the question was again presented to the consideration of the convention, in a motion made by Mr. Ellsworth, "that in the second branch, each state should have an equal vote." We cannot pretend to give even an outline of the arguments in favor and against this motion. The debate was warm and exciting. For several days, the powers of mighty minds were in animated collision; and from the strong ramparts behind which the respective parties had apparently entrenched themselves, there was, for a time, little prospect of union on the question.

"On the 23d of July, the question was taken, on the motion of Mr. Ellsworth, that in the senate each state should have one vote; and five states were in favor of it, five against it, and one divided; and the motion was lost. This equal division on a subject of such importance, accompanied with so much warmth on both sides, seemed to present an insurmountable obstacle to further proceedings of the convention, without some compromise. To effect this, Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, moved for the appointment of a committee, to take into consideration the subject of both branches of the legislature. This motion prevailed, though not without opposition. Some of the members were in favor of appointing a committee, though they had little expectation of a favorable result. Mr. Martin, of Maryland, declared that each state must have an equal vote, or the business of the convention was at an end.

"Mr. Sherman said, we have got to a point that we cannot move one way or the other; a committee is necessary to set us right. Mr. Gerry observed, that the world expected something from them: if we do nothing, we must have war and confusion--the old confederation would be at an end. Let us see if concessions cannot be made--accommodation is absolutely necessary, and defects may be amended by a future convention.

"Thus the convention was at a stand. Hopes were indeed entertained that unanimity of views might on some basis prevail; but the longer continuance of the debate, in the then existing state of the convention, it was apparent, was engendering no good."

Fully sensible that nothing could be effected but upon a principle of compromise, the convention proceeded to elect, by ballot, a committee[61] of one from each state, to report on this exciting subject, and adjourned for three days. The interval was one of great anxiety; neither party appeared inclined to recede from the position it had taken, and the great objects for which the convention had assembled were apparently to be lost. And who could foresee the result? But at this most critical juncture, God did not forsake the nation. He had borne her forward, and now his spirit was felt in his becalming influence upon the convention. On rëassembling, the above committee made a report, which being accepted, the deliberations of the convention proceeded with greater unanimity, until, at length, a constitution was agreed upon.

The convention recommended that the constitution should be submitted to state conventions, and that as soon as the same should have been ratified by a constitutional majority, congress should take measures for the election of a president, and fix the time for commencing proceedings under it. Among the states, great diversity of opinion prevailed respecting this constitution; and, for a time, it was doubtful whether it would receive the approbation of a majority. But, at length, not only this number was obtained, but all gave their assent, and in the following order:

By convention of Delaware, December 7, 1787 " " Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787 " " New Jersey, December 18, 1787 " " Georgia, January 2, 1788 " " Connecticut, January 9, 1788 " " Massachusetts, February 6, 1788 " " Maryland, April 28, 1788 " " South Carolina, May 23, 1788 " " New Hampshire, June 21, 1788 " " Virginia, June 26, 1788 " " New York, July 26, 1788 " " North Carolina, November 21, 1789 " " Rhode Island, May 29, 1790

"At the first session of the first congress, the senate and house of representatives, two-thirds concurring, recommended to the states the adoption of twelve amendments to the constitution, chiefly relating to the freedom of speech and of the press--the right of petition--trial by jury--bail--election of president, &c. Ten of these amendments were adopted by three-fourths of the legislatures of the states, and became a part of the constitution. Subsequently, two other amendments were added."

"The peaceable adoption of this government," says Chancellor Kent, "under all the circumstances which attended it, presented the case of an effort of deliberation, combined with a spirit of amity and mutual concession, which was without example. It must be a source of just pride, and of the most grateful recollection to every American who reflects seriously on the difficulty of the experiment, the manner in which it was conducted, the felicity of its issue, and the fate of similar trials in other nations of the earth."

The opinions which prevailed in the convention of 1787, as to the addition of new states, are worthy of notice. On one occasion, Mr. Sherman said, "there is no probability that the number of future states will exceed that of the existing states. If the event should ever happen, it is too remote to be taken into consideration at this time." But little more than half a century has elapsed, and the original number has more than doubled, as may be seen by the following account of the states admitted:

Vermont, March 4, 1791. Kentucky, June 1, 1791. Tennessee, June 1, 1796. Ohio, November 29, 1802. Louisiana, April 8, 1812. Indiana, December 11, 1816. Mississippi, December 10, 1817. Illinois, December 3, 1818. Alabama, December 14, 1819. Maine, March 15, 1820. Missouri, August 10, 1821. Arkansas, June 15, 1836. Michigan, January 26, 1837. Florida, March 3, 1845. Texas, December 29, 1845. Iowa, December 28, 1846. Wisconsin, May 29, 1848.

Congress assumed jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, Feb. 27, 1801.

The constitution, of the formation and adoption of which we have thus given an account, has been in existence more than sixty years. Meanwhile, what changes in empires and governments have been effected in other portions of the globe! Monarchs have been hurled from their thrones--or have waged war, and expended millions to retain them. Their subjects, degraded and oppressed, have sighed and struggled for liberty, but only to find the chains of servitude drawn more closely around them. Not until recently, have the nations of Europe seemed to realize that an improvement in their political condition was possible. They are, indeed, just now making an effort to throw off the yoke and fetters; but what will be the result of their experiments, no sagacity can well foresee.

The American people may well congratulate themselves upon the realization of so many of their early hopes. God has helped them; and never should his kind and protecting care be overlooked; nor his interpositions in days of darkness and perplexity be forgotten. That was a glorious struggle, through which they passed, and which resulted in their emancipation from British oppression. But I know not whether the intervening hand of Providence was more conspicuous in that contest, than in leading our statesmen to the formation of the constitution, or so many independent states, whose interests were apparently so conflictive, or whose minds were so diverse, to its unanimous adoption.

And why has it lasted? Why have we not presented to the world, the same feverish and changeful disposition, which has characterized our sister republics of the South? Not one of the latter, scarcely, has passed a single ten years, without intestine commotions--or some change of their constitutions--or some radical alteration of their political principles. And their people--what portions of them have dwelt securely--or experienced a moiety of the advantages and prosperity that have blessed this Northern confederacy?

The constitution of the United States has been, and is, the wonder and admiration of the civilized world. How is such a national sovereignty as that constitution contemplates and creates, compatible with so many independent state sovereignties! Who could imagine that there could exist such efficiency in the one, and yet such harmony among the others! To the friends of monarchy, the mystery is nearly inexplicable; and it seems quite impossible for the statesmen of other countries, however desirous they may be, so to understand the theory and practice of our national and state governments, as to conform them to the circumstances of any other people on the globe.

If it be inquired how the framers of our constitution should have devised such a government, and shaped it to meet the wants of a people in some respects one, and in other respects so diverse, the most intelligent and truthful answer is--God superintended and guided them; not by immediate inspiration, but they served a long training; from the very settlement of the country, and in the circumstances which led our fathers to these shores, there was a work of preparation. And when the time came, there was the patriotism--the self-denial--the intelligence--the political wisdom--which were necessary to devise and perfect our glorious constitution.

But will it last?--Last! Should an American citizen ever indulge a thought to the contrary? But such thoughts will crowd in, and cause anxiety to the patriot. When he looks over the pages of past history, and reads the rise and fall of ancient republics--and by what means they perished--by their own hands--and by means of their prosperity--and then casts his eyes over his own country, and witnesses the thrift, the wealth, the expanding strength and glory of that country--he will ask, will our constitution stand?--will it continue to unite a people separated into so many and so distant states? Especially will he have reason for solicitude and doubt, when he dwells upon the great and grave questions which are rising up, and are dividing the North and the South--the East and the West. Our congress is already nearly a battle-field. Our presses, in different sections, are waging war upon one another, fierce and vindictive; our whole people are divided up into parties--with sectional interests and sectional jealousies.

Will the constitution, then, stand? We cannot say that there is no danger; but there is ground of hope and courage. Let the religion and patriotism of our fathers, be cultivated--let our unquenchable love of liberty, and a profound reverence for the constitution and the union, be instilled into the minds of our children from their earliest days of thought and reflection, and that noble instrument, and that glorious union, will continue for generations to come.

I cannot better close these observations than by citing some forcible and eloquent remarks of the late Judge Story, addressed to the American youth.--"Let the American youth," says he, "never forget that they possess a noble inheritance, bought by the toils, and sufferings, and blood of our ancestors; and capable, if wisely improved, and safely guarded, of transmitting to their latest posterity all the substantial blessings of life--the peaceful enjoyment of liberty, of property, of religion, and of independence. The structure has been erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its foundations are solid; its compartments are beautiful, as well as useful; its arrangements are full of wisdom and order; and its defences are impregnable from without. It has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire to such a title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour, by the folly, or corruption, or negligence of its only keepers, THE PEOPLE. Republics are created by the virtue, public spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from the public councils because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded because they flatter the people, in order to betray them."

FOOTNOTES:

[54] For a more particular account of this plan of union, the reader is referred to Pitkin's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 142, or Holmes' Annals, vol. ii. p. 55.

[55] Holmes' Annals.

[56] Madison Papers, vol. ii. p. 687-9.

[57] Hinton.

[58] "The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as Dr. Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington, but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his house."--Madison Papers.

[59] "This plan had been concerted among the deputation, or members thereof, from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and perhaps Mr. Martin, from Maryland, who made with them a common cause, though on different principles. Connecticut and New York were against a departure from the principles of the confederation, wishing rather to add a few new powers to congress, than to substitute a national government. The states of New Jersey and Delaware were opposed to a national government, because its patrons considered a proportional representation of the states as the basis of it. The eagerness displayed by the members opposed to a national government, from these different motives, began now to produce serious anxiety for the result of the convention. Mr. Dickinson said to Mr. Madison: 'You see the consequence of pushing things too far. Some of the members from the small states wish for two branches in the general legislature, and are friends to a good national government; but we would sooner submit to foreign power, than submit to be deprived, in both branches of the legislature, of an equality of suffrage, and thereby be thrown under the dominion of the larger states.'"--Madison Papers.

[60] Madison Papers.

[61] This committee consisted of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Yates, Mr. Patterson, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bedford, Mr. Martin, Mr. Mason, Mr. Davy, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Baldwin.

VI. GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT NEW YORK, APRIL 30, 1789.

JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Secretaries Edmund Randolph, Virginia, January 2, 1794, } of State. Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, December 10, 1795 }

Alexander Hamilton, New York, September 11, 1789,} Secretaries Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 3, 1795 } of Treasury.

Henry Knox, Massachusetts, September 12, 1789,} Secretaries Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, January 2, 1795, } of War. James M'Henry, Maryland, January 27, 1796 }

Samuel Osgood, Massachusetts, September 26, 1789,} Postmasters Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, November 7, 1791, } General. Joseph Habersham, Georgia, February 25, 1795, }

Edmund Randolph, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Attorneys William Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27, 1794, } General. Charles Lee, Virginia, December 10, 1795 }

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, First Congress, 1789. Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, Second do. 1791. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, Third do. 1793. Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fourth do. 1795.

To the traveller whose lot has led him to traverse inhospitable deserts--encounter fierce storms, and stem angry floods--it is delightful, at length, to enter a region where such obstacles no longer impede his progress--where he breathes with freedom--where he pauses to repose and refresh himself, without the anticipation of similar immediate toil and fatigue. It may not, indeed, be the end of his journey--and he may not know with certainty the future issue of that journey; but the aspect is less forbidding--the prospect is even inviting--and he passes on, animated with the hope of still better things to come.

Some such change we realize at the point at which we have arrived, in following down the great events of American history. Casting an eye upon the scenes of the past, little besides toil, agitation, and conflict, are to be seen.

The Pilgrim Fathers land on these western shores. Immediately, a wide-spread wilderness is before them, and the task of clearing it is begun; savage foes--subtle, secret, and sanguinary--prowl about their habitations, and for years agitate and distress them. The mother-country becomes involved in continental wars--America is the theatre of the contest, and American soldiers must fight her battles. But, like the palm-tree, the colonists rise under the burdens imposed on them. As they prosper and expand, England becomes jealous, and bears herself lordly towards them, in measures of oppression--in prohibitions and exactions. War ensues--a long and exhausting war; their fields lie neglected; their cities are captured; their families are impoverished, and their sons are slain; but they conquer, and are free. But, as a nation, they have no sufficient bond of union--no efficient government to guide their future destiny in safety. National and state debts rest as an incubus upon their efforts, and no adequate power exists by which to provide for their liquidation. A convention meets: different plans are proposed--different constitutions are discussed. Obstacles to the adoption of any arise, which appear insurmountable, and the convention is on the eve of dissolving--leaving the problem still unsolved, whether human wisdom is adequate to devise a constitution which shall harmonize the conflicting interests of thirteen free and independent states.

Once more Providence rallies to our aid--moving upon untractable spirits, as in days of yore the spirit had moved upon the troubled waters, and now, as then, there "is a calm." Deliberations are resumed--asperities wear away--harmony succeeds--the final vote is taken--a constitution is adopted, and sent abroad among the people of the states.

But again the waters become tumultuous--angry conflict is waged in almost every state-house in the land--hundreds and thousands lift up their voices against this constitution, and refuse to sanction it--ill-boding doubts swell up like clouds gathering from the sea, and for a time exclude all hope of a constitutional ratification.

But another becalming influence from on high moves upon the mental mass; jarring strifes are suspended--angry discord ceases--harmonious action succeeds--the constitution is ratified, and George Washington is elected president of the United States!

On the ratification of the constitution, the attention of the people was at once directed to General Washington, as the first president of the United States. Communications, expressive of this general desire, were made to him. "We cannot," said Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, "do without you, and I and thousands more can explain to any body but yourself, why we cannot do without you." "I have ever thought," said Governeur Morris, "and have said, that you must be president; no other man can fill that office." In a letter on the subject, addressed to Washington by Colonel Hamilton, the latter said, "You will permit me to say, that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its [the government's] first operations."

Washington had serious objections to becoming a candidate. He sincerely wished for retirement. "It is my great and sole desire"--so he expressed himself to a friend, who had written him--"to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm."

But the voice of the nation demanded a further sacrifice from the noble and disinterested patriot. He alone was believed to fill so prëeminent a station in public opinion, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy. He alone possessed the requisite confidence of the nation.

By the constitution, the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of March, 1789; but a quorum of representatives did not appear till the 1st, nor of senators till Monday, the 6th day of April.

On this latter day, the president of the senate, elected for the purpose of counting the votes, declared to the senate, that the senate and house of representatives had met, and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes for the electors for president and vice-president of the United States; whereby it appeared that GEORGE WASHINGTON was unanimously elected president. The following table exhibits the votes of the several electoral colleges:

ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

ELECTION FOR THE FIRST TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1793.

Key: A. George Washington, of Virginia. B. John Adams, of Massachusetts. C. Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut. D. John Jay, of New York. E. John Hancock, of Massachusetts. F. R. H. Harrison, of Maryland. G. George Clinton, of New York. H. John Rutledge, of South Carolina. I. John Milton, of Georgia. J. James Armstrong, of Georgia. K. Edward Telfair, of Georgia. L. Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts.

----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Number of | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | | | | | | | | | from each | | A.| B.|C.|D.|E.|F.|G.|H.|I.|J.|K.|L.| State. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ 5 |New Hampshire, | 5| 5| | | | | | | | | | | 10 |Massachusetts, | 10| 10| | | | | | | | | | | 7 |Connecticut, | 7| 5| 2| | | | | | | | | | 6 |New Jersey, | 6| 1| 5| | | | | | | | | | 10 |Pennsylvania, | 10| 8| 2| | | | | | | | | | 3 |Delaware, | 3| 3| | | | | | | | | | | 6 |Maryland, | 6| 6| | | | | | | | | | | 10 |Virginia, | 10| 5| 1| 1| 3| | | | | | | | 7 |South Carolina, | 7| 1| 6| | | | | | | | | | 5 |Georgia, | 5| 2| 1| 1| 1| | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ 69 |Whole No. | | | | | | | | | | | | | |of electors, | 69| 34| 2| 9| 4| 6| 3| 6| 2| 1| 1| 1| |Majority, 35 | | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

Whereupon, a certificate and letter--the one prepared by a committee of the senate, the other by its president--were communicated to General Washington, setting forth his election, and expressing the cordial wish, that so auspicious a mark of public confidence would meet his approbation.

This certificate and letter were received by Washington, at Mount Vernon, on the 4th of April. He doubtless appreciated the honor done him, and was grateful to the people for the confidence reposed in him; but he would have declined the office, had the convictions of duty allowed. That, however, was not permitted; and, yielding to the wishes of the nation, he took leave of Mount Vernon on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, and proceeded to New York, at that time the seat of government--"bidding adieu," as he wrote in his diary, "to private life and domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express."

The state of the public business required his immediate presence at the seat of government; but the desire to see the first president of the United States--the zeal and enthusiasm which were kindled up along the whole route he was to take, rendered it impossible to proceed with haste. Crowds flocked around him, wherever he stopped; and corps of militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him through their respective streets.

On reaching New York, April 23d, he was received with due ceremony by the governor of that state, and conducted with military honors through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the man, who had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic.

On Thursday, the 30th of April, the new president was inaugurated. The oath of office was administered by the chancellor of the state of New York, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, and an immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and repeated acclamations. From the open gallery adjoining the senate-chamber, which had been the scene of this new but imposing scene, the assembly returned to the senate-chamber, where the president delivered an inaugural address; in which, after alluding to the "anxieties" occasioned by his election to the chief magistracy, and the fond hope he had indulged of spending the remainder of his days in the "retreat" to which he had retired, after years of military toil and strife, he proceeded in terms alike honorable to himself as a Christian and a patriot: "It would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe--who presides in the councils of nations--and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute, with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence."

Such were the sentiments of the patriot--the sage--the Christian statesman, as he was about to enter upon the duties of an office, upon the faithful or unfaithful discharge of which, was to depend the perpetuity or speedy annihilation of a constitution of government, which had cost thousands of lives and millions of revenue--besides involving the happiness of unborn millions. Washington had surveyed the wide field of responsibility. He came to the high and sacred office reluctantly indeed, but in reliance upon that Divine arm which had been his stay in the dark and stormy days of the Revolution. Having put his hand to the plough, he was not the man to look back. Having passed the Rubicon, his march was forward. Immediately following the delivery of the above address, the president, with the members of both houses, attended divine service at St. Paul's chapel. Thus did Washington, and thus did the national assembly, commence the government with a devout recognition of its dependence upon Divine Providence for success. Happy for the country, if the same spirit of piety, and the same acknowledgments to the Divine Author of all good, had descended to after years.

The acts and events which signalized the administration of Washington relate to--

A System of Revenue. Indian War. Regulation of Departments. Rëelection of Washington. Amendments of the Constitution. Difficulties with France. Establishment of a Judiciary. Insurrection in Pennsylvania. Assumption of Debts. Jay's Treaty. Removal of the Seat of Government. Election of Mr. Adams. National Bank. Farewell Address.

System of Revenue.--The first duty, under the federal constitution, to which congress was called, was to provide a revenue for the support of the government. For this purpose duties were laid on imported merchandize and on the tonnage of vessels; thus drawing into the national treasury funds, which had before been collected and appropriated by the individual states. To counteract the commercial regulations of foreign nations, and encourage American shipping, higher tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than on American vessels, and ten per cent. less duty on goods imported in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States than the same goods brought in those owned by foreigners.

Regulation of Departments.--Three executive departments were created, designed to aid the president in the management of the government. These were styled departments of war, of foreign affairs, and of the treasury. The heads of these departments were to be called secretaries, and to receive a salary of three thousand five hundred dollars. They were intended to constitute a council, to be consulted by the president at his pleasure; and their opinions, on all important questions, he was authorized to require in writing.

In framing the acts establishing these departments, a question arose of serious magnitude, viz: "In what manner, and by whom, these important officers could be removed from office?" The constitution was explicit in regard to their appointment, giving the power of nominating to the president, and that of confirming or rejecting the nomination to the senate; but it was silent as to removal. Some few maintained that they could be removed only by impeachment; but the principal question was, "whether they were removable by the president alone, or by the president with the concurrence of the senate?"

The debate on this question was long and animated. It was claimed, by one portion of the members, that as the senate had a voice in the appointment of these officers, they should have a voice in case of their removal; that such power entrusted to one man might be abused--if not by Washington, by some of his successors.

On the other hand, it was contended that, as it was made the duty of the president to see the laws faithfully executed, he ought to have the power of dismissing those agents who were unfaithful; otherwise, how, in many supposable cases, could he secure a faithful execution of the laws? It was further urged, that the mal-conduct of an officer might require his immediate dismission, before the senate--a body scattered over the states--could be convened. True, the power might be abused, and, in the hands of an ambitious man, perhaps would be; but such abuse would, in due time, be rebuked by the people, and the abuser of this delegated power, be displaced with dishonor. "The danger," said Mr. Madison, "consists in this: the president can displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be continued in it. What will be the motives which the president can feel for such abuse of his power, and the restraints to operate to prevent it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before the senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend, that the wanton removal of meritorious officers, would subject him to impeachment, and removal from his own high trust."

The difference of opinion on this great question, gave rise to warm and protracted debates. A majority of both houses, however, at length decided, that the power of removal is in the president alone. Several who had been members of the convention which framed the constitution, were, at this time, members of the house of representatives. They were equally divided on the question--Mr. Madison and Mr. Baldwin, supporting the construction finally adopted by congress: Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Gerry, opposing it.

Amendments of the Constitution.--The states of New York and Virginia, although they ratified the constitution, were solicitous to have certain amendments adopted, which, in separate memorials, they presented to congress, and urged that body to call another convention for their adoption. Congress, however, had no authority to call a convention. Mr. Madison submitted to the house several amendments, which, together with those presented by several of the states, were referred to a committee, consisting of one member from each state. This committee, at length, reported several amendments; twelve of which, after various alterations, were agreed to by both branches of congress, and sent to the states. These amendments related to religion--keeping or bearing arms in time of war--quartering soldiers, citizens, &c., &c. Ten of these articles were at length ratified by the state legislatures, and became a part of the constitution.

Establishment of a Judiciary.--"A national judiciary was also established during this session, consisting of a supreme court, circuit, and district courts. The bill for carrying this part of the constitution into effect, originated in the senate, and was drawn up by a committee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman. The district courts were to consist of one judge in each state. The states were divided into circuits, in each of which, one of the judges of the supreme court, and the district judge of the state in which the court was held, constituted the circuit courts. In certain cases, this court had original jurisdiction, and also took cognizance of appeals from the district courts. The supreme court was composed of a chief justice and five associate judges, and was to hold two sessions annually, at the seat of government. This court had exclusive jurisdiction in certain cases, and appellative jurisdiction from the circuit courts, and also from the state courts, in cases where the validity of treaties, and the laws of the United States were drawn in question. This organization of the federal judiciary, has remained nearly the same to the present time, except for a short period, when a different system, relative to the circuit courts, was established, but which was soon abolished, and the old system restored."[62] John Jay was appointed chief justice; John Rutledge, James Wilson, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, associate judges of the supreme court, and Edmund Randolph, attorney general.[63]

Assumption of Debts.--The second session of the first congress began on the 6th of January, 1790. At the close of the preceding session, the secretary of the treasury had been directed to prepare a plan for providing for the adequate support of the public credit, and to report the same at the next meeting of congress. On the 15th, in obedience to the foregoing requisition, Mr. Hamilton submitted his report. Having dwelt with great ability upon the importance of a nation maintaining the public credit, he proposed, as the means of supporting that of the United States, a system of assuming or funding not only the public debt, but also the state debts, and of making provision for the payment of the interest by taxes imposed on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the United States.

The debates on this report were exciting beyond precedent. While not much difference existed as to funding the foreign debt, a strong opposition arose, on the part of the democratic party, against discharging, in full, the domestic debt, and the assumption of the state debts. The federalists advocated the measure. The contest between the two rival parties was strong, spirited, and even virulent. The very foundations of the government were shaken; and a writer has justly remarked, that to the differences which were then created, and the excitement which sprung up during the debates, may be ascribed "the origin of that violent spirit which for years arrayed one part of the American community against the other."

The division of sentiment among the members of congress in relation to the full, or only a partial payment of the domestic debt, arose from this. A considerable proportion of the original holders of public securities had been compelled to sell them at greatly reduced prices--even as low as two or three shillings on the pound. These securities had been purchased by speculators, with the expectation of ultimately receiving the full amount. "The federalists were with Hamilton, in favor of making no difference between the present and original holders of the continental bills, maintaining that the government ought not to interfere with transfers. The republican party advocated the discrimination; contending that it was unjust to the veterans of the Revolution, who had been obliged to receive this paper in lieu of gold and silver, and were afterwards compelled to part with it at a small part of its nominal value, now to be condemned to poverty, while the speculator was receiving the reward of their blood and service."

The assumption of the state debts was also violently opposed. The advocates of assumption claimed that the debts incurred by the state, were not for their own benefit, but for the promotion of the common cause, and that therefore it was right that the whole nation should be responsible. The debts of the states most active in the war, were the greatest: those of Massachusetts and Carolina amounted to ten millions and a half, while those of all the other states were not more than fifteen millions. Was it just to impose such a burden on the people of these two states? They had already been great sufferers in the privations they had endured and in the blood they had lost.

On taking the vote in the house of representatives, these two plans of Mr. Hamilton were lost by a majority of two; and, for a season, there was little prospect that a just financial system would be adopted, or that the respective parties could on any basis coalesce. But, fortunately, at this juncture, a question was exciting a deep interest, and with reference to which there was a wide difference, and deep feelings, between the northern and southern members, viz:

The Removal of the Seat of Government.--The debates on this subject were almost as exciting as on the fiscal project of Hamilton. A compromise, however, was at length effected in regard to the permanent location of the seat of government--the more important, as it led to a further compromise in relation to the assumption of the state debts. It was understood that should the seat of government be fixed for ten years at Philadelphia, and afterwards at a place to be selected on the Potomac, some of the members of the house of representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their opposition to Mr. Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were adopted. The debt funded amounted to a little more than seventy-five millions of dollars, upon a part of which an interest of three per cent. was paid, and upon the remainder six per cent.

National Bank.--During the third session of congress, Mr. Hamilton recommended the establishment of a national bank. To such an institution, the republican party were bitterly opposed, as aristocratical and unconstitutional. Besides, they considered banking institutions useless; the present bill, in several particulars, defective; but, more than all, it was maintained that the constitution had not vested the power in congress to charter a bank. The supporters of the measure, of course, held opposite doctrines, and were not less strenuous in maintaining them. The bill, however, at length passed both branches of the national legislature; but the different opinions entertained, and the asperity with which they had been expressed, led the president to give to the subject, as a constitutional question, more than ordinary attention. To aid him in his decision, he required opinions of his cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposed--Mr. Hamilton and General Knox sanctioned the bill. After mature deliberation, the president became satisfied of the constitutionality and utility of the bill; upon which, he gave it his signature.

The capital stock of the bank was ten millions of dollars, two millions to be subscribed for the benefit of the United States, and the residue by individuals. One-fourth of the sums subscribed by individuals was to be paid in gold and silver, and three-fourths in the public debt. By the act of incorporation, it was to be a bank of discount as well as deposit; and its bills, which were payable in gold and silver on demand, were made receivable in all payments to the United States. The bank was located at Philadelphia, with power in the directors to establish offices of discount and deposit only wherever they should think fit within the United States.

The duration of the charter was limited to the 4th of May, 1811; and the faith of the United States was pledged that, during that period, no other bank should be established under their authority. One of the fundamental articles of the incorporation was, that no loan should be made to the United States for more than one hundred thousand dollars; or to any particular state for more than fifty thousand; or to any foreign prince or state, unless previously authorized by a law of the United States. The books were opened for subscription in July, 1791, and a much larger sum subscribed than was allowed by the charter; and the bank went into successful operation.[64]

The establishment of a national bank, in connexion with the assumption of the state debts, contributed to the more complete organization of two great parties, which had their origin in difference of views regarding the constitution at the time of its adoption.

Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson, both eminent for their talents, and each with his adherents, were now openly opposed on points which, as matters of policy, were deemed of vital importance. The former was viewed, not only as the author of the funding system, the bank, and other measures, deemed either unconstitutional, or highly injurious to the public interest, but was charged with hostility to republican principles and to state rights. Mr. Jefferson, on the other hand, was considered hostile to the constitution, and was accused of being opposed to the administration of which he was a member, and of taking measures to reduce the powers of the general government within too narrow limits. To Washington, this determined hostility of his two principal secretaries was truly afflicting; and the more so, when he found it so deep-rooted, as in no degree to yield to his affectionate remonstrance.

Indian War.--While the public councils were engaged thus in matters of great national importance, the hostile movements of the Indian tribes on the frontier began to excite the anxious solicitude of all reflecting minds, especially that of Washington himself. The Creeks at the South had been at war with Georgia; but in 1790, their chief, M'Gillivray, the son of a white man, had been induced to go to New York, and conclude a treaty. This terminated the war in that quarter; but pacific arrangements, which had been attempted by the president with the tribes on the north-western frontier, had proved ineffectual. The use of other means for their pacification, therefore, became indispensably necessary.

In 1790, congress, at the solicitation of Washington, authorized the raising of about fifteen hundred men, of whom three hundred were regulars, and the remainder Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The command of these was given to General Harmar, a veteran officer of the Revolution, whose instructions required him to penetrate to the Indian settlements on the Scioto and Wabash, and destroy them.

In the execution of his commission, in October, General Harmar detached Colonel Harden with six hundred militia to reconnoitre the Indian settlements, and, if possible, to bring them to an engagement; but the Indians, on the approach of the Americans, fired their principal villages, and fled to the woods. Thus foiled in his attempt to bring the Indians to action, Colonel Harden was a second time directed, with one hundred and eighty militia and thirty regulars, to spy out the position and intentions of the foe. Ten miles west of Chillicothe, sight was obtained of a considerable body of Indians; at which, the Kentucky militia suddenly became so alarmed as to flee. This evil example was soon after followed by the Pennsylvanians--thus leaving the thirty regulars to sustain an engagement with a greatly superior force. They displayed the greatest heroism; and maintained the action, until all but seven being overpowered, the latter effected their escape, and rëjoined the army at Chillicothe.

The Indian settlements bordering on the Scioto were now destroyed; which having been accomplished, Colonel Harden was a third time detached with three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars, under command of Major Wyllys. This force was attacked by a large body of Indians at the junction of the St. Joseph with the St. Mary. It was a most desperate contest. Here the militia retrieved their character; nor did they attempt to retreat till one hundred and nine men and officers lay dead on the field. Of the sixty regulars, only ten survived, and among the killed was their brave commander, Major Wyllys. Following this reverse, the survivors of the detachments joined the army, and retired to Fort Washington.

On the failure of General Harmar, Major General Arthur St. Clair, governor of the North-west territory, was appointed to succeed him. In 1791, at the head of two thousand men, the latter entered upon an expedition which had for its object the destruction of the Indian villages on the Miami. On the 3d of November, the army had proceeded within twelve or fifteen miles of the Indian villages, at which point the General formed his forces in two lines--the first, under command of General Butler, composed the right wing, and lay with a creek immediately in front of them. The left wing, under command of Colonel Drake, formed the second, and lay with an interval of some seventy yards between them and the first line. The militia occupied a post across the creek, a quarter of a mile in front.

On the following day, before sunrise, just after the troops had been dismissed from the parade, an unexpected attack was made on the militia, who fled in the utmost confusion, and, in their flight, deranged the continental troops, who were in the act of forming. The officers exerted themselves to the utmost to restore order; but were not entirely successful. The Indians fell upon them with savage impetuosity. The action instantly became extremely warm. The continental troops fought with spirit and determination; the Indians, with fearful desperation, advancing to the very mouth of the field-pieces.

At length, perceiving that the only hope of victory lay in the use of the bayonet, an impetuous charge was made under Lieutenant-colonel Drake, and the enemy driven several hundred yards. But not being able to pursue the advantage gained, the Indians turned, and renewed the attack. Meanwhile, General Butler was mortally wounded, and the right wing broken, the artillerists killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated by the enemy. At this critical moment, Major Drake was ordered to charge with the bayonet. This order he executed with great intrepidity and momentary success.

But the American troops, failing to keep their ranks, and flocking together in crowds, were, in several cases, shot down with but feeble resistance. At length, perceiving that his officers had suffered greatly, and the remnant of his army became more and more confused, General St. Clair ordered a retreat. For some miles, the Indians followed; but, fortunately for the surviving Americans, they at length turned back, to plunder the camp of such articles as the former had been obliged to abandon. The routed troops now continued their flight to Fort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their arms on the road. At this place, leaving their wounded, the army continued its retreat to Fort Washington.

The loss of the Americans was severe, amounting to thirty-eight commissioned officers killed, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates slain and missing. The wounded amounted to between two and three hundred officers and men, many of whom subsequently died. The loss of the Indians bore no comparison, it is thought, to that of the Americans. This reverse was as unexpected as unfortunate; yet want of neither ability, zeal, nor intrepidity was ascribed to the commander of the expedition, by a committee of congress, appointed to examine into the causes of its failure.

The subsequent history of this war is brief. In consequence of an anticipated adjustment of existing difficulties with the Indians, they having consented to a conference in the spring of 1794, hostilities were for a time suspended. But the proposed negotiations failing, General Wayne, with nearly one thousand men, was sent into their country, to reduce them to subjection. He engaged them in a sanguinary battle on the 20th of August, 1794, on the banks of the Miami, which resulted in their utter rout, and which was followed by laying waste their whole country. By means of this victory over the Miamies, a general Indian war was doubtless prevented. On the 3d of August, a treaty was concluded at Greenville, which established peace between the United States and the Indian tribes, and restored peace and tranquillity to the frontier settlements.

Rëelection of Washington.--During the year 1792, as the time approached for the election of a chief magistrate, General Washington expressed his intention, to some of his most intimate friends, to decline a rëelection. His age and increasing infirmities rendered his retirement from the cares of political life most desirable. In view of such retirement, he had prepared a farewell address to the people. But, through the persuasion of Jefferson, Hamilton, Randolph, and others, he was induced to forego his private wishes, and was unanimously rëelected to the presidency. No such unanimity has since been manifested by the people of the United States, in relation to the choice of a chief magistrate; nor is such unanimity likely again to exist. And most conclusively does it show, not merely the gratitude of the nation to the man who had stood foremost in times of peril, but its deep and universal sense of the purity of his patriotism and the worth of his skill in moulding and shaping the government still in its infancy. Such harmony was alike honorable to the nation and to Washington. Mr. Adams was rëelected vice-president. The following is a statement of the votes of the several electoral colleges:

Key: A. G. Washington, of Virginia. B. John Adams, of Massa'tts. C. George Clinton, of New York. D. Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia E. Aaron Burr, of New York.

----------+------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ Number of | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | from each | | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. State. | | | | | | ----------+------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ 6 | New Hampshire, | 6 | 6 | | | 16 | Massachusetts, | 16 | 16 | | | 4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | 4 | | | 9 | Connecticut, | 9 | 9 | | | 3 | Vermont, | 3 | 3 | | | 12 | New York, | 12 | | 12 | | 7 | New Jersey, | 7 | 7 | | | 15 | Pennsylvania, | 15 | 14 | 1 | | 3 | Delaware, | 3 | 3 | | | 8 | Maryland, | 8 | 8 | | | 21 | Virginia, | 21 | | 21 | | 4 | Kentucky, | 4 | | | 4 | 12 | North Carolina, | 12 | | 12 | | 8 | South Carolina, | 8 | 7 | | | 1 4 | Georgia, | 4 | | 4 | | ----------+------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ 132 | Whole No. of electors, | 132 | 77 | 50 | 4 | 1 | Majority, 67 | | | | |

Difficulties with France.--The rëelection of Washington may be justly considered as among the most signal favors conferred on the American people. A revolution in France was in progress, remarkable for the political changes it was affecting and the sanguinary scenes which marked it. Monarchy had been abolished, Louis XVI. had fallen by the guillotine, a republic had been proclaimed, and the national convention had made proclamation of war against England, Holland, and Spain.

It was not unnatural that a people, who had themselves just thrown off the yoke, and were beginning to taste the sweets of liberty, as was the case with the Americans, should deeply sympathize with a nation which was engaged in a similar struggle for independence. From the commencement of the French Revolution, in 1789, not only the Americans, but the friends of liberty throughout the world, were full of hope that the political condition of France might thereby be improved. And as that revolution progressed, the interest deepened; and when, at length, the Republic was proclaimed, "the affection of the American nation to its ancient ally, became devotion." The enthusiasm knew scarcely any bounds, and was frequently manifested in the most extravagant manner.

Nor was it unnatural that the French people should look to America for her sympathy and aid, in so important an enterprise. They had, at a former period, helped her through her struggle for independence, and now, that they were embarked in a similar effort, could she withhold her cöoperation and aid? They had reason to expect it, and were not long in adopting measures to secure it.

The news of the declaration of war by France, against the powers already named, reached the United States in April, and with this intelligence arrived a new minister from the French republic, Mr. Genet. Both these circumstances contributed to "increase to an extraordinary degree the excitement already existing in favor of France, and disposed a large portion of the nation to an actual cöoperation with their ally against the enemy."

Washington and his associates in power were friends to liberty, and were well-wishers to the cause of true freedom in France. But the Revolution was assuming a selfish and sanguinary character, which betokened any thing but the establishment of a free and enlightened constitutional government. The most unbridled ambition for power was beginning to show itself, and reason and religion were apparently being deprived of their legitimate sway. In addition to this, the United States were in no situation to embark in angry conflict with Great Britain and other continental powers. In such a conflict it was apparently the wish of France to involve the country, and, to a considerable portion of the American people--arising from their prejudices against Great Britain--such an event would not have been unacceptable. But Washington judged more wisely for the interests of the nation; and accordingly, on the 22d of April, issued his proclamation of neutrality.

This neutral and pacific policy of the American government had, however, no apparent influence upon the new French minister. "Sanguine in his temperament, of uncontrolled passions, excited to a degree of insanity by the newborn ideas which raged in France, possessed of the wildest dreams of national glory and aggrandizement--in a word, the very incarnation of Jacobinism, he was the fittest brand which the assembly could have selected to hurl into the magazine of political strife. His reception at Charleston, where he landed, was well fitted to encourage him. Public authorities, and private citizens, vied with each other in glorifying the representative of European democracy. On all sides he beheld the disposition he desired, and he did not delay in profiting by it. Vessels were at once fitted out and armed, men were enlisted, and commissions issued under her authority to cruise against the enemies of France." Similar demonstrations of regard were shown him in other places, as he proceeded towards Philadelphia, and the same arrogant and haughty spirit was manifested by him. Pursuing his design of involving the country in war, in despite of public executive prohibition, he issued commissions to capture, and to bring into American ports, the vessels belonging to countries with whom the French were at war.

It is not necessary further to detail the conduct, nor the insolence of this infatuated man. Suffice it to add, that on the meeting of congress, December, 1793, the proclamation of neutrality was approved. Soon after, at the instance of Washington, Mr. Genet was rëcalled by the French government, which, at the same time, disapproved of his conduct.

Insurrection in Pennsylvania.--The summer of 1794, was signalized by an insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, commonly known as the "whiskey insurrection." It had its origin in a dissatisfaction with a law of congress, enacted in 1791, by which a duty was imposed upon spirits distilled in the United States. The inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania were chiefly foreigners, and consequently were less disposed to submit to the taxation necessary to the support of government. Strong opposition to the law was early manifested, and not a few outrages were committed upon the revenue officers while in the discharge of their duty--such as "whipping, tarring, and branding."

In consideration of these objections, in 1791-92, congress so modified the law, as to do away its most obnoxious features. But the law was now turned to party purposes, and the spirit of discontent was fostered and inflamed to an excessive degree. The consequence was, that outrages were renewed, and the wildest anarchy prevailed.

In September, 1792, the president issued his proclamation against unlawful combinations, and legal measures were adopted against such as refused to pay the tax imposed, and also against the rioters. But these measures were of no practical effect. The president's message was disregarded, and the violence and extent of the combination utterly prevented any enforcement of the law. The house of the collector of Fayette and Westmoreland, was, in November, 1793, entered at night by an armed party, and the officer forced, at the peril of his life, to surrender his commission and books.

After many fruitless efforts to appease the malcontents, the government decided that its officers should be protected, and the law, at all hazards, be sustained. Accordingly, in July, a number of writs were issued, and the marshal dispatched to serve them. In the performance of this duty in Allegany county, he was fired upon. The following day, the house of the inspector, General Neville, in the neighborhood of Pittsburg, was assaulted--but the rioters were repulsed. On the 17th, the attack was renewed, and, though defended by a detachment from the garrison at Pittsburg, it was taken and burned. The marshal and inspector were obliged to flee for their lives. The effect of this transaction was electrical. The whole of western Pennsylvania was in a blaze. All order was at an end. All law was prostrate.

It was now apparent that the interference of the general government would alone suffice to rule the storm. Neither the civil forces nor the local militia could be depended on. General Washington, therefore, on the 7th of August, made a requisition upon the governor of Pennsylvania and the adjacent states for quotas of militia. Meanwhile, a proclamation was issued to the insurgents to disperse, and a general amnesty promised on condition of a peaceable submission. These measures, however, had no effect. On the 25th of September, the army was ordered to proceed. On its approach, the principal leader fled. This removed the great obstacle to a pacification, and a general submission ensued on the arrival of the militia. Thus terminated a rebellion which, for a time, threatened the most disastrous consequences to the union. The enemies of the government were not unwilling that it should spread wider and wider; nor was foreign intrigue wanting to give it impulse. Through the forbearing policy of Washington, in the first instance, and his subsequent firm and decided measures, the insurrection was quelled. A number of arrests were made, and a few persons convicted. But all were at length pardoned.

Jay's Treaty.--For some time, the relations subsisting between the United States and Great Britain had been far from amicable. The original difficulties arose from the non-execution of the treaty of peace--each nation charging the other with the first infraction. The principal complaints were, on the one hand, the non-delivery of the ports held by the latter within the American lines, and the carrying off the slaves at the close of the war; on the other, the interposition, by the states, of legal impediments to the recovery of debts contracted before the war. Added to these sources of trouble, Great Britain was accused of exciting the hostility of the Indians on our northern frontier, of impressing our seamen, and, still more recently, of capturing our neutral vessels, retaliatory upon France, which had set the example.

For these reasons, a war between the United States and England was now a probable event. Nor were the friends of France slow in fanning the flame of discord. The latter, therefore, were greatly disappointed on learning that Great Britain had rescinded her orders in relation to the capture of neutral vessels. But it was a most fortunate circumstance for the peace of the two countries. Immediately, Washington, perceiving that an opportunity was presented for a probable settlement of existing difficulties, on the 16th of April, nominated John Jay, then chief justice, as envoy extraordinary to the British court.

On the 7th of March following, 1795, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, concluded by Mr. Jay, arrived. On the 8th, it was submitted to the senate.

The main feature of this treaty respected indemnity for unlawful captures, which was provided for, but no redress could be obtained for negroes carried away. The obstructions to collecting debts were to cease, and the ports on the frontiers were to be evacuated by the 1st of June, 1796. Other stipulations were embraced, and the treaty was limited to twelve years.

On the 24th of June, the senate advised the ratification of the treaty by a vote of exactly two-thirds. It was well known that the President was not entirely satisfied with it, but he had determined to ratify it, if advised by the senate. The cabinet was divided. The country was also divided. Even the friends of England were disappointed in its provisions; while her enemies were loud in their complaints and threats. Boston and the other cities passed condemnatory resolutions. In several cities, mobs threatened personal violence to the supporters of the treaty. Mr. Jay was burned in effigy; the British minister was insulted; and Mr. Hamilton was stoned at a public meeting.

Contrary to the predictions of many, the treaty, thus ratified, settled the difficulties between the two countries, which were on the eve of war. It even proved advantageous to the United States.

Election of Mr. Adams.--As the presidential term of Washington was now drawing to a close, he signified his intention to retire from the duties of public life. During his administration, the people had become divided into two great political parties; at the head of one, was Mr. Adams; at the head of the other, Mr. Jefferson. The election was characterized by a zeal corresponding to the interest taken by the parties in their candidates, and their devotion to their respective political creeds. The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams, as may be seen in the following official canvass of the votes:

ELECTION FOR THE THIRD TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1797, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1801.

Key: A. John Adams, of Massachusetts. B. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia. C. Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina. D. Aaron Burr, of New York. E. Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts. F. Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut. G. John Jay, of New York. H. George Clinton, of New York. I. S. Johnson, of North Carolina. J. James Iredell, of North Carolina. K. George Washington, of Virgina. L. Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina. M. John Henry, of Maryland.

----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--- Number of | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | | | | | | | | | from each | |A.|B.|C.|D.|E.|F.|G.|H.|I.|J.|K.|L.|M. State. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--- 3 |Tennessee, | | 3| | 3| | | | | | | | | 4 |Kentucky, | | 4| | 4| | | | | | | | | 4 |Georgia, | | 4| | | | | | 4| | | | | 8 |South Carolina, | | 8| 8| | | | | | | | | | 12 |North Carolina, | 1|11| 1| 6| | | | | | 3| 1| 1| 21 |Virginia | 1|20| 1| 1|15| | | 3| | | 1| | 11 |Maryland, | 7| 4| 4| 3| | | | | | | | | 2 3 |Delaware, | 3| | 3| | | | | | | | | | 15 |Pennsylvania, | 1|14| 2 13| | | | | | | | | 7 |New Jersey, | 7| | 7| | | | | | | | | | 12 |New York, |12| |12| | | | | | | | | | 9 |Connecticut, | 9| | 4| | | | 5| | | | | | 4 |Rhode Island, | 4| | | | | 4| | | | | | | 16 |Massachusetts, |16| |13| | | 1| | | 2| | | | 4 |Vermont, | 4| | 4| | | | | | | | | | 6 |New Hampshire, | 6| | | | | 6| | | | | | | ----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--- 139 | Whole No. of |71|68|59|30|15|11|5 | 7| 2| 3| 2| 1| 2 | electors, | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Majority, 70 | | | | | | | | | | | | |

Farewell Address.--Washington's administration closed on the 3rd of March, 1797. Shortly before, he held his last formal levee. It was an occasion of deep, and even solemn interest. The distinguished of all parties and opinions were there--veterans of the revolution, "weather-stained and scarred"--statesmen, bent with the cares and weight of years spent in the service of their country--executive counsellors, who had stood by their chief, and aided in giving shape, union, and strength to the youthful republic--ministers from foreign governments, whose veneration approached that of his countrymen--and finally, a long line of private citizens, who admired and delighted to do honor to the man. They had convened, not for the last time to honor the president of the United States--the permanency of the republic was no longer problematical--a successor had been appointed, and hopes were reasonably entertained that the bonds of union between the several states would be strengthened in future years; but they had come to bid "farewell" to Washington--to him, to whose valor and wisdom the nation was prëeminently indebted for its independence, and the prosperity of its government--in short, to "a soldier, without stain upon his arms--a ruler, without personal ambition--a citizen, of self-sacrificing patriotism--a man, pure, unblemished, and true in every relation he had filled--one, in short, to whom all ages should point as the testimony, that virtue and greatness had been and could be united."

To Washington, the occasion was no less solemn and affecting. On retiring from the army, he had taken leave of officers and soldiers, expecting to spend his future days in the shade of his beloved Mount Vernon. Again he was seeking that happy and peaceful retreat, and was glad to be released from the cares and responsibilities of office; but when he looked round upon faces long familiar, and grasped the hands of those who had helped him in times of anxiety and doubt, Washington's heart was affected. It is said there were few smiles, but many tears seen during the reception.

On leaving the seat of government, Washington presented a token of regard to the principal officers of government. His affection for them was sincere and abiding. Towards the entire American people, he bore the kindness and good-will of a father. He wished their happiness. He had spent years in their service, without emolument, and even at the sacrifice of a portion of his patrimony; but that was nothing, so long as he could see the government stable, and the republic "one and indivisible." There was, perhaps, no one subject which had occupied Washington's thoughts, more than the union of the states. And now that he was about to retire, he felt it to be befitting him to express his views on some subjects connected, as he thought, with the vital interests and the future glory of his country. These he embodied in a "Farewell Address," which, for purity of language, beauty of conception, and soundness of political sentiments, has never been equalled. It can never be read but to be admired. There are but two sentences which we shall cite from this address; but, in respect to the future glory and prosperity of our country, they are as the corner-stones to our national capitol:

"The unity of government, which now constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the mainspring in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize."

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens."

On other subjects connected with the future welfare of the country, he expressed opinions, of whose wisdom and practical value, revolving years have given ample proof. Against the spirit of innovation upon the principles of the constitution, he gave solemn warning--against the spirit of party, when bitter and exclusive, he uttered his solemn remonstrance. Public credit should be maintained; public economy practiced; and institutions for the education and improvement of the public mind, liberally endowed.

FOOTNOTES:

[62] Pitkin.

[63] Never did a magistrate exercise power entrusted to him, with stricter fidelity than Washington. In respect to appointments to and removals from office, no man could be more conscientious. Private friendship exerted no influence, where the public good could not be subserved. A lofty patriotism swayed him. Even the enemies of Washington--they were never many--but the few who, at length, opposed the measures of his administration, had no occasion to censure him for conferring office on men whose only claim was friendship, or political affinity to the president. The following anecdote will serve to illustrate the integrity of the first chief magistrate of the union--happy had it been for the country, and for the honor and reputation of some of his successors in that exalted office, had they followed, in this respect, the "footsteps of an illustrious predecessor."

"During his administration, an application was made to him by a gentleman who had been the friend and companion of the general throughout the whole course of the Revolutionary war, during which he had received, on various occasions, indubitable marks of his kindness and partiality. He had become, in the estimation, if not of himself, of his friends, in a degree necessary to the happiness of Washington, and had therefore, in their opinion, only to apply for the office, to receive it. It was a boon, which, while it would ensure competency and ease to a friend, would bring that friend into frequent intercourse with his patron and former associate in arms.

"For the same office, however, there was a competitor; but as he was decidedly hostile to the politics of Washington, and had made himself conspicuous among the opposers of his administration, no serious apprehensions were felt from this quarter. Towards such a man--a well-known political enemy--Washington surely could feel under no obligations, and was not likely to prefer such a one to a personal friend and favorite. Every one acquainted with the pretensions of the two applicants, was at no loss to judge as to the president's decision, and the concurrent opinion was in favor of the friend and against his competitor.

"Judge, then, the general surprise, when it was announced that the political opponent of Washington was appointed and the former associate of the general in the toils and deprivations of the camp, was left destitute and dejected.

"When his decision was known, a mutual friend, who interested himself in the affair, ventured to remonstrate with the president on the injustice of his appointment. 'My friend,' replied this illustrious man, 'I receive with a cordial welcome; he is welcome to my house, and welcome to my heart; but, with all his good qualities, he is not a man of business. His opponent, with all his political hostility to me, is a man of business. My private feelings have nothing to do in the case! I am not George Washington, but president of the United States. As George Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power; but as president of the United States, I can do nothing.'"

[64] Pitkin.

VII. JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 4, 1797.

THOMAS JEFFERSON, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, (continued in } office), } Secretaries John Marshall, Virginia, May 13, 1800, } of State.

Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, (continued in } office), } Secretaries Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, December 31, 1800, } of Treasury.

James M'Henry, Maryland, (continued in } office), } Secretaries Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, May 13, 1800, } of War. Roger Griswold, Connecticut, February 3, 1801, }

Benjamin Stoddert, Maryland, May 21, 1798, Secretary of the Navy.

Joseph Habersham, Georgia, (continued in Postmaster office), General.

Charles Lee, Virginia, (continued in Attorney office), General.

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fifth Congress, 1797. Theodore Sedgwick, Massachusetts, Sixth do. 1799.

On the 1st of March, Washington, now about to retire from the presidency, addressed a communication to the senate, desiring them to attend in their chamber, on Saturday, the 4th, at ten o'clock, "to receive any communication which the new president might lay before them, touching their interests." In conformity with this summons, the senate assembled at the time and place appointed. The oath of office was administered by Mr. Bingham to Mr. Jefferson, the vice-president elect. The customary oath was next administered by the vice-president to the new senate; which preliminary forms being finished, the senate, preceded by their presiding officer, repaired to the chamber of the house of representatives, to witness the ceremonies of the inauguration of the new president.

Mr. Adams entered, accompanied by the heads of departments, the marshal of the district and his officers, and took his seat in the speaker's chair; the vice-president and secretary of the senate were seated in advance on his right, and the late speaker and clerk on the left; the justices of the supreme court sat before the president, and the foreign ministers and members of the house in their usual seats. The venerable Washington himself also appeared. As he entered, all eyes were turned towards him with admiration, and every heart beat with joy at the complacency and delight which he manifested at seeing another about to be clothed with the authority he had laid aside.

In his inaugural address, Mr. Adams expressed his preference, upon principle, to a free republican government--his attachment to the constitution of the United States--an impartial regard to the rights, interests, honor, and happiness of all the states of the Union, without preference to a Northern or Southern, an Eastern or Western position--a love of equal laws and exact justice--an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations--his regard for the institutions of religion, and the propagation of knowledge and virtue among all classes, &c.; and, finally, he invoked the care and blessing of that Almighty Being, who in all ages had been the Patron of order, the Fountain of justice, and the Protector of virtuous liberty.

Having concluded his address, the oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Ellsworth. Washington was the first to tender to the new president his heartfelt congratulations; which having done, he bade adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the enjoyment of that peace and quiet which he had long desired, and which he now anticipated in his own beloved Mount Vernon.

The condition of the country, on the accession of Mr. Adams, was highly prosperous. The constitution had been tested through the vicissitudes of eight years, and had stood, and continued to stand, as a monument of the political wisdom of its framers. Fortunately, several of those sages had borne conspicuous stations in the government from the time of its organization. The president himself had been the president of the convention which formed the constitution. The true intent, therefore, of that instrument, both in its general and special provisions, had become well understood; its great principles had been applied, and found to answer the most sanguine expectations of its patriotic projectors.

In relation to particular measures, Washington had shown himself to be as skillful a statesman as he had proved himself sagacious as a general. A credit had been established for the country, whose soundness no capitalist doubted--an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors, and a revenue had been secured sufficiently ample for the national demands.

Funds also had been provided for the gradual extinction of the national debt; a considerable portion of it had, indeed, been actually discharged, and that system devised which did in fact, in the lapse of some years, extinguish the whole. The agricultural and commercial thrift of the nation had been beyond all former example, and beyond all anticipation. The numerous and powerful tribes of Indians at the West, had been taught by arms and by good faith to respect the United States, and to desire their friendship.

The principal events which distinguished the administration of Mr. Adams, were,

Difficulties with France Death of Washington. Treaty with that Power. Removal of the Seat of Government. Election of Mr. Jefferson.

Difficulties with France.--The misunderstanding between France and the United States, which had commenced during the administration of Washington, not only extended into that of Mr. Adams, but, soon after his accession, assumed a still more formidable and even warlike aspect.

The seditious conduct of Mr. Genet, the French minister, and his rëcall, were noticed when reciting the prominent events of Washington's administration. He was succeeded by Mr. Fauchet, who arrived in the United States in February, 1794. The conduct of this functionary, if less exceptionable than his predecessor, was by no means calculated to restore the harmony of the two governments. Fauchet, believing that a large party in the United States sympathized with him and his government, insulted the administration by accusing them of partiality to the English, enmity to his nation, and indifference to the cause of liberty.

With a desire to restore the peace of the two governments, General Washington, in 1794, rëcalled Mr. Morris, our then minister to France, and appointed Mr. Monroe to succeed him, a gentleman belonging to the republican party, and, therefore, more acceptable to the French government, and the more likely to succeed in a satisfactory adjustment of existing difficulties. Mr. Monroe was received with distinguished consideration, and as an evidence of his kind reception, the flags of the two republics were entwined and suspended in the legislative hall.

Mr. Adet soon after succeeded Mr. Fauchet. He brought with him the colors of France, which were presented to the government of the United States as a token of her sympathy and affection for her sister republic. But when the former discovered that the United States continued rigidly to maintain their neutrality, her sympathy and affection suddenly declined. Measures were adopted highly injurious to American commerce. Her cruisers were let loose upon our commerce, and hundreds of vessels pursuing a lawful trade were captured and confiscated.

The favorable results anticipated from Mr. Monroe's embassy to France signally failed. Whether this failure proceeded from an impossibility of making terms with the French government, or from a want of firmness and decision on the part of Mr. Monroe, it may be difficult to decide. But, dissatisfied with the tardy and unsatisfactory manner in which the negotiation was conducted, the president decided to rëcall Mr. Monroe. This was accordingly done, and Mr. Pinckney was appointed to succeed him.

The object of Mr. Pinckney's mission was stated in his letter of credence to be "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations; and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union." The French directory, however, refused to acknowledge Mr. Pinckney in his official capacity; and, at length, by a written mandate, ordered him to quit the territory of the French republic.

Intelligence of these facts having been communicated to Mr. Adams, he summoned congress by proclamation, to assemble on the 15th of May, when, in a fine and dignified speech, he stated the great and unprovoked outrages of the French government. He expressed, however, his wish for an accommodation, and his purpose of attempting it. Meanwhile, he earnestly recommended the adoption of measures of defence.

Accordingly, to prevent war, if practicable, Mr. Adams appointed three envoys extraordinary to the French republic. General Pinckney, then at Amsterdam, whither he had retired on being ordered to leave France, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Gerry. These, also, the directory refused to receive. They were, however, addressed by persons verbally instructed by Talleyrand, the minister of foreign relations, and invited to make proposals. In explicit terms, these unofficial agents demanded a large sum of money before any negotiations could be opened. To this insulting demand, a decided negative was given. A compliance was, nevertheless, repeatedly urged, until, at length, the envoys refused to hold with them any further communications.

These matters becoming known in America, excited general indignation. The spirit of party appeared to be extinct. "Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute," the language of Mr. Pinckney to the French government, resounded from every quarter of the Union. The treaty of alliance with France was declared by congress to be annulled; and authority was given for capturing armed French vessels. Provision was made for raising a regular army, and in case events should render it expedient, for augmenting it. A direct tax and additional internal duties were laid. To the command of the armies of the United States, President Adams, with the unanimous advice of the senate, appointed George Washington, with the rank of lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief. Washington reluctantly accepted the office, declaring, however, that he cordially approved the measures of the government.

The first act of hostility between the two nations, appears to have been committed by the Insurgente, which captured the American schooner Retaliation, and carried her into Guadaloupe. Soon after, the Constellation, under the command of Captain Truxton, went to sea, and in February, 1799, he encountered the Insurgente, which, after a close action of about an hour and a half, he compelled to strike. The rate of the Constellation was thirty-two guns; that of the Insurgente, forty. The former had three men wounded, one of whom shortly after died, and none killed; the latter had forty-one wounded, and twenty-nine killed. This victory, so brilliant and so decisive, with such a wonderful disparity of loss, gave great eclat to the victor and to the navy.

Treaty with France.--The bold and decided tone of the Americans, added to their preparations for prosecuting a war with vigor--and, perhaps, more than all, the success of the American navy in various engagements, had the desired effect. Overtures for renewing the negotiations were received from the French directory, which were immediately responded to by the president, by the appointment of Oliver Ellsworth, chief justice of the United States, Patrick Henry,[65] then late governor of Virginia, and William Vans Murray, minister at the Hague, envoys extraordinary for concluding a peace. On their arrival at Paris, they found the directory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Napoleon Buonaparte, as first consul. By him they were promptly received, and a treaty was concluded on the 30th of September, 1800; soon after which, the provisional army in America was, by order of congress, disbanded.

Death of Washington.--The good and the great must die, and, at length, America was called to mourn the departure of the good and illustrious Washington. He did not live, much as he desired that event, to witness the restoration of peace.

On Friday, December 13th, while attending to some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which that same night induced an inflammatory affection of the windpipe. In the morning his family physician, Dr. Craik, was called in; but the utmost exertions of medical skill were applied in vain. Believing, from the commencement of his complaint, that it would prove fatal, Washington succeeded, though with difficulty, in expressing a desire that he might be permitted to die without being disquieted by unavailing attempts to rescue him from his fate. When no longer able to swallow, undressing himself, he retired to his bed, there to await his dissolution. To his friend and physician he said, with difficulty, "Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying for a long time; but I am not afraid to die." Respiration became more and more contracted and imperfect, until half-past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the "Father of his country." Intelligence of this event, as it rapidly spread, produced spontaneous, deep, and unaffected grief, suspending every other thought, and absorbing every different feeling.

Congress unanimously resolved upon a funeral procession in memory of Washington. On the appointed day the procession moved from the legislative hall to the German Lutheran church, where an oration was delivered by General Lee, a representative from Virginia. The procession was grand and solemn; the oration, eloquent and impressive: throughout the Union, similar marks of affection were exhibited--the whole nation appeared in mourning. Funeral orations, commemorative of his virtues, were pronounced in almost every city and town, and many were the tears shed by young and old, as the excellencies of his character were portrayed, and the services which he had rendered in achieving the independence, and contributing to the happiness of his country, were reviewed.

Washington deserved all the public honors which were paid him, and yet he needed none of them to add to the celebrity of his name, or the glory of his achievements. Wherever the story of his greatness, and of his patriotic services, has travelled, it has elicited the admiration and homage of mankind. Indeed, among civilized people of all countries, his name has become a household word, and is identified with all that is wise, and pious, and patriotic. By the aged warriors of our Western tribes--now indeed few and far between--he is still remembered as "our Father:" his name is familiar to the wandering Bedouin, and his fame has penetrated to the mountain fastnesses of the roving Tartar. And in all future time--at least while the American republic has a name and a place on the earth--or while the record of her Revolution, and the establishment of her government shall last--the name of Washington will be remembered with gratitude and joy. "His country is his monument, and her history his epitaph."

The character of Washington has been so often portrayed, that we shall not deem it necessary to enter upon a formal review of it in these pages. It may be, perhaps, a more grateful service which we render, to garner up some "tributes" to his exalted worth, which have been paid him by some of the most distinguished men in other countries.

Said Mr. Fox, in the British parliament, in a speech delivered during Washington's second presidential term: "Illustrious man! deriving less honor from the splendor of his situation than the dignity of his mind: before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance, and all the potentates of Europe (excepting the members of our own royal family) become little and contemptible!"--Said Napoleon--a man not wont to lavish his praises--and yet a man who understood and could appreciate noble qualities existing in others--said Napoleon--"Washington is dead! The great man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of his country. His memory will always be dear to the French people, as it will to all freemen of the two worlds."

Byron has added his testimony to the excellency and glory of Washington--a tribute of praise which, it is said, he has no where in any of his writings paid to a British hero, not even to Wellington himself. "After taxing his misanthropy for the bitterest forms of speech, to be applied to the fallen Napoleon, and to mock at the fearful reverses of the French emperor's fortune, he, by some strange impulses, winds up his scorching lyric with these few lines:"

"Where shall the weary eye repose When gazing on the great-- Where neither guilty glory glows, Nor despicable state? Yes--one--the first--the last--the best-- The Cincinnatus of the West, Bequeathed the name of Washington, To make men blush there was but one."

Beautiful is the tribute--and as just as beautiful--which the Professor of Modern History, in the English University of Cambridge (William Smith, Esq.), pays to the sage of Mount Vernon. "Instances may be found," says he, "when perhaps it may be thought that he was decisive to a degree that partook of severity and harshness, or even more; but how innumerable were the decisions which he had to make! How difficult and how important through the eventful series of twenty years of command in the cabinet or the field! Let it be considered what it is to have the management of a revolution and afterwards the maintenance of order. Where is the man that, in the history of our race, has ever succeeded in attempting successively the one and the other? The plaudits of his country were continually sounding in his ears, and neither the judgment or the virtues of the man were ever disturbed. Armies were led to the field with all the enterprise of a hero, and then dismissed with all the equanimity of a philosopher. Power was accepted--was exercised--was resigned precisely at the moment and in the way that patriotism directed. Whatever was the difficulty, the trial, the temptation, or the danger, there stood the soldier and the citizen, eternally the same, without fear and without reproach, and there was the man who was not only at all times virtuous, but at all times wise.

"As a ruler of mankind, he may be proposed as a model. Deeply impressed with the original rights of human nature, he never forgot that the end and aim of all just government was the happiness of the people, and he never exercised authority till he had first taken care to put himself clearly in the right. His candor, his patience, his love of justice, were unexampled; and this, though naturally he was not patient--much otherwise, highly irritable."

"Of all great men"--such is the declaration of Mr. Guizot, one of the ministers of the late king of the French--"of all great men, Washington was the most virtuous and the most fortunate. In this world, God has no higher favors to bestow."

A writer in the Edinburgh Review, expresses himself in terms equally honorable to the American Fabius: "If profound sagacity, unshaken steadiness of purpose, the entire subjugation of all the passions, which carry havoc through ordinary minds, and oftentimes lay waste the fairest prospects of greatness--nay the discipline of those feelings that are wont to lull or seduce genius, and to mar and to cloud over the aspect of virtue herself--joined with, or rather leading to, the most absolute self-denial, the most habitual and exclusive devotion to principle--if these things can constitute a great character, without either quickness of apprehension or resources of information, or circumventive powers, or any brilliant quality that might dazzle the vulgar--then Washington was the greatest man that ever lived in this world, uninspired by divine wisdom, and unsustained by supernatural virtue."

To the foregoing, we may add an extract from the eloquent peroration of Lord Brougham, in his masterly essay on "Public Characters." "This is the consummate glory of the great American; a triumphant warrior, where the most sanguine had a right to despair; a successful ruler, in all the difficulties of a course wholly untried; but a warrior, whose sword only left its sheath when the first law of our nature commanded it to be drawn; and a ruler who, having tasted of supreme power, greatly and unostentatiously desired that the cup might pass from him, nor would he suffer more to wet his lips than the most solemn and sacred duty to his country and his God required." "It will be the duty of the historian and the sage in all ages to omit no occasion of commemorating this illustrious man; and until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and in virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of Washington!"

Such were some of the attributes, the virtues, the services of Washington, and such the tribute paid to his greatness, his worth, and his unequalled glory, as a man, a military chieftain, and a ruler. More might be added, but it is unnecessary, unless it be, that Washington was a Christian. Every where--in seasons of trial, peril, and almost of hopeless despondency--he placed his reliance upon that Great Being who holds in his hand the fate of men and of nations. His hopes for his country were founded more on the righteousness of her cause, and on the blessing of Heaven, than on the number or strength of his army. Of his religion, he made no parade--of his virtues, no boast--but he was ever more true to the dictates of piety, and observant of the forms and institutions of the Gospel. And it was this reliance upon that Gospel, which enabled him to say, in the closing moments of life, "I am not afraid to die."

In conclusion, we may add, in the highly laudatory and just language of another, "Washington stands almost alone in the world. He occupies a region where there are, unhappily for mankind, but few inhabitants. The Grecian biographer could easily find parallels for Alexander and Cæsar; but, were he living now, he would meet with great difficulty in selecting one for Washington. There seems to be an elevation of moral excellence, which, though possible to attain to, few ever approach. As, in ascending the lofty peaks of the Andes, we at length arrive at a line where vegetation ceases, and the principle of life seems extinct; so, in the gradations of human character, there is an elevation which is never attained by mortal man. A few have approached it, but none nearer than Washington.

"He is eminently conspicuous as one of the great benefactors of the human race; for he not only gave liberty to millions, but his name now stands, and will for ever stand, a noble example to high and low. He is a great work of the Almighty Artist, which none can study without receiving purer ideas and more lofty conceptions of the grace and beauty of the human character. He is one that all may copy at different distances, and whom none can contemplate without receiving lasting and salutary impressions of the sterling value, the inexpressible beauty of piety, integrity, courage, and patriotism, associated with a clear, vigorous, and well-poised intellect.

"Pure and widely disseminated as is the fame of this great and good man, it is yet in its infancy. It is every day taking deeper root in the hearts of his countrymen and the estimation of strangers, and spreading its branches wider and wider to the air and the skies. He is already become the saint of liberty, which has gathered new honors by being associated with his name; and when men aspire to free nations, they must take him for their model. It is, then, not without ample reason that the suffrages of mankind have combined to place Washington at the head of his race. If we estimate him by the examples recorded in history, he stands without a parallel in the virtues exhibited, and the most unprecedented consequences resulting from their exercise. The whole world was the theatre of his actions, and all mankind are destined to partake, sooner or later, in their results. He is the hero of a new species; he had no model. Will he have any imitators? Time, which bears the thousands and thousands of common cut-throats to the ocean of oblivion, only adds new lustre to his fame, new fame to his example, and new strength to the reverential affection of all good men. What a glorious fame is his, to be acquired without guilt, and enjoyed without envy! to be cherished by millions living, hundreds of millions yet unborn! Let the children of my country prove themselves worthy of his virtues, his labors, his sacrifices, by reverencing his name, and imitating his piety, integrity, industry, fortitude, patience, forbearance, and patriotism. So shall they become fitted to enjoy the blessings of freedom and the bounties of Heaven."[66]

Removal of the Seat of Government.--In the year 1800, the seat of government, agreeably to a law passed by congress in 1790, was removed to Washington, in the District of Columbia. This territory, ten miles square, had been granted to the general government by the states of Virginia and Maryland. Public buildings had been erected, and in November of this year, congress, for the first time, held their session in that place. After congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of congress, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president said: "It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble, for the first time, in this solemn temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city, may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be for ever held in veneration. Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish for ever."

Election of Mr. Jefferson.--At this period, a presidential election recurred. From the time of the adoption of the constitution, the republican party had been gradually gathering strength, and, in anticipation of success, great preparations were made by them to elect their candidates, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. The candidates of the federal party were Mr. Adams and General Pinckney.

Unfortunately for the federal party, the administration of Mr. Adams had not been generally acceptable. "In the early part of it, the acts by which the army and navy were strengthened, and eighty thousand of the militia subjected to his order, were represented, by the republicans, as proofs that, however he might have been a friend to the constitution of his country, he now either wished to subvert it, or was led blindfold into the views of those who did. The republicans scrupled the policy of a war with France, and denied the necessity, even in case of such a war, of a large land force. They believed that spirits were at work to produce this war, or to make the most of a disturbance, in order to lull the people, while they raised an army, which they intended as the instrument of subverting the republican, and establishing a monarchical government."

These insinuations--or, more properly, charges--were doubtless utterly groundless; but they served to bring Mr. Adams' administration into disrepute, and to strengthen the republican party, which were boastful of their superior regard to the constitution, and friendship to the rights and liberty of the people.

Other measures of the administration served to increase the party odium against it, and, in the sequel, to overthrow it. We allude particularly to two acts of congress--THE ALIEN and SEDITION LAWS, of July, 1798.

The alien law empowered the president "to order all such aliens as he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or should have reasonable grounds to suspect were concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as should be expressed in such order." In case of disobedience, such aliens, on conviction before the circuit or district courts of the United States, were subjected to imprisonment for not more than three years, and incapacitated from becoming citizens. The subsequent law, respecting alien enemies, enabled the president, on a declaration of war, to cause the subjects of the belligerent nation "to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies." Under both these acts, they were permitted to remove their property, and under the latter, if not chargeable with crimes against the United States, to defend themselves.

Of the two measures, the sedition act was by far the most unpopular. "The other," says Mr. Tucker, "was condemned by most Americans, like the stork in the fable, for the society in which he was found, and for the sake of soothing the great class of foreigners who were not yet naturalized, the greater part of whom, particularly the Irish and French, were attached to the republican party."[67]

The sedition law, in some of its provisions, went still further. It imposed fine and imprisonment for unlawfully combining and conspiring with intent to oppose the measures of government, when directed by the proper authority: for impeding the operation of any law of the United States; intimidating an officer from the performance of his duty, or counselling or advising, with similar intent, insurrections, riots, or unlawful combinations. It also imposed similar, but lighter penalties, for the publication of false, scandalous, and malicious writings against the government of the United States, either house of congress, or the president, with intent to bring them into contempt, &c. The act was limited to two years.

Such were the measures which at this most critical period of our history were adopted, when the United States, if not carrying on, were undergoing a war with France; and when the country swarmed with secret spies and agents. These laws have been condemned, and President Adams and his government severely censured for having secured their enactment. They were denounced at the time by the republican party in no measured terms. They were claimed to be unnecessary, cruel, and despotic.

But, while it is not our province to enter into a justification of these laws, it may be proper to say, by way of palliation, to use the language of another, "that the laws themselves sprung from existing facts, and self-preservation demanded that the power of providing for the public safety, vested in every government by the very objects of government, should now be used."[68]

The sedition law was never enforced, except against a few--Callender was one--an alien and a fugitive from justice, who would have overthrown the government, in his zeal to build up the republican party.

The necessity for the laws regarding aliens, was more apparent. The Frenchmen in the United States, at that era, were estimated at thirty thousand. Many of them were associated together in clubs, which had for their object the furtherance of French interests. The number of British subjects was still greater. Other foreigners were numerous, and all were attached to France. They were restless, feverish, factious. Whatever may be thought of the expediency or justice of the law in question, no reasonable doubt can be entertained of the necessity of some restrictive measures in a time of such excitement as then prevailed. And yet it must be admitted that no man was actuated by a loftier patriotism than Mr. Adams; nor was any one ever more ready to make sacrifices for his country's good. It is sometimes urged that he was vain, self-willed, impulsive. But these imperfections were relieved by noble virtues. His political opponent--the man who supplanted him--declared that he was the ablest advocate of independence. In days when others desponded, he hoped.

The acts secured the object sought--they secured, if not the peace, the safety of the country; for even while they were in the process of enactment, not a few of the more "notorious of the incendiaries" left the country. But they largely contributed to the overthrow of the existing administration, and the triumph of the democratic party.

As the constitution then existed, each elector gave his vote for two persons, without designating which was to be president--the one having the largest number being entitled to the presidency, and the other to the vice-presidency. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr were the two candidates of the republican party. Each of these having seventy-three votes, it devolved upon the house of representatives to decide between them. The federal party having been defeated in respect to their candidates, sided with the friends of Colonel Burr, in opposition to Mr. Jefferson.

As this was the first time that the election of a president had thus devolved upon the house of representatives, a general interest was taken in the subject. But that interest was greatly increased by the then existing state of political parties. On the arrival of the time for the election, it was decided that, after the balloting had commenced, no adjournment should be had until a choice was made--that during the balloting, the doors of the house should be closed--that the delegation from each state should be seated together--that the latter should first ballot among themselves, and that duplicates of these ballots should be made, and placed in separate boxes. When all the states had thus voted, the ballot-boxes were to be carried by the sergeant-at-arms to two separate tables. The ballots were then to be counted by tellers, eight in number, at each table. When counted, the reports were to be announced from each table; if these reports agreed, they were to be accepted, as the true votes of the states; but, if they differed, a new balloting was to be made.

On Wednesday, the 11th of February, 1801, the balloting commenced. On the first ballot, eight states voted for Mr. Jefferson, six states for Mr. Burr, and the votes of two states were divided. Unexpectedly, no choice was effected during the first day, and an adjournment became necessary. The balloting was continued on the following day, and, indeed, until Tuesday, the 17th of February, when the thirty-fifth ballot, as had all the previous ballots, resulted the same as the first. The excitement of members, and of citizens attracted from various parts of the country to see the issue of a novel political contest, had now become intense. Every possible influence was exerted by the respective parties. Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, being too unwell to sit during the protracted ballotings, had a bed prepared for him in one of the committee-rooms, to which the ballot-box was carried by the tellers on the part of the state. For several days, the members ate little, and slept still less. At length, however, the long contest was terminated by the thirty-sixth ballot, which resulted in the election of Mr. Jefferson--ten states having voted for him, four for Mr. Burr, and two in blank. The following table exhibits the final result:

Key: A. Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia. B. Aaron Burr, of New York. C. John Adams, of Massa'tts. D. C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina. E. John Jay, of New York.

---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- No. of | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. State. | | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- 6 | New Hampshire, | | | 6 | 6 | 16 | Massachusetts, | | | 16 | 16 | 4 | Rhode Island, | | | 4 | 3 | 1 9 | Connecticut, | | | 9 | 9 | 4 | Vermont, | | | 4 | 4 | 12 | New York, | 12 | 12 | | | 7 | New Jersey, | | | 7 | 7 | 15 | Pennsylvania, | 8 | 8 | 7 | 7 | 3 | Delaware, | | | 3 | 3 | 10 | Maryland, | 5 | 5 | 5 | 5 | 21 | Virginia, | 21 | 21 | | | 4 | Kentucky, | 4 | 4 | | | 12 | North Carolina, | 8 | 8 | 4 | 4 | 3 | Tennessee, | 3 | 3 | | | 8 | South Carolina, | 8 | 8 | | | 4 | Georgia, | 4 | 4 | | | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- 138 | Whole No. of | | | | | | electors, | 73 | 73 | 65 | 64 | 1 | Majority, 70 | | | | |

FOOTNOTES:

[65] Before the time of embarkation, Mr. Henry died, and Governor Davie was appointed in his place.

[66] Paulding's Life of Washington.

[67] Life of Jefferson, vol. ii. p. 45.

[68] Gibbs' Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams.

VIII. THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1801.

AARON BURR AND GEORGE CLINTON, VICE-PRESIDENTS.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

James Madison, Virginia, March 5, 1801, Secretary of State.

Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, (_continued } Secretaries in office_), } of Treasury. Albert Gallatin, Pennsylvania, January 26, 1802, }

Henry Dearborn, Massachusetts, March 5, 1801, Secretary of War.

Benjamin Stoddert, Maryland, (_continued } Secretaries in office_), } of the Navy. Robert Smith, Maryland, January 26, 1802, }

Joseph Habersham, Georgia, (_continued } Postmasters in office_), } General. Gideon Granger, Connecticut, January 26, 1802, }

Levi Lincoln, Massachusetts, March 5, 1801, } Attorneys John Breckenridge, Kentucky, December 23, 1805, } General. Cæsar A. Rodney, Delaware, January 20, 1807, }

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Nathaniel Macon, North Carolina, Seventh Congress, 1801. Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts, Eighth do. 1803. Nathaniel Macon, North Carolina, Ninth do. 1805. Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts, Tenth do. 1807.

Mr. Jefferson was inducted into office, with the usual imposing ceremonies, on the 4th of March, 1801; on which occasion, deviating from the example of his predecessors, he transmitted to congress a written message, instead of delivering a speech in person--a practice which has been followed by his successors in the presidential chair, without an exception.

This message was a remarkable document, inasmuch as it set forth the "essential principles" of our government in the narrowest compass, and with great clearness and precision of language. These were, "Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments, in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government, in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation."

The leading events in the presidential career of Mr. Jefferson, will require us to notice the--

Purchase of Louisiana. Attack on the Chesapeake. War with Tripoli. British Orders in Council. Murder of Hamilton. Milan Decree. Rëelection of Jefferson. Embargo. Conspiracy and Trial of Burr. Election of Mr. Madison. Difficulties between France and England.

Purchase of Louisiana.--By the treaty of 1783, the Mississippi was made the western boundary of the United States, from its source to the thirty-first degree of latitude, and following this line to the St. Mary's. By a treaty of the same date, the Floridas were ceded to Spain, without any specific boundaries. This omission led to a controversy between the United States and Spain, which nearly terminated in hostilities. By a treaty with Spain, however, in 1795, boundary lines were amicably settled, and New Orleans was granted to American citizens as a place of deposit for their effects for three years and longer, unless some other place of equal importance should be assigned. No other place being assigned within that time, New Orleans continued to be used as before.

In 1800, a secret treaty was signed at Paris, by the plenipotentiaries of France and Spain, by which Louisiana was guarantied to France, and, in 1801, the cession was actually made. At the same time, the Spanish intendant of Louisiana was instructed to make arrangements to deliver the country to the French commissioners. Upon receiving intelligence of this intended transfer, great sensibility prevailed in congress, and a proposition was made to occupy the place by force; but, after an animated discussion, the project was relinquished, and negotiations with France were commenced by Mr. Jefferson, for the purchase of the whole country of Louisiana, which ended in an agreement to that effect, signed at Paris, April 30th, 1803, by which the United States were to pay to France fifteen millions of dollars. Early in December, 1803, the commissioners of Spain delivered possession to France; and, on the 20th of the same month, the authorities of France duly transferred the country to the United States.

War with Tripoli.--In his message to Congress, in 1801, Mr. Jefferson spoke of the relations of the United States with all nations as pacific, except with Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states. This power had made demands, the most unjust, upon the American government, and had threatened war, because that government had failed to comply with those demands before a given day. Thus threatened, the president had sent out Commodore Dale with a squadron of two ships and a sloop-of-war, to blockade the harbor of Tripoli, by which piratical cruisers should be prevented from making depredations upon American commerce.

In 1803, it became necessary to add to this Mediterranean force. Accordingly, a squadron of seven sail was ordered, of which Commodore Preble was put in command. In October, the frigate Philadelphia, forty-four, Captain Bainbridge, while in eager pursuit of a small vessel, grounded in the harbor of Tripoli, and, in this situation, was compelled to surrender. The officers became prisoners, and the crew slaves. In this emergency, Stephen Decatur, then a lieutenant under Commodore Preble, proposed a plan for rëcapturing or destroying the Philadelphia. The American squadron was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably to the plan proposed, Lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, four guns and seventy-five men, proceeded, under the escort of the Syren, Captain Stewart, to the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within half gun-shot of the bashaw's castle, and was guarded by several cruisers and gun-boats. The Intrepid entered the harbor alone, about eight o'clock in the evening, and succeeded in getting near the Philadelphia, between ten and eleven o'clock, without having awakened suspicion of her hostile designs. This vessel had been captured from the Tripolitans, and, assuming on this occasion her former national appearance, was permitted to warp alongside. The moment the vessel came in contact, Decatur and his followers leaped on board, and soon overwhelmed the crew. Twenty Tripolitans were killed. All the surrounding batteries being opened upon the Philadelphia, she was immediately set on fire; when, a favoring breeze springing up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey, and sailed triumphantly out of the harbor.

In July, 1804, Commodore Preble having concentrated his forces before Tripoli, opened a tremendous fire of shot and shells, which was as promptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and shipping. At the same time, two divisions of gun-boats--the first under the command of Captain Somers, the second under Lieutenant Stephen Decatur--advanced against those of the enemy.

Lieutenant Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior force, soon carried her by boarding; when, taking his prize in tow, he grappled with another, and, in like manner, transferred the fight to the enemy's deck. In the fierce encounter which followed this second attack, Lieutenant Decatur, having broken his sword, closed with the Turkish commander, and, both falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal wound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was raising his dirk to plunge it into his breast. Lieutenant Trippe, of Lieutenant Decatur's squadron, had boarded a third large gun-boat, with only one midshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and left him to wage the unequal fight of eleven against thirty-six. Courage and resolution, however, obliged the numerous foe to yield, with the loss of fourteen killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre wounds, and had three of his party wounded, but none killed.

On the 4th of September, Commodore Preble determined to send a fire-ship into the enemy's harbor. For this service, the Intrepid was fitted out, being filled with powder, shells, and other combustible materials. Captain Somers conducted the enterprise, having for his associates Lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel, all volunteers. At eight o'clock in the evening, she stood into the harbor, with a moderate breeze. Several shots were fired at her from the batteries. She had nearly gained her place of destination, when she exploded, without having made any of the signals, previously concerted, to show that the crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful catastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to the most dreadful anxiety.

Doubt, however, was at length turned into certainty. She had prematurely blown up, destroying one of the enemy's gun-boats, and shattering several others. Commodore Preble, in his account, says, that he was led to believe that those boats were detached from the enemy's flotilla to intercept the ketch, and, without suspecting her character, had suddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers and the heroes of his party, observing the other three boats surrounding them, and no prospect of escape, determined to put a match to the train leading directly to the magazine; and, he adds, that his "conjectures respecting this affair are founded on a resolution which Captain Somers and Lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed, never to be taken by the enemy, and never to suffer him to get possession of the powder on board the Intrepid."

The reigning bashaw of Tripoli, at this time, was an usurper, while the lawful one and an older brother, Hamet Caramelli, was at Tunis in exile. At the commencement of the war, William Eaton, then American consul at Tunis, becoming acquainted with Hamet, concerted an expedition to expel the usurper, and restore the rightful heir to the throne. To such an enterprise, the sanction of the American government being necessary, General Eaton repaired to the United States, and laid his plan before our government; but they, thinking the scheme altogether too romantic, yet not wishing wholly to discourage it, made him agent for the government; he sailed with the fleet for the Mediterranean, and proceeding to Alexandria, prevailed on the viceroy of Egypt to suffer him to have an interview with the exiled bey. They met near Grand Cairo, and entered into a convention for the purpose of attacking Tripoli. Eaton was to be commander-in-chief of the land forces. Their army consisted of a few American sailors, a small company of artillery, a few straggling Greeks, the servants of Hamet Bashaw, and some camel-drivers. With this motley band, Eaton dashed across the desert in the most noble style, fearless of all difficulties. Here he was joined by a few Arabian cavalry, and, after suffering every hardship, arising from hunger and a scorching sun, the party reached Bomba, where they found the Argus and Hornet, under the command of Captain Hull. The army, of nearly four hundred, continued their march to Derne. On the 25th of April, 1804, they encamped on an eminence which commanded the place, and forthwith demanded a surrender. The inhabitants of Derne treated the summons with contempt. A furious assault was the consequence, and the place was carried after a short but desperate action.

Unfortunately for Eaton's projects, at this time he received intelligence that the American commissioners in the fleet had made peace with the bashaw then in power. It was stipulated, that Eaton should evacuate Derne, and repair to the fleet; and that a mutual delivery of prisoners should take place, among whom was Captain Bainbridge, with the officers and crew of the Philadelphia; and, as the bashaw had a balance of more than two hundred prisoners in his favor, he was to receive sixty thousand dollars. Hamet Bashaw accompanied Eaton to the United States, with a few of his followers, while the remainder of the army fled to the mountains. The commissioners acknowledged that Eaton's success prepared the way for the treaty of peace. Moreover, the president of the United States, in a message to congress, spoke highly of his services; and the citizens every where hailed him as worthy of a place in the lists of chivalry; but, during his after-life, he ever felt that injustice was done him by his countrymen, although Massachusetts made him a grant of ten thousand acres of land as a reward for his services.

Murder of Hamilton.--On the 12th of July, 1804, General Alexander Hamilton died in the city of New York, in consequence of a wound received the day previous, in a duel fought by him with Aaron Burr.

In February, 1804, Colonel Burr was nominated as a candidate for the office of governor of New York. Judge Morgan Lewis was the opposing and successful candidate. The contest was violent, and even "acrimonious." The majority of the democratic party supported Judge Lewis; a respectable minority favored the election of Colonel Burr. Similar divisions existed among the federal party. Hamilton and his immediate political friends were strong in their opposition to Burr. In the contest, the press was enlisted. Violent, and even libellous articles, were daily published. In the progress of this warfare, a letter, written by Dr. Charles D. Cooper to Colonel Burr, was published, in which, among other matters, there occurred the following clause: "I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion, which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr."

At the request of Colonel Burr, Judge Van Ness called upon General Hamilton, and demanded an explanation. A few days following, the latter replied by letter, in which, after expressing his embarrassment in attempting to meet a charge so indefinite, he said: "I stand ready to avow or disavow, promptly and explicitly, any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared of any gentleman. More than this cannot fitly be expected from me; and, especially, it cannot be reasonably asked that I shall enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague as that you have adopted. I trust, on reflection, you will see the matter in the same light with me."

Colonel Burr was not satisfied, and from this date, June 20th, the correspondence, thus begun, was continued to the 3d of July, when it was definitely arranged that a meeting should take place between them on the morning of the 11th, at Weehawk, on the Jersey shore, at seven o'clock A. M.

That meeting took place. They fought at ten paces distance. The fire of Colonel Burr took effect, and General Hamilton fell. The ball passed through the liver and diaphragm, and lodged in the vertebra. From the first, it was apparent that the wound was mortal, and of this, Hamilton was sensible. On the day following, he expired.

The seconds in this most unfortunate and criminal affair were Mr. Pendleton, the friend of Mr. Hamilton, and Judge Van Ness, the friend of Burr. By the former, it was claimed that General Hamilton did not fire first, nor at all at Colonel Burr. Several circumstances corroborated this statement. In a paper, left by Hamilton, in anticipation of his interview with Burr, he writes: "I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thought of even reserving my second fire, and thus give a double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and reflect." Dr. Hosack, his attendant physician on the ground, accompanied him on his return across the Hudson to New York. On their way, Hamilton, observing the pistol which he had used lying in the boat, said: "Take care of that pistol; it is undischarged, and still cocked; it may go off, and do harm. Pendleton knows that I did not intend to fire at him." "Yes," said Pendleton; "I have already made Dr. Hosack acquainted with your determination."

It may be further added, and to the dishonor of Hamilton it should be added--and perhaps as a solemn dissuasive against a practice at war with reason, revelation, and all the dear and important relations of life--that he accepted the challenge, and repaired to that duelling-ground, contrary to the convictions of conscience and duty. In the paper already alluded to, he writes: "My religious and moral principles are strongly opposed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow-creature in a private combat forbidden by the laws."--In an interview with him, a few hours before he expired, and as he was about to part with him, the late Dr. Mason said to him, "I have one request to make." He asked "what it was?" The doctor replied, that "whatever might be the issue of his affliction, he would give his testimony against the practice of duelling."--"I will," said he; "I have done it. If that"--evidently anticipating the event--"if that be the issue, you will find it in writing. If it please God that I recover, I shall do it in a manner which will effectually put me out of its reach in future."

Nothing scarcely could exceed the indignation of the public against the murderer of Hamilton. From that fatal hour, he was shunned by all classes, and for years roamed abroad, a fugitive from the land in which he was once honored. Forgetting all party distinctions and animosities, the people in various parts of the land united in demonstrations of respect for the memory of Hamilton, and sincere sorrow at his untimely fall. Next to Washington, no man was, perhaps, more respected; nor since the departure of the Father of his country to another world, was the loss of one more deeply or widely deplored.

Hamilton had occupied a conspicuous place for years in the army and under the government. In the former capacity, he had stood by the side of Washington. He loved military life, and, as a soldier and a patriot, deserved well of his country. From his views on several subjects connected with the organization of the government, and especially the management of the finances of the country, many dissented. Yet, it cannot be denied, that the policy he advised, resulted in the prosperity of the country. He was a strong partisan in his time, and tenacious of his opinions. There were contemporary with him others of a similar stamp, yet widely different from him in their political views.

But, aside from his political career, Hamilton was a distinguished man--possessed of a lofty and comprehensive mind. At the bar, with men of learning and experience, he was, perhaps, without a rival. "His eloquence combined the nervousness and copious elegance of the Greek and Roman schools."

It was truthfully said of him, what was beautifully said of another:

"Incorrupta fides--nudaque veritas, Quando ullum inveniet parem? Multis ille quidem flebilis occidit."

Rëelection of Mr. Jefferson.--In 1805, Mr. Jefferson was elected a second time to the office of president. The electoral votes were one hundred and seventy-six, of which he received one hundred and sixty-two. George Clinton was chosen vice-president. The following is the official canvass of the votes:

Key: A. Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia. B. C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina. C. George Clinton, of New York. D. Rufus King, of New York.

---------+-----------------+----------+--------------- No. of | |PRESIDENT.|VICE-PRESIDENT. Electors | STATES. |----------+--------------- from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. State. | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+-------+------- 7 | New Hampshire, | 7 | | 7 | 19 | Massachusetts, | 19 | | 19 | 4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | 4 | 9 | Connecticut, | | 9 | | 9 6 | Vermont, | 6 | | 6 | 19 | New York, | 19 | | 19 | 8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | 8 | 20 | Pennsylvania, | 20 | | 20 | 3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | 3 11 | Maryland, | 9 | 2 | 9 | 2 24 | Virginia, | 24 | | 24 | 14 | North Carolina, | 14 | | 14 | 10 | South Carolina, | 10 | | 10 | 6 | Georgia, | 6 | | 6 | 5 | Tennessee, | 5 | | 5 | 8 | Kentucky, | 8 | | 8 | 3 | Ohio, | 3 | | 3 | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+-------+------- 176 | Whole No. of | | | | | electors, |162 | 14 | 162 | 14 | Majority, 89 | | | |

Conspiracy and Trial of Burr.--In the spring of 1807, Colonel Aaron Burr was arrested on the Tombigbee river, Mississippi territory, on a charge of treason against the United States; and was conveyed to Richmond, Virginia, for trial. Other arrests were made of persons supposed to be concerned with him in his treasonable scheme--among them were Generals Adair and Dayton, Blannerhasset, Swartwout, Alexander, Smith, Bollman, Ogden, &c. Burr and Blannerhasset alone were brought to trial. The trial of the former took place in May, 1807, before the circuit court of the United States, Judge Marshall presiding. No indictment was found by the grand jury until the 25th of June, when two bills were presented against Burr--one for treason, the other for a misdemeanor. On the 30th of June, he was committed to the penitentiary for safe keeping until the 3d day of August. From the 5th until the 17th of August, the court was engaged in obtaining a jury and discussing points of law. On that day, the treason case was opened, and an examination of witnesses on the part of the government commenced. On the 1st of September, the case was given to the jury, and as no overt act was proved against Colonel Burr to sustain the charge of treason committed within the state of Virginia, the jury rendered a verdict of "Not guilty."

On the 9th of September, a jury was empaneled to try Colonel Burr on the indictment for misdemeanor, which consisted of seven counts; the substance of which was, that Aaron Burr did set on foot a military enterprise, to be carried on against the territory of a foreign prince, viz: the province of Mexico, which was within the territory of the king of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace. After proceeding in the trial at some length, the district attorney himself moved that the jury should be discharged--the evidence of the guilt of the accused not appearing, sufficient. To a discharge of the jury without the rendition of a verdict, Burr objected; whereupon the jury retired, and soon returned with a verdict of "Not guilty."

The distinguished talents of Colonel Burr, his well-known cunning and intrigue, and the eminent station he had occupied in the United States, together with the grave charges against him of a contemplated dismemberment of the Union, with other projects--all combined to attach interest and importance to his trial. In his message to congress, developing the designs of Burr, as the government understood them, President Jefferson accused him of designing to revolutionize the territory west of the Alleganies, and of establishing an independent government, of which New Orleans was to be the capital, and himself the chief. In addition to this project, Colonel Burr, it was alleged, had formed another, which, in case of the failure of the first, might be carried on independent of it, viz: an attack on Mexico, and an establishment of an empire there. To serve as a pretext for all his preparations, and an allurement for such followers as really wished to acquire settlements in that country, it was stated that a third object was provided--the settlement of the pretended purchase of a tract of land on the Washita, claimed by a Baron Bastrop.

Such were the plans of Burr, according to intelligence communicated from time to time to the government of the United States. On the belief of the guilt of Burr, or through utter hostility to him, Jefferson acted; and with an evident design to prevent his escape, he succeeded in procuring the passage of a bill in the senate for suspending the writ of habeas corpus; but it was rejected by the house, by the strong vote of one hundred and thirteen to nineteen.

Burr, to his dying day, denied any intention of dismembering the Union; but avowed the projects which did not involve the charge of treason. "In his latter days," says his biographer, "Colonel Burr had no longer any motive for concealment; nor did he evince the least desire to suppress the facts in relation to any of his acts, even where the promulgation of those facts was calculated to effect his moral character. According to his representation, repeated at a time, and under circumstances the most solemn and impressive, (Burr at this time was expected to survive but a short time,) his views were twofold, viz: First, The revolutionizing of Mexico; and, Second, A settlement on what was known as the Bastrop lands."

It is further added by his biographer, that "during the years 1806 and 1807, Herman Blennerhasset kept a private journal, in which are recorded the principal incidents arising out of his connexion with Colonel Burr. Portions of it are interesting and amusing. The entries confirm the particular statements of Truxton, Bollman,[69] and others, and repudiate the idea of treasonable designs. It appears that in December, 1805, Blennerhasset addressed a letter to Colonel Burr, expressing a wish to participate in any speculation in the Western country that might present itself to Burr. A Spanish war was hourly anticipated, and Blennerhasset proposed to join Burr in any expedition that might be undertaken against the Spanish dominions.

"In August, 1806, in consequence of this overture, Burr visited Blannerhasset at his home on the Ohio, and the next day rode with him to Marietta, and then separated, Burr being on his way to Chilicothe. From Marietta to Blannerhasset's was about fifteen miles. Some time after, Burr returned to Blannerhasset, to whom he said that an expulsion of the Spaniards from the American territory, or an invasion of Mexico, would be pleasing to the administration, if it could be accomplished without an open, formal war, which would be avoided as long as possible, from parsimony on the one hand, and the dread of France on the other."

We have thus given such a statement of this subject as our limits permit, and as seems due to the respective parties engaged in it. Different opinions will doubtless be entertained with reference to Burr's real designs. That he contemplated the dismemberment of the Union, and the founding of an empire, of which New Orleans was to be the centre, and himself the head, will be questioned by some. That he was capable of devising such a project, and would have accomplished it, if in his power, no one acquainted with the deep designing character of the murderer of Hamilton, can doubt. With exalted talents--with an early education and parental counsel, as liberal and watchful as ever, perhaps, fell to the lot of mortal to enjoy--with the favor and patronage of a people, seldom so generously conferred, or so long and uniformly enjoyed--Burr proved himself a selfish, unprincipled man. One thing is certain, and this he admitted--that he designed the invasion and overthrow of the Mexican government, and the erection of an independent power in its place. And to further his views, he induced not a few, by "inuendoes and otherwise," to believe that his arrangements for the accomplishment of this were with the knowledge, if not the approbation, of the United States' government.

France and England, 1806.--A contest between these two powers, which had been waging for some time, and which had involved the whole of Europe, began now seriously to affect the commercial interests of America. It being the obvious policy of the latter to preserve a strict neutrality in respect to these belligerent powers, every act of the American government had respect to maintaining the same. Being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port the productions of France and her dependent kingdoms; and also to the ports of those kingdoms, the manufactures of England, bringing, by means of this "carrying trade," vast wealth to the nation. These advantages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed unmolested. American ships, carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies, were captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prizes; and now, several European ports, under the control of France, were, by British orders in council, May 16, 1806, declared to be in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet; and American vessels, attempting to enter those ports, were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered from these proceedings, but far less than the United States. By way of retaliation, in November of the same year, Buonaparte issued a decree at Berlin, declaring the British islands to be in a state of blockade, and of course authorizing the capture and condemnation of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with them. Thus, from the retaliatory measures of these two rival powers, the commerce of the United States was seriously injured.

Although the relations of Great Britain and America were at this time ostensibly pacific, yet there existed, and had long existed, a claim on the part of Great Britain, and a pretence under that claim, which was denied by the several presidents during their administrations. This was what was denominated "the right of search"--founded upon the English principle, that no act of a subject can change his allegiance to the government under which he was born. Upon this principle, Great Britain, soon after the peace of 1783, claimed the right to board and search neutral vessels, and take therefrom all British seamen found therein. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States had been seized, and, being transported to a distant part of the world, had been compelled to perform the degrading part of British sailors. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, the odious practice was still continued, and every year was adding to its aggravations.

Attack on the Chesapeake.--At length, an event occurred, growing out of this pretended "right of search," which roused the indignation of the American people.

A British armed ship, called the Melampus, while lying in Hampton roads, lost, by desertion, several of her crew, viz: William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan, John Little, and Ambrose Watts. Not long after, the first three offered themselves for enlistment on board the Chesapeake, then at Norfolk, Virginia, preparing for the Mediterranean.

The British consul at Norfolk; being apprised of this circumstance, wrote a letter to the American naval officer, requesting these men to be returned. With this request the officer refusing to comply, the British agent requested an order from government for their surrender. An examination, however, into the characters and claims of the men in question, resulted in proof that Ware, Martin, and Strachan, were natives of America. The two former had protections, or notarial certificates of their being American citizens. Strachan had no protection, but asserted that he lost it previously to his escape. Such being the circumstances of the men, the government refused to surrender them.

On the 22d of June, the Chesapeake weighed anchor, and proceeded to sea. She passed the British ships Bellona and Melampus, lying in Lynnhaven bay. There were two ships lying off Cape Henry, one of which, the Leopard, Captain Humphreys, weighed anchor, and, in a few hours, came alongside the Chesapeake.

A British officer immediately came on board, and demanded the deserters. To this, Captain Barron replied, that he did not know of any being there, and that his duty forbade him to allow of any muster of his crew, except by their own officers.

During this interview, Barron, noticing some proceedings of a hostile nature on board the adverse ship, gave orders, on the departure of the officer, to clear his gun-deck, and, after some time, directed his men to their quarters secretly, and without beat of drum; still, however, without any serious apprehensions of an attack.

Before these orders could be executed, the Leopard commenced a heavy fire, which proved very destructive. In thirty minutes, the hull, rigging, and spars of the Chesapeake were greatly damaged; three men were killed and sixteen wounded; among the latter, was the captain himself. Such was the previous disorder, that, during this time, the utmost exertions were insufficient to prepare the ship for action, and the captain thought proper to strike his colors.

The British captain refused to accept the surrender of the Chesapeake, but took from her crew Ware, Martin, and Strachan, the three men formerly demanded as deserters, and a fourth, John Wilson, claimed as a runaway from a merchant ship.

"On receiving information of this outrage, the president, by proclamation, interdicted the harbors and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched, with instructions to the American minister at London, to call on the British government for the satisfaction and security which the outrage required."

Pursuant to these instructions, Mr. Monroe, then minister resident at the court of St. James, demanded reparation; and, as an essential part of that reparation, security against future impressments from American ships. But Mr. Canning, the British minister, objected to uniting these subjects, and Mr. Monroe not being authorized to treat them separately, Mr. Rose was dispatched, by the English government, as envoy extraordinary to the United States, to adjust the difficulty which had arisen on account of the Chesapeake.[70]

Orders in Council.--In November, Great Britain issued her orders in council, which measure she declared to be in retaliation of the French decree of November, 1806. By these orders, all neutral nations were prohibited from trading with France or her allies, excepting upon the payment of a tribute to England.

Milan Decree.--Scarcely had the news of the adoption of the above orders reached Milan, where Buonaparte then was, than he issued, December 17th, a retaliatory decree, called the "Milan Decree," which confiscated any and every vessel found in any of his ports, which had allowed herself to be searched by an English ship, or had paid the tribute demanded.

Embargo.--Congress had been summoned, by proclamation of the president, to meet as early as the 27th of October. The wanton attack upon the Chesapeake had filled the country with indignation--all parties felt the national honor insulted; forgetting, for the time, political jealousies and animosities, all concurred in demanding satisfaction for the outrage.

There were other subjects, also, which, in the opinion of the executive, required the thoughtful consideration of the national legislature. The conduct of the continental belligerents was preying upon the vital interests of America. Great Britain was asserting rights which could never be allowed, and assuming a lofty tone which would excite no other feelings but indignation.

In view of the circumstances of the country, the president recommended to congress to lay an embargo--by which measure he designed to detain seamen, ships, and merchandise in port, to preserve them from the dangers to which they were exposed on the ocean; but the higher motive for recommending such a measure, probably, was the hope of thereby inducing--coercing, we might with more truth say--the belligerent powers to respect the laws of nations. In accordance with the recommendation of the president, an embargo was laid.

This measure was not without its commercial and political effects. The large shipping interest then in the United States was locked up by means of it, and vessels abroad, which were obliged to come in, could go out no more. To the New England states, which were prëeminently commercial, the embargo was highly obnoxious. They believed the measure both impolitic and oppressive.

A rapid change in the political opinions of the people of New England was the consequence. A large majority, embracing many who had supported the administration, now united with the federal party, and opposed its measures with zeal. Thus pressed by public sentiment, the government felt the necessity of repealing the embargo, which it was the more willing to do, from the consideration that it had failed to effect its principal object; but, at the same time, another law was passed, prohibiting all intercourse with France and Great Britain for one year. "Provision was made in this law, that, should either of the hostile nations revoke her edict, so that the neutral commerce of the United States should be no longer violated, the president should immediately make it known by proclamation, and, from that time, the non-intercourse law should cease to be enforced as it regarded that nation."

Election of Mr. Madison.--In this critical posture of affairs, the period having again arrived for the election of president, Mr. Jefferson signified his determination to follow and confirm the example of Washington, by retiring to private life at the expiration of his second term. "Never did a prisoner," said he, "released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall, on shaking off the shackles of power. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most constant proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that, if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them." James Madison was chosen his successor, and George Clinton rëelected vice-president. The following table presents the result of the official canvass:

Key: A. James Madison, of Virginia. B. George Clinton, of New York. C. C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina. D. George Clinton, of New York. E. James Madison, of Virginia. F. James Monroe, of Virginia. G. John Langdon, N Hampshire. H. Rufus King, of New York.

---------+-----------------+--------------+------------------------ No. of | | PRESIDENT. | VICE-PRESIDENT. Electors | STATES. |--------------+------------------------ from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. | H. State. | | | | | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+---- 7 | New Hampshire, | | | 7 | | | | | 7 19 | Massachusetts, | | | 19 | | | | | 19 4 | Rhode Island, | | | 4 | | | | | 4 9 | Connecticut, | | | 9 | | | | | 9 6 | Vermont, | 6 | | | | | | 6 | 19 | New York, | 13 | 6 | | 13 | 3 | 3 | | 8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | | 8 | | | | 20 | Pennsylvania, | 20 | | | 20 | | | | 3 | Delaware, | | | 3 | | | | | 3 11 | Maryland, | 9 | | 2 | 9 | | | | 2 24 | Virginia, | 24 | | | 24 | | | | 14 | North Carolina, | 11 | | 3 | 11 | | | | 3 10 | South Carolina, | 10 | | | 10 | | | | 6 | Georgia, | 6 | | | 6 | | | | 7 | Kentucky, | 7 | | | 7 | | | | 5 | Tennessee, | 5 | | | 5 | | | | 3 | Ohio, | 3 | | | | | | 3 | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+---- 175 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | | electors, |122 | 6 | 47 |113 | 3 | 3 | 9 | 47 | Majority, 88 | | | | | | | |

FOOTNOTES:

[69] Commodore Truxton and Doctor Bollman testified before the court, that they were both intimate with Colonel Burr; that in their conversation with him, there had been no reserve; and that they had never heard him speak of a dissolution of the Union.

[70] This unhappy difficulty was not finally adjusted till 1811. Mr. Rose reached America December 25th. But, having no authority to negotiate until the president should rëcall his proclamation of July 2d, and the president declining to accede to such a preliminary, the negotiations, for the time, closed. In November, 1811, the British minister communicated to the secretary of state, that the attack on the Chesapeake was unauthorized by his majesty's government; that the officer at that time in command on the American coast, had been rëcalled; that the men, taken from the Chesapeake, should be restored, and that suitable pecuniary provision should be made for those who suffered in the attack, and for the families of the seamen that fell. To these propositions the president acceded. But the question, touching the right of search, was left undecided.

IX. JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1809.

GEORGE CLINTON AND ELBRIDGE GERRY, VICE-PRESIDENTS

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

Robert Smith, Maryland, March 6, 1809,} Secretaries James Monroe, Virginia, November 25, 1811,} of State.

Albert Gallatin, Pennsylvania, (continued in } office), } Secretaries George W. Campbell, Tennessee, February 9, 1814,} of Treasury. Alexander J. Dallas, Pennsylvania, October 6, 1814,}

William Eustis, Massachusetts, March 7, 1809,} John Armstrong, New York, January 13, 1813,} Secretaries James Monroe, Virginia, September 27, 1814,} of War. William H. Crawford, Georgia, March 3, 1815,}

Paul Hamilton, South Carolina, March 7, 1809,} William Jones, Pennsylvania, January 12, 1813,} Secretaries Benjamin W. } of the Crowninshield, Massachusetts, December 17, 1814,} Navy.

Gideon Granger, Connecticut, (continued in } Postmasters office), } General. Return J. Meigs, Ohio, March 17, 1814,}

Cæsar A. Rodney, Delaware, (continued in } office), } Attorneys William Pinkney, Maryland, December 11, 1811,} General. Richard Rush, Pennsylvania, February 10, 1814,}

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts, Eleventh Congress, 1809. Henry Clay, Kentucky, Twelfth do. 1811. Henry Clay, Kentucky, Thirteenth do. 1813. Langdon Cheves, South Carolina, Thirteenth do. 1814. Henry Clay, Kentucky, Fourteenth do. 1815.

In his address, delivered on the occasion of his inauguration, Mr. Madison alluded to "the present situation of the world as without a parallel, and that of the United States as full of difficulties." The two leading powers of Europe, France and England, were still engaged in arraying against each other commercial edicts, which tended directly to destroy the commerce of nations disposed to pursue a neutral policy. The United States, moreover, were suffering by means of restrictions upon their commerce, imposed by the federal government. The condition of the people, especially the commercial portion of it, was gloomy and depressing. A vast amount of capital, invested in shipping, was lying idle, and rapidly diminishing in value. Neither the embargo nor non-intercourse had had the effect to induce either of the belligerent powers to pause in their wanton and unjust restrictions and decrees. On the contrary, their obnoxious measures were growing oppressive every month. The patience of the United States' government was nearly exhausted. Every thing betokened a speedy resort to arms.

The principal events and measures which subsequently signalized the administration of Mr. Madison, were as follows:

Battle of Tippecanoe, Rëelection of Mr. Madison, Early Session of Congress, Capture of York, Declaration of War, Siege of Fort Meigs, Surrender of Hull, Perry's Victory, Capture of the Guerriere, Battle of the Thames, Battle of Queenstown, Creek War, Capture of the Frolic, Battle of Chippewa and Bridgewater, Capture of the Macedonian, Capture of Washington, Capture of the Java, Engagement on Lake Champlain, Battle of Frenchtown, Battle of New Orleans, Capture of the Peacock, Treaty of Ghent, Close of Mr. Madison's Administration.

Battle of Tippecanoe.--This battle, fought on the 7th of November, 1811, was doubtless one of the most spirited and best-fought actions recorded in the annals of Indian warfare.

For several years, the Indian tribes on our Western frontier had exhibited a restless and hostile spirit, engendered by the intrigues of two twin-brothers of the Shawnee tribe, Tecumseh, the Crouching Panther, and Ol-li-wa-chi-ca, the Open Door, generally known as the Prophet. The former was a bold and skillful warrior, sagacious in council, and formidable in battle; the latter was cunning, cruel, cowardly, and treacherous.

One important object of these brothers, was to form a general combination of the north-western and south-western Indians, for the purpose of preventing the whites from extending their settlements west of those already existing, and perhaps of recovering the valley of the Mississippi--a territory which, from its great fertility, they naturally and strongly desired to possess.

The plans of the brothers were, from time to time, communicated to General Harrison, then governor of the north-west territory, by his confidential advisers; and, for several years, by his forbearance and wise policy, he was enabled to counteract those plans, without exciting their jealousy or increasing their hostility.

In September, 1809, General Harrison held a council at Fort Wayne, where he negotiated a treaty with the Miamies and several other Indian tribes, by which they sold to the United States a large tract of country on both sides of the Wabash, extending up that river more than sixty miles above Vincennes.

At the time this treaty was negotiated, Tecumseh was absent, but his brother, the Prophet, who was present, made objection to it; but, on the return of the former, he expressed great dissatisfaction, and even threatened to put to death those chiefs who had signed the treaty. From this time, no efforts of General Harrison availed to pacify the brothers, or to quiet the restless and hostile feelings of their followers. At length, the Indians proceeded to the perpetration of deeds of depredation and murder; the white population of the frontier became excited and alarmed. In this state of things, General Harrison, by order of the president, assembled five hundred of the militia and volunteers of Indiana, and with these, increased by a regiment of United States' infantry, consisting of three hundred and fifty men, and a small but gallant body of volunteers from Kentucky, took post at Fort Harrison, sixty miles above Vincennes; whence, not long after, he proceeded, October 28th, 1811, to the Prophet's town. At the distance of nine or ten miles, the army encamped on the evening of the 5th of November.

On the following day, the army proceeded towards the town in the order of battle; and when arrived within a short distance, they were met by a deputation of the Prophet's counsellors. "They were sent," they said, "to ascertain why an army was advancing upon them, and to avert, if possible, approaching hostilities. This was the wish of the Prophet himself." A suspension of hostilities was agreed upon, for the purpose of an interview between the governor and chiefs, to be held the following day.

The ensuing night was dark and cloudy. The moon rose late, and soon after midnight there commenced a light fall of drizzling rain. The night, however, passed without interruption, and the governor and his aids rose at a quarter to four, and were sitting in conversation before a fire. It was still dark, as the light of the moon was shadowed by heavy and lowering clouds. At this moment, an attack by the Indians was commenced. They had stealthily crept up near the sentries, with the intention of rushing upon them, and killing them before they could give the alarm. But, fortunately, one of them discovered an Indian creeping towards him through the grass, and fired at him. This was immediately followed by the Indian yell, and a furious charge upon the left flank. The camp-fires were immediately extinguished, as their light only served to expose our men to the deadly aim of the Indians. Upon the first alarm, the governor mounted his horse, and proceeded to the point of attack; and, finding the line there much weakened, he ordered two companies from the centre and rear line to march to their support. About this time, the gallant Colonel Daviess, of Kentucky, in attempting to dislodge some Indians concealed behind some trees, was shot down, being pierced with three balls, either of which would have proved fatal. His men repulsed the Indians several times, and finally succeeded in carrying him into the camp. Colonel Isaac White, of Indiana, another brave officer, who served as a volunteer under Colonel Daviess, likewise fell in this sanguinary charge. About the same time, Colonel Owen, aid to Governor Harrison, was also killed.

"The battle was now maintained in every direction with desperate valor. The Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling noise, made with deer-hoofs. They fought with great enthusiasm, and seemed determined to conquer.

"When the day dawned, the left flank, the most assailable part of the encampment, was rëinforced by four companies, drawn from the rear and centre; the right flank was strengthened by two companies; the dragoons were mounted, and, supported by them, a simultaneous charge was made upon the enemy on both flanks; and so vigorous and determined was the attack, that the enemy gave way on all sides. The Indians, on the left flank, were driven into a swamp, impenetrable to cavalry, while those on the right were put to flight with great loss, and this severely-contested victory was at last gained by our gallant troops."[71]

The Indians engaged in this battle were supposed to amount to one thousand. They were led by three distinguished warriors--White Loomstone Eater, and Winnemac--the last a Potawattomie chief, who had made great professions of friendship to General Harrison himself. Tecumseh was not present at the battle, being on a visit to more southern tribes, the object of which was supposed to be to enlist them in a common cause against the United States. As for the Prophet, he took no active part in the engagement, but employed himself in chanting a war-song from a neighboring eminence. When it was announced to him that the tide was setting strongly against his warriors, and that they were falling on every side, his only response was "to fight on, and that they would soon see the fulfillment of all his predictions."

A melancholy duty followed the battle--that of burying their brave companions, who had fallen on the field. This done, and the wounded provided for, the army took up their march from the scene of carnage, and returned to Vincennes. The results of the engagement were important. The haughty and discontented spirit of the Indians was humbled, and the plan which they had devised, and which had nearly ripened to maturity, of attacking and destroying the scattered border settlements, was defeated.

Early Session of Congress.--On the 5th of November, 1811, President Madison summoned a meeting of congress. His message indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives reported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army; for raising an additional force of ten thousand men; for authorizing the president to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for repairing the navy, and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen in self-defence. A bill from the senate, for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much discussion, was also agreed to by the house.

Declaration of War.--Preparations in anticipation of war were now industriously urged; yet the hope was still cherished, until May in the following year, that a change of policy in Europe would render unnecessary an appeal to arms. Towards the close of that season, the Hornet arrived from London, bringing information that no prospect existed of a favorable change. On the 1st of June, the president sent a message to congress, recounting the wrongs received from Great Britain, and submitting the question, whether the United States should continue to endure them, or resort to war? The message was considered with closed doors. On the 18th, an act was passed, declaring war against Great Britain; soon after which, the president issued his proclamation making public announcement of the same.

Surrender of Hull.--At the time of the declaration of war, General Hull was at Dayton, in Ohio, with a small American force, destined for Detroit. This having been subsequently increased to two thousand five hundred men, on the 12th of July he crossed into Canada, and taking post at Sandwich, issued from that place a proclamation, couched in bold and imposing language. By means of it, the Indians were awed into neutrality, and the Canadians, favorable to the American cause, either remained quietly at home or joined his ranks.

On the 1st of August, intelligence was received by the American general of the fall of the fortress at Mackinaw on the 17th of July. Until the moment of a demand to surrender, no intelligence had been received by the garrison of the declaration of war. This event justly filled Hull with surprise and consternation, as he had now no means of checking the incursions of the restless hordes of northern savages.

On the 5th of August, a council of war was held, to deliberate upon the expediency of attacking the fortress of Malden; but as the artillery had not arrived, it was decided to wait two days, and then proceed with or without it, as the case might be.

Meanwhile, however, communications were received from Generals Porter and Hall, who commanded on the Niagara frontier, that the enemy were leaving their posts in that quarter, and were concentrating their forces at Malden. At the same time, Hull was informed that he could not depend upon assistance from General Dearborn, the commander-in-chief, although the latter had been directed by the government to invade Canada from Niagara, and cöoperate with Hull. Under all the aspects of the case, although his delayed artillery had arrived, Hull issued orders, on the afternoon of the 7th, for his army to return to Detroit.

An order to the officers and army so unexpected as this--at a moment when they were anticipating a victory and the honors due from it--was like a thunderbolt upon them. The murmurs of the volunteers and regular troops were loud. They upbraided their commander with pusillanimity, and even treachery.

On the 14th, a British force, under command of General Brock, the most active and able of the British commanders in Canada, took a position opposite Detroit, where they proceeded to erect batteries. On the 15th, he sent a flag, bearing a summons to the American general to surrender, in which he says: "It is far from my intention to join in a war of extermination, but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians, who have attached themselves to my troops, will be beyond my control the moment the contest commences." To this, General Hull answered: "I have no other reply to make, than that I am prepared to meet any force which may be at your disposal," &c. General Brock immediately opened his batteries upon the town and fort, and several persons within the fort were killed. The fire was returned by the Americans with some effect.

On the morning of the 16th, the British crossed the river, and landing, under cover of their ships, at Spring Wells, three miles below Detroit, commenced their march towards the fort. Hull, it was evident, was perplexed and agitated. At first, his army was drawn up in order of battle without the fort, his artillery advantageously planted, and his troops impatiently waiting the approach of the enemy. At length, when the British were within five hundred yards of their lines, most suddenly and unexpectedly an order from General Hull was received, directing them "to retire immediately to the fort."

No sooner were the troops in the fort, than they were further directed to stack their arms--immediately after which, a white flag was suspended from the walls, in token of submission. A British officer rode up to ascertain the cause, for this surrender was no less unexpected to the assailants. A capitulation was agreed to, without even stipulating the terms. Words are wanting to express the feelings of the Americans, in being thus compelled to surrender to an inferior force, without firing a gun, when they were firmly convinced that that force was in their power. The British took immediate possession of the fort, with all the public property it contained; among which were forty barrels of powder, four hundred rounds of fixed twenty-four-pound shot, one hundred thousand ball cartridges, two thousand five hundred stand of arms, twenty-five pieces of iron cannon and eight of brass, the greater number of which had been captured by the Americans during the revolutionary war. Besides this great amount of warlike stores, the whole territory, forts and garrisons were also delivered up.

In his official dispatch, General Hull labored to free his conduct from censure, by bringing into view the inferiority of his force, compared with that of the enemy; and, also, the dangers which threatened him from numerous western tribes of Indians. But whether the views which induced this surrender were in reality justly founded or not, the public mind was altogether unprepared for an occurrence at once so disastrous and mortifying.

Some time after, having been exchanged, Hull was arraigned before a court-martial, of which General Dearborn was president. By this tribunal, he was acquitted of treason, but sentenced to death for cowardice and unofficer-like conduct. In consideration, however, of his revolutionary services, and the recommendation of the court, the president remitted the punishment of death, but deprived him of all military command.

Constitution and Guerriere.--While defeat and disgrace were attending the American arms on the land, the ocean was the theatre of bold and successful achievement on the part of the American navy. On the 19th of August, three days after the disgraceful surrender of Detroit, the Constitution achieved a splendid victory over the Guerriere. On the 2d of August, the Constitution put to sea. On the 19th, a vessel hove in sight, which proved to be the Guerriere, and the Constitution bore down upon her. "At first, it was the intention of Captain Hull to bring her to close action immediately; but, on coming within gun-shot, she gave a broadside, and filled away; then wore, giving a broadside on the other tack, but without effect. They now continued wearing and manœuvring on both sides, for three-quarters of an hour, the Guerriere attempting to take a raking position; but, failing in this, she bore up, and run with her top-sail and jib on the quarter. The Constitution, perceiving this, made sail to come up with her. Captain Hull, with admirable coolness, received the enemy's fire without returning it. The enemy, mistaking this conduct on the part of the American commander for want of skill, continued to pour out his broadsides with a view to cripple his antagonist. From the Constitution, not a gun had been fired. Already had an officer twice come on deck, with information that several of the men had been killed, at their guns. The gallant crew, burning with impatience, silently awaited the orders of their commander. The moment so long looked for, at last arrived. Sailing-master Aylwin having seconded the views of the captain with admirable skill, in bringing the vessel exactly to the station intended, orders were given at five minutes before five P. M., to fire broadside after broadside, in quick succession. The crew instantly discovered the whole plan, and entered into it with all the spirit that the circumstances were calculated to inspire. Never was any firing so dreadful. For fifteen minutes the vivid lightning of the Constitution's guns continued one blaze, and their thunder roared with scarce an intermission. The enemy's mizen-mast had gone by the board, and he stood exposed to a raking fire which swept his decks. The Guerriere had now become unmanageable; her hull, rigging, and sails, dreadfully torn; when the Constitution attempted to lay her on board. At this moment, Lieutenant Bush, in attempting to throw his marines on board, was killed by a musket-ball, and the enemy shot ahead, but could not be brought before the wind. A raking fire now continued for fifteen minutes longer, when his main-mast and fore-mast went, taking with them every spar excepting the bowsprit. On seeing this, the firing ceased, and at twenty-five minutes past five, she surrendered. "In thirty minutes" says Captain Hull, "after we got fairly alongside of the enemy, she surrendered, and had not a spar standing, and her hull, above and below water, so shattered, that a few more broadsides must have carried her down." The Guerriere was so much damaged, as to render it impossible to bring her in; she was therefore set fire to the next day, and blown up. The damage sustained by the Constitution was comparatively of so little consequence, that she actually made ready for action when a vessel appeared in sight the next day. The loss on board the Guerriere, was fifteen killed and sixty-three wounded: on the side of the Constitution, seven killed and seven wounded. It is pleasing to observe, that even the British commander, on this occasion, bore testimony to the humanity and generosity with which he was treated by the victors. The American frigate was superior in force by a few guns, but this difference bore no comparison to the disparity of the conflict. The Guerriere was thought to be a match for any vessel of her class, and had been ranked among the largest in the British navy. The Constitution arrived at Boston on the 28th of August, having captured several merchant vessels."[72]

The victory thus achieved was of incalculable importance to the Americans. If unexpected and surprising to them, it was still more so to the English. On the ocean, the latter claimed supremacy; and their successes in respect to other nations seemed to justify their proud pretensions. Indeed, whatever might be the result of the contest on the land, it had scarcely occurred to the English, that the Americans could, in any equal engagement on the water, become the victors. Nor had the Americans themselves confident hope of any signal success. But this beginning diffused a general joy throughout the nation, as well it might, and excited anticipations which, if high, were destined to be more than realized.

Battle of Queenstown.--For the purpose of invading Canada, an army of about five thousand New York militia had been collected on the Niagara frontier. Of these, General Stephen Van Rensselaer, of Albany, an officer of great merit, had the command. His head-quarters were at Lewiston, on the river Niagara, opposite to which was Queenstown, a fortified British post. Several hundred regular troops were also attached to his command.

The militia displaying great eagerness to attack the enemy, the general determined to give them an opportunity by crossing over to Queenstown. On the morning of the 13th, the army having been rëinforced by three hundred regulars, under Colonel Christie, the passage of the Niagara was made. One division of the troops was commanded by Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer; the other, was the division of Colonel Christie. These were to be followed by Colonel Fenwick's artillery, and the residue of the army. The first party which effected a landing, was that of Colonels Van Rensselaer and Christie, about four o'clock in the morning. On landing, the detachments were formed by order of Colonel Van Rensselaer, (Colonel Christie not having crossed with his men,) for the purpose of storming the heights of Queenstown.

At this critical moment, the American troops were attacked on either flank, during which the brave Colonel Van Rensselaer received four severe wounds, which were then supposed to be mortal. The command now devolved upon Captain Wool, the senior officer of the regular troops, who, although sorely wounded, repaired to Van Rensselaer, and volunteered for any service which might relieve the troops of the latter. Colonel Van Rensselaer directed the storming of the British battery upon the heights. Wool immediately conducted his force silently and circuitously, leaving the battery to his right, until he had passed it, and attained an eminence which commanded it. The British, finding that resistance would not avail them any thing, left it to the Americans, and retreated down the heights of Queenstown.

Elated with their success, the Americans had fallen into disorder, when suddenly they beheld the intrepid Brock advancing at the head of a rëinforcement of about three hundred men from Fort George. In a moment of alarm, an officer raised a white flag, in token of surrender, but which Wool indignantly pulled down. To keep the enemy at bay, until he could form his men, he dispatched a body of sixty men, who advanced, but retreated without firing a gun. The British followed, and drove the Americans to the brink of the precipice. One soldier, who was about to descend, Wool ordered to be shot; but, as the musket was levelling, he returned. Thus prohibiting either surrender or retreat, and being ably seconded by his officers, Wool rallied, and led on his troops to the attack. The British, in their turn, gave way, and retreated down the hill. Brock, in attempting to rally them amidst a galling fire from the Americans, was mortally wounded. His party no longer attempted resistance, but fled in disorder.

The Americans were now congratulating themselves on their success, when, unexpectedly, they were attacked by a body of British and Indians, amounting to one thousand, under General Sheaffe, who had followed the energetic Brock from Fort George. The battle becoming warm, and the Americans being hard pressed, General Van Rensselaer rëcrossed the Niagara, for the purpose of bringing over the militia, who were on the opposite bank.

But their ardor had abated. The sight of the wounded, and the groans of the dying, who most unfortunately had been carried in boats to the American side, had served to destroy all their courage. They could not be persuaded to cross, although their gallant general besought them with tears. Two thousand and five hundred of the militia, quite sufficient to have maintained the works which had been taken, remained idle and cowardly spectators of this most interesting scene. For this conduct, they found an excuse in the unconstitutionality of obliging militia to enter a foreign territory for the purpose of aggressive war. Thus the day was lost, and the troops, who had fought so nobly, had fought in vain, and were obliged, at length, to surrender. Sixty were killed, one hundred wounded, and seven hundred made prisoners.

Wasp and Frolic.--On the 13th of October, the American sloop-of-war Wasp, mounting sixteen thirty-two-pound carronades, two long twelves, with one hundred and thirty men, left the Delaware on a cruise. On the night of the 17th, several sail were discovered, which, in the morning, proved to be English merchantmen from Honduras, under convoy of a brig and two ships, armed with sixteen guns each. The brig shortened sail, with an evident disposition for an engagement.

Meanwhile, the Wasp having prepared for action, ranged close up on the starboard side of the enemy, receiving her broadside at the distance of some sixty yards, and delivering her own. From this moment, the action became unremitted. The fire of the Frolic, for so she proved to be, was to that of the Wasp, as three to two; but with this remarkable difference, that while the former uniformly fired as she rose, the sea being rough, the latter as uniformly fired when she sunk. And the consequence was, that the shot of the Frolic were either lost, or only touched the rigging of the Wasp, while those from the latter struck the hull of her antagonist.

In the brief space of five minutes, the maintop-mast of the Wasp was shot away, and, falling down with the maintop-sail yard across the larboard fore and foretop-sail, rendered her head yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. Soon after, her gaff and mizen-gallant-masts were shot away.

Perceiving the desolating effect of the enemy's fire upon his spars and rigging, Captain Jones at first decided to board; but, soon after, finding his ship in a favorable position to rake, he directed a fresh broadside to be delivered. The vessels had gradually approached, and were now so near, that in loading some of the guns of the Wasp, the rammers hit against the bows of her antagonist, and the men of the Frolic could no longer be kept at their quarters forward. The discharge of one or two carronades swept the enemy's decks. The impetuosity of the Wasp's crew could be no longer restrained, and they began to leap into the rigging, and from thence on to the bowsprit of the brig. In this movement, however, they were preceded by Mr. Biddle, the first lieutenant. On reaching the deck, judge his surprise, only three officers and a seaman at the wheel were to be seen! The bodies of the slain were lying here and there, and the deck was slippery with blood.

The colors were still flying, there being no seaman to pull them down. This grateful service was performed by Mr. Biddle himself. The officers now stepped forward, and surrendered their swords in submission. Thus, in forty-three minutes, possession was taken of the Frolic, after one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in naval history.

The Frolic was commanded by Captain Whinyates. She mounted on her main deck sixteen thirty-two-pound carronades, four long guns, differently stated to be sixes, nines, and twelves, with two twelve-pound carronades on a top-gallant forecastle. The Wasp had five killed and five wounded. Her hull sustained but trifling injury. The loss of the Frolic was seventy or eighty in wounded and killed. Both these vessels were captured the same day by the Poictiers, seventy-four, and taken to Bermuda.

This and other naval victories, while they served to animate and gratify the whole American people, were humbling to the pride of Great Britain. She had made her boast that she would drive our "bits of striped bunting" from the ocean; but she found herself mistaken; nor was a committee of investigation able to solve the mystery, except that the American frigates were seventy-fours in disguise!

United States and Macedonian.--The capture of the Frolic was almost immediately succeeded by the capture, off the Western Isles, October 25th, of the British frigate Macedonian, mounting forty-nine carriage-guns, by the American frigate United States, forty-four guns. The former was commanded by Captain John S. Carden; the latter by Captain Stephen Decatur.

The engagement, from its commencement, lasted for nearly an hour and a half--the early part being occupied in firing long-shot; but it was terminated in a very short period, after the vessels came into close action. For a time, the advantage of position was with the Macedonian; but, notwithstanding this, the fire of the Americans was so superior, that, in a brief space, the mizen-mast, fore and maintop-mast, and main-yard of the enemy, were cut down; besides receiving not less than one hundred round shot in her hull. Of her crew, three hundred in number, thirty-six were killed, and sixty-eight wounded.

The damage sustained by the United States was comparatively small. She lost one of her top-gallant-masts, received some wounds in her spars, had a good deal of rigging cut, but was hulled only a few times. Of her officers and crew, five were killed and seven wounded.

The manner in which the brave Decatur received Captain Carden on board the United States did him great honor. When the latter presented his sword, as in such cases is usual, the former assured him that "he could not think of taking the sword of an officer who had defended his ship so gallantly, but he should be happy to take him by the hand."

The United States, after the action, was in a condition to pursue her course; but, desirous of securing a prize so valuable as the Macedonian, Captain Decatur determined to make the attempt, notwithstanding her disabled state. Accordingly, having made such repairs upon her as circumstances allowed, the two ships made the best of their way to the United States.

The Macedonian was a fine ship of her class. She was smaller, of lighter armament, and had fewer men than the United States; but the disproportion between the force of the two vessels was much less than between the execution.

The reputation of Captain Decatur, already high, was added to by the manner in which the Macedonian was captured; and another testimony was added to the skill and bravery of the naval officers of the United States.

If such warfare must be--yet it is gloomy to think of it among rational and immortal beings, made of one blood, and having one common destiny--it may not be criminal, perhaps, to desire that our country's cause should be crowned with success, if that cause be just.

Constitution and Java.--The naval campaign of 1812 closed with another American victory, equal in brilliancy to any which had preceded. On the 29th of December, a few leagues west of St. Salvador, on the coast of Brazil, the Constitution, now under command of Commodore Bainbridge, descried the British frigate Java, forty-nine guns, and four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert. Both vessels, for some time, manœuvred to obtain a position that would enable them to rake, or avoid being raked. In the early part of the engagement, the wheel of the Constitution was shot away. Commodore Bainbridge determined to close with the British vessel, notwithstanding, in so doing, he should expose his ship to be several times raked. He ordered the fore and main-sails to be set, and luffed up close to the enemy, in such a manner that his jib-boom got foul of the Constitution's mizen-rigging. About three o'clock, the head of the British vessel's bowsprit and jib-boom were shot away; and, in the space of an hour, her fore-mast was shot away by the board, her main-topmast just above the cap, her gaff and spanker-boom, and her main-mast nearly by the board.

About four o'clock, the fire of the British vessel being completely silenced, and her colors in the main rigging being down, she was supposed to have struck. The courses of the Constitution were now hauled on board, to shoot ahead, in order to repair her rigging, which was very much cut. The British vessel was left a complete wreck. Her flag was soon after discovered to be still flying. The Constitution, however, hove to, to repair some of her damages. About a quarter of an hour after, the main-mast of the British vessel went by the board. About three-quarters of an hour after four, the Constitution wore, and stood for the British vessel, and got close athwart her bows, in a very effectual position for raking, when she prudently struck her flag. The Constitution had nine men killed and twenty-five wounded; the Java had sixty killed and one hundred and twenty wounded. Captain Lambert was mortally wounded.

The great distance from the United States, and the disabled state of the Java, forbade every idea of attempting to bring her to the United States. No alternative was therefore left but to burn her, which was done, after the prisoners and their baggage were removed to the Constitution. They were all landed at St. Salvador, and paroled. The commander of the Java, Captain Lambert, died soon after he was put on shore.

Lieutenant Aylwin, of the Constitution, was severely wounded during the action. When the boarders were called to repel boarders, he mounted the quarter-deck hammock-cloth, and, in the act of firing his pistol at the enemy, received a ball through his shoulder. Notwithstanding the severity of his wound, he continued at his post until the enemy struck. He died, however, on the 28th of January, at sea.

Close of the Campaign of 1812.--The naval victories, which have been noticed, were peculiarly gratifying to the Americans; the more so, from the humiliating fact that, on the land, not a single achievement had been made worthy the American valor. Not one victory had been gained which lasted--nor one foot of territory acquired, of which possession was retained. But the navy had triumphed. The victories gained, were by that class of citizens whose rights had been violated; and over a nation, whose long-continued success had led them to consider themselves lords of the sea. Many British merchantmen were also captured, both by the American navy and by privateers. The number of prizes, made during the first seven months of the war, exceeded five hundred.

Campaign of 1813.--The scene of the campaign of 1813, comprehended the whole northern frontier of the United States. The army of the West, under General Harrison, was stationed near the head of Lake Erie; the army of the centre, under General Dearborn, between Lakes Ontario and Erie; and the army of the North, under General Hampton, occupied the shores of Lake Champlain. The invasion of Canada was the grand project of the campaign. The British forces in Canada were under the general command of Sir George Prevost. The defence of the Upper Provinces was committed to Colonels Procter and Vincent; that of the Lower Provinces was entrusted to General Sheaffe.

Battle of Frenchtown.--Michigan, of which Detroit was the prominent town, was still in possession of the British. The citizens of the western country, being anxious to regain possession of it, General Harrison determined to undertake a winter campaign, having the rëconquest of that territory in view. Accordingly, General Winchester, with about eight hundred men, principally from the most respectable families in Kentucky, was directed to proceed in advance of the main army. Learning, during his march, that a party of British were stationed at Frenchtown, situated on the river Raisin, twenty-six miles from Detroit, he attacked and dispersed them.

The Americans encamped near the field of battle, a part of them being protected by close garden pickets. "Although near an enemy's post, but little precaution was taken to prevent a surprise. Early in the morning of the 22d of January, they were attacked by a large force of British and Indians; the former commanded by Colonel Procter, the latter by the chiefs Round-head and Split-log. The troops on the open field were thrown into disorder. General Winchester and other officers made an ineffectual attempt to rally them. They fled, but while attempting to escape, were mostly killed by the Indians. The general and Colonel Lewis were made prisoners.

"The troops behind the pickets maintained the contest with undaunted bravery. At length, Colonel Procter assured General Winchester, that if the remainder of the Americans would immediately surrender, they should be protected from massacre; but otherwise, he would set fire to the village, and would not be responsible for the conduct of the savages. Intimidated by this threat, General Winchester sent an order to the troops to surrender.

"Colonel Procter, leaving the wounded without a guard, marched immediately back to Malden. The Indians accompanied them a few miles, but returned early the next morning. Deeds of horror followed: the wounded officers were dragged from the houses, killed, and scalped in the streets. The buildings were set on fire. Some who attempted to escape, were forced back into the flames. Others were put to death by the tomahawk, and left shockingly mangled in the highway. The infamy of this butchery should not fall upon the perpetrators alone. It must rest equally upon those who instigated them to hostility, by whose side they fought, who were able, and were bound by a solemn engagement to restrain them."[73] "By this bloody tragedy," observes Mr. Breckenridge, "all Kentucky was literally in mourning; for the soldiers thus massacred, tortured, burned, or denied the common rites of sepulture, were of the most respectable families of the state; many of them young men of fortune and property, with numerous friends and relatives. The remains of these brave youth lay on the ground, beat by the storms of heaven, and exposed to the beasts of the forest, until the ensuing autumn, when their friends and relatives ventured to gather up their bleaching bones, and consigned them to the tomb."

Hornet and Peacock.--The day following the tragical affair of Frenchtown, a signal naval battle was fought off South America, between the Hornet, Captain Lawrence, and the Peacock, Captain Peake. "In less than fifteen minutes the Peacock struck her colors, displaying at the same time a signal of distress. The victors hastened to the relief of the vanquished; but the Peacock sank before all her crew could be removed, carrying down nine British seamen, and three brave and generous Americans. "Of all our naval victories," remarks a writer, "this is the one which the Americans recollect with most pleasure." Not that there was more glory in the achievement, but there was such high-souled generosity, such unwonted effort, such risk of life to save the crew of the conquered ship, as rarely, if ever, before occurred. Her guns were thrown overboard--her shot-holes plugged--every thing done--but she went down, and some noble hearts with her. And, then, as if what had been done were not enough, to crown the whole, the crew of the Hornet divided their clothes with the prisoners. On his return to the United States, Captain Lawrence was promoted to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, then in the harbor of Boston. For several weeks the British frigate Shannon, of equal force, had been cruising before that port; and Captain Broke, her commander, had announced his wish to meet, in single combat, an American frigate. Inflamed by this challenge, Captain Lawrence, although his crew was just enlisted, set sail on the 1st of June to seek the Shannon. Towards evening of the same day they met, and instantly engaged with unexampled fury. In a very few minutes, and in quick succession, the sailing-master of the Chesapeake was killed, Captain Lawrence and three lieutenants were severely wounded, her rigging was so cut to pieces that she fell on board the Shannon; Captain Lawrence received a second and mortal wound, and was carried below; at this instant, Captain Broke, at the head of his marines, gallantly boarded the Chesapeake, when resistance ceased, and the American flag was struck by the British. Of the crew of the Shannon, twenty-four were killed and fifty-six wounded. Of that of the Chesapeake, forty-eight were killed and nearly one hundred wounded. This unexpected defeat impelled the Americans to seek for circumstances consoling to their pride, and, in the journals of the day, many such were stated to have preceded and attended the action. The youthful and intrepid Lawrence was lamented with sorrow--deep, sincere, and lasting. When carried below, he was asked if the colors should be struck: "No," he replied; "they shall wave while I live!" Delirious from excess of suffering, he continued to exclaim, "Don't give up the ship!"--an expression consecrated by his countrymen. He uttered but few other words during the four days that he survived his defeat."

Rëelection of Mr. Madison.--The period for the election of president of the United States having again arrived Mr. Madison was a second time placed at the head of the nation, and Elbridge Gerry chosen vice-president. They were inaugurated on the 4th day of March, 1813. The following table exhibits the result of the electoral vote:

Key: A. James Madison, of Virginia. B. DeWitt Clinton, of New York. C. Elbridge Gerry, of Massa'tts. D. Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylv'a.

---------+-----------------+----------+---------------- No. of | |PRESIDENT.|VICE-PRESID'T. Electors | STATES. |----------+---------------- from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. State. | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+-------+-------- 8 | New Hampshire, | | 8 | 1 | 7 22 | Massachusetts, | | 22 | 2 | 20 4 | Rhode Island, | | 4 | | 4 9 | Connecticut, | | 9 | | 9 8 | Vermont, | 8 | | 8 | 29 | New York, | | 29 | | 29 8 | New Jersey, | | 8 | | 8 25 | Pennsylvania, | 25 | | 25 | 4 | Delaware, | | 4 | | 4 11 | Maryland, | 6 | 5 | 6 | 5 25 | Virginia, | 25 | | 25 | 15 | North Carolina, | 15 | | 15 | 11 | South Carolina, | 11 | | 11 | 8 | Georgia, | 8 | | 8 | 12 | Kentucky, | 12 | | 12 | 8 | Tennessee, | 8 | | 8 | 7 | Ohio, | 7 | | 7 | 3 | Lousiana, | 3 | | 3 | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+-------+-------- 217 | Whole No. of | | | | | electors, |128 | 89 | 131 | 86 | Majority, 109 | | | |

Capture of York.--York, the capital of Upper Canada, was, at this time, the great depository of British military stores for the western posts, and hence its capture was deemed an object of great importance, besides that it would be the means of thwarting the plans of the enemy. With this object in view, about the middle of April, General Dearborn issued orders to General Pike to embark on board a flotilla, with seventeen hundred men, and proceed to its reduction.

"The force of the enemy, under the command of General Sheaffe, consisted of seven hundred and fifty regulars, and five hundred Indians, besides a body of grenadiers and a corps of Glengary fencibles. These troops had collected near the place of debarkation, which was nearly a mile and a half from the fort. Major Forsyth was the first who landed. General Pike soon followed with the remainder of the troops. After a severe contest of half an hour, the enemy retreated to their works. The Americans followed; they had destroyed one battery, and were now within sixty yards of the main works, when the sudden and tremendous explosion of a magazine near by filled the air in every direction with huge stones and fragments of wood, which caused a dreadful havoc among the troops. One hundred of the Americans and forty of the British were killed. General Pike fell mortally wounded. Finding resistance unavailing, General Sheaffe, with the British regulars, retreated towards Kingston, leaving the commanding officer of the militia to make the best terms in his power. The brief outlines of a capitulation were soon agreed on, and the Americans took possession of the town. The brave Pike survived but a few hours; and, like Wolfe at Quebec, drew his last breath amidst the cheering shouts of victory. His dying head reposed upon the banner that had lately floated over the fortress which his valor had aided to conquer.

"General Dearborn now took command of the troops. The loss of the British was ninety killed, two hundred wounded, and three hundred prisoners, besides five hundred militia, released upon parole. A great quantity of stores was likewise found here, as York was the naval and military dépôt for Upper Canada. General Sheaffe's baggage and papers fell into the hands of the Americans.

"On the 8th of May, General Dearborn evacuated the capital of Upper Canada: and having crossed the lake, for the purpose of leaving the wounded at Sackett's Harbor, again set sail, and disembarked his troops at Niagara."[74]

Siege of Fort Meigs.--General Harrison was marching to the support of General Winchester, when the tidings of the defeat and massacre at Frenchtown reached him. As he could now be of no service to that general, he took post at a place called the Rapids, on the south side of the Maumee, a river flowing into the west end of Lake Erie, where he erected a fort, which he named Fort Meigs, in honor of the governor of Ohio.

The erection of this fortification was by no means agreeable to the British, and a plan was early laid to capture and destroy it. On the 26th of April, a large party of British and Indians, combined, made their appearance on the opposite side of the river; and, on the morning of the 26th, the Indians were conveyed over in boats, and surrounded the fort in every direction.

On the 29th, the siege began, all intercourse with other posts being cut off. During the preceding night, the British had thrown up a mound, on which to plant their guns, and behind which they could secure themselves from the fire of the Americans.

Next day, several of the Americans were wounded; and General Harrison himself, being continually exposed, had several narrow escapes. On the following day, the enemy fired two hundred and fifty-six times from their batteries. The Americans fired less rapidly, but with greater effect. A bullet struck the seat on which General Harrison was sitting, and at the same time a volunteer was wounded, as he stood directly opposite to him.

In this manner, several days passed; during which, General Harrison and his soldiers displayed the utmost coolness and determination. They were resolved to surrender only when they could fight no longer--when ammunition failed, or food and water could no longer be obtained.

At this critical juncture, intelligence was received that General Clay, with twelve hundred men, was hastening to their relief. He was already but a few miles up the river, and an officer was immediately dispatched, directing him to land one-half of his force on the opposite side, for the purpose of forcing the enemy's batteries and spiking his cannon.

The gallant Colonel Dudley was deputed to execute this order; but, unfortunately, his troops pursued the retreating enemy until, suddenly, a party of Indians, under command of the celebrated Tecumseh, rose from ambush upon them. The slaughter was terrible. The brave Colonel Dudley was among the killed, and more than five hundred of his detachment were taken prisoners. The other part of General Clay's troops were more fortunate. And yet, lured by a party of Indians, whom they wished to destroy, they proceeded into the woods, where they would have been cut off, had not General Harrison dispatched a company of cavalry to cover their retreat.

At length, the British gave up the contest. Although they had made many prisoners, this did not aid them, in relation to the fort. The 8th of May brought an end to the toils of the Americans in the fort of Camp Meigs. An exchange of prisoners took place, and on the morning of the 9th, the enemy commenced their retreat. Thus did Harrison sustain, in effect, a siege of twelve days; during which, the enemy had fired eighteen hundred shells and cannon-balls, besides keeping up an almost continual discharge of small arms. The loss of each was about equal.

Perry's Victory.--During the summer, by the exertions of Commodore Perry, an American squadron had been fitted out on Lake Erie. It consisted of nine small vessels, carrying fifty-four guns. A British squadron had also been built and equipped, under the superintendence of Commodore Barclay. It consisted of six vessels, mounting sixty-three guns. Commodore Perry, immediately sailing, offered battle to his adversary; and on the 10th of September the British commander left the harbor of Malden, to accept the offer. In a few hours, the wind shifted, giving the Americans the advantage. Perry, forming the line of battle, hoisted his flag, on which was inscribed the words of the dying Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship!" Loud huzzas from all the vessels proclaimed the animation which this motto inspired. About noon, the firing commenced; after a short action, two of the British vessels surrendered; and the rest of the American squadron now joining in the battle, the victory was rendered decisive and complete. The British loss was forty-one killed and ninety-four wounded. The American loss was twenty-seven killed and ninety-six wounded; of which number, twenty-one were killed and sixty wounded on board the flag-ship Lawrence, whose whole complement of able-bodied men, before the action, was about one hundred. The commodore gave intelligence of the victory to General Harrison in these words: "We have met the enemy, and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop."

Battle of the Thames.--By means of the victory of Commodore Perry, the Americans became masters of Lake Erie, but the territory of Michigan, which had been surrendered by Hull, was still in possession of Colonel Procter. The next movements of General Harrison were therefore against the British and Indians at Detroit and Malden. General Harrison had previously assembled a portion of the Ohio militia on the Sandusky river; and on the 7th of September four thousand from Kentucky, the flower of the state, with Governor Shelby at their head, arrived at his camp. With the cöoperation of the fleet, it was determined to proceed at once to Malden. On the 27th, the troops were received on board, and reached Malden on the same day; but the British had, in the mean time, destroyed the fort and public stores, and had retreated along the Thames towards the Moravian villages, together with Tecumseh's Indians, consisting of twelve or fifteen hundred. It was now resolved to proceed in pursuit of Procter. On the 5th of October, a severe action occurred between the two armies at the river Thames, by which the British army fell into the hands of the Americans. In this battle, Tecumseh was killed, and the Indians fled. The British loss was nineteen regulars killed, fifty wounded, and about six hundred prisoners. The American loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to upwards of fifty. Procter made his escape down the Thames.

On the 29th of September, the Americans took possession of Detroit, which, on the approach of Harrison's army, had been abandoned by the British.

Creek War.--While affairs were proceeding at the North, the public attention was arrested by hostilities commenced by the Creek Indians. They had been visited by Tecumseh, who had persuaded them that the Great Spirit required them to unite in an attempt to extirpate the whites. In the fall of 1812, a sanguinary war had been waged by the Creeks and Seminoles, against the frontier inhabitants of Georgia. At the head of two thousand five hundred volunteers from Tennessee, General Jackson had marched into their country, and compelled them to desist; but, soon after his return, their animosity burst forth with increased and fatal violence. Dreading their cruelty, some three hundred men, women, and children, took refuge in Fort Mimms. Here, at noon-day, on the 30th of August, they were surprised by a party of six hundred Indians, who, from the fort, drove the people into the houses which it inclosed. To these they set fire. Seventeen only of the refugees escaped to carry the horrid tidings to the neighboring stations. But the whites resolved on vengeance. General Jackson, at the head of three thousand five hundred militia of Tennessee, again took up his march into the southern wilderness. A detachment, under General Coffee, encountering at Tallushatchie a body of Indians, a sanguinary conflict ensued. The latter fought with desperation, neither giving nor receiving quarter, until nearly every warrior had perished. Yet still, the spirit of the Creeks remained unsubdued. With no little sagacity and skill, they selected and fortified another position on the Tallapoosa, called by themselves Tohopeka, and by whites Horse-shoe Bend. Here nearly a thousand warriors, animated with a fierce and determined resolution, were collected. Three thousand men, commanded by General Jackson, marched to attack this post. To prevent escape, a detachment under General Coffee encircled the Bend. The main body advanced to the fortress, and for a few minutes the opposing forces were engaged muzzle to muzzle at the port-holes; but at length, the troops leaping over the walls, mingled in furious combat with the savages. When the Indians, fleeing to the river, beheld the troops on the opposite bank, they returned, and fought with increased fury and desperation. Six hundred warriors were killed; four only yielded themselves prisoners; the remaining three hundred escaped. Of the whites, fifty-five were killed and one hundred and forty-six wounded. It was deemed probable that further resistance would be made by the Indians at a place called the Hickory-ground; but, on General Jackson's arriving thither in April, 1814, the principal chiefs came out to meet him, and among them was Weatherford, a half-blood, distinguished equally for his talents and cruelty. "I am in your power," said he; "do with me what you please. I have done the white people all the harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them bravely. There was a time when I had a choice; I have none now; even hope is ended. Once, I could animate my warriors; but I cannot animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice; their bones are at Tallushatchie, Talladega, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. While there was a chance of success, I never supplicated peace; but my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation and myself." Peace was concluded, and General Jackson and his troops enjoyed an honorable but short repose.[75]

Battles of Chippewa and Bridgewater.--In the beginning of July, General Brown crossed the Niagara with about three thousand men, and took possession without opposition of Fort Erie. In a strong position at Chippewa, a few miles distant, was intrenched an equal number of British troops, commanded by General Riall. On the 4th, General Brown approached their works; and the next day, on the plains of Chippewa, an obstinate and sanguinary battle was fought, which compelled the British to retire to their intrenchments. In this action, which was fought with great judgment and coolness on both sides, the loss of the Americans was about four hundred men; that of the British was upwards of five hundred. Soon afterwards, General Riall, abandoning his works, retired to the heights of Burlington. Here Lieutenant-general Drummond, with a large rëinforcement, joined him, and, assuming the command, led back the army towards the American camp. On the 25th was fought the battle of Bridgewater, which began at four in the afternoon, and continued till midnight. After a desperate conflict, the British troops were withdrawn, and the Americans left in possession of the field. The loss on both sides was severe, and nearly equal. Generals Brown and Scott having both been severely wounded, the command devolved upon General Ripley. He remained a few hours upon the hill, collected the wounded, and then retired unmolested to the camp. This battle was fought near the cataract of Niagara, whose roar was silenced by the thunder of cannon and the din of arms, but was distinctly heard during the pauses of the fight. The American general found his force so much weakened, that he deemed it prudent again to occupy Fort Erie. On the 4th of August, it was invested by General Drummond with five thousand troops. In the night, between the 14th and 15th, the besiegers made a daring assault upon the fort, which was repelled with conspicuous gallantry by the garrison, the former being more than nine hundred men, the latter but eighty-four. The siege was still continued. On the 2d of September, General Brown having recovered from his wounds, threw himself into the fort, and took command of the garrison. For their fate, great anxiety was felt by the nation, which was, however, in some degree removed, by the march from Plattsburgh of five thousand men to their relief. After an hour of close fighting, they entered the fort, having killed, wounded, and taken one thousand of the British. The loss of the Americans was also considerable, amounting to more than five hundred. On the 21st of September, the forty-ninth day of the siege, General Drummond withdrew his forces.

Capture of Washington.--About the middle of August, a British squadron of between fifty and sixty sail, arrived in the Chesapeake, with troops destined for the attack of Washington, the capital of the United States. A body of five thousand of them having landed, an action was fought at Bladensburgh, six miles from Washington. General Winder commanded the American force; Commodore Barney the flotilla. The British were commanded by Major-general Ross and Rear-admiral Cockburn. The Americans were repulsed, and General Ross, at the head of about seven hundred men, took possession of Washington, and burned the capitol, the president's house, and public offices, the arsenal, the navy yard, and the bridge over the Potomac. The loss of the British in this expedition, was nearly a thousand men in killed, wounded, and missing; the loss of the Americans was ten or twelve killed, and thirty or forty wounded. Commodore Barney's horse was killed under him, and himself wounded in the thigh, and taken prisoner; but he was paroled on the field of battle for his bravery.

After the capture of Washington, the British army rëembarked on board the fleet in the Patuxent, and Admiral Cockburn moved down that river, and proceeded up the Chesapeake. On the 29th of August, the corporation of Alexandria submitted to articles of capitulation, and the city was delivered up to the British. On the 11th of September, the British admiral appeared at the mouth of the Patapsco, fourteen miles from Baltimore, with a fleet of ships of war and transports, amounting to fifty sail. The next day, six thousand troops were landed at North point, and commenced their march towards the city. In this march, when the foremost ranks were harassed by a brisk fire from a wood, Major-general Ross was mortally wounded. A battle was fought on this day. The American forces, the militia, and the inhabitants of Baltimore, made a gallant defence, but were compelled to retreat; the British, however, abandoning the attempt to get possession of the city, retired to their shipping during the night of the 13th of September.

Engagement on Lake Champlain.--Towards the close of the winter of 1814, the troops under General Wilkinson removed from their winter-quarters at French Mills, and took station opposite Plattsburgh. At this time, General Izard assumed the command. During the summer, the troops were reduced, by various detachments, to fifteen hundred. Moreover, the defences here were mostly in a state of dilapidation, and the stores and ordinances in great disorder.

It was while troops and fortifications were in this state, that intelligence was received that Sir George Prevost, governor-general of Canada, was on his march, at the head of fourteen hundred men, well-disciplined, with ample stores and a numerous train of artillery. In addition, the British had a respectable naval force on the lake, amounting to ninety-five guns and one thousand and fifty men. To cope with this combined, and vastly superior force, the Americans had the troops already named, and a flotilla carrying eighty-six guns and eight hundred and twenty-six men.

On the 3d of September, Sir George Prevost, having taken possession of Champlain, proceeded to occupy Plattsburgh. But, instead of making the most of his advantage, the British general contented himself with erecting works, by which to annoy the Americans--thus giving the latter opportunity to strengthen themselves, and to summon from New York and Vermont a considerable force to their aid. At the moment, the delay of the British was not understood, but in a few days it was explained by the appearance of the British squadron, which was observed bearing down in order of battle. It consisted of the frigate Confiance, carrying thirty-nine guns; twenty-seven of which were twenty-four pounders; the brig Linnet, of sixteen guns; the sloops Chub and Finch, each carrying eleven guns; thirteen gallies, five of two guns, and the remainder of one gun. Commodore McDonough, commanding the American squadron, lay at this time at anchor in Plattsburgh bay. His fleet consisted of the Saratoga, of twenty-six guns, eight of which were long twenty-four pounders; the Eagle, twenty guns; the Ticonderoga, seventeen guns; the Preble, seven, and twenty gallies, six of which carried two, and the remainder one gun each. One of this squadron had been constructed in eighteen days, from timber cut for this purpose, standing on the shore of the lake.

At about nine o'clock, the British commander, Captain Downie, anchored in line abreast the American squadron, about three hundred yards distant--the Confiance taking a position opposite the Saratoga--the Linnet, opposite the Eagle--the British galleys and one of the sloops, opposite the Ticonderoga, Preble, and left division of the American galleys--the other sloop was opposed to the right division.

The action now opened, and at the same time an engagement commenced on the land, between the forces under General McComb and Sir George Prevost. The fate of the day depended chiefly on the result of the engagement between the two large vessels. For two hours, this contest was waged, with great skill and bravery, between these two; but the greater weight of the enemy's battery seemed to incline the scale of victory. By this time, the guns of the Saratoga, on the starboard side, had been either dismounted or rendered unmanageable: nor was the condition of the Confiance much better. The fortune of the day now depended upon a difficult manœuvre--to change the position of the vessels, so as to bring their larboard sides into action. In this, the Saratoga succeeded, while the attempt on the part of the Confiance failed. The explosions of the former, on wheeling, now became tremendous, and a short and successful work was made of it. In eighteen minutes, the Saratoga announced her surrender. Meanwhile, the Linnet had struck to the Eagle. Three of the galleys were sunk; the rest escaped. With the exception of the latter, the entire squadron was captured. It was a most sanguinary and disastrous contest. The Saratoga had received in her hull fifty-five round shot; the Confiance, one hundred and five. Twice the Saratoga was set on fire by hot shot. The time occupied in the action was two hours and twenty minutes. Captain Downie, of the Confiance, was killed, with forty-nine of his men, and sixty wounded. The Saratoga lost twenty-eight killed and twenty-nine wounded. The total loss of the American squadron amounted to fifty-two killed and fifty-eight wounded. The loss of the British was eighty-four killed, one hundred and ten wounded, and eight hundred and fifty-six prisoners.

This engagement took place in sight of the two armies. But they were not idle spectators of the exciting scene. They also became engaged, and, during the naval conflict, the noise of cannon, bombs, rockets responded to the explosions on the water. Three desperate efforts were made by the British to cross over, and storm the American works. Other modes of attack were resorted to, but repulse and defeat followed each and every one of them. On the loss of the squadron, which was as painful as unexpected, the efforts of the British relaxed; but the firing was still kept up, and continued till night, when the siege was raised, and the artillery withdrawn. During the night, Prevost withdrew his forces and retired.

Thus failed a project for which liberal preparations had been made, and of whose success, the highest hopes had been indulged. Thus Sir George Prevost was taught, that not then, nor there, whatever he might do at some future day, could he display British colors as a token of triumph. The "star-spangled banner" must still wave on the waters of Champlain; and our national flag still float over the fortifications of Plattsburgh.

Battle of New Orleans.--In the spring of 1814, General Jackson was appointed a major-general in the army of the United States, and assigned to the protection of the city of New Orleans, and the circumjacent territory. To this duty he addressed himself with a promptitude and resolution characteristic of the man, and commensurate with the preparations which, it was supposed, the British had made to subdue it.

On the 1st day of December, the general reached New Orleans, and, on the 4th, rumor was rife that a hostile fleet was already wending its way along the coast. On the 6th, this rumor was confirmed. Admiral Cochrane and Sir George Cockburn, after the burning of Washington, and subsequent retreat down the Chesapeake, were now directing their course towards New Orleans. The expedition was formidable, consisting of more than eighty sail, which were still to be rëinforced; on board the transports were some eleven thousand troops, "veteran heroes of the Peninsula," ardent for the attack--commanded by four generals of great experience--two admirals, and twelve thousand seamen and marines, with fire-ships, rockets, ammunition, and artillery in abundance.

The inhabitants of New Orleans were, at this time, supposed to be not less than thirty thousand--a number quite sufficient, under ordinary circumstances, to furnish adequate assistance. But they were chiefly of French and Spanish extraction. By the purchase of Louisiana, they had recently become citizens of the United States; but the sympathies and patriotism of some had not followed their transfer. In addition, the city had few, if any defences; arms, ammunition, troops--all were wanting.

In circumstances like these, General Jackson assumed command of the city. He saw the danger which impended; he saw the importance of power amid the conflicting elements. He has sometimes been censured for his despotic bearing during these scenes of turmoil and confusion. But we must not judge too severely. He felt the emergency, and did not hesitate to proclaim martial law, as, in his view, the only means of safety and protection to the city.

The force which General Jackson had brought with him from Mobile, amounted to only about fifteen hundred men, and consisted of Coffee's Tennessee volunteers, Hind's company of cavalry, and the seventh and forty-fourth regiments. To these were added three hundred city volunteers, and a battalion of men of color, two hundred, making a total, with the troops in garrison at Fort St. Philips, of only twenty-five hundred men. This force was so obviously inadequate, that General Jackson made every effort to supply the deficiency; and in this, he was seconded by the executive of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana. But their patriotic exertions were, in a great measure, unavailing; there being, at no time, of Louisianians, in the army of General Jackson, more than nine hundred, and still less from any other state. The naval force, stationed at New Orleans, consisted of six gun-boats and several smaller vessels, under command of Commodore Daniel T. Patterson.

Soon after reaching New Orleans, General Jackson proceeded to examine the various fortified points below the city, and gave directions for strengthening them as his means allowed. On the 9th, he returned to the city, whence he proceeded on a similar tour of inspection to the lakes. Contrary to all expectation, the British armament, instead of coming up the Mississippi, entered the lakes which connect with the gulf, and, on the 23d of December, commenced landing their forces on the narrow strip of land bordering the river. Before reaching this point, however, an engagement had taken place between the gun-boats and a large British force, which had resulted in the capture of the former. It was a spirited action of some two hours, and the Americans surrendered only when the enemy had gained their decks, and overpowered them by numbers. The whole number of guns in the American vessels was twenty-three, and of men one hundred and eighty-three. The British had forty-five boats, forty-three pieces of cannon, and twelve hundred men. The loss of the Americans was very small, while that of the British was not less than three hundred, including several officers, killed and wounded.

The invading army, it was now certain, was at hand. Indeed, they had effected a landing; they were on the banks of the Mississippi, only nine miles from the city. This, as we have stated, was on the 23d of December.

General Jackson had decided, in case of their landing, to attack them the first possible moment. "Feeble as my force is," said he, "I am resolved to assail the enemy on his first landing, and perish sooner than he shall reach the city:" a resolution which he now proceeded to fulfill with all the energy in his power. That same night was the time appointed.

A little before dark, the American troops arrived in view of the enemy. They were, at this time, about two thousand strong, but afterwards rëinforced to the number of one thousand more. Among the vessels, which had escaped the British, was one of considerable size, called the Caroline. With this, Commodore Patterson was to drop down the river, anchor in front of the British, and commence the attack, which should be a signal for a general assault.

A British officer, who was present during the scene, thus describes the dismay of the British troops, when first the Caroline opened her appalling fire upon them.

"The day passed without any alarm, and, the darkness having set in, the fires were made to blaze with increased splendor; our evening meal was eaten, and we prepared to sleep. But about half-past seven o'clock, the attention of several individuals was drawn to a large vessel, which seemed to be stealing up the river till she came opposite to our camp, when her anchor was dropped, and the sails leisurely furled. We hailed her, but she gave no answer. This forboded no good. Soon after, we heard some one cry, in a commanding voice, 'Give them this for the honor of America!' and they did give it to us. Explosion after explosion burst upon us, and showers of grape swept down numbers in the camp.

"Nor to this dreadful storm of fire had we any thing to oppose. Our artillery was too light to bring into competition with an adversary so powerful. Our only alternative was to shelter the men, as much as possible, from this iron hail; and our only shelter was to hasten under the dyke ["levee"]. There we lay for an hour, unable to move from our ground, or offer any opposition; when the sound of musketry, at some distance, called our attention towards the pickets, and warned us to prepare for a closer and more desperate strife. Soon after, our apprehensions were realized. A semi-circular blaze of musketry burst upon us. We were surrounded." The assailants were Coffee's brigade of six hundred dismounted riflemen.

The further details of proceedings that night, we must omit. For two hours, such warfare was carried on as the darkness allowed. The American troops did not exceed two thousand; the force of the enemy reached, at length, four or five thousand. The Americans were not the victors, nor were they vanquished. They retired in safety, with a loss of but twenty-four killed, one hundred and fifteen wounded, and seventy-four made prisoners. The loss of the British was not less than four hundred in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Among the Americans killed were two valiant officers--Colonel Lauderdale and Lieutenant McClelland. This action was probably the salvation of New Orleans. From that hour, the Americans had more confidence; the British less.

On the 4th of January, the long-expected rëinforcement from Kentucky, amounting to two thousand two hundred and fifty, under command of Major-general Thomas, reached New Orleans, but the great advantage, anticipated from this additional force, failed of being realized. Not more than five hundred of them were supplied with muskets fit for service; for the remainder, none could possibly be furnished.

For several days longer, the armies continued in view of each other, but comparatively inactive. Preparations, however, were making. The clouds were gathering. The storm was approaching. At length, the 8th of January arrived; a day rendered memorable by the victory achieved by the Americans over a British force greatly superior, and in every possible way prepared for the contest.

On the morning of the 8th, signals, intended to produce concert in the enemy's movements, were descried. Sky-rockets shot up. Preparations, as if for immediate action, were observed. And thus it proved. The important day had arrived, and operations were commenced on the part of the British, by showers of bombs and balls upon the American line: while congreve-rockets, in multitudes, went whizzing through the air. The two divisions, under command of Sir Edward Packenham in person, and supported by Generals Keane and Gibbs, now moved forward. A dense fog enabled them to approach within a short distance of the American intrenchments without being discovered. Their march was dignified--their step, firm--their bearing, lofty. Meanwhile, all was silence among the Americans behind the parapets. The guns were loaded--the matches were ready--all were waiting, with breathless anxiety, for the word of command. Jackson stood an intent observer of the scene. He watched every movement--weighed every circumstance--measured the lessening distance. They had reached the critical spot to which the guns were pointed--the voice of Jackson was heard, as in tones of thunder, "Fire!" and, in an instant, such a storm of death rolled over the astonished British, as was scarcely ever before witnessed. The front ranks were mowed down, and their advance arrested. At this critical juncture, Sir Edward Packenham threw himself in front of the astonished columns, and urged them on. But at that instant, he fell mortally wounded, and, nearly at the same time, Generals Gibbs and Keane were borne from the field, dangerously wounded. The troops now fled. In their flight, they were met by General Lambert, on the advance with a reserve force, and urged once more to renew the attack; but his commands were unheeded.

There were, indeed, other attempts made upon the American works in other quarters, and they were partially successful; but, in the sequel, the British were every where repulsed--the American flag waved in triumph--the city of New Orleans was safe--and, that night, joy and gladness were in every family.

The American effective force, at the time, on the left bank, was three thousand seven hundred; that of the enemy, at least nine thousand, and, by some authorities, they were reckoned still more numerous. The killed, wounded, and prisoners, as ascertained on the day after the battle, by Colonel Hayne, the inspector-general, was two thousand six hundred. General Lambert's report to Lord Bathurst, stated it to be two thousand and seventy. Among the killed was the commander-in-chief, and Major-general Gibbs, who died of his wounds the following day; besides many other valuable officers. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was but thirteen.

It is certainly surprising that generals so distinguished for their sagacity, and so experienced in military tactics, as were the British, should have hazarded such an assault. It seems probable that the enterprise was one of great magnitude and danger, in their view; but warranted by the circumstances in which they were placed. But, on the other hand, the Americans were entitled to all possible praise. Their bravery and zeal were conspicuous through the entire contest. It was fortunate that their commander was possessed of great courage and equal skill. General Jackson acquired greater reputation, on this occasion, than he had gained at any previous period of his life, distinguished as his military fame had become.

To the benevolent heart, there will ever be connected with this battle one sad, sad reflection. The carnage of that day--the groans, sorrows, sufferings caused by that conflict--might have been spared. Peace between the two nations had actually been agreed upon. Oh! could some breeze have wafted the intelligence to these Western shores ere the dawn of that 8th of January, 1815, what streams of blood had been stayed! how many precious lives would have been spared! what despair and destitution averted from families and individuals!

Treaty of Ghent.--The brilliant successes of the Americans were duly appreciated, and joy and exultation pervaded the nation. Tidings of peace soon followed. A negotiation, which had been opened at Ghent in the Netherlands, towards the close of 1814, between the American commissioners, J. Q. Adams, Bayard, Clay, Russel, and Gallatin, and the British commissioners, Gambier, Goulburn, and Adams, resulted in a treaty of peace, which was signed on the 24th of December. It immediately received the approbation of the prince regent, and was ratified by the president and senate on the 18th day of February. This was a welcome event to all parties. Among a portion of the people, the war had never been popular. A large debt had been contracted, and the commerce of the country had greatly suffered. There was a general joy that the war had terminated; yet some were disposed to inquire, what object had been gained? It was true, the credit of the country in respect to military skill, but especially as to naval tact, had been greatly increased. An arrogant, invading foe had been driven from our shore. Our national honor vindicated--but, in the end, the treaty negotiated and ratified was silent as to the subjects for which the war was professedly declared. It provided only for the suspension of hostilities--the exchange of prisoners--the restoration of territories and possessions obtained by the contending powers during the war--the adjustment of unsettled boundaries--and for a combined effort to effect the entire abolition of traffic in slaves. But, notwithstanding several important omissions, the treaty was joyfully received, and the various classes of society once more began to turn their attention to their accustomed trades and occupations.

Close of Mr. Madison's Administration.--The remainder of Mr. Madison's administration was marked by few events or measures of national importance. Yet, we may briefly notice the conclusion of a treaty, conducted at Algiers, with the dey of Algiers, by William Shaler and Commodore Stephen Decatur, on the 30th of June, 1815--a "convention by which to regulate the commerce between the territories of the United States and of his Britannic Majesty," concluded at London, July 3--and the incorporation of a national bank, with a capital of thirty-five millions of dollars.

February 12th, the electoral votes for Mr. Madison's successor were counted in the presence of both houses of congress, when it appeared that Mr. Monroe was elected by a large majority. The following is a summary of the votes:

Key: A. James Monroe, of Virginia. B. Rufus King, of New York. C. D. D. Tompkins, of New York. D. John E. Howard, of Maryland. E. James Ross, of Pennsylv'a. F. John Marshall, of Virginia. G. Robt. G. Harper, of Maryland.

---------+-----------------+----------+------------------------ No. of | |PRESIDENT.| VICE-PRESIDENT. Electors | STATES. |----------+------------------------ from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. State. | | | | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----+---- 8 | New Hampshire, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 22 | Massachusetts, | | 22 | | 22 | | | 4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | 4 | | | | 9 | Connecticut, | | 9 | | | 5 | 4 | 8 | Vermont, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 29 | New York, | 29 | | 29 | | | | 8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 25 | Pennsylvania, | 25 | | 25 | | | | 3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | | | | 3 8 | Maryland, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 25 | Virginia, | 25 | | 25 | | | | 15 | North Carolina, | 15 | | 15 | | | | 11 | South Carolina, | 11 | | 11 | | | | 8 | Georgia, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 12 | Kentucky, | 12 | | 12 | | | | 8 | Tennessee, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 8 | Ohio, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 3 | Lousiana, | 3 | | 3 | | | | 3 | Indiana, | 3 | | 3 | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----+---- 217 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | electors, |183 | 34 |183 | 22 | 5 | 4 | 3 | Majority, 109 | | | | | | |

FOOTNOTES:

[71] Life of William Henry Harrison.

[72] Breckenridge's History of the War.

[73] Hale's History of the United States.

[74] Willard's Republic.

[75] Hinton.

X. JAMES MONROE, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1817.

DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

John Q. Adams, Massachusetts, March 5, 1817,} Secretary } of State.

William H. Crawford, Georgia, March 5, 1817,} Secretary } of Treasury.

Isaac Shelby, Kentucky, March 5, 1817,} Secretaries John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, December 15, 1817,} of War.

Benjamin W. (continued } Crowninshield, Massachusetts, in office), } Secretaries Smith Thompson, New York, November 30, 1818.} of the Navy. Samuel L. Southard, New Jersey, December 9, 1823,}

Return J. Meigs, Ohio, (continued } Postmasters in office), } General. John M'Lean, Ohio, December 9, 1823,}

Richard Rush, Pennsylvania, (continued } Attorneys in office), } General. William Wirt, Virginia, December 15, 1817,}

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Henry Clay, Kentucky, Fifteenth Congress, 1817. Henry Clay, Kentucky, Sixteenth do. 1819. John W. Taylor, New York, Sixteenth do. 1820. Philip P. Barbour, Virginia, Seventeenth do. 1821. Henry Clay, Kentucky, Eighteenth do. 1823.

The elevation of Mr. Monroe to the presidency was an event highly auspicious to the interests of the nation. Besides having been employed for many years in high and responsible stations under the government, he possessed a sound and discriminating judgment, and a remarkably calm and quiet temperament. In not a few of the qualities of his mind, he resembled Washington, and, like that great and good man, apparently had the true interests of his country in view in the acts and measures of his administration. He may be said to be fortunate in respect to the time and circumstances of his accession to the presidency. A war, of whose justice and expediency a respectable portion of the country had strong doubts--and as to which, therefore, loud and even angry debate had existed, both in congress and throughout the country--that war had terminated, and the asperities growing out of different views entertained of it, were fast subsiding. Commerce, too, was beginning to revive, and the manufacturers were hoping for more auspicious days. In every department of industry, there was the commencement of activity; and, although the country had suffered too long and too seriously to regain at once her former prosperity, hopes of better times were indulged, and great confidence was reposed in the wise and prudent counsels of the new president.

A review of the principal measures and events during the presidency of Mr. Monroe, will require us to notice the following topics:

Tour of the President, Revision of the Tariff, Admission of Missouri, Visit of Lafayette, Provision for indigent officers, &c., Review of Mr. Monroe's Rëelection of Mr. Monroe, Administration, Seminole War, Election of Mr. Adams.

Tour of the President.--This took place in the summer and autumn following Mr. Monroe's inauguration, and extended through the Northern and Eastern states of the Union. It was an auspicious measure, and contributed, no doubt, in a degree, to his popularity. He had in view, the better discharge of his duty as president, in superintending the works of public defence, and most probably the cultivation of friendly feelings with the great mass of the people. These objects were happily accomplished. The works of public defence, which he wished personally to inspect or to provide for, were the fortifications of the sea-coast and inland frontiers, naval docks, and the navy itself. For all these objects, congress had made liberal appropriations, and by personal observation, he sought the means of guiding his judgment as to the best mode of promoting the interests thus committed to his care.

The president made two other visits of a similar kind, during his first term, viz: one in the summer of the following year, and the other in the summer of 1819. The former was to the Chesapeake bay and the country lying on its shores. The other was to the Southern and South-western states of the Union. In the course of a few weeks he visited Charleston, Savannah, and Augusta, as also the Cherokee nation, Nashville, Louisville, and other places. The same national objects commanded his attention as during his other tours, and the same spirit of courtesy and deference was manifested towards him.

Admission of Missouri.--In another place, (p. 538,) we have had occasion to notice the periods at which the several states, formed since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, have been admitted into the Union, and Missouri among them; but, as in respect to this state, there were new and peculiar considerations involved, it is deemed important to speak of them in this place more at large.--The proposition to admit Missouri into the Union, was considered at the same time with Maine; but, although congress passed the act of admission for both at once, it was conditional in regard to Missouri. A clause in the constitution of this state, requiring the legislature to enact a law "to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to and settling in the state," was obnoxious to a majority of the members of congress. After a long debate in that body, it was decided that Missouri should be admitted, on the condition that no laws should be passed, by which any free citizens of the United States should be prevented from enjoying the rights to which they were entitled by the constitution of the United States.

There had previously been a long and exciting debate in congress, on the subject of the restriction of slavery in the bill admitting Missouri. The bill for admitting that territory, contained a provision prohibiting slavery within the new state; but, having passed the house of representatives, it was arrested in the senate. Strong sectional parties, in reference to this subject, appeared, not only in congress, but throughout the country. It was deemed imminently a time of danger to the general interests of the nation and the Union itself. The dissolution of the general government seemed to be threatened. That the pernicious system of involuntary servitude should be further extended, seemed to be abhorrent to the minds of most of the wise and good. On the other hand, the rights of the slave-holding states were thought by themselves, at least, to be invaded. Accordingly, members of congress from the non-slave-holding states, strenuously advocated the restriction; while members from the slave-holding portion of the country as strenuously opposed it.

The long and earnest debates on the subject, were concluded, only by the parties accepting a compromise, in consequence of which, slavery was to be tolerated in Missouri, but forbidden in all that part of Louisiana as ceded by France, lying north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, except so much as was embraced within the limits of the state. The vote in the house of representatives was several times given for excluding slavery; but the senate disagreed, and would not yield to the house. When the house yielded, at length, to the opinion of the senate, it was by a majority of four only, in favor of the bill, omitting the clause of exclusion, and containing that of the interdiction of slavery elsewhere, as already defined. The compromise happily averted whatever danger there might have been to the union of the states.

When Missouri, by a solemn act of her legislature, had accepted the fundamental condition imposed by congress, that she would not authorize the passage of any laws excluding citizens of other states from enjoying the privileges to which they were entitled by the constitution of the United States, she was declared a member of the Union. This occurred August 10th, 1821.

Provision for indigent Officers and Soldiers.--In 1818, a law was passed by congress, granting pensions to the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary war, which included all who had served nine months in the continental army at any period of the war, provided it was at one term of enlistment. Another act of congress, following at the expiration of two years, modified, and in some degree restricted this law, by confining the pension to those who were in destitute circumstances. Still, under this condition, the number who received the bounty, or rather the justice of their country, was very large, not less than thirteen thousand having experienced the grateful relief. Through the inability of the government, soon after the war, these soldiers who had so largely contributed to the liberties of their country, had never been duly compensated. They now received a welcome, though late remuneration.

Rëelection of Mr. Monroe.--In March, 1821, Mr. Monroe entered upon his second term of office, having been rëelected president by nearly an unanimous vote. Mr. Tompkins was also continued in the vice-presidency. The following table exhibits the vote of the several electoral colleges:

Key: A. James Monroe, of Virginia. B. John Q. Adams, of Massa'tts. C. D. D. Tompkins, of New York. D. Rich'd. Stockton, of New Jersey. E. Robt. G. Harper, of Maryland. F. Richard Rush, of Pennsylv'a. G. Daniel Rodney, of Delaware.

---------+-----------------+----------+------------------------ No. of | |PRESIDENT.| VICE-PRESIDENT. Electors | STATES. |----------+------------------------ from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. State. | | | | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----+---- 8 | New Hampshire, | 7 | 1 | 7 | | | 1 | 15 | Massachusetts, | 15 | | 7 | 8 | | | 4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | 4 | | | | 9 | Connecticut, | 9 | | 9 | | | | 8 | Vermont, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 29 | New York, | 29 | | 29 | | | | 8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 25 | Pennsylvania, | 24 | | 24 | | | | 4 | Delaware, | 4 | | | | | | 4 11 | Maryland, | 11 | | 10 | | 1 | | 25 | Virginia, | 25 | | 25 | | | | 15 | North Carolina, | 15 | | 15 | | | | 11 | South Carolina, | 11 | | 11 | | | | 8 | Georgia, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 12 | Kentucky, | 12 | | 12 | | | | 8 | Tennessee, | 7 | | 7 | | | | 8 | Ohio, | 8 | | 8 | | | | 3 | Lousiana, | 3 | | 3 | | | | 3 | Indiana, | 3 | | 3 | | | | 3 | Mississippi, | 2 | | 2 | | | | 3 | Illinois, | 3 | | 3 | | | | 3 | Alabama, | 3 | | 3 | | | | 9 | Maine, | 9 | | 9 | | | | 3 | Missouri, | 3 | | 3 | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+-----+----+----+----+----+---- 235 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | electors, |231 | 1 |218 | 8 | 1 | 1 | 4 | Majority, 118 | | | | | | |

No president, since Washington, has received so decided an expression of the public will. His popularity seemed to be the result of his moderation in politics, his candid temper, and his wise and useful measures. His administration throughout was the era of good feeling.

Seminole War.--Within the southern limits of the United States, but mostly in Florida, lived a tribe, or confederacy of Indians, named Seminoles. They consisted, originally, of fugitives from the northern tribes, resident within the limits of the United States. To these fugitives, additions were made from the Creek Indians, numbers of whom were dissatisfied with the provisions of the treaty of 1814, and negroes, who had absconded from their masters. The resentments enkindled in the breasts of these miserable people, are believed to have been fanned by foreign emissaries, of whom the most noted were two Englishmen, Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister. The consequence was, that outrages were committed upon the inhabitants of the states on our southern borders, the progress of which it became necessary to arrest.

General Gaines, the United States' officer in that quarter, made a demand to deliver up the authors of these outrages, but the Indians refused to comply. In consequence of this refusal, the Indians, who were still on the lands ceded to the United States by the Creeks, in 1814, were placed at the disposal of General Gaines, to remove them or not, as he should see fit.

The general availed himself of his discretionary power to take an Indian village called Fowl Town, near the Florida line. In this undertaking, one man and one woman were killed, and two women made prisoners. It was executed by a detachment under Major Twiggs. A few days after, a second detachment, who were on a visit to the town to obtain property, were fired upon, and a skirmish ensued, in which there was a loss of several on both sides. Shortly after, a large party of Seminole Indians formed an ambuscade upon the Appalachicola river, attacked one of the American boats, ascending near the shore, and killed, wounded, and took the greater part of the detachment, consisting of forty men, commanded by Lieutenant R. W. Scott, of the seventh infantry. There were also on board, killed or taken, seven women, the wives of soldiers. Six of the detachment only escaped, four of whom were wounded.[76]

This event led to increased hostilities. Fort Scott, in which General Gaines with about six hundred regular soldiers was confined for a time, was openly attacked by a large force of the enemy. General Andrew Jackson was directed, December 26, to take the field. In connection with this, he was authorized, if he deemed the force of General Gaines to be insufficient to carry on the war, "to call on the executives of the neighboring states for such an additional militia force as he might deem requisite." General Jackson varied from the order addressed to him, by sending out a circular to the patriots of West Tennessee, inviting them, to the number of one thousand, to take up arms with him against the Indians. The General's call was promptly responded to, and the thousand volunteers were, in due time, gathered to his standard.

In this affair, General Jackson was widely censured for departing from the letter and spirit of his instructions; although the apology offered, was the delay that would have been caused, had the governor of Tennessee, who was either at Knoxville or in the Cherokee nation, been first called upon. The account of his proceedings, which he sent to the secretary of war, seems to have met with favor by the public authorities at Washington. The troops thus raised, were joined by a number of friendly Creeks under General M'Intosh. Meanwhile, it appears from the instructions of the president to General Gaines, that the war was to be prosecuted in Florida, only in the event of the Indians fleeing into that country, and, in that case, the Spanish authority was to be respected wherever it was maintained. Jackson, however, did not conform to these instructions, and particularly in regard to the interdiction not to attack a Spanish fort, should any Indians take shelter under one, which was also a matter of instruction. He justified his non-compliance, in this case, on the ground that, orders issued to one officer, could not be construed as orders to his successor, without a special reference to the first--that his orders were general and discretionary, and that the circumstances contemplated by the orders to General Gaines, never existed. The Indians were found sheltered within a fort, and not merely under the protection of its guns on the outside.

On the plan of warfare, which the American general deemed it justifiable to act, he not only entered Florida in pursuit of the Indians as they fled thither, but he forcibly seized the Spanish garrison, St. Marks. While at St. Marks, information was imparted to General Jackson, that the governor of Pensacola was favoring the Indians; upon which, although the executive had given instruction not to attack a Spanish fort, he took up his march for the fort at Pensacola, before which, after twenty days, he appeared prepared to subdue it, at whatever expense it might cost. The fortress was invested on the 25th of May, and, after a bombardment and cannonading for two days, the garrison surrendered prisoners of war. The officers of the government, civil and military, were transported to Havana, and a new government established for the province. These matters being settled, General Jackson announced to the secretary of war that the Seminole war was terminated, and returned to his house at Nashville.

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