II. SOURCE AND MIGRATION OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

II. SOURCE AND MIGRATION OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

In my endeavors to throw some light upon the olden times of the Hawaiian people and—to use a nautical expression—to “underrun” their historical cable, two questions have ever presented themselves at the very beginning of all inquiry,—two sphinxes at the entrance—barring the way and bewildering the traveler. They are: 1st. Whence came the Polynesian family of tribes in the Pacific? 2d. What relation do the Polynesian tribes bear to each other, as contemporary or successive rejetons from an original source, or as descendants from the descendants?

Purely physical criteria refer the Polynesian family to the great Malaysian race, but throw no light upon the question of priority between the families composing this race. On the philological grounds, however, advanced by Dr. Rae of Hana with special reference to this subject, and according to the origin and descent of language set forth by Professor Max Müller, I am led to believe that the Polynesian family is vastly older in time than the Malay family, properly so called: that is to say, the Polynesian separated from the mother stock long before the Malay. At what period in the world’s history the separation took place, it is now impossible to define. The language can here be our only guide. We find then in the Polynesian dialects numerous words strongly allied to the Sanskrit; not only in the Sanskrit of the Vedas, and as developed in the literature of the Hindus, but to the monosyllabic and dissyllabic roots of the Sanskrit, to the older, more primitive, form of speech, when the simple roots served for verbs, names and adjectives, a form of speech still retained throughout the Polynesian dialects. I am thus led to infer that the separation of the Polynesian and Sanskrit, or rather Aryan, families of speech, must have occurred before the latter took on the inflections which have since become so prominent a characteristic of all their descendants.

After reading Professor Müller’s “Lectures on the science of language” there can be little doubt that the Sanskrit of the Vedas is centuries older than the time of Solomon; that centuries more must be allowed for the development and formation of the Sanskrit, as in the Vedas, before we reach the time when the Sanskrit or its great great ancestor was spoken in that simplicity which it at one time possessed, when that and the Polynesian stood together as cognate dialects of a still older speech. We know now that the Celtic, Latin, Greek, Teutonic, Zend, Slavonic and Sanskrit were parallels, or nearly so, dialects of an older form of speech, and that they are not descended from one another. But that older form of speech, from which they sprung, has already assumed a system of inflections which has remained a genealogical and hereditary characteristic of these branches ever since, and by which their relationship has been traced back to that older form of which there is no record extant, and for which history has no name. To that older form I am inclined to believe that the Polynesian stood in the relation of an elder brother or an uncle.

Words may be imported into another language by conquest, commerce or intercourse, without thereby indicating any generic relationship, either close or distant. Such words are simply adopted, and become instantly subjected to the particular form and rules which govern every other word in that language. A language may thus be overloaded with foreign words, yet, while its pronouns, articles and prepositions remain, they stand as living protests against the invasion of words, and point with no uncertain light, through the night of ages, to the origin and parentage of the captive tongue.

When, therefore, we find in the Polynesian dialects not only several of the Sanskrit pronouns and prepositions, but also the very roots from which these words sprung,—not as dead unintelligible articulations of speech, but as living sense-bearing words,—I am logically led to believe that the connection between the two languages is generic, not accidental; that the ancestor of the Sanskrit was at one time as simple and rude of speech as the Polynesian has remained ever since; and that at that time the two, and others besides, though with different dialectical proclivities, spoke one common tongue and started in different directions from the same officina gentium.

If I were permitted to indicate the route of the Polynesian family, after it separated from its Aryan cousins in the highlands of middle Asia, I would say that it descended into Hindostan; that in course of time it was followed by the Tamul family from the northeast who drove the former out of India and were in their turn driven into the lower part of the Peninsula by the now Sanskrit speaking Aryans. When driven out of the Peninsula the Indian Ocean received the wanderers. Of the transit through India, and of the length of the sojourn there, no record or trace exists, unless the Polynesian goddess Hina, [285] or Sina, as it is pronounced in some dialects, bear some relation to the land of Hind or Sind, as it was called by the Sanskrit and Zend speaking peoples.

The next traces of the Polynesian family, after their expulsion from Hindustan, are found in two very different directions; in the Battas, Buguis and Iduans of the Malay Archipelago to the east, and in the Malgasse of Madagascar to the west. When they arrived in these new habitats, and how long they remained unmolested in the former, can now only be a matter of mere conjecture. It is fair to conclude, however, that they continued on their eastward route while yet their language retained its original, liquid purity, and before the Batta, Bugui and other remnants assumed the harder, consonantal terminations of words, with which the Malay dialects are strongly impregnated, and which are entirely foreign to the primitive Polynesian dialects as found in the Pacific.

In the Malay language there are two words to designate an island, nusa and pulo. Nusa, however, seems to have been by far the older expression, and pulo only obtained at a comparatively later time when the Malay branch proper of the Polynesian family became the predominant people in the Asiatic Archipelago. In none of the Polynesian dialects does the word pulo occur to designate an island. I infer hence that its adoption and use in the Malay Archipelago is subsequent to the departure of the Polynesians for the Pacific. The word nusa as an appellative of an island occurs in several instances among the Pacific-Polynesian groups: among the Paumotus, Marquesas, Tokolau or Union and de Peyster’s groups, and also in the Viti Archipelago, which has received the nomenclature of a great number of its islands from Polynesian sources. It always occurs in compound words as names of islands; e.g., Nuku-hiwa (Marqu.); Nuku-Nono (Union Gr.); Nuku-fetau (de Peyster’s); Nuku-tawake and Nuku-ti-pipi (Paumotu). In the Hawaiian group no island or islet, that I am aware of, bears that appellation, but in the Hawaiian legends the land from which their ancestors came, and which they are frequently said to have visited, is called Nu’u-mehelani—the Nu’u being a contraction of the Nuku of the South Pacific dialects.

When I said above that the Polynesian family were probably driven out of Hindostan by the Tamul family, and found a refuge in the Asiatic Archipelago, some remnants of the family undoubtedly remained on the mainland; for we find in the traditionary annals of Sumatra, that the Malays proper derive themselves from Hindostan, whence they arrived at Palembang under the leadership of a son of the Rajah of Bisnagour. Such an emigration, and others like it, doubtless started the older Polynesians further eastward. And as they went, they gave their names to places, bays, headlands, and islands, many of which names have remained to this day and mark the resting places where they stopped, the route by which they traveled. One of the Moluccas is called “Morotai.” Now this is a purely Polynesian name, by which one of the Hawaiian Islands is called (Molokai-a-Hina), recalling thus not only the name of a former habitat, but also the birth-place of their ancestors. In the Histoire de la Conquête des Isles Moluques, by d’Argensola, vol. III (Amsterdam, 1706), we are told that the Moluccas were formerly called “Sindas” by Ptolomy, especially Amboyna, Celebes and Gilolo,—Molokai-a-Hina refers itself then at once to Morotoy de los Sindas according to the early Spanish navigators.

In the island of Timor there is a place and bay called Babao. The name occurs again in Vavao, one of the Tonga or Friendly Islands, and in Mature-wawao on the Acteon Islands of the Paumotu group. One of the Loyalty Islands is called Lifu. That name occurs again in “Fefuka,” one of the Hapai group in the Friendly Islands. It occurs also in “Lehua,” one of the Hawaiian Islands. On the Island of Uea, another of the Loyalty group, is a headland called to this day by the Papuan or Melanesian inhabitants the “Fa’i-a-Ue,” but this is a purely Polynesian word which rendered in the Hawaiian dialect would be “Pali-a-Ua,” or, as there may be a doubt as to the proper orthography, “Tai-a-Ue” (house or dwelling of Ua), a word readily intelligible to a Polynesian, but without sense or meaning to a Papuan. In Celebes and in Borneo are two independent states, inhabited by Buguis and Dyaks, called “Ouadjou” or “Ouahou” (according to French and English orthography), proto-names of the Hawaiian island “Oahu.” The traditions of the Tonga Islands point to a land in the northwest called “Pulatu,” as their fatherland, and whither their spirits returned after death, the residence of their gods.

The absence, however, in the Polynesian language of any name for, or of any image or memory of, the ox, the horse, the sheep, would seem indirectly to indicate that that separation took place before these animals were domesticated by the mother-stock and its other descendants, or that they were living at the time of separation in a country where those animals were unknown.

History is almost equally mute as to the place where this separation took place. Some faint traces alone remain, in the names of headlands and islands, of the routes by which they entered the Pacific, and some of the Polynesian traditions point to a land in the northwest, called “Pulo-to” as their fatherland and whither their spirits returned after death. Mr. Domeny de Rienzi, in his Océanie, affords many plausible reasons for assuming that Borneo is the father-land and starting point of the Polynesian family, and that it springs from the Daya or Dyak root. If so, the separation took place before the Daya language took on the consonantal endings to so many of its words.

How the separation took place there can be little doubt about. Wars and famine have in the past as in the present even impelled mankind to seek in distant climes that security and abundance which were denied them at home.

Assuming therefore—and there are but small grounds for doubting the correctness of the general proposition—that the ancestors of the Polynesian family were driven out from their original home in the Asiatic Archipelago by their cousins german or, rather, nephews, the present Malay tribes, properly so called, there were two passages by which they might escape into the unknown (if they were unknown) wastes of the Pacific: either by the Gilolo Passage or by Torres Straits. I am inclined to believe that the greater stream came by Torres Straits, though others might have come and undoubtedly did come by the Gilolo Passage, and that they dwelt some time on the Loyalty Islands before they were driven further on by the Papuan race which now occupies them. My reason for so thinking is that the names of these islands and some of their prominent headlands, even in the mouth of its present inhabitants, are purely Polynesian names, and thus indicate the prolonged if not previous presence of the race that named them. From the Loyalty isles they undoubtedly touched at and occupied portions of the Viti Archipelago, which have ever since remained a debatable ground between the Papuan and the Polynesian races. Hence to the Samoan group in the northeast, and to the Tonga group in the southeast, the transition was easy; and these I believe to have been the first permanent habitats of the Polynesian family in the Pacific. Whether these two groups were settled simultaneously or successively, or the one from the other, would require more special knowledge of their respective traditions, legends, songs and language to decide, than I possess. And from one or the other of these groups the other Polynesian islands have been peopled surely. I am inclined to believe, however, that the Samoan, or Navigator’s Islands were the first permanent footholds which the Polynesians obtained in the Pacific. My reason for so thinking is this: In the Daya dialects—among the Battas, Idaans, Buguis, and Soulas, or rather Houlas, the s is a component part of the language. The only Polynesian dialect which has preserved the s in the same words and in the same places of a word is the Samoan. All other dialects have substituted an aspirate for the sibilant,—h, k or t. In the same manner the ng is a consonant sound in the Daya, Bugui and Batta dialects. It is the same in the Samoan; and although still retained in the Tonga, Hervey and New Zealand groups, it is but sparsely used and decreasing in frequency in the Tahiti, Paumotu and Marquesan groups, and disused entirely in the Hawaiian group; p and k being its general substitutes.

Other indications of the relationship of the Polynesian and Aryan races are not wanting to those who are more competent than I am to pursue the comparison. The Greek “Ouranos” is evidently a congener or descendant of the Polynesian Rangi or Lani (Heaven). I am inclined to think that the name of “Siwa,” one of the Hindu Trimurti, owes its origin or finds its explanation in the Polynesian word “hiwa,” primarily “dark-colored, black or blue,” secondly “sacred” as a sacrificial offering—though I am unable to say why the dark-colored, black or blue should have been considered sacred, unless we take the Anglo-Saxon “Hefen” or “Heofen,” the elevated firmament, the heaven, the dark-blue sky, as an explanation offered by a cognate dialect. In the Samoan, “Siwa,” in the Tahitian, “Heiwa,” signify dancing; but in all the Polynesian dialects the idea of sacredness underlies and characterizes the derivative meanings. Thus Nuku-Hiwa (one of the Marquesas Isls.), undoubtedly meant originally “the dark, or sacred island,” Fatu-Hiwa, “the sacred rock or stone;” and in Hawaiian we find the same expression in Puaa Hiwa, “the sacred hog” offered in sacrifices. In the Hindu Trimurti the figure of Vishnu is represented in a black or blue color, and thus we find that the same idea of sacredness was by the Sanskrit speaking Hindus attached to that color, as by the Polynesian tribes. The Hindu gods “Varuna” and “Vhani” find their etymological solution and origin in the Polynesian (Tah.) “Varua” and in the Haw. “Uhane,” both signifying “spirit,” a ghost. In the Sanskrit “Saka” was a distinctive appellation of kings, chiefs and lords. I am not aware that any such single word in the Polynesian dialects expresses that meaning, but we find it in a compound form in the Marquesas dialect as “Haka’iki,” Haka-a-iki, a chief. The Polynesian word “ariki” (chief) itself, undoubtedly springs from the same root as the Latin “rego,” to rule,—the Gothic “reiki,” dominion,—the Saxon “rie,” noble, (see comparative catalogue of words in the Polynesian and Aryan families of speech).

I am, further, disposed to believe that the Polynesian family left India before the Brahma religion attained its full development among the Sanskrit speaking Aryans. There undoubtedly were certain modes of thought, certain customs, common to both, but I have reason to believe that they were anterior to the establishments of Brahmanism, [The Polynesians were not acquainted with the Hindu Trimurti. They had a Chamurti, if I may use the expression, a quaternity of gods—Kane, Ku, Kangaloa and Lono or Ro’o, the latter however being the son of Kangaloa, and some others who were born of Po, the night, chaos, but their attributes were indefinite and promiscuous,] and their worship did not harden into a religious system or cult until long after their settlement in the Pacific. They retained the original idea of the Suttee, for with them it was not limited to the wives of a deceased, but embraced the dearest and best beloved friends of either sex; and instead of being obligatory it was optional among the relatives and friends, and only obligatory upon the slaves and dependants. Their division of castes show no derivation from the Brahman arrangement. The latter, at first, consisted probably only of three, the Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas; the Sudras being a subsequent division: the Polynesians placing the Kshatriyas, the warrior caste, the ariki first; the Brahmans, the priesthood, the kahuna second; and the menehune or makaainana, the Vaisyas, the commonalty or plebs last. It is natural, and more conformable to the development of the actual society of savage people, that valor or manhood should assert and assume the preeminence of rank over that of intelligence, and I hence conclude that the Polynesian division was older than the Sanskrit.

How long the Polynesian family remained in the Asiatic Archipelago ere it debouched in the Pacific, there is no means of forming even a conjecture. We only know that it must have left before its remaining congeners and cousins, in the course of the phonetic corruption of a once common tongue, commenced to add consonants to the endings of their words, or to eliminate vowel sounds, thus bringing two consonants together. Its reminiscences of that period are not many, with the exception of the identification of names of places. Its practice of tatooing (tatau) was either brought with it from India, or was adopted there. “Milu,” the Polynesian (Haw.) Pluto, god of the infernal regions, below the sea, where departed spirits went, according to some traditions, calls to mind Mount Miru (Gounoung se Miru), the sacred mountain in Java and first settlement of the Hindus in that island under Tritestra or Aji-Saka, about A.D. 76, although the name of the mountain may be as properly found in the Hawaiian adjective Milu, grand, solemn. The anthropophagism of some of the Polynesian tribes did probably receive its earliest development and confirmation during their sejour in the Malay Archipelago, and it is yet practiced by those of their kin who remained, such as the Battas, the Idaans and others. When they left India this horrible practice had probably not gone farther than the drinking the blood of a slain enemy, a practice common with the Rajpoots in northwestern India and some other of the older, if not aboriginal, tribes of that country.

I believe however that the Polynesian family did not leave the Asiatic Archipelago before Brahmanism had been introduced there. And although the Polynesians never adopted either Brahmanism or Buddhism as a creed, yet they carried with them and retained among their traditionary lore not a few of the ideas to which Brahmanism gave birth and circulation. The earth being created from an egg, referred to by Ellis as a Hawaiian tradition, is a Brahmin dogma. The different versions of the flood, current among the Polynesian tribes, north and south, had their probable origin in the Brahmin legend of Satyuorata, the seventh Manu, who alone with his family escaped the deluge that destroyed the rest of mankind.

The story of the fountain of youth and life—the “wai-ola-loa a Kane”—if not of Brahmin origin, was widely upheld by them, and was well known—mutatis mutandis—to the Polynesians. The arrangement of the calendar into twelve months of thirty days, with an intercalary month points strongly to a Brahmin-Malay original. The use of the betel or areca nut, though practised by many of the Papuan tribes and probably introduced among them by the neighboring Malays, or vice versa, is unknown to the Polynesian family. How old that custom may be among the Malays I have no means of ascertaining; but I infer that the Polynesians left for the Pacific before it was adopted. The resemblance and conformity of usages, customs and modes of thought, between the Polynesians and the Dayas, Battas, Buguis and other tribes still living in the Malay Archipelago, and which I look upon as remnants of the Polynesian family, are too many and too striking not to indicate a close relationship, a common origin, and a lengthened period of residence in the same place, to give time for their development and spread.

In the L’Univers or Océanie by G. L. Domeny de Rienzi this subject and its bearing upon the relationship of the Polynesian and the present Daya tribes and their connections in Malaysia is fully and well treated. The Malays and Javanese, who arrived in the archipelago at a later date than the above tribes, also attest their priority by calling them the “Orang Benoa,” aborigines of the country.

Another indication of the Polynesians leaving the Malay Archipelago after the establishment of a Hindu empire and Brahmanism in that archipelago, seems to me to be found in the name “Sawaii,” “Hawaii,” “Havaiki,” as it is differently called in different Polynesian dialects. The word Hawaiki, used by the New Zealanders, the Tongas, the Hervey, some of the Paumotu and, I think the Northern Marquesas, is undoubtedly the oldest form of the word, that form—with the dialectical difference of s and h—which the Polynesians brought with them from Malaysia. But Hawaiki is identical with Djawa-iki or Jawa-iki (little Java) the j or dj sound being convertible into h, as evidenced in the names of other places and words common to the Polynesian and Malay tongues. Previous to the establishment of the Hindus in Jawa, that island was called Nusa-Kindang, [286] as reported in Javanese annals; after that establishment the name was changed to Nusa-Jawa. That event is by Javanese annals fixed at about 76 A.D. Those Hindus came from the country of Kling or Talinga on the west coast of India, and were probably of the Malay stirps, great-grand-nephews, so to say, of the long antecedent Polynesians. It was but natural that in their new habitats in the Pacific the latter should employ the nomenclature of their former homes, as we actually find it to have been the case in numerous instances.

Having then ascertained with a considerable degree of probability, as I think, that the early Polynesians, who settled in the Pacific, came from India through the Malay Archipelago, passing out by the Gilolo Passage or by Torres Straits, and most likely the latter, the question may arise, how came they to push past the entire Papuan Archipelago, some thousands of miles into the Pacific, before they established themselves in their new homes? That question involves a consideration of the origin and habitats of the Papuan race which I do not feel competent to engage in. This much, however, can be established; that at some remote period the Papuans inhabited the islands of the Malay Archipelago as far west, at least, as Borneo and probably extended up into Anam, Siam and Burma; that as the Malayo-Polynesian race advanced to the eastward, the Papuans were driven before them, either out of the islands altogether, or into the interior of the larger ones, where remnants of them still are found. Thus expelled from, or conquered in the Malay Archipelago, the Papuan furnished them an asylum and a home, unless we assume that they had already spread so far east before they came into hostile contact with the Hindu-Polynesians in the west. When, therefore, the latter were in their turn crowded out by the encroachments of the later Hindu-Malayans, and left from various points of the archipelago—from Sumatra to Timor—entering the Pacific in quest of new abodes, they found their ancient foes in superior force along their route, and unable to effect permanent settlements along the Papuan islands, they were obliged to push on eastward until the Polynesian islands, at that time uninhabited, afforded them that shelter and rest which in vain they had sought on the Papuan coasts.

That their first attempt at permanent settlements, after a precarious and unsuccessful sejour at the Loyalty Isles, was at the Viti or Fiji Islands there can be little doubt. The number of Polynesian names by which these islands and places in them are called, even now, by the Papuan inhabitants, argues, if not wholly a priority, at least a permanence of residence, that can not well be disputed. The mixture of the two races, especially in the southeastern part of the Viti Archipelago, indicates a protracted stay and an intercourse of peace as well as of war. But after some time—how long can not now be expressed in generations or in centuries—the Papuans succeeded in driving the Polynesians out of their group, and then, if they had not before, they occupied the island groups still further eastward, simultaneously or successively. Of that intercourse, contest and hostility between the Papuan and Polynesian races on the southwest fringe of the Pacific there are several traditionary reminiscences among the Polynesian tribes, embodied in their mythology and connected with their earliest data, or retained as historical facts pointing to past collision and stimulating to further reprisals. The Tonga Islands have a tradition, recorded by Mariner, that Tangaloa, one of their principal gods, had two sons, of which the elder was called Tupo, the younger, Vaka-ako-uli. The first was indolent and shiftless, the other industrious and prosperous. Jealousy induced the former to kill the other. Then Tangaloa called the older brother and the family of the younger before him and thus addressed the latter: “Your bodies shall be fair, as the spirit of your father was good and pure; take your canoes and travel to the eastward and all good things attend you.” And to the older brother the offended god thus spoke: “Thy body shall be black, as thy soul is wicked and unclean; I will raise the east wind between you and your brother’s family, so that you cannot go to them, yet from time to time I will permit them to come to you for the purposes of trade.” When we consider that from earliest times the Tonga Islanders have kept up a constant intercourse with the Viti group, either warlike or commercial, it is not difficult to apply the tradition or to point the moral.

That the hostility in the early days of Polynesian settlement in the Pacific was remembered by other tribes as well as the Tonga, and looked upon as a national vendetta, may be inferred from a remark made by Quiros in his account of the expedition of Mendana (1595), while at the island of Santa Christina (Tahuata) in the Marquesan group. He says:—I quote from Voyage de Marchand, vol. I, p. 227,—that the natives, having observed a negro on board of the admiral’s ship among the Spaniards, said that to the south of their island there was land inhabited by black men; that they were their enemies; that they used the bow and arrow; and that the big war-canoes then lying in the bay of Madre de Dios, were destined and being fitted to make war upon them. Quiros, not then knowing the existence of the Viti group, discredited their story of the black men. The specialty, however, of their using the bow and arrow points them out as the Papuans of the Viti group, to whom that weapon was and is familiar, while by the Polynesians generally it is never or seldom used for purposes of war.

Whether the Marquesans at that time actually carried on so distant a warfare as between their group and the Viti, may or may not be called in doubt; but the fact, that they were acquainted with the existence of the Papuan race in the Pacific, as distinct from their own, and with their peculiar weapon of war, and that that acquaintance was one of ancient and intense hostility, I think cannot be doubted.

In a recent work, [287] Wallace argues very ingenuously that the Polynesian race is merely a modification of the Papuan race, superinduced by an admixture of Malay or some light-colored Mongol element, the Papuan, however, largely predominating, physically, mentally and morally, but that such admixture probably occurred at such a remote period as, through the lapse of ages, to have become a permanent type. He further asserts that the presence of a decided Malay element in the Polynesian languages is altogether a phenomenon of recent occurrence originating in the roaming habits of the chief Malay tribes, and says that this fact is proved by the presence of a number of actual modern Malay and Javanese words and not more Malay roots, as would have been the case had their introduction been as remote as the origin of a very distinct race; and he concludes by saying that there are proofs of extensive migration among the Pacific Islands, but there are no proofs whatever of recent migration from any surrounding country to Polynesia, since there are no people to be found elsewhere sufficiently resembling the Polynesian race in their chief physical and mental characteristics.

With these propositions, I cannot agree. Wallace evidently classes the Battas, Dayas and Buguis as Malays,—Malays of the modern generally received type. Independent of traditional and historical proofs to the contrary, it does not seem to have occurred to him that those Battas, Buguis and Dayas, though from the same mother stock as the modern Malays, are an infinitely older off-shoot than the latter, and so regarded by them: that the Malays, instead of descending through Burmah, Siam and Malacca, claim for themselves a Hindu descent from the eastern coast, the country of Kling and Telinga; and that when they emigrated from that grand officina gentium the Malay Archipelago was already in possession of the Battas, Dyas and Buguis and their other congeners and contemporaries, of which I claim the present Polynesian family to have been one. He overlooks moreover the fact that the traditions, customs and language of those very pre-Malay occupants of the archipelago, from Sumatra to Celebes and Flores, Savu, Rothi and to some extent Timor, in a most remarkable degree point to central and northern India as their cradle and their source. He asserts that the Polynesian has a greater physical, mental and moral resemblance to the Papuan than to the Malay, and that ergo, he is, as regards origin, entirely distinct from the latter and merely a modification hardened into a variety of the former. Had the author studied the remarkable differences, physical, mental and moral, which characterize some of the European families now known to be descended from the same source—the low-browed, turned-up-nosed, large-mouthed, boisterous Celt, and the square-browed, aquiline-nosed, reserved Roman—he may have concluded that the Aryan descendants to the east would have been as diversified in their national and tribal development, as those to the west; and that the same law of variation would operate on the one side as on the other. His remarks—that the Malay element in the Polynesian languages is a recent phenomenon originating in the roaming habits of the Malays, and that that element—instead of being composed of Malay roots, pointing to a remote origin,—is actually proven by the presence of a number of modern Malay Javanese words,—may very probably apply to the western Papuans, but are void and unsustained, if applied to the Polynesians proper of the East and South Pacific. So far from the Malay element being a modern intrusion into the Polynesian, the latter has not only preserved many of the older forms of speech of the common Malay, but in the words which are common to it and its congeners, the Battas, Dayas and Buguis, the Polynesian form is generally the purest, oldest and the least affected by phonetic corruption.

As to there being “no proofs whatever of recent migration from any surrounding country to Polynesia,” it might be well to understand at the outset what is meant by the word “recent.” Is it applied in its limited sense conveying the idea of a few generations or a few hundred years; or is it applied in a comparative sense, in which an event one or two thousand years ago may be called recent when compared with other events of a still more remote age? If the former, there certainly are no proofs of a recent migration from any surrounding country, inhabited by a kindred race, that could account for the arrival and spread of the Polynesian in the South and East Pacific; if the latter, the physical, mental and moral resemblance of the Polynesian to the pre-Malay occupants of the Asiatic Archipelago, his traditions, customs and language, prove,—inferentially it is true,—but prove beyond a doubt his migration from that archipelago and his kindred with its former possessors, as much so as the Celt, the Greek, the Goth and the Slav can be proved to have descended from the same stock in the west, that gave birth to the Hindu, Daya and Malay families in the east.

As regards the first settlers of the Hawaiian Islands, I am led to believe that they came from the Samoan group, through the Tahiti and Marquesas Islands; in other words, that the Tahitians came from Samoa, the Marquesans from Tahiti, and the Hawaiians from the Marquesans. The Marquesans have legends and traditions which pretend to describe their wanderings in olden times, but the Hawaiians have none but that their gods came from Tahiti. But where history and tradition fail, I hold that the gradual and phonetic corruption of the language will in a great measure indicate the halting places of those who speak it. We find then in the Tahitian that the Samoan ng is replaced with n and the s dropped or replaced with t, while the f and the t are retained. On proceeding to the Marquesas we find that, with the exception of some of the southern islands, ng and f have been replaced by n and h, and that the k sound has become as prominent as the t. Arriving at the Hawaiian group we find not only s, ng, and f repudiated in toto and replaced by h, n or k, and by h or p, and that k has become the predominant sound instead of t, but we find also the Tahitian causative hoa softened to hoo; we frequently find the k eliminated from between two vowels or at the commencement of a word where it is retained in the other dialects; we find words obsolete in the Hawaiian which still pass current in the other dialects with original or derivative meanings. We can thus trace the people by the phonetic corruption of their language, as, I have no doubt the Samoan (not in the present, but in its original form) could be traced by competent philologists to that primordial source from which both the Turanian and Aryan languages issued.

At what period in the world’s history the first Polynesian settlers discovered and occupied the Hawaiian Islands, it is now impossible accurately to define. Ethnologically, we can trace them backward to India; historically, we can not trace them even to their last point of departure, the Marquesas or the Society Islands. That they are of the same race that now inhabit the eastern and southern parts of Polynesia is beyond a doubt. That that race was settled in the Asiatic Archipelago centuries before the Christian era, I believe to be equally certain; but whether the emigration into Polynesia took place before the Christian era, or was occasioned by the invasion of the forefathers of the Malay family from India about the commencement of that era, there is nothing, that I am aware of, either in Polynesian, Malayan or Hindu traditions to throw any light upon. In Hawaiian tradition, there is no distinct remembrance, and but the faintest allusion to the fact that the islands were inhabited while the volcanoes on the leeward islands were still in an active state. It is impossible to judge of the age of a lava flow by its looks. Portions of the lava stream of 1840, flowing from Kilauea into Puna district of Hawaii, were in 1867 covered with a luxuriant vegetation; while older flows in Puna, of which no memory exists, the last flow from Hualalai in 1791 or 1792 through Kekaha on the west of Hawaii, and the flow near Keoneoio in Honuaula, Maui, called Hanakaie, which is by tradition referred back to the mythological period of Pele and her compeers, look as fresh and glossy today as if thrown out but yesterday.

Geologically speaking, the leeward islands are the oldest in the group and, with the exception of the legends of Pele and Hawaii Loa, there is no trace or tradition in the popular mind that their volcanoes had been active since the islands had been inhabited. But both on Molokai and on Oahu human remains have been found imbedded in lava flows of undisputed antiquity and of whose occurrence no vestige of remembrance remains in song or saga.

In 1859, Mr. R. W. Meyer, of Kalae, Molokai, found in the side of a hill on his estate, some seventy feet beneath the surface and in a stratum of breccia—volcanic mud, clay and ashes—of several feet in thickness, a human skull whose every cavity was fully and compactly filled with the volcanic deposit surrounding it, as if it had been cast in a mould, evidently showing that the skull had been filled while the deposit was yet in a fluid state. As that stratum spreads over a considerable tract of land in the neighborhood, at a varying depth beneath the surface of from ten to four hundred feet, and as the valleys and gulches, which now intersect it in numerous places, were manifestly formed by erosion—perhaps in some measure also by subsequent earthquake shocks—the great age of that human vestige may be reasonably inferred, though impossible to demonstrate within a period of one or five hundred years preceding the coherent traditional accounts of that island.

Hawaiian traditions on Hawaiian soil, though valuable as national reminiscences, more or less obscured by the lapse of time, do not go back with any historical precision much more than twenty-eight generations from the present (about 1865), or say 840 years. Within that period the harbor and neighboring coast-line of Honolulu has remained nearly what it now is, nor has any subsidence, sufficient to account for the formation of the coral-pan in that place, or subsequent upheaval been retained in the memory of those twenty-eight generations.

I am tolerably safe, then, in asserting that these islands were inhabited 800 or 900 years ago, and had been inhabited for centuries previously, by the same race of people that inhabits them now.

Professor Max Müller, in his Lectures on the Science of Language, has shown it to be very probable that in the 12th and 13th centuries before Christ the Tamul family had already been driven into Deccan and the southern parts of the Hindu Peninsula by the invading Aryans. With due attention to the course and character of those waves of migration, it becomes also very probable that the Polynesian family had by or before that time been driven into the Asiatic Archipelago, displacing in their turn the Papuan family. How soon or how long after that occupation the first adventurous Polynesians debouched into the Pacific, it is impossible to even conjecture. But we know that, about the commencement of the Christian era, new swarms of emigrants from middle and eastern India invaded the area occupied by the Polynesians and spread themselves from Sumatra to Timor, from Java to Manila, expelling, subjugating or isolating the previous occupants.

Taking this epoch as the starting-point for the appearance of the Polynesian in the Pacific, we have an interval of time of 900 to 1000 years, in which to people the various islands and groups now held by the Polynesian family, and before we meet the uncontested Hawaiian traditions which assure us that twenty-eight generations ago this group was already peopled by that family.

Among the Hawaiian genealogies, now extant, I am, for reasons which will hereafter appear, disposed to consider the Haloa-Nanaulu-Maweke line as the most reliable. It numbers fifty-seven generations from Wakea to the present time, twenty-nine from Wakea to, and including, Maweke, and twenty-eight from Maweke until now. Fifty-seven generations, at the recognized term of thirty years to a generation, makes 1710 years from now up to Wakea, the recognized progenitor and head of most of the southern and eastern Polynesian branches—or, say, A.D. 150, which would in a great measure correspond with the invasion and spread of the Hindu-Malay family in the Asiatic Archipelago. It became known to, and was acknowledged, however, in the time of Kamehameha I, by his bards and genealogists, that the first thirteen names on the Haloa line, to Nanaulu, were shared in common with the Marquesan and Tahitian branches of the Polynesian family. These then must have existed before the occupation of the Hawaiian Islands, which would leave sixteen generations or about 480 years in which to discover and people the islands previous to the era of Maweke and his contemporaries—the Paumakua of Oahu, the Kuheailani of Hawaii, the Puna family of chiefs on Kauai, the Hua family on Maui, the Kamauaua family on Molokai, and others. By which of these sixteen generations, from Maweke up to Nanaulu, the islands were settled upon there is nothing positively to show. The historical presumption, however, would indicate Nanaulu, the first of these sixteen, as the epoch of such discovery, and there exists still a Hawaiian tradition connected with the name of his grandson, Pehekeula, a chief on Oahu.

We get, then, the following leading propositions as chronological sign-posts, approximately at least, of the Polynesian migrations in the Pacific: 1. During the close of the first and the beginning of the second century of the present era, the Polynesians left the Asiatic Archipelago and entered the Pacific, establishing themselves on the Samoa and Tonga groups and spreading eastward and northward. 2. During the 5th century Polynesians settled on the Hawaiian Islands and remained there comparatively unknown until 3. the eleventh century when several parties of fresh immigrants from the Marquesas, Tahiti and Samoa groups arrived at the Hawaiian Islands, and for the space of five or six generations revived and maintained an active intercourse with the first-named groups and the mother-stock.

It is rather singular that while most of the principal groups of the Polynesian family claim, each for itself, the honor of being the first-created of mankind and, so to say, autochthones on their respective islands—as the Tonga, Samoan, Society and Hawaiian Islands—with the exception of the legend of Hawaii Loa, the Marquesans alone own to a foreign birthplace and a migration from a far-off land. In the meles and legends collated and preserved by Mr. Lawson, a resident of Hiwaoa, Marquesan Islands (and now held in MS. by Professor Alexander of Punahou College, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands), mention is made of a number of lands or islands, on which they successively stopped in their migration, ere they finally reached the Marquesan Islands, or, as they are called by them, the Ao-maama. According to these, the Marquesans started from a land called Take-hee-hee, far away to the westward from the group they now occupy; and the name by which they call themselves is “te Take.” There are two accounts of their wanderings after being driven out of Take-hee-hee. One mentions thirteen places of stoppage before they arrived at Ao-maama, the present Marquesan Islands; the other account mentions seventeen places before their final settlement on the last-mentioned group. During all these migrations the Take, or Marquesan people represent themselves as coming from below (mei-iao) and going up (una). Throughout the Polynesian groups, however, within the tropics, when a land is spoken of as iao, ilalo, iraro of the speaker’s place, it invariably means to the leeward, before the prevailing trade-wind. This being from northeast or southeast, these migrations pursued a course from west to east, and thus corroborate the Polynesian descent from Asia or the Asiatic Archipelago.

That the Polynesians, during their sojourn in India or the Indian Archipelago, had received no inconsiderable share of the culture and civilization which the ancient Arabs, through their colonies and commerce, had spread over these countries long before the Vedic branch of the Aryans occupied Aria-warta or had crossed the Ganges,—there is much in their legends, customs and religions to denote. Whether that culture was received however, while in India or in the Archipelago, it is now impossible to decide. That those old-world Arabs, those Cushites of the Indian records and of Holy Writ, had, long before the Vedas were written, controlled the ante-Aryan peoples of India and its Archipelago, and moulded them to their own usages and religion is now, I believe, an admitted fact by antiquarians and ethnologists. That that culture and those usages were greatly modified by the subsequent occupation and predominancy—temporal and spiritual—of the Aryan race, and that that, in its turn, was reacted upon by the previous Arab or Cushite culture, there are numerous proofs in the Hindu writings. Hence that mixture of myths, that jumble of confused reminiscences, which stock the legends and load the memory of the Polynesian tribes. Monotheism, zabaism, polytheism and fetishism were inextricably mixed up in their religious conceptions, and while the two latter were the ordinary practice of everyday life for, at least, the last thirty generations of their abode in the Pacific, yet glimpses of the former were retained in their memory and hoarded as deposits “mai ka Po mai”—from a hoary antiquity—by their kilos, kaulas and kahunas (prophets and priests). Hence their diversity of worship: some tribes making Kanaloa, some Kane, some Kali, some Atea the chief of their deities and the originator of all things. Hence some tribes continued the Arab practice of circumcision, while others did not. Hence the Arab institution in social life of independent yet confederated communes among some tribes, while the monarchial or feudal system obtained among others. Hence the Arabic type of truncated pyramids in the shape of their temples, side by side with the Hindu practice of promenading their god in gorgeous processions. Hence while the Arab doctrine of a primal chaos is retained by nearly all the Polynesian tribes, some still retain the Braminical doctrine of the World-egg. So far as I am acquainted only one of the Polynesian tribes designates itself by a national name, other than that of the habitat or country which they occupy, and that is the Southern Marquesans. They call themselves the nation or tribe of the Take—te Take. Now this word, allowing for the Polynesian pronunciation, is identical with Tasi, an ancient national name, by which Iranian writers designated the Arabs of Southern and Eastern Arabia, from Yemen to Irak-Arabi; and their progenitor was called “Taz,” probably representing “Tasm,” one of the twelve original tribes of the old Cushite race, according to Arabian traditions. The name occurs again in Thas-os, an island in the Ægean, off the coast of Thrace, which, according to Herodotus, was colonized by the Phœnicians and called after their leader Thas-us. This Phœnician origin and name connects it with the great Cushite family in race and language of which the Phœnicians formed so conspicuous a branch. The same word occurs again in “Desi,” a name by which the Sanskrit writers designated the language of the people who occupied India before the Aryans entered it. This word occurs again in “Dasyus,” a name by which the Sanskrit speaking Aryans designated the non-Aryan population of India, who were also called by them “Rakshasha” and “Mlechcha,” the latter of which words still survives in the Polynesian maloka and with the same meaning—impious, profane—as in the Sanskrit.

The inhabitants of the plateau of Moldi, opposite the Island of Massua, on the coast of Abyssinia, being of the pure Greek race and speaking the Tigrai dialect of the old Ethiopian, are called Khasi by the Arabs, signifying “unaltered, pure.”

The word take, as expressing a nation or race, exists in other Polynesian dialects under the form of tae, tai or kai, which in the Marquesan itself is used interchangeably with the former. Thus we find Ani-tai and Ahee-tai for Anitake and Ahee-take. In the Tonga group tai is a common expression to designate a race, people or generation—Kai-Fiti, Viti people, Kai-Tonga, Tonga people, etc. In Hawaiian we find Kakai, a family including servants and dependents.

In the Hindu legend of Arachandran, [288] the perfect man, it is said that when he had been tormented and tried and driven out of his kingdom, he started to go to the country of Kasi, on the Ganges. The “Khasi” in Abyssinia, and the “Kasi” on the Ganges were both of Cushite origin. Again, in the Polynesian legends reference is made to a country called Kua-i-helani and a king of that country called Iku or Aiku who had twelve children, whose adventures and exploits are fully related in the legend of Aukelenuiaiku. Now we know from Indian lore that, far off in the prehistoric times, a famous king ruled over Arabia and upper Egypt whose name was It or Ait, and whom the Greek traditions called Aetus. [289] We know that before the Aryans entered India, and long after, they called the country between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf by the name of “Cusha-dwipa,” and that the same extent of country was by the Semite Hebrews called “Cush.” These words in Polynesian pronunciation would infallibly become either “Kua” or “Ku,” the suffixed “Helani” being merely an epithet of grandeur and glory.

Again, Oro or Koro, of the Society and Hervey groups, was the terrible God of War, on whose altars human sacrifices were offered. He was the son of Kangaloa, the principal deity of these groups. His name and attributes forcibly recall Horus the son of Osiris of Egyptian traditions and uro the Egyptian hieroglyphic name for king, as well as Hor the invincible War-God, from time immemorial, of the Raypoots in Northwestern India. “Gourou” or “Goro,” moreover, is an old Indian and Javanese word for deity in general, and its modern meaning is “a religious instructor.” [290]

Unless, then, we concede the origin of the Polynesian family to have been, proximately in the Asiatic Archipelago, more remotely in India, as one perhaps of the many branches of the Dravidian family, certainly as one of the ante-Aryan peoples living there and being more or less impregnated with the Arab blood and culture which in these early days controlled India, the Indian Ocean and all the coasts and islands near it, from Mozambique to Japan,—unless we concede this, Polynesian myths, songs, traditions and customs become unintelligible, and the people itself becomes an historical puzzle, an ethnological accident.

In one of the Marquesan legends or religious chants of the creation of the world—Te Pena-pena—by the God Atea, the then known world extended from Vavau to Hawaii, “me Vavau i Hawaii;” and after the earth was made or, rather, brought to light, the order was given:

Pu te metani me Vevau A anu te tai o Hawa-ii Pu atu te metani me Hawa-ii A anu te ao o Vevau.

(Blow winds from Vavau and cool the sea of Hawa-ii; blow back winds from Hawa-ii and cool the air [or the region] of Vavau); and the burden of each stanza or act of creation is

O Vevau me Hawa-ii.

Again in the chant of the Deluge, it is said that after the flood the ribs of the earth and the mountain ridges of Hawaii rose up and extended far and near over the sea of Hawaii

Una te tai o Hawaii.

The question now arises where and what were this “Vevau” and “Hawaii,” which constituted the boundaries of the world when this chant was composed?

I have already stated that the large bay of Coupang, on the Island of Timor, was formerly called Babao. This bay and surrounding country was, at the time of the European settlements there, an independent state and kingdom, and it is highly probable that in ancient times, before the Malay element preponderated in the Indian Archipelago, it might have given its name to the whole island, inasmuch as that name is found in the nomenclature of islands, districts and places which the Polynesians carried with them into the Pacific and adapted to their new habitats. But Babao is and would be Vavao or Vevao in any of the Polynesian dialects, for they have no letter b. If I am right in this, it becomes intelligible why Vavao or Timor should have been quoted as the one terminus of the known world to the people then occupying the archipelago from there to Java or Sumatra. To those people, at that time, it was the eastern-most land then known, and, when the Malay element assumed the preponderance in the archipelago, it was called “Timor” or “The East,” plainly indicating that it was also by them at that time considered as the extreme east.

I have already stated that I consider the Polynesian word Hawaii as corresponding to, or representing the word Jawa, as applied to the second island of the Sunda group. From the pronunciation of the word in the different Polynesian dialects I was led to believe that its original name in Polynesian mouths was “Hawa-iki” or Little Jawa. It is possible, however, that it may also have been, as pronounced in some dialects, Hawa-ii or Sava-ii,—the raging furious (as applied to volcanic mountains) Hawa or Sava or Saba. How far this name was applied to the western islands of the Sunda group I am unable to say. We know that Ptolomy, the geographer, designated Sumatra as “Jaba-din.” It may therefore very probably in times anterior to him have included a portion or the whole of the latter island as well as the present Java. Be this as it may, the frequent allusions made in the chant referred to, to the sea of Hawaii (te tai o Hawaii)—the Jawa sea, points with sufficient accuracy to this island as the western terminus of the world as known to those who composed that chant.

In this way the expression used in the chant regarding the wind receives a force and application, which under no other construction it could have received. It then applied to the regular monsoons which blow over that part of the world: “Blow wind from Vevao (from the east) and cool the sea of Hawa: blow back wind from Hawa (from the west) and cool the region or air of Vevao.”

The Hawaiian appellations for the same cardinal points, while they differ in name, tend to the same result. In the Hawaiian group the North is called, among other names, “Ulunui,” “Uliuli,” “Hakalauai,” “Melemele,” but these are known by tradition to have been names of lands, situated to the north of some former habitat of the people, of which all knowledge and remembrance was lost save that they were situated to the north of them, and were visited at one time by that famous voyager, whose exploits survive in song and saga, Kaulu-a-Kalana. Among the names for the South occurs that ancient one of lipo, also of lepo. The former signifies blue, black or dark, and hence the deep water in the sea; the latter is synonymous with moana, the deep open ocean. Now, there is no land to the north of the Hawaiian Islands within reach or ken that could have suggested these names as cognomens or epithets for the North, while moana lipo, the dark, bottomless ocean, approaches them not on the south only, but on every side. Those names, therefore, bespeak a foreign origin, and that origin I hold to have been in the Sunda Islands. No other configuration of land can account for it.

Though none of the above statements, singly, amounts to a positive proof, yet, taken together, I think they furnish sufficient induction to warrant the conclusion that the Polynesian family in the Pacific, from New Zealand to the Hawaiian group and from Easter Island to the outlying eastern portion of the Viti Archipelago, is descended from a branch that was agnate to, but far older than, the Vedic branch of the Aryan race; that it had entered India long before the Aryans; that, while there, it became moulded to the Cushite-Arabian civilization of that time and more or less mixed up with the Dravidian branches, who either were in India before it, or entered there from the northeast; that, whether driven out by force or leaving for colonizing purposes, it established itself in the Indian Archipelago at an early period and spread itself from Sumatra to Timor, from Borneo to Manila; that it was followed into this archipelago by Brahmanized Dravidians and other tribes from Deccan who, in their turn, obtained the ascendancy and drove the Polynesians to the mountains and the interior of the larger islands or compelled them to leave altogether; that no positive time can be assigned for leaving the Asiatic Archipelago and pushing into the Pacific—it may have occurred centuries before the present era, but certainly was not later than the first century of it, or thereabout; that the diversity of features and complexion in the Polynesian family—the frequent high forehead and Roman nose and light olive color—attest as much its Aryan relation and Cushite connection, as it does its intermixture with the Dravidian and Malay branches before and subsequent to leaving India; and that if the present Hindu is an Aryan descendant, the Polynesian is, a fortiori, an Aryan ancestor.

TRADITIONAL HAWAIIAN HISTORY.

I have read with a great deal of interest the efforts made by various writers in the Hawaiian journals to restore and to publish the traditions, histories, songs and sagas, pertaining to the Hawaiian people. They have a value and being far greater than many would at first conceive of, whether historically, ethnologically or philologically considered; and their preservation and critical collation and analysis are objects well worthy of the time and trouble of men of leisure and ability. I have every reason to believe that what has so far been published is but a small part of the material that may yet be collected, if proper inquiries were made. It would be as absurd and incorrect to date Hawaiian history from the time of Captain Cook, as it would be to date English history from the time of the Norman Conquest, while the previous national life of the Hawaiian people is laid bare to the critical observer in numerous meles, kaaos, and moolelos, preserved and handed down from generation to generation, not by foreign dilettante or men of no standing, but by the most jealous care of chiefs, priests, and bards, independent in their source and preservation, crossing, clashing or confirming each other. Though the historical thread which underruns these traditions is often overlaid with fables, superstitions and exaggerations, yet I contend that from the very nature of their independent sources they are a most valuable material from which to rehabilitate Hawaiian history for centuries anterior to Capt. Cook. The critical canon which refuses to build up history from tradition, and receives nothing but contemporary writers or monumental records as evidences of fact, seems to me more nice than wise under certain circumstances. When Niebuhr ran his pen through Roman history previous to the sack of the city by the Gauls, it was not on account of the worthlessness of the Roman traditions, for he never had them in their pure and simple archaic form, nor yet a trust-worthy translation of them in either Greek or later Latin, but only such as the prejudice, credulity, ignorance and uncritical manipulation of Troy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and others, had made them. And I am fain to believe that had either Niebuhr or Sir Cornwall Lewis stood face to face with the Roman, Etruscan and Sabinian traditions in their original, unadulterated form, while yet presenting a living impress of their respective peoples, so far from rejecting, they would have turned them to the best account in elucidating the times of which they treated.

Now as regards Hawaiian traditions, we have, or may have—if proper and speedy means are taken before the present generation of quinquagenarians becomes extinct,—a number and various series of traditions, genealogies, songs, histories, tales, prayers, rites of worship, land divisions, social and economical rules, agricultural and maritime instructions, all of them in the original language, bearing intrinsic and unmistakable proofs not only of their genuineness and great age, but also of different epochs of composition; and all of them issuing from and attached not to one grand overshadowing dynasty of chiefs to whose vanity, ambition and pretensions they might have been made subservient,—but to three, four, sometimes five or more equally independent rival dynasties, scanning each other’s claims and pretensions with jealous care and asserting their own with the fullest freedom.

Of the almost incredible tenacity and faithfulness with which these traditions were preserved and handed down, abundant proofs exist in the uncorrupted exactness with which they are repeated even at this late day, when collected and written down as delivered by the old people in various parts of the islands. I have two independent sets of the prayer and chant of “Kapaahulani” (“He Elele kii na Maui”), recounting the genealogy and exploits of Kualii, a famous King of Oahu,—one collected on Hawaii, the other on Oahu—and yet—though it is perhaps the longest poem in the Hawaiian language, having six hundred and eighteen lines—the two versions do not differ to a word; so tenacious was the memory, so faithful the preservation of the original composition. I have also a double version of the remarkable chant or prophecy of Kaulumoku (“O Haui ka lani etc.”) regarding Kamehameha I, composed years before the conquest of the islands by the latter, and containing five hundred and twenty-seven lines; one version collected on Maui, the other on Hawaii, and the only difference between the two is the omission of one line in the Hawaii version. Though parts of the first poem are evidently of older date than the others, yet the poem as a whole can not well, from merely genealogical consideration, be less than two hundred years old. The latter poem was evidently composed before the year 1786, the approximate date of the author’s death, while Kamehameha I was still ruling over only one third of Hawaii and struggling with no marked success against the combined forces of Keawemauhili and Keoua. And thus with many other meles and chants of much older date, bearing record of contemporary events and of the past reminiscences of this people.

It is historically on record that a Spanish vessel under Capt. Gaetano, sailing from Acapulco to Manila, did about the year 1542 discover certain islands in the North Pacific, corresponding in latitude to the position of the Hawaiian Islands, though over ten degrees too far east in longitude; and that one of them, thought to be Hawaii, was called La Mesa by the Spaniards. But that record, and no subsequent or preceding record yet known in the Spanish archives, make any mention that these islands were ever visited by the Spanish navigators. [291] Here the native tradition comes to our aid; and that tradition is clear and positive and was well known before the arrival of Captain Cook, and is in substance this, that, in the time of Keliiokaloa, the son of Umi-a-Liloa, a vessel was cast away on the southwestern coast of Hawaii and three persons were saved from the wreck, viz: two men and one woman, who were kindly received and remained the balance of their lives in the country, marrying and having children with the aborigines. The first question which arises is, when did Keliiokaloa live? We know from numerous native genealogies, original on different islands, attached to different dynasties and families, crossing and confirming each other, that Keliiokaloa was the eighth generation previous to the birth of Kamehameha I. Now Kamehameha I died in May, 1819, and was at his death about eighty years old, making the time of birth approximate to the year 1740, perhaps one or two years earlier. Deducting the generation of which Keliiokaloa was one, seven generations are left between the time of the shipwreck (and landing of the foreigners), mentioned in the tradition, and the birth of Kamehameha I. [292]

Whether that arrival of foreigners of European extraction was the only one which occurred during the time that the Spaniards monopolized the navigation in the North Pacific, I have found nothing positive in the native traditions, to either affirm or deny; though I have inferential reasons to believe that others besides those alluded to above did touch at some of these islands. In the well-known pule or chant of Kapaahulani, the King of Oahu, Kualii,—who during some portion of his life at least was contemporary with Keawe, the great grandfather of Kamehameha—is made to say of himself that he knew Tahiti. I quote the verse as it has been handed down:

Ua ike hoi wau ia Tahiti, He moku leo pahaohao wale Tahiti. No Tahiti kanaka i pii a luna A ka iwikuamoo o ka lani A luna keehi iho, Nana iho ia lalo. Aole o Tahiti kanaka; Hookahi o Tahiti kanaka, he haole. Me ia la he Akua, Me oe la he kanaka He kanaka no. [293]

At the time when Kualii lived and ruled, (say 1675 as the central epoch of his exploits,) the visits and excursions of the Hawaiians in their own canoes to foreign lands had been discontinued for many generations, and, while the memories of former journeys were kept green in numerous families, yet since the days of ... no song nor saga records such journeys by the boldest and bravest of Hawaiian heroes, until this avowal of Kualii stands forth in its solitary grandeur, awakening discussion on the following points:—1. Which was the Tahiti that Kualii visited? 2. Did he visit it in his own vessel, canoe or peleleu, or was he, like Kaiana in after years, taken away by a foreign vessel and returned by the same?

1. To the Hawaiian people, in their own language, Tahiti means generally a foreign country,—a country outside of and beyond their own group. When reference is made in the Hawaiian songs and sagas to any of the Tahitis with which they had frequent and intimate intercourse up to a certain period, the particular Tahiti is generally specified with some special epithet affixed, as Tahiti-ku, Tahiti-moe, Holani-ku, Nuumealani, Holani-moe, Lulokapu, etc., but these and others, representing islands to the south and southwest of this group, are nowhere spoken of as with a leo pahaohao—an entirely different language—not different in dialect, but different in kind. When therefore Kualii about the middle or latter part of the seventeenth century speaks of the Tahiti which he visited as being a country with a leo pahaohao, he did not and could not mean any of the Central or South Polynesian Islands. Moreover, when he says that he there saw the “haole”—the white-skinned man—the inference is plain that it was not a Tahiti inhabited by kindreds of his own race; for the South Pacific Tahitis had not then been taken possession of, or settled upon by Europeans. The probability therefore is strong that the Tahiti he refers to was either the western coast of Mexico or Manila where the Spaniards were settled and held possession.

I have no doubt that the ancient Hawaiians had a knowledge of the mainland of America—at present Mexico or California—and that they designated it under the rather indefinite appellation of Kukulu o Tahiti—the farthest ends of foreign lands;—but that knowledge was acquired before that coast was occupied by the Spaniard, for the meles and legends which refer to it make no mention of the “haole” up to the time of Kualii.

2. How did Kualii get to Tahiti? The intercourse between this group and other groups of Polynesia or the American mainland of which the older meles speak so frequently, had ceased many generations before Kualii’s time, and Hawaiian navigation was then limited to the seas and islands comprising the group. Even the Kauai rovers, noted as the most daring and skilful throughout the group, had lost the knowledge or the means of going to Tahiti. I have shown that Kualii lived within the period when the Spanish-Manila trade from the Mexican coast was at its height. It is historically on record that the Spanish discovered this group about 1542; it is traditionally on record that Spaniards (for no other foreigners or “haoles” then navigated the North Pacific) were cast away on Hawaii within a range of twenty years, above or below that period; and there are reasons for believing that more than one galleon, during the time of the Spanish monopoly of the Manila trade, either visited the islands directly, or went so near to them as to be able to pick off any natives who might have been at sea in their canoes at the time of the passing of the galleon.

Though Hawaiian tradition is silent as to the manner in which Kualii visited Tahiti the land of the “haole,” it is positive as to the fact; and the only reasonable explanation I can offer is that a Spanish galleon in passing these islands picked up Kualii, at sea or ashore, voluntarily or as a hostage, and returned him on its next trip. And what was thus done in one instance, and of which tradition has been retained because the object of it was one of the highest chiefs in the country, whose renown in after times filled the land from one end to the other, may have occurred in other instances before or since with men of lesser note of whom tradition is silent or has been lost.

Probably the best informed Hawaiian archaeologist of the present day is S. M. Kamakau, but even he is often very credulous, inconsistent and uncritical. He has published, through the various newspapers, several genealogies of the ancient chiefs, but beyond the time of Umi-a-Liloa of Hawaii, Piilani of Maui and Kaihikapu-a-Manuia and Kakuhihewa of Oahu, his love of antiquity often lead him into irreconcilable difficulties. For instance, when Lauli-a-laa, the son of Laamaikahiki, who is forty-sixth from Haloa on the Ulu and Puna-imua line of descent, is represented as having married Maelo (w), daughter of Kuolono, and who is thirty-fourth on the Nanaulu straight line from Haloa, there is evidently either a large gap in the Nanaulu line or a corresponding increase by the insertion of collateral branches in the Puna-imua line. When Kelea, the wife of Kalamakua, the thirty-ninth on the Nanaulu straight line, is represented as the sister of Kawaokaohele, the fifty-sixth on the Hema and Hanalaaiki line, the same discrepancy appears. The Kauai genealogies, which I have received from Hon. D. Kalakaua, make only forty-five generations from Wakea, through the Nanaulu-Muliele-alii-Kumuhonua-Elepuukahonua line, to Kamakahelei and to Kumahana who were contemporaries of Kamehameha I, the sixty-fourth, if not the sixty-fifth from Wakea through the Ulu-Hema-Hanalaanui line. The Kauai genealogy makes Kualii the forty-third from Haloa, whereas the Oahu genealogy, through Moikeha, the brother of Kumuhonua, makes Kualii the forty-ninth from Haloa; the discrepancy lying between the thirty-first and thirty-eighth of the Kauai-Elepuukahonua line. [294]

From comparing the various genealogies, sagas and meles it becomes evident that the time of Maweke’s sons and grandsons, on the Nanaulu straight line, was a time of great and general convulsion. It was the Homeric period of Hawaiian history. This was the period of grand enterprises; of voyages to and from Tahiti. This period is the principal starting point of most of the Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, and some of the Maui and Hawaii genealogies; and Maweke is the only line which keeps the correlation of its branches in any way consistent and conformable, not only to their natural relation, but also to traditional evidence and to historical requirements. [295]

It is well known to tradition and recorded in songs and sagas that before the time of Pili-Kaaiea there was a vacuum in the Hawaii-Hanalaanui-Hema line of aliis, and from the antiquarian lore of S. M. Kamakau, throwing light on the ante-“Pili” period, I am forced to conclude that at least seventeen generations, as quoted in the Hema genealogy of the Hawaii chiefs, must be thrown out in order to make subsequent well-known generations fall into their places as indicated by the Oahu, Kauai or Molokai lines of descent from Maweke and his sons. Thus when all the traditions and meles make Kaaipahu the forty-ninth on the recognized Hawaii-Hanalaanui-Hema line, the husband of Hualani, the great-great-granddaughter of Keaunui-a-Maweke and thirty-third on the Nanaulu line, then inferentially but effectively confirm the statement of Kamakau of the displacement of the seventeen generations interpolated on the Hawaii line, either immediately preceding Pili, or between Ulu and Aikanaka. At any rate it makes Pili,—who, it is well known, arrived from Tahiti with Paa and became the founder of the new and later line of Hawaii aliis—contemporary with the grand period of migrations recorded in the meles and sagas of the sons and successors of Maweke.

The Maui-Hanalaa-iki line must suffer a similar curtailment in order to bring its prominent historical figures in consonance with Oahu and Kauai genealogies. Thus when all accounts agree in making Kelea, the sister of Kawaokaohele of Maui and aunt of Piilani, the wife of Lo Lale—brother of Piliwale of Oahu—there can be no doubt of their contemporaneity. But the Oahu-Nanaulu line makes Lo Lale the thirty-ninth or forty-first from Wakea, and the Maui-Hanalaa-iki line makes Kelea the fifty-sixth from Wakea, thus showing the same irreconcilable difference of from fifteen to seventeen generations as we encountered in the Hawaii-Hanalaa-nui line.

I am further more inclined to consider the Oahu-Nanaulu straight line of descent as the most correct and reliable, inasmuch as I find it corroborated by an examination of nearly all the correlative branches originating from the children and grandchildren of Maweke, the twenty-eighth on the Nanaulu line from Wakea. Thus the line of Kalehenui-a-Maweke, culminating in Kaakaualani, the wife of Kakuhihewa, corresponds exactly with the line of Mulielialii-a-Maweke ending in Kakuhihewa. Thus the line of Keaunui-a-Maweke, through Nuakea, Kalahumoku, Moku-a-Hualeiakea, to the children and grandchildren of Umi-a-Liloa in Hawaii, the uncontested contemporaries of Kakuhihewa, is equally full and correct. I am therefore inclined to consider the Nanaulu line, including its branches, not only as the most correct, but as the main trunk of Hawaiian genealogy. And that it was so considered by the ancient Hawaiians themselves, I infer from the evident and repeated desires of the Hawaii and Maui chiefs to connect themselves with the Kauai and Oahu branches of this line, and by the fact that Kauai was looked upon by them as the cradle of knowledge, skill, laws and religion.

Between the different genealogies, as I have received them, the following discrepancies appear, which in my opinion, indicate either gaps in one line, or additions in another. There are certain luminous points of coincidence or contemporaneity, well established by the uniform tradition accompanying all the lines of descent, which in a measure will help to correct some of the lines of descent. The discrepancies are these:

1. From Wakea to Kakuhihewa, on the straight Nanaulu line, through Mulielealii and Maelo (w), there are forty-five generations, Kakuhihewa included.

2. From Wakea to Kakuhihewa, on the Ulu-Puna-imua line, through Laulialaa—Maelo’s husband—there are fifty generations, the difference lying between Ulu and Laulialaa.

3. From Wakea to Kahoukapu, on the Ulu-Hema-Hanalaanui line, there are fifty-one generations; but from Wakea to Laakapu (w) (the wife of Kahoukapu and sister of Laulialaa) there are only forty generations on the Ulu-Puna-imua line. The difference lying probably between Hema and Pili-Kaaiea, whom all the traditions correspond in asserting as having come from Tahiti with Paao the Kahuna about the time of the great migration which characterized the age of Moikeha, Olopana, etc., children of Mulielealii and their contemporaries.

4. The traditions all agree that Kanipahu of Hawaii married Hualani (w) of Molokai. But Kanipahu stands forty-sixth on the Ulu-Hema and Hanalaanui line, whereas Hualani stands thirty-fourth on the Nanaulu straight line through Keaunui-a-Maweke and his daughter Nuakea. Kaakaualani (w) the wife of Kakuhihewa, stands forty-sixth on the Nanaulu straight line, through Kalehenui-a-Maweke; but her mother, Kauhiiliula-a-Piilani, stands fifty-eighth on the Ulu-Hema and Hanalaa-iki line; thus showing that notwithstanding the era of commotion, displacement and migration, above referred to, the Nanaulu straight line, through Maweke, his children and grandchildren, not only maintain a wonderful correspondence and regularity between themselves, but each and all of them unite in pointing out the discrepancies and probable interpolation on the Hema-Hanalaa lines of descent. The first mentioned contemporaneity is those of Auanini on the Ulu-Puna-imua line, and of Mua and her husband Kaomealani on the Maweke-Kalehenui line from Nanaulu. Auanini stands thirty-first on his line from Wakea, and Mua stands thirty-second on the other line. Tradition is circumstantial that in their time the first foreigners (haole) came to this group—to Oahu, off Mokapu.

5. The second recognized contemporaneity, that I have been able to find in the meles and kaaos in my possession—saving and excepting always what may hereafter come to light—is that of Kanipahu and his wife Hualani. According to the genealogy published by D. Malo, Kanipahu was the forty-ninth from Wakea, and according to the Nanaulu-Keaunui-a-Maweke line Hualani was the thirty-fourth from Wakea.

6. The next recognized contemporaneity is that of Kalaunuiohua, according to D. Malo the fifty-second from Wakea on the Hema-Hanalaanui line, and Kukona of Kauai with whom he made war, and who is the forty-third on the Ulu-Puna-imua line.

7. The next is that of Luakoa of Maui, forty-eighth or forty-ninth on the Hema-Hanalaa-iki line, who made war on Mailikukahi who stands thirty-ninth on the Nanaulu straight line through Mulielealii and Moikeha.

8. The next is that of Kahoukapu of Hawaii, standing fifty-fourth on the Hema-Hanalaa-nui line, who married Laakapu, daughter of Laamaikahiki, and who consequently stands fortieth on the Ulu-Puna-imua line.

9. The next is what may be considered as the historical, though medieval, period of Hawaiian national life, viz: that of Piilani of Maui, Umi of Hawaii, and Kalaimanuia of Oahu. The second stands fifty-eighth from Wakea, according to D. Malo; the first is fifty-seventh on the Hema-Hanalaa-iki line, and the third is forty-third on the Nanaulu straight line.

From this time the different lines run with great regularity and correspondence, and were proper authorities available, I think every apparent discrepancy could be satisfactorily explained.

I regret that I have only two genealogies of the Kauai chiefs: one furnished me by the Hon. D. Kalakaua, the other published by S. M. Kamakau. The first gives only forty-four generations from Wakea to Kualii of Oahu and Kauai; the second gives sixty generations during the same period. The first counts through Mulielealii, Kumuhonua and Elepuukahonua; the latter through Ulu and Puna-imua, and Ahukini-a-laa. The first falls five generations short of the Nanaulu line through Moikeha to Kualii. The latter over-runs six generations, counting from Laulialaa and Ahukini-a-laa who were brothers, besides the discrepancy of five generations already noticed between the Nanaulu and Puna-imua lines, previous to Laulialaa.

But, if we cannot reconcile the line of Hema-Hanalaa-nui with that of Nanaulu in descending the two streams from Wakea, let us ascend the streams of two such well-known contemporaries as Kualii of Oahu (Nanaulu) and Keawe of Hawaii (Hema-Hanalaa-nui). If we thus ascend sixteen generations on each line, we shall meet again with Hualani (w) on the Nanaulu-Keaunui-a-Maweke line, and with her husband Kanipahu on the so-called Hema-Hanalaa-nui. Thus showing that from Kanipahu, perhaps even from Kaniuhi, there has been no break or discrepancy in the latter line. Sixteen or seventeen generations upward from Kualii, however, bring us to the grandchildren of that boisterous period in Hawaiian history when Moikeha, Kumuhonua and Olopana, the children of Mulielealii-a-Maweke, filled Hawaiian tradition with their exploits and adventures abroad and at home; when voyages to and from Tahiti were of common occurrence; and when many changes and additions to the customs and worship of the people were introduced.

That Pili-Kaaiea was not the son of Laau-a-Lanakawai, that he was not even a Hawaiian at all, but a Tahitian chief of high birth and great wealth, all the traditions and the meles referring to the subject unmistakeably prove. That he established himself on Hawaii, obtained a quasi supremacy there, founded a dynasty and a family by intermarriage with Hawaiian chief-families, descendants of Nanaulu or of Ulu, is equally clear. [296]

Are we then to conclude that the so-called Hanalaanui line of Hawaiian chiefs does not go any further back on Hawaii than the time of Pili? I think not. The traditions tell us fully and circumstantially that both Olopana and Kumuhonua, the sons of Mulielealii were established and living on Hawaii, that Moikeha’s son Kila, their nephew, settled there. They tell us that Hikapoloa (k) and his wife Mailelaulii were noted chiefs in Kohala before this time; that their granddaughter Luukia was the wife of Olopana, and that their grandson Kaumailiula married Olopana’s daughter, Kaupea. Although, therefore, it is impossible at this time to say with which of the Ulu or Nanaulu branches Kanipahu or Kaniuhi were related; yet that they were so related and that directly, is a certainty beyond doubt, to those who are acquainted with the tabu systems and the social institutions and customs which, however modified at different times, never abated an iota of their rigour as affecting the laws of descent.

From the fact that Ouanini, the grandson of Puna-imua, was contemporary with Mua, on the Nanaulu-Kalehenui line,—their standing respectively thirty-first and thirty-second from Wakea on their different lines—inclines me strongly to look for the difference or discrepancy between these two lines among the names that follow Paumakua until Ahukai, the father of Laamaikahiki.

Although there certainly are not a few persons on these, the principal, lines of descent from Wakea, to whom tradition has affixed a local habitation and a name; yet I think it in vain to look for genealogical precision or historical data before the period of Maweke and his affiliations on the Nanaulu line, or his probable contemporary Paumakua and his near predecessors on the Ulu line.

That the social and religious condition of the Hawaiian people underwent at about that time several great and important changes,—caused no doubt by the influx of foreign material and the intercourse with foreign lands [297]—may safely be concluded from express statements and more or less plain allusions in the traditions now extant. Thus the custom of circumcising is plainly traceable up to the time of Paumakua, while it is nowhere spoken of or alluded to as forming a religious necessity or a social custom among chiefs or common people before that time, unless in the Moolelo of Kumuhonua.

I have seen no mention of human sacrifices, before this period, either of captives in war or on other solemn occasions. To this period is to be referred the powerful priestly family of Paao, who came with Pili from Tahiti; and Kaekae, Maliu and Malela, who were brought by Paumakua from abroad and are said to have been white people and kahunas. The “Aha Kapu o na ’lii” is not of older date than the time of Paumakua—the “Kapu moe o na ’lii” is of much later origin.

Taking then thirty years as the measure of a generation, and the Nanaulu straight line, as the least inflated and most reliable, we have twenty-six generations from the time of Maweke to the present time, which places Maweke at the commencement of the twelfth century, say A.D. 1100. And during that century those great migrations to and fro with their resultant influx of new men and new ideas occurred. It was an era of intense restlessness and great activity and daring. Up to this time Hawaiian history is merely a register of names with only here and there a passing allusion to some event, barely sufficient to give a locus standi to some prominent name, such as the building and inauguration of Kukaniloko as a royal birth-place by Nanakaoko and his wife Kahihiokalani. This however must have happened close upon the twelfth century, for their son and grandson—Kapawa and Heleipawa—were no doubt contemporaries with Maweke or with Pili-Kaaiea. After the time of Maweke of the Nanaulu line, and after Paumakua of the Ulu line, however, Hawaiian history commences to flow with a fuller tide, and most of the principal names on either line have some account or mele connected with them; the traditions and songs become more numerous and circumstantial in their details, and, by crossing or confirming each other, enable the critical student to arrive at a considerable degree of precision in eliminating facts from myths and placing names and events in a proper succession and in an approximately correct time.

What the gradually growing or abruptly determining causes of this national restlessness of these series of migrations may have been, either here or in central and western Polynesia—perhaps also to and from the North American coasts—Hawaiian traditions and meles throw no light upon, so far as I have been able to ascertain; and with the history and traditions of those other countries I am not sufficiently acquainted to offer an adequate or precise answer. The only corresponding movement in Central and Southern Polynesia that I can now refer to is—I believe, but have not the authority by me—the settlement of New Zealand by its present Polynesian race. Their traditions and genealogies bring that event the fifteenth century of our era, and they came from Savaii, one of the Navigator’s Islands. Our own traditions refer the advent here of Paao and Pili from Wawau and Upolo, to an earlier period. Both were probably cases of expulsion caused by civil wars.

It is a somewhat remarkable circumstance that the first appearance of white men in this Archipelago refers to this same period of migrations. The traditions state that in the time of Auanini, the grandson of Puuaimua, and a chief living at Kapalawai in Kailua, Oahu, and while Mua-o-Kalani and her husband Kaomealani were chiefs at Kaopulolia in Kaneohe, Oahu, a vessel arrived off Mokapu; that the name of the vessel was “Ulupana;” the name of the captain was Molo-Lana, and of his wife, Malaea; that the names of the people on board were Olomana, Aniani and Holokaniakani; that these however were not their proper names, but names given them by those chiefs on whose territories they landed; the tradition however does not say whether these people went away again or whether they remained and settled in the country.

The next account of white people arriving here is found in the tradition and mele of Paumakua, grandson of Auanini aforesaid, and an Oahu chief, who is said to have visited numerous foreign lands (“Kaapuni ia Kahiki”), and who brought back with him two white men, Auakahinu and Auakaaiea, who afterwards were called Kaekae and Maliu and were said to have been kahunas (priests). Paumakua also brought back with him another stranger called Malela who was a kaula (prophet), but as to whether this latter was also a white man the tradition is not so explicit. The two former however are described in the tradition as “Ka haole nui, maka alohilohi, ke aholehole maka aa, ka puaa keokeo nui maka ulaula.” These, it would appear, remained and settled in the country, as in later times we find several priestly families claiming and proving their descent from the two former.

I have taken the above notices of the first arrivals of white foreigners in this country from S. M. Kamakau’s summary of the traditions and meles referring to that subject. To what branches of the Caucasian race, if to that race at all, these “white people—with bright eyes and white cheeks,” belonged, who in the twelfth century were found on the borders or among the islands of the Pacific, may be a rare question for archaeologists and ethnologists to settle. That they were looked upon by the natives here as people of another and a lighter colored race than their own is evident. Whether they were Japanese or some other Mongol variety, extended along the western shores of the Pacific, or Toltecs, from the eastern rim of the Pacific and the Mexican coast, conquered and expelled by the Aztecs towards the close of the twelfth century,—the fact however stands forth in archaic simplicity, and becomes of historical importance, that, during this period—genealogically computed to have fallen within the twelfth century—the Hawaiians received large infusions not only of Polynesian blood, from the island to the south and southwest, but also of alien races, from one or both continents bordering on the Pacific, and leaving their traces in the physique as well as in the customs and worship of the people. [298]

This period of great migrations, of national activity and restlessness and of grand enterprises, having passed, comparative quiet seems to have succeeded for several generations; and the meles and legends become silent upon the subject of foreign voyages or foreign arrivals until the time of Kakaalaneo, King of Maui and brother to the great-grandfather of Piilani—about fourteen generations from the present—at the close of the fifteenth or the commencement of the sixteenth century. The traditions as written down by S. M. Kamakau runs thus: “In the time of Kakaalaneo several foreigners (haole) arrived at Waihee in Maui, two of whom only were or became remarkable, viz.: Kukanaloa and Pele, who was Peleie, and the name of the vessel was Konaliloha. They landed at Kiwe in the night and when discovered in the morning by the natives, they were taken to the village and fed and brought to the king and the chiefs who treated them kindly and made friends of them (hoopunahele) and admitted them to all the privileges of the kapu. They settled in the country, married some of the chief-women and became progenitors of both chiefs and commoners, and some of their descendants survive to this day.” “They were called Kanikawi and Kanikawa after the beautiful flowers of Haumea.”—“Their speech sounded like a bird’s, like the lale of the mountain, a chattering, vociferous bird.”—“They said they came from Kahiki, from the very interior.” “Their land was a fertile land with plenty of fruits and large animals.”—“Their parents dwelt far inland (uka) on the side of the mountain, away up in the forest (ukaliloloa, i ka waonahele).”—“They were acquainted with the banana, the breadfruit, the ohia-apples, and the kukui nuts.”

The tradition which refers to the wrecking and landing of the foreigners (haole)—two men and one woman, at Keei, South Kona, Hawaii, in the time of Keliiokaloa, the son of Umi-a-Liloa, before the middle of the sixteenth century,—is well known and has long been recorded. There is some obscurity however thrown over both this and the foregoing tradition, inasmuch as the names of the vessel (“Konaliloha”) and of the principal personage (Kukanaloa) are the same in both traditions, and also some of the attending circumstances. But whether it was only one and the same event, adopted—mutalis mutandis—on both islands, or two separate occurrences, the fact of the arrival, and the retention of that fact in the Hawaiian memory, are none the less established.

How these voyages were accomplished will not now excite any surprise when we know, not only from the traditions, but from the ocular testimony of the grandparents of the present generation, that the canoes of those times were of an enormous size compared with the canoes of the present day. Double canoes carrying eighty men were not uncommon; and it is reported by eye-witnesses that, as late as the year 1740, the favorite war canoe, or admiral’s ship, “Kaneaaiai,” of Peleioholani of Oahu carried on board from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and forty men, besides their provisions, water, etc. And it is further reported that this canoe, and possibly others of similar dimensions, was made of pieces of wood or planks fastened together, somewhat after the manner of Malay proas or Western Polynesian canoes at the present day. Though the Hawaiians had not the compass or any substitute for it, yet they were fully and correctly acquainted with the bearing and rising and setting of a large number of stars, by which they steered during the night. It is reported as of no uncommon occurrence, for instance, that the Kauai sea-rovers would make their descent on the Hawaii or Maui shores, plunder or slay or capture whatever or whomsoever they could lay their hands on and then, in order to elude pursuit, stand off, straight out of sight of land on the open ocean, for two or three days, and return to their own homes by some circuitous route, either to the windward or the leeward of the islands. There is now, or was not long ago, the wreck of a large canoe lying on the shore near the southern point of Hawaii, which measured one hundred and eight feet in length, and was said to have been one of a double-canoe belonging to Kamehameha I.

The Hawaiians being thus possessed of vessels capable of performing long voyages in open sea, possessed of sufficient astronomical and practical knowledge to navigate them, and of daring and enterprise to match with the boldest, it is but natural that their traditions, sagas and songs, should be replete with their adventures and exploits in foreign lands. In that they are overloaded with marvels, fables and exaggerations, they only resemble the early and medieval periods of other countries. But when all these are stripped, there still remains an undisputable residium of facts to show that from the eleventh and during the twelfth century, and subsequently, not only were these islands visited by people of kindred and alien races whether arriving here by accident or design, but also that the Hawaiians, themselves, performed frequent though desultory voyages to the countries and islands lying south and west from their own group; that from this period dates the establishment, or at least the prominence of the principal dynasties and chief-families in the islands; and that from this time the genealogical succession on Hawaiian soil may be pretty accurately ascertained.

I know that Papa and Wakea, the reputed progenitors of the Hawaiian race of chiefs, were also considered as gods, demi-gods, heroes and progenitors in nearly every other Polynesian group of islands. I have seen it assumed that the twelfth or thirteenth first names of the Haloa line were common to the Marquesan pedigrees and considered as their ancestors. I know that Maui-a-kalana, who is said to have collected the sun’s rays, to have discovered the fire, and to have nearly succeeded in joining these islands together into one large continent, and whose name stands twenty-second on the Ulu line,—I know that he is the hero of the same legends in the Samoan, Society, Marquesan and New Zealand islands. While therefore I have no means of disputing the correctness of the succession of names borne on Hawaiian pedigrees from Wakea to nearly the period of Maweke, I am yet strongly of the opinion that those names, their legends and meles, were introduced into this group about the time of Maweke and his contemporaries and compeers, and during some of the next following generations. I am inclined to that opinion from the fact that, while almost every Hawaiian chief-family that at some time or other obtained prominence or influence in the country traced their pedigree up to Maweke, his contemporaries or successors, and claim their descent from Wakea through some one or other of the numerous branches springing from Maweke, Kapawa, Paumakua or later offshoots from these, not one family, that I am aware of, pretends to connect with either the Nanaulu or the Ulu lines beyond this period; thus proving to me that these heroes were the first and actual progenitors of the Hawaiian families of chiefs on Hawaiian soil, and that they brought with them from Kahiki their own pedigrees up to their own time.

Whoever knew this people some forty or fifty years ago, and more so if further back, could not fail to observe the remarkable difference of appearance between the chiefs and the makaainana (commoners) and the Kauwa-makauuli (slaves) indicating the former as, if not of a different race, at least of a different and superior class to the common multitude. And the feeling, solicitude and pride, with which that difference was kept up, show that they looked upon themselves not only as a different class politically, but also as of different birth socially. It was an heirloom from their ancestors and came with them from Tahiti. No poverty, misery or misconduct could efface it. Though there are many instances where chiefs were slain by their subjects in revolt, or were deposed from supremacy by their peers or subordinate chiefs, yet there never was a Bill of Attainder in those days, nor is there an instance of a chief who ever forfeited his own rank as a chief (of the “Papa Alii”) or that of his children. Those chiefs, those ancestors of the Hawaiian aristocracy, did not however, as I have endeavored to show, appear on Hawaiian soil much earlier than the period of those great migrations, that national or intertribal displacement of the Polynesian race which occurred during the eleventh and twelfth centuries of our era. It may have commenced a generation or two before Maweke,—it certainly continued several generations after him—but I use his name as a kind of central figure, seeing that the line upon which he stands (the Nanaulu straight line) is probably the most correct of existing genealogies.

What preceded this time will ever be a blank in Hawaiian history. There are traditions, no doubt, which refer to a period previous to this, but they all seem to bear the impress of Tahitian origin: There are no legends more common or more generally known throughout these islands than those of Kamapuaa and of Pele; and Koolauloa on Oahu, and Hilo, Puna, and Kau on Hawaii, abound in places and names connected with these stories. Yet Kamapuaa’s grandparents came from Kuaihelani (wherever that island may have been), and he himself visited Kahiki and married there; and Pele also came from Kahiki and, after traversing this group, finally settled on Hawaii. A better acquaintance than I possess, with Samoan, Tahitian, Marquesan or New Zealand legends, would enable the critical student to decide whether these and other legends of the pre-historic times were original and exclusive to the Hawaiian group, or whether they had their root, prototype or correspondent in those other groups and were only adapted to Hawaiian locality in the course of time and the process of naturalization, thus illustrating the Latin poet’s remark that “qui trans mare currunt, coelum non animam mutant.” It is noticeable, moreover, that all the heroes and heroines of these pre-historic legends stand out in bold relief from the genealogical tree of Haloa, singly and disconnected, and that none of the numerous chief-families of after-ages ever claimed their descent from Wakea through these personages. Not having had the opportunity of more fully comparing these legends with those of other Polynesian groups, I have compared them with each other and with legends of a later date, which no doubt belong to the oft-referred-to period of migrations, however much enveloped in myths and fable, and I have found, as I think, internal evidence that if these prehistoric legends were of Hawaiian origin at all, and not merely Tahitian legends adapted to Hawaiian localities,—then their origin can not be older than this period of influx of the Tahitian element. Thus, for instance, a number of chief-families, on the different islands of this group, trace their pedigrees with great accuracy and evenness up to Maweke through his grand-daughter Nuakea, daughter of Keaunui-a-Maweke and sister of Laakona of Ewa. These genealogies concur in representing Keoloewa-a-Kamauaua of Molokai as the husband of Nuakea. They also indicate Kaupeepee-nui-kauila as brother of Keoloewa and of the man who abducted Hina, the wife of Hakalanileo. Hina’s sons, Kana and Niheu-kalohe, afterwards rescued their mother and slew Kaupeepee, demolishing his fortress at Haupu on Molokai. Thus Niheu-kalohe becomes contemporary with the grand-children of Maweke, and, moreover, his grandmother Uli was a Tahitian woman. There are probably few legends of older or of fuller details than this of Kana and Niheu-kalohe, yet it is ostensibly and really, both as regards the persons and the time, of post-Maweke origin. If we now turn to the equally well-known and equally circumstantial legend of Pele’s sister, Hiiakaikapoliopele, we find that, when she was resting at the house of Malaehaakoa in Haena, Kauai, previous to ascending the Pali of Kalalau in search of Lohiau, Malaehaakoa offered up a prayer or chant, [299] than which few Hawaiian meles bear stronger evidences of a comparatively genuine antiquity: and yet this mele, prayer or chant, makes special reference to Niheu-kalohe and to Nuakea—an anachronism showing fairly that the mele as well as the legend originated after the time of Maweke’s grandchildren.

I would not be understood as asserting that there were neither chiefs nor people on the island of this group before this period of migrations. The meles and legends are full to the contrary. This very family of Kamauaua and its kindred on Molokai; those of Pueonui and Kealiiloa on Kauai; those of Hikapoloa on Hawaii and Kaikipaananea and Puna on Kauai, and others, whose names and whose pedigrees have never been transferred or connected with the lives of Haloa, attest the presence, and previous occupation of the islands by both chiefs and people. But these chiefs were gradually displaced, and disappeared before the new element, the Tahitian influx, with its new gods, its new tabus, and its greater vigour and moral and intellectual power. Whatever the causes that brought these latter ones here, yet, to judge from the case of Pili and Paao, they were not low-born adventurers, but men of mark in their own country, alii kapu, with whom alliances were sought, to whom the vacant chief-seats and the ahuula naturally fell in the lapse of time, and who kept bards to sing their own names and those of their ancestors, and heralds to proclaim their unbroken descent from Wakea and from Haloa.

The strongest proof, however, as I think, of the absence of Hawaiian genealogies and of the utter darkness which enveloped Hawaiian history proper before that period, is to be found—as I have already stated—in the fact that all the prominent Hawaiian chief-families connect with the line of Wakea through Ulu or Nanaulu about this time, and that, in order to establish that connection, they counted through females as well as through males, and dropped the latter whenever they did not lead up to the main trunk of Wakea or someone of that Tahitian element which made its appearance about the eleventh, twelfth, or thirteenth centuries of our era, and who are invariably called “na kupuna alii”—founders of dynasties,—on this or that island.

That the people of this group, whether chiefs or commoners, previous to this period, were of Polynesian—or as they themselves call it—Tahitian origin, there is no good ground for doubting, and every reason to believe. But the time of their arrival and settlement, the mode of their arrival, their point of departure, and their political, religious and social condition, will probably always remain insoluble problems. That they arrived here long ages before these later Tahitians,—before their kapu-system, heiau-building, religious ceremonial, etc., had developed into that complex, fanciful and stern rule of life, which it had already become when we first are made acquainted with them,—I think may generally be conceded. From the traditions and meles of these Tahiti-Hawaiians I gather that they found the previous inhabitants of this group living in a primitive manner, without any political organization beyond the patriarchal, and without kapus—at least of any stringent nature—and without heiaus; [300] and, with a feeling of pride in their superior powers and attainments, although they acknowledged Hawaii as a “Kama na Tahiti” (a child of Kahiki), yet they looked upon it as a natural appanage of themselves, to be taken possession of and reconstructed by them and their posterity. They established political supremacy and the kapus, they built heiaus, introduced circumcision, the pahu, the ohe and the hula. Tattooing commenced with them. The division of the people into aliis, kahunas, makaainanas and Kauwa-makawela, if not original with them, received a distinctness and permanency from them that hardened almost into castes. In short, whatever the condition in which they found the country, they moulded, reorganized and arranged everything on their own pattern and, while they with most elaborate care have left us numerous mementoes of their own time and work, they have left us nearly none of the predecessors.

While the Hawaiian cosmogonies abundantly betray their Tahitian origin, they also develop some interesting facts which will throw some light on the subject of the Tahitians’ (I mean in the Hawaiian sense of the word) settling here at the period to which I have referred. Thus, though the traditions and meles differ as to the actual origin of these islands, some stating them to have been born of Papa and Wakea—a kind of mythical setting back their creation to the oldest known period of time, and others assuming them to be fished up from the sea by Kapuhauanui, a fisherman from Kapaahu in Tahiti, and others again that they sprung forth from the night, yet several concur in representing them as forming only a group in a chain of groups of islands extending from Nuumealani on one side to Holani, Nuuhiwa and Polapola on the other; and the Mele of Kamahualele, the kahuna of Moikeha, who accompanied him from Kahiki, distinctly states that long before his time Nuuhiwa and Polapola were severed from this chain. Thus the existence and bearings of these islands were known to the Tahitians before their last settlement here; and they knew of the existence of other islands contiguous to this group, or intermediate between this and the eastern and central Polynesian groups, of which neither the names nor the location can now be traced. Another circumstance connected with these lost islands is, that while the meles and traditions referring to times and persons anterior to the last Tahitian settlement here are full of notices of Nuumea-lani and Holani and Kuaihelani, as within easy reach of, and having had frequent intercourse with this group, yet none of the meles and traditions that I possess makes any mention of them as existing at the time of, or subsequent to, that last Tahitian emigration. Thus the Mele of Kamahualele and the traditions of Moikeha, Olopana, Kila, and Laamaikahiki, make no mention of them as having been visited by these worthies or seen by them in their voyages to and from Tahiti. The traditions of Hema, Paumakua and Kahai also ignore them as existing at that time. The tradition of Paao does not refer to them in his voyage with Pili from Tahiti (Moaulanuiakea) to Hawaii.

In comparing the New Zealand legends as published by Sir George Grey, I find that the New Zealanders count fifteen generations from the time of their ancestors leaving the land of Hawaiki, in the Samoan or Navigator’s group and settling in New Zealand, which was called by them “Aotearoa.” Fifteen generations or four hundred and fifty years bring the approximate period of that settlement to about 1400 our era, or from two hundred and fifty to three hundred years later than the last Tahitian settlement in this group, the Hawaiian. In the legends, however, which they carried with them to New Zealand, occurs not only the well-known story of Maui-a-Kalana (Maui-o-Taranga) and his exploits by sea and land, and of his grandmother, who pulled out her nails to furnish him with fire and who is called Mahu-ika—in the Hawaiian genealogy she is called Hina-Mahu-ia; but there also occurs four prominent and comparatively late names in the Hawaiian Ulu and Hema line of descent, viz: Hema, Tawhaki (Kahai), Wahieroa (Wahieloa) and Raka (Laka). In the New Zealand legends they figure as chiefs and arikis of Hawaiki, following one another in the same succession as in the Hawaiian genealogy.

Thus, on New Zealand testimony, Hema, Kahai, Wahieloa and Laka were chiefs of Hawaiki or Sawaii in the Samoan group, and not of Hawaii in this group. These names and their pedigrees must then have been carried from Hawaiki to Tahiti and from Tahiti to this group, unless we assume a direct settlement from Hawaiki to Hawaii.

It is true, certainly, that the Hawaiian legends ascribe a local habitation as well as a name to each of these four chiefs, either on Maui, Oahu or Kauai, and places and monuments connected with their names are existing to this day; yet, as there is no reasonable probability that the New Zealanders took their departure from this group instead of the Samoan, and as their evidence is positive as to the residence of these chiefs in the Hawaiki which they knew and from which they departed for New Zealand,—I am forced to conclude that the connecting of their names with places in this group was merely adaptation in after ages, an appropriation to Hawaiian soil, when the memory of the mother-country had become indistinct and when little if anything was known of them except the one main fact that they stood on the genealogical list of the Hawaiian chiefs, a fact, which was never allowed to be forgotten under the old system, however much local associations may be forgotten or altered.

It is hardly historically possible that there could have been two series of chiefs in Hawaiki (Samoa) and Hawaii with identical names and in the same succession; and, with one transposition only, the identity holds good also in the names of their wives—e.g.:

NEW ZEALAND HAWAII

Hema. Uru-tonga. Hema. Ulu-mahehoa. Tawhaki. Hine-piripiri. Kahai. Hina-uluohia. Wahieroa. Kura. Wahieloa. Koolaukahili. Raka. Tonga Sautaw-hiri. Laka. Hikawaelena.

I am justified therefore in concluding that the Ulu-Hema line of chiefs was not indigenous to the Hawaiian Islands until after the time of Laka. But Laka was the third from Hema who, by all the Hawaiian traditions, was the brother of Puna-imua, and consequently the contemporary of Paumakua on the Ulu-Puna line, and probably of Maweke or his father on the Nanaulu straight line.

Whether the scions of these three lines, descending from Wakea and Papa, arrived here about the same time, or whether the Puna and Maweke lines arrived at a long interval from each other, or who had the precedence in the country, it is now impossible to determine. [301] That they came from the Samoan group, through the Tahitian and Marquesas groups, after a longer or shorter stoppage in each or both, I think can be shown from philological grounds and the gradual transformation of the Hawaiian dialect, conforming more to those of the two latter than to that of the former.

I am thus led back to the proposition which I have already enunciated, that, whichever was the branch of the great Polynesian family, that in ages long past first settled upon these islands and here remained and increased, yet about twenty-eight generations ago, and for several generations succeeding, there arrived here an influx of new-comers from the same Polynesian family, who through their superior intellectual and physical prowess obtained the supremacy,—politically, morally and socially,—brought with them their genealogies, their religion, and their customs; and with whom, and from whom only, Hawaiian history can be traced downward through its heroic, medieval and modern pagan development. It will be observed by the different pedigrees that all the chief-families, which connect with the Nanaulu line, do so immediately through someone of the children or grandchildren of Maweke, who is either the twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth or twenty-sixth ancestor of these families, as the case may be. Whereas, on the other hand, no family that connects with the Ulu-Puna line, does so above Laamaikahiki’s children who stand seventh from Paumakua, thus making him the twenty-fifth or twenty-sixth ancestor; and several families, connecting with both lines, make both Maweke and Paumakua either twenty-fifth or twenty-sixth in the line. With the Ulu-Hema-Hanalaa-nui line, however, no family that I am aware of connects as one of the children of Kanipahu, who stands sixth from Pili-Kaaiea, which makes the latter the twenty-fourth ancestor. Kanipahu’s son Kalahumoku is sixth from Maweke through his mother Hualani. Kanipahu’s son Kalapana is also sixth (?) from Pili, and I consequently infer that Pili and Maweke were contemporaries.

Pili’s arrival from Tahiti—some traditions specify the island of Wawau—is one of the most noted events of this period. Of the arrivals of Maweke and Paumakua, or their immediate ancestors, the traditions are silent, but their immediate descendants were famous for their voyages to and from Tahiti. The traditions are conflicting in regard to Maweke’s grandchildren, from Mulielealii, some representing them as born in this country and properly belonging here, while others represent them as settlers arriving from Tahiti. However that may be, they named numerous places, mountains, rivers and headlands either after persons accompanying them, or after similar places in the land from which they came. Yet strange to say, although the island of Hawaii was evidently so called after the Samoan “Hawaiki” or Tongan “Hapai” and that island was known to the Tongans, New Zealanders, Tahitians and Marquesans, yet none of the Hawaiian legends, meles or genealogies, that I have seen, refer to it by that name, though Upolo, Wawau, and probably other islands of that and neighboring groups, are referred to by their special names.

On the Ulu line, previous to Puna-i-mua and Hema, occur the names of Kapawa and of his parents Nanakaoko and Kahihiokalani, which stand too conspicuously connected with the traditions of purely Hawaiian origin and with that famous birth-place of Hawaiian chiefs, Kukaniloko, to doubt that they belonged and lived on Hawaii-nei, or to include them among those prehistoric names which figure on the genealogies previous to the Tahitian settlements, tempore Maweke, Paumakua and Pili. In a fragment of the legend (or rather synopsis) of Paao, which I have, while speaking of the arrival of Pili, it is expressly stated that, when Pili came to these islands, Hawaii was without chiefs on account of the crimes of Kapawa (“Ua pau na Alii mua o Hawaii-nei i ka hewa o Kapawa, ke alii o Hawaii nei ia manawa”); thus evidently making Kapawa contemporary with the period of the Tahitian migrations.

The New Zealand legends have shown that the four chiefs Hema, Kahai, Wahieloa and Laka were Samoan chiefs and not Hawaiian, and as Kapawa is represented on the Hawaiian genealogy of Ulu as being the great-grandfather of Hema and his brother Puna-imua; and further as he is only third in descent from that mythical demi-god Maui-a-Kalana and only second in ascent from the almost equally mythical Hinahanaiakamalama, the wife of Aikanaka and mother of Hema, who went up to the moon and whose leg was pulled off by her husband while ascending, I therefore think myself justified in concluding that Kapawa and probably his parents are misplaced on the genealogy of Ulu, and that they belong to a much later period—the period of Tahitian migrations.

I have hitherto not referred to the Hanalaa-nui or Hanalaa-iki lines in their earlier portions. It is well-known that before the consolidation of the islands under one government, by Kamehameha I, the Maui bards and genealogists claimed Hanalaa-nui as the ancestor of their race of chiefs, while the Hawaiians proper also set up the same claim. But it would seem that even the Hawaiian bards and genealogists were not agreed on this subject; for I possess an ancient mele, evidently composed in the interest of Kamehameha I and his dynasty, which traces his descent from Paumakua and Hanalaa-nui—not Hanalaa-iki—through Maui-loa and not through Lanakawai, and then through Alo, Waohaakuna, etc., to Kikamanio Laulihewa and Maili-kukahi, and thence down the Oahu-Maweke line to Kalanikauleleiaiwi etc. But this mele makes Laulihewa the seventh from Paumakua in the descent, or the sixteenth from Kamehameha I in the ascent. Now on the uncontested Nanaulu-Maweke line Laulihewa is the seventeenth from Kamehameha, and on the equally uncontested Paumakua-Lauli-a-laa line Laulihewa is also the seventeenth from Kiwalao, Kamehameha’s cousin, this latter line having the double advantage of having been crossed both by the Maui and Oahu lines. Assuming, therefore, that Laulihewa’s position is correct in this mele, or nearly so, Hanalaa-nui’s place on the pedigree will be fifth or sixth from Laulihewa, or a contemporary with Moikeha on the Nanaulu straight line, or with Nana or Kumakaha on the Ulu-Paumakua line. In either case Hanalaa, whether “nui” or “iki,” falls within the period of the Tahitian migrations, and their lines must suffer a proportionate curtailment of the names which now figure on them. That Haho, who in this mele stands next after Paumakua, and second above Hanalaanui, belonged to the new era, inaugurated by the arrivals from Tahiti, I conclude from the fact that with him commences the record of the Aha-alii, a peculiar institution not known before this time, and an indispensable accompaniment of an Alii-kapu (a sacred chief).

Without such excision of names I can see no way of reconciling the Nanaulu straight line and its numerous branches, or the Puna-imua-Paumakua-Laamaikahiki line and its equally numerous branches, with the Hema-Hanalaa lines, so as to bring known contemporaries on a nearly parallel step of descent from those whom they all claim as common ancestors. For instance, on her father’s side, H. R. H. Kinau (the present King’s mother) was sixty-eighth from Wakea, counting by the commonly received Hanalaa-nui line; and on her mother’s side she was seventy from Wakea, counting by the Hanalaa-iki line. But by the Nanaulu straight line, connecting at Kalanikauleleaiwi I, Kinau was only fifty-third from Wakea, and even by the Ulu-Puna line and several of its branches she was only fifty-seventh from Wakea. The difference of fifteen and seventeen generations between the Hanalaa lines and the Nanaulu straight line, and even the difference of eleven and thirteen between the Hana and Puna lines, is too great to be accounted for in a natural way, such as the earlier marriages in one line than in another. I am therefore forced to conclude that this excess of names on the Hanalaa-Hema lines was made up of contemporaries or collaterals and engrafted in aftertimes on the original lines. From the present time up to Maweke, Paumakua, and Pili, who stand respectively twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh from Kamehameha I and his contemporaries the genealogical lines cross each other by intermarriages so often, and traditional notices of contemporary chiefs are so frequent, that there is comparatively little difficulty in verifying any given name or finding its proper place. Here then, properly speaking, Hawaiian history commences, and I will now endeavor to show the most prominent names on the different lines, their connection and their exploits.

HAWAIIAN ORIGINS.

COMPARATIVE TRADITIONS OF VITI, FIJI, NEW ZEALAND, TONGA ISLANDS, MARQUESAS.

VITI [302]

In the Viti group the kings are called tui of the land over which they reign. In Tonga and some other of the Polynesian isles the highest chief is called tui. The Tui-Tonga family descended from the gods.

The Viti gods were in the following gradation: Lan-Hanalu (Polynesian, Kane?); Kalu, god of the kapu, there called “tambu;” the inferior gods were Kalu Niuza, Reizo, Vazugui-Berata, Vazugui-Ton-ha, Komei-Buni-Kura, Balu-Bunti, Leka, Uleguen-Buna, Banu-Be, Tambo-Kana-Lauhi, Buta-Guibalu, Dauzina, Komainen-Tulugubuca; the principal goddesses were Gulia-Zavazo, and Goli-Koro.

These gods inhabited a heaven called Numa-Lauhi. (What relation does that bear to the Nuumealani of the Hawaiians?)

Oudin-Hei, or Oudin-Hi, is the creator of heaven, earth and all the other gods. After death, every soul goes to join Oudin-Hei.

The Viti priests are called ambetti.

The Vitians make no human sacrifices; they worship no images. They have sacred houses called ambure. (Compare Hawaiian, “pule”). At the death of a king or queen they cut off a finger or a toe, but not in times of sickness, like the Tongans. The Vitians use no betel, but drink awa like the other Polynesians.

At the age of fifteen years, the Vitians practice circumcision by slitting the prepuce.

Though they marry at an early age, they do not cohabit with their wives until they are twenty years old, for fear they should die—a religious injunction of the kapu. Wives are not sold by their husbands.

The women do not eat with the men, but afterwards.

The awa plant is called augona.

Coconut trees are climbed by means of a cord between the feet.

Tabuing in Viti is practised as in Hawaii and elsewhere in Polynesia. The tabu-tree is called alauzi.

The Vitians know how to make earthen vessels (pottery), probably derived from the Papuans of New Guinea.

Anthropophagy is common in the Viti group; enemies and others are equally acceptable.

The Viti canoes are fitted with out-riggers.

The hair is tied up with white thin kapa, resembling a turban, like the Papuans of Vegiu.

When a chief dies, a number of his wives are killed to keep him company.

The Vitians do not change their names in sign of friendship, like the Polynesians.

On the Isle of Laguemba, the Tongans have settled and intermarried with the Vitians.

FIJI. [303]

The name for north and northeast wind is tokalau. In Hawaiian, koolau is the north and northeast side of an island. In Tahiti, toerau is the west and southwest.

Rev. Thos. Williams considers the Fiji group as the place of contact between the two races which occupy east and west Polynesia, or, “The Asiatic and African, but not Negro,” as he designated them. “The light Mulatto skin and well-developed muscles seen to windward are chiefly the result of long intercourse with the Tongan race.” “The Fijians have never acknowledged any power (foreign), but such as exists among themselves.”

“Rank is hereditary, descending through the female.”

“As in the Malayan, so in the Fijian, there exists an aristocratic dialect, which is particularly observable in the windward districts.”

“Standing in the presence of a chief is not allowed. All who move about the house in which he is, creep, or, if on their feet, advance bent as in an act of obeisance.”

In drinking toasts and wishing, the expression often is for a “puaka loloa,”—a long pig,—meaning a human body, to be eaten.

The Fijians reverence certain stones as shrines of the gods. Offerings of food are sometimes made at these. (They resemble the pohaku a Kane in Hawaii).

In Fiji, “sika” means “to appear” and is used chiefly of supernatural beings. (Does the Hawaiian hika in the name of Kane, “Hika-poloa,” connect or find its explanation in the former?)

Fijian traditions mention mankind springing from two eggs laid by a small hawk and hatched by Ndengei, their principal god. They refer to a flood from which eight people were saved in a canoe. They also mention a big tower built for the purpose of ascertaining if the moon was inhabited, but the foundations gave way and the workmen were scattered all over Fiji. They refer to a woman of Yaro, named Kerukeru, who was very good and whom the gods removed from this world alive on consideration of her high character.

NEW ZEALAND. [304]

The New Zealanders derive themselves from Hawaiki, either the Samoan, Sawaii, or the Tongan, Habai.

One tradition has it that they descend from two brothers: Maui-mua and Maui-potiki; that the elder, Maui-mua, killed his younger brother and ate him, whence the custom of cannibalism among them.

Another tradition says that Maui was driven from his native land, and, embarking with his company, and guided by the god of thunder, Tauraki, arrived at, and settled on the banks of the river Churaki.

At the North Cape and at Bay of Islands the tradition refers to a large country situated to the north and northwest of New Zealand, called Ulimaraa or Oudi-mara (English, Ortagi), a land exposed to the heat of the sun and abounding in hogs. Some of the New Zealand ancestors went there at one time in a large canoe, and only a few returned, having been absent about one month. Another tradition mentions that a small vessel came from that country; four of the crew landed at Tatara-nui and were killed by the New Zealanders.

New Zealand is called by the natives “Aotea-roa.” The North Island is called “Ika-na-Maui,” and the South Island, “Kauai-Punamu.”

The Ngatipaoa tribe count fifteen generations since their ancestors left Hawaiki and came to New Zealand.

One of the canoes, in which they came, was called Arawa. It was made from a “Torara tree that was cut down in Rarotonga, which lies on the other side of Hawaiki.” When another of these emigrant canoes, called the Kainui was ready, Rata, one of the builders, slew the son of Manaia and hid his body in the chips and shavings of the canoes. This resembles the Hawaiian legend of Paao and his brother when the former left for Hawaii.

No hogs were in New Zealand in Cook’s time, or for some time afterwards.

As in most of the Polynesian tribes, New Zealand women are admitted to the succession in the government; so also with the Battas in Sumatra.

Among the Battas, the descendants of the rajahs form a class in society, similar to the rangatiras of New Zealand, Tahiti and other Polynesian tribes.

The kampong, or fortified places of the Battas are nearly identical with the pa of the New Zealanders.

The three gods of the Battas, Batara-Guru, Sora-Pada and Maugala-Bulong, correspond in attributes to the New Zealand Maui-Rangi, Tauraki and Maui-Mua. The first is the great god of all, the second has power over the air and all between heaven and earth, and the last rules over the earth.

Cannibalism is common to both nations; also polygamy.

The victor chief in New Zealand eats the eye of his slain enemy. In Tahiti the eye of the human sacrifice was offered by the priest to the officiating chief. In Hawaii that custom probably obtained formerly. The expression eia kuu maka, used as a mark of submission or devotion to another, most likely refers to some such ancient custom, but neither that nor cannibalism were practised in Hawaii, at least no trace of them remains in their traditions.

A New Zealand chief’s wife frequently hung herself on the death of her husband. There was no law or absolute necessity for so doing, but it was a custom whose observance was much applauded as the mark of a true and devoted wife.

In New Zealand the awa root is not used as a beverage, as in the other Polynesian tribes. The piper excelsum, called kawa grows there, but is not used. No salt nor spices is used with victuals.

Pigs and poultry were introduced by Europeans. Dogs and rats were indigenous, or came with the Polynesians. The New Zealanders called the condor by the Polynesian name of poultry, moa. They then retained and transferred the name, though they did not succeed in bringing hens with them when they emigrated to New Zealand.

The legends about Maui, his adventures, his fishing up the earth from the water, his getting fire, his fish-hook, Manaiakalani, are many and mostly coincide with the Hawaiian legends. (See Grey’s “Polynesian Mythology.”) Those legends of Maui were recognized and more or less known through all the Polynesian groups, and hence probably arrived with the first settlers. One of the New Zealand traditions has it that the three Mauis concurred in the creation of man and, subsequently, of woman from him. On Hawaii and on the Society group a similar legend, mutatis mutandis, obtained.

There is also a legend of Lono (Rona), who fell in a well, caught in a tree, and was taken up to the moon, where he is still visible. This resembles somewhat the Hawaiian legend of Lonomoku or Hinahanaiakamalama, the wife of Aikanaka and reputed mother of Puna and Hema.

The New Zealanders call foreigners by the name, pakeha. (Any analogy to the Hawaiian, pakea, a kind of white stone?)

The constellation known as Orion’s belt was called by New Zealanders waka, the canoe.

The variation in legends indicate that the north and south islands of New Zealand received their inhabitants at different times.

TONGA ISLANDS.

The Tonga Islands had places of refuge, sacred enclosures, where fugitives were safe. The same in Hawaii.

The Tongans have a tradition that they were descendants from Bolotu, an island somewhere in the northwest, in this wise: Some of the inferior gods of Bolotu, to the number of about two hundred men and women left to visit the new land of Tonga after it had been pulled out of the water by the god Tangaloa. Having arrived, they concluded to stop and took their vessel to pieces. A few days afterwards some of them died, and one, being inspired, told them that having eaten the fruits and breathed the air of Tonga, they had lost their immortality, and that they were destined to people the world, and that all that surrounded them would also be perishable—“mea ma-ma.” They built a canoe to return to Bolotu, but they never succeeded in finding that land and returned sorrowfully to Tonga.

Another tradition reports that Tangaloa was fishing one day in the great ocean, when his leaden hook caught into something and on pulling at it a number of rocks came in sight, getting larger and larger, when the line broke and the Tonga Isles remained as they are. A place at Hounga is still shown where the hook caught in the rocks. That hook was still in the possession of the family of the Tui-Tonga some thirty years before Mariner’s time. The New Zealanders and Hawaiians have a similar tradition, but make Maui the hero of the tale.

Hogs were common in Tonga before its discovery. Dogs were scarce and mostly brought from the Vitis. Poultry abounded.

The Tongans believe that heaven, the planets, ocean and the isle Bolotu existed before the earth; and the Tonga isles were fished up from the ocean by Tangaloa.

Mankind came from Bolotu, the principal residence of the gods, placed in the northwest. The souls of the egui or chiefs, after death, go to Bolotu. The souls of the matabule go there too, but to serve the former and the gods. The Tongans were not agreed as to whether the mua had a soul or not; but the tua positively had none, or if they had, it died with the body. The Tui-Tonga and the Veachi descend in direct line from two of the principal gods.

The Tongans reckon about three hundred primitive gods, of which about twenty only are honored with temples and priests. Tali-ai-tubo is the god of war. Tui-fua-Bolotu presided over the divine assembly at Bolotu, but is less in power than the preceding. Hihuleo is a powerful god, worshiped by the Tui-Tonga family. Tubo-Toti, is the god of voyages. Alai Valu is the god consulted in sickness. Alo-Alo is the god of wind, rain, seasons and vegetation. Tangaloa, is the god of arts and inventions. Hala-Api-Api, Togui Uku, Mea and Tubo-Bugo are gods of the sea and voyages.

The universe reposes on the body of the god Maui. He is the giant among the gods, but has no temple nor priests. When he is fatigued lying in one position, he turns, and that is the cause of earthquakes.

The tabu system was much developed in Tonga in its minutiæ and operations. It is essentially the same through the entire Polynesian family; the variations in degree and intensity are local.

Tu-i-Tonga, the highest chief, descended from one of the gods that formerly visited Tonga. The respect shown him arises solely from his religious character. He was a kind of sovereign pontiff, and until modern times nothing of importance was done without consulting him. Veachi, another chief or egui of divine descent; second in rank to the Tu-i. The priests have no social consideration as such, unless they are inspired.

Hu, or the king, is the highest in power, but not in nobility. Egui, nobles, are allied and related to the families of Tu-i, Veachi or Hu. Matabule, the class just below the egui, are counsellors and officers. The title is hereditary, and the son does not enter the class of matabule until the father’s death. Until then he belongs to the class called mua, composed of the sons, brothers and descendants of matabule. The sons and brothers of a mua belong to the last class called tua until the death of the parent. The tua comprise all who do not come under one of the preceding categories of rank. They are the common people.

Hogs in Tonga are called buaka, as in Marquesas; in Hawaii, puaa.

The Tongans were not cannibals, but sometimes in imitation of the Vitians, it became a military point of honor for the young warriors to eat the flesh of an enemy slain in battle.

Among the Tongan dances were the hea, a very ancient and stately dance performed by men, and the ula, also very ancient, practised formerly only by the low classes, but a Tonga chief having seen it performed at Samoa,—where it was said to have been invented,—made it fashionable in Tonga.

MARQUESAS.

From the Hiwaoa traditions and meles, collected by Mr. William Lawson, several cosmogonies seem to have existed among the Marquesans. I notice:

1. The Vanana na Tanaoa relates, that in the beginning there was no life, light or sound in the world; that a boundless night, Po (darkness) enveloped everything, over which Tanaoa and Mutuhei (silence) ruled supreme. Atea (light) sprang from Tanaoa, made war on him, drove him away and confined him within limits. Ono (sound) sprang from Atea and broke up Mutuhei. From the struggles between Tanaoa and Atea, Ono and Mutuhei, arose Atanua (shade).

Atea and Ono ruled the universe together as body and spirit (tino and uhane). Atea took Atanua for wife and begat their first-born, Tumea.

2. The legend of the pena-pena, creation, relates that Atea, the husband of Atanua, was the cause, root and begetter of all things. (“Atea te pepenua o te Aui te Fenua.”) From him were evolved or created the host of inferior deities, with particular attributes or occupations. On the orders of Atea, they broke through or picked through earth and sky, fenua and ani, and the land, papa appeared and was planted. The winds blew from Vevau to Hawaii, and back from Hawaii to Vevau, cooling and refreshing.

Pu te metani me Vevau A-anu te tai o Hawaii Pu atu te metani me Hawaii A-anu te ao o Vevau Nui-ia te papa e moe ana.

Atanua then conceived and bore the Night, Po-nui-o-Atea; after that she bore the Moon, Meama; after that she bore the Day-break (dawning), Ata; after that the Day, A-nui-o-Atea; and last of all was born Sound, Ono-nui-o-Atea. The scene of these series of creations seems to have extended from Vevau to Hawaii, “O Vevau me Hawaii” forming the refrain of each act of creation.

3. The legend of Mauikiiki relates that Mauiki was the older brother and Mau-ii was the younger. The younger one stove a hole in the head of the older one, and thus caused the sacred fire (ahi tapu) to flow all over the land. Through the hole in the skull of Mauiki, the fires and furies (na ii) rose up to the sky, but they were met by Kamaiko, the god of cold, who hurled them back again; and diverting them into the rocks, the soil, etc., put them out. The lord (te fatu) then gave to Mauiki a wife called Hina-te-Ao-ihi, or Hina-te-Ao-Tuakiina. When Mauiki feels wrathy and furious his inwards are soon cooled by strong winged winds, na metani si keheu; Mauiki having thus been quieted and peace restored, Atea proceeds with the work of creation, and all manner of animals, big and small, are created.

4. The legend Taikoko (the flood) states that the sea was rising; a house was built on the ocean for the preservation of life and animals; that the animals were marshalled by one man before and one man behind, the former called Fetu-Amo-Amo, the latter Ia-Fetu-Tini.

The following individuals are mentioned: Hina-touti-Ani, Hina-te-Ao-ihi and Hina-te-Ao-Meha, females; Fetu-Moana, Fetu-Mau-Ani, Fetu-Amo-Amo and Ia-Fetu-Tini, males.

A turtle was sacrificed, and then the rain came in a cataclysm. After a while dry land appeared, and the vessel of Tanaoa, teetina o Tanaoa, appeared on the sea of Hawaii, whose mountain ridges began to shoot up out of the water. After that the teetina o Moepo appeared over the sea of Hawaii, land rose up more and more in Hawaii and Matahou and all were safely landed.

5. The Legends of the Take. The Marquesans call themselves the descendants from the Take o Take-hee-hee, their immediate progenitor being Tani, one of the twelve sons of Toho or the original Take. Having had commotions and wars among themselves, they were driven out of Take-hee-hee or Aheetake, as it is called in another legend. There are two accounts of the migrations of the Takes. They run in this wise:

That of Atea: That of Tani:

From Take-hee-hee From Take-hee-hee to Ahee-tai to Ahee-take ,, Ao-nuu ,, Aonuu ,, Papa-nui ,, Papanui ,, Take-hee ,, Takehee ,, Ani-take ,, Howau ,, Hawaii ,, Ninioe ,, Tuu-ma ,, Ao-ewa ,, Meaai ,, Ani take ,, Fiti-nui ,, Ho vau ,, Matahou ,, Vevau ,, Tona-nui ,, Tuuma ,, Mau-eva ,, Meaai ,, Piina ,, Fitinui over the ocean to Ao-maama ,, Matahou (Marquesan Islands). ,, Tona-nui ,, Mau ewa ,, Piina over the ocean to Ao-maama, (Marquesan Islands).

6. The following are the chiefs or founders who led the Take during their migrations:

Makoiko founded the settlement Ahee-tai. Koui (k) and Koutea (w) founded the settlement Ao-nuu. Atea and Atanua founded the settlement Papanui. Papa-tana-oa and Heihei-tona founded the settlement Take-hee. Tani-oa-anu and Taneoa-ani founded the settlement Ani-tai. Tonafiti and Mawena founded the settlement Hawaii. Moepo and Taunea founded the settlement Tuuma. Ono-tapu and Moe-oe-ihea founded the settlement Meaai. Manuio and Atoomai founded the settlement Matahou.

Some of the above lands are thus described:

Aheetai was a mountain land, with a settlement at Taiao, another at Meini-takahua, and another near the water (lake or river) of Nuu-taea.

Aonuu is called in the mele:

He henua hiwaoa mei Aheetai He henua hiwahiwa Aomai.

Faaina ruled in Aonuu, and after him Anu-o-Aatuna. Afterwards the chief Atea killed Umai and civil wars drove him and many other Take to seek new homes in other lands.

Papanui is called a high table land, near the sea, vipua me te tai. Among the fugitives from Aonuu was a chief Tiki-Matohe and his wife Hina. They left with their followers and outfit of pigs, fowl and fruits in a double canoe, vaka hupu, and discovered the land of Papanui. The mele of Tani’s landing on Papanui states that the host Atea would, in honor of Tani, bring pigs from Ao-tumi, turtle from Ono-tapu and fowls from below Ii hawa and Nuu-teea.

Take-hee is called: “Tu hivaoa eeke i te hee.”

Anitai or Anitake. Of this it is said: “A kau papaua ia tai naenae.”

Hawaii is called: “Tai mamao uta oa tu te Ii.” In Hawaii the hupe, kohanui, mio and temanu trees were growing. Hawaii appears to have been subject to tremendous hurricanes, followed by famines. The following headlands or capes are mentioned in Hawaii: Fiti-tona-tapu, Pua, Ao, Ao-ena and Ao-oma. The mio tree was said to make good paddles. Two mountains are mentioned in Hawaii; one in the mele of Matahou of Hawaii, called Mouna-Tika-oe; the other in the mele of Tupaa, called Mauna-oa. The latter is said to have been raging (ii) on top and served as a landmark for Tupaa when he left Hawaii with his family and followers.

Tuuma is said to have been near to Hawaii: “Te Tuuma i Hawaii tata ae.”

Meaai: All that is said of this island is: “Mou ae te tupa tata eke na te tai.”

Matahou is the last land mentioned in this mele, and no other description given of it, than that it stood in the sea, “tu i te tai.”

Throughout these migrations the Take are represented as having come from below (mai iao), when coming from Aheetake, and going up (uka) to Matahou.

Throughout the Polynesian groups, within the tropics, when a land is spoken of as iao ilalo, iraro of the speaker’s place, it invariably means to the leeward, before the prevailing trade wind. This wind being from northeast or southeast, these migrations pursued a course from west to east, which suggests a descent from Asia or the Asiatic Archipelago.

The word take, as expressing a nation or a race, is probably an archaism of the Polynesian language; its condensed and modern form being tai, as I find the latter form used interchangeably with the former in some of the meles, as Aai-tai for Ani-take, Ahee-tai for Ahee-take. The word tai occurs with the same meaning in the Tonga Islands, where this expression is common—Kai Fiti, Viti people: Kai Tonga, Tonga people; in Hawaiian, kakai, a family. The older word, take, is found, however, in several places: “Ai-tu-take,” an island of the Hervey group, and “Oni-take,” a place on said island; “Vaetake,” a bay in Uahuka, one of the Marquesas Islands.

In the mele of Te mohoina o Papanui, Tiki is called the first man: “O Tiki to matou Motua, oia te enate mua”: This is Tiki Matoho and his wife Hina, or Tiki Matoho is a namesake of the first Tiki.

LEGEND OF HAWAII-LOA.

COMPILED AND CONDENSED IN ENGLISH FROM KEPELINO AND S. M. KAMAKAU.

According to an old Hawaiian tradition the alii of the genealogy direct from Kane were called “ka hoalii” and “he ’lii poni ia” (anointed chiefs), anointed with the “wai niu a Kane,” and thus became “na ’lii kapu-akua.” The chiefs below them in rank were called “he ’lii noa” (not anointed), but were still chiefs of the “iku-nuu,” they could succeed to the government of the land and were then called “he Moi.”

The chiefs (ka hoalii) had both temporal and spiritual power. Their genealogy (papa alii) was called “iku-pau,” because it alone led up to the end or beginning of all the genealogies; no one reached further back than theirs. The chiefs of the “papa iku-nuu” could only have temporal power and be recipients of the ordinary “kapu-alii” awarded to other chiefs according to rank, whereas “ka hoalii” enjoyed both the “kapu-akua” and the “kapu-alii.”

This often brought on dissensions and enmities between the chiefs of the papa iku-nuu and those of iku-pau. The former would often introduce the ancestors of the iku-pau upon their genealogies in order that they might be considered as springing from the kapu-akua race and become also “ka hoalii” of the “nuu-pau” and “iku-pau.”

The worshipers of Kane were called “he papa laa” or “he papa Kane.” Those who worshiped images were called “he pae kii,” and those who worshiped nobody were called “he laa-luau.” The “laa-luau” were godless people, and in the time of Wakea and Papa, the first chiefs of the iku-nuu in this country, a number of worthless kapus were introduced to support the wickedness of Wakea.

In very olden times no human sacrifices were offered to Kane. “He kapu ke kanaka na Kane” was the settled law of that time, because the kanaka was considered sacred to Kane and like unto him. The idol-worshipers, and the followers of the “lii noa” (not of the Hoalii race) offered human sacrifices.

One of the ancient prayers was recited on the great festival days as follows: [305]

The Priest: O Kane me Ku-ka-Pao, E, oia ’nei? The Congregation: Hooia, e, oia. The Priest: O Lono-nui-noho-i-ka-wai, E, oia ’nei? The Congregation: Hooia, e, oia. The Priest: Ho-eu, kukupu, inana, ku iluna o ka moku, E, oia, ’nei? The Congregation: Hooia, e, oia. Hooia, e, oia. Hooia, e, oia. Ke Akua oia. All together: Kane-Po-Lani, o Lani Makua, me Ku-ka-Pao i kikilani, me Lono-nui-maka-oaka, he Akua. Ke Akua i huila malamalama paa ka Lani, ku i ka Honua. I ka Honua a Kane-Kumu Honua, he Akua. Hooia, e oia. Hooia, e oia. Oia ke Akua, oia.

The head of the first kanaka was created from a whitish clay (palolo), which was brought by Lono from the four ends of the world—from “Kai Koolau, Kai Kona, Kahiki-ku, Kahiki-moe”—north, south, east, west. The clay from the north and east forming the right side, and the clay from the south and west forming the left.

It was contrary to the worship of Kane to bury a corpse without previous purification and prayer (Kaiolena a me pule), because the kanaka was derived from the water (unuhi ia no loko mai o ka wai)—muddy water—and the gods sang over him at the creation.

At the creation of man, Kane was the model after which he was made; Ku was the workman who made him, and Lono assisted generally. When the clay-image of Kane was made, they three breathed into its nose, and that breath was called “he maule o Lono.” The gods then called on him to rise and become a living being, with this formula:

Kane: “I hana au i keia lepo la; Hiki au e ola!” Ku and Lono: (respond) “Ola!” Kane: “I hana au inei lepo la; Hiki au e ola!” Ku and Lono: (respond) “Ola!”

The image then rose and knelt before the gods and they called his name Honua-ula (Red Earth)—his body was made of red earth (lepo ula) and spittle (wai-nao), and his head was made of the clay (palolo) brought from the four ends of the earth. Another name for him was Ke Lii-Ku-Honua.

After creation this man Honuaula, was given a place to live in, called in olden time Kalana i Hauola, in later times it was called Pali-uli. So runs the legend of Kumu-Honua, and he dwelt alone at first without a wife.

The gods seeing the man without a wife, descended on earth, put him into a sleep, took out one of his ribs (lalo puhaka) and made it into a woman. They then awakened the man who found the woman on his right side, and she was called Ke Ola Ku Honua.

There are many legends about this first man, Kumu Honua. According to some, Kanaloa, who seems to have been an evil spirit (akua ino). “Ke kupu ino” interfered with Kane when creating the first man, and Kanaloa started to make a man of his own. When the earth was ready and shaped, Kanaloa called it to become alive, but no life came to it. Then he became very angry and said: “I will take your man and he shall die;” and so it happened; and hence the first man got another name, Kumu-Uli—which means a fallen chief (he ’lii kahuli).

The land of Kalana i Hauola was situated in Kahiki-Honua-Kele; by other traditions it was in Mololani; by others it was in Hawaii-nui-Kuauli-Kaioo, a large and long continent.

Kane, Ku and Lono dwelt in the empty space—(this is another tradition)—“i ka lewa i o ia nei,” and had no special resting place. They then created three heavens and by special command fixed the stars and the lights therein.

One tradition reports that Kanaloa was a generic name for a multitude of evil spirits, created by Kane, who opposed him or revolted from him because they were denied the awa, which means that they were not permitted to be worshiped; awa being a sacrificial offering and sign of worship. These evil spirits did not prevail but were thrust out and driven by Kane “i lalo lilo loa i ka po” (down into the uttermost darkness) and the chief of these evil spirits was called Milu, meaning the king of death; another name for him was Kanaloa, also Kanaloa o ka oa nu-kea nui a Kane.

When the heavens were made, then the earth was made. And then the Kanaloa spirits were the first created by the gods. They were not made by hand like the first man, but were spit out (i kuha ia) by the gods.

After Kumu Honua was created and placed upon his land, Kane conferred with him and his wife and established laws for them, and the law was called “laau” (the tree). The words of Kane are not fully reported in the legend; but it was afterwards thought that the tree was the breadfruit-tree (ulu) and that it grew at Honokohau, in North Kona, Hawaii; that it sprung from Kane (ua mimi ia e Kane) and that its fruits have been bitter or sour from that day to this. And the wauke was given to Kumu Honua for clothing, and it was sacred to Kane and grew in Keaukaha, North Kona, Hawaii.

Kanaloa seduced Kumu Honua’s wife Polo-Haina (Ke Ola Kumu Honua) and she and her husband broke the laws of Kane. Kumu Honua was called Kane-Laa-uli after he had broken the laws of Kane, which means, according to Hawaiian kahunas (priests), “he akua ulia i ka laau,” (the spirit who fell or was destroyed on account of the tree).

Following are the names of Kumu Honua and his wife after they fell from grace: Pelo-Haena (w), [306] Ulia-Wale (k), Laa-ai (w), Laa-hei (k), Laa-make (w), Laa-uli (k), Kumu-Hana (w), Kumu Uli (k), Kanikau (w), Kani Kuo (k).

An “au-apaapa” comprises twelve generations. All who spring from any branch within these twelve are considered as relations. An “au-apaapa” extended over two to three centuries.

An “au poipu” consisted of twenty-four generations. Any one at this distance from the general ancestor, springing off from any branch, was not considered a relation. The marrying such distant branches was called “hoao-lopa.” An “au-poipu” extended over six or more centuries.

Following are the generations from Kumu Honua to Nuu-Pule, i.e. from the creation of man to the flood.

Kumu Honua and Lalo Honua had three sons: 1. Kolo-i-ke-Ao, or Laka; 2. Kulu-ipo or Kolo-i-ka-Po; 3. Kaiki-ku-a-Kane.

Male Female

1 Kumu Honua. Lalo Honua. 2 Laka. Papaia Laka. 3 Ka Moolewa. Olepau Honua. 4 Maluapo. Laweao. 5 Kinilau-a-Mano. Upolu. 6 Halo. Kini Ewalu. 7 Ka Mano Lani. Ka Lani anoho. 8 Ka Maka o ka Lani. Ka Hua o ka Lani. 9 Ke Oli o ka Lani. Ka Moo Lani. 10 Ka Lei Lani. Opua Hiki. 11 Ka La Lii. Ke Ao Melemele. 12 Haule. Loaaio. 13 Imi Nanea. Imi Walia. 14 Nuu or Kahinalii.

From Kumu Honua to Laka was one “kau apaapa,” and from Kumu Honua to Moolewa were two “kau apaapa,” etc.

Nuu built a large vessel and a house on top of it, and it was called “he Waa-Halau-Alii o ka Moku.”

When the flood subsided Kane, Ku and Lono entered the “Waa Halau” of Nuu and told him to go out. He did so and found himself on top of Mauna Kea on Hawaii, and he called a cave there after the name of his wife, Lili-Noe, and that cave remains there to this day. Another name of his wife was Nuu-mea-lani.

Other legends say that it was not there where Nuu landed and dwelt, but in Kahiki-Honua-Kele, a large and extensive country.

Some legends say that the rainbow was the road by which Kane descended to speak with Nuu.

Another name of Nuu was Nuu-Lolo, i Mehani. Still another name was Nana-Nuu (Nana being the old pronunciation of Lana—floating). Also Nuu-Mea.

When Nuu left his vessel he took with him a pig, coconuts and awa as an offering to his god, Kane. As he got out of the vessel and looked up he saw the moon in the sky, and he thought that was the god, and he said to himself: “You are Kane no doubt, though you have transformed yourself to my sight;” so he worshipped the moon and offered his awa, pig and coconuts. Then Kane descended again and spoke reprovingly to Nuu, but on account of the mistake Nuu escaped punishment, having asked pardon of Kane. Then Kane ascended to heaven and left the rainbow as a token of his forgiveness.

All the previous population having been destroyed by the flood, Nuu became the second progenitor of all present mankind. So runs the Hawaii legends, but the legends of Oahu, Maui and Kauai differ somewhat.

After Nuu’s escape from the flood he was called by new names, such as Ku Ka Puna, and his wife Ku Ke Koa. He had three sons: Ka Nalu Akea, Ka Nalu Hoohua and Ka Nalu Manamana.

1. Ka Nalu Akea (k) Ka Ale (Hanau) Akea (w) Naeheehe Lani (k) 2. Ka Nalu Hoohua (k) Ka Nalu Wehe Puka Nui Hakui Lani (k) (w) 3. Ka Nalu Manamana (k) Nalu Manamana ia Kaluea Ka Io Lani (k) (w) Naeheehe Lani (k) Hikimoe Kawowoilani (w) Ka Hakui Moku (k) Ka Hakui Lani (k) Lui ke kai (w) Ninihua (k) Ka Io Lani (k) Ka Honua ka Moku (w) Kahiki moe (k)

1 Nuu (k) Lili Noe or Lili Ka Nalu Akea (k) Nuu (w) Ka Nalu Hoohua (k) Ka Nalu Manamana (k) 2 Ka Nalu Akea (k) Ka Ale Akea (w) Naeheehe Lani (k) 3 Naeheehe Lani (k) Kawowoilani Hikimoe Ha Hakui Moku (k) (w) 4 Ka Hakui Moku Lei Ke Kai Halana (w) Ke Kai Lei (k) (k) 5 Ke Kai Lei (k) Nalu Lei (w) Ka Haku Lani (k) 6 Ka Haku Lani (k) Moeana i Lalo (w) Hele i Kahiki Ku (k) 7 Hele i Kahiki Ku (k) Hooneenee i Ka Noelo Hikina (k) Kahikina (w) 8 Ka Noelo Hikina (k) Hala Po Loa (w) Hele i ka Moo Loa (k) 9 Hele i ka Moo Loa Kawehe’n’ao (w) Ke Au Apaapaa (k) (k) 10 Ke Au Apaapaa (k) Ke Au Laelae (w) Lua Nuu or Kanehoa-lani (k) 11 Lua Nuu Kanehoalani (k)

Ka Nalu Akea was also called Hekikili Kaakaa. Ka Nalu Hoohua was also called Nakolo i Lani. Ka Nalu Manamana was also called Ka Uwila Nui Maka Eha.

Lua Nuu was known by the following names, Pua Nawao, Ku Pule, Ku Hooia, Ku Iike, Kane Hoa Lani, Kuma Menehune.

Kane Hoa Lani or Lua Nuu was the ancestor of the race of Nawao (wild people) and of the race of Menehune, a large and powerful people.

Circumcision dates back to the time of Lua Nuu.

Naeheehe Lani was the ancestor of the people who lived in the land of Kapakapaua a Kane and on the islands of the ocean.

Nalu Akea was the ancestor of the Kanakas and of the people on the islands in the great ocean.

Nalu Hoohua was the ancestor of the white or clear-skinned people who inhabit Kahiki Moe.

Nalu Manamana was the ancestor of the breed of negroes, who were also called the breed of Kana, “Ka welo a Kana.”

Lua Nuu was the ancestor, by his eldest son of the Nawao people, and by his youngest son (Kupulupulu) of the Menehune people.

The Nawao people were called by the Hawaiians Ka Lahui Mu Ai Maia o Laau Haeleele. They were a people of large size, wild, and did not associate with the kanakas, they were a hunting people (lahui alualu holoholona). They were numerous in former times, but now they have disappeared.

The Menehunes were a numerous and powerful race, the ancestors of the present Hawaiian people.

This is the legend of Kane Hoa Lani Lua Nuu: Kane (the god) ordered Lua Nuu to go up on a mountain and perform a sacrifice there. Lua Nuu looked among the mountains of Kahikiku, but none of them appeared suitable for that purpose. Then Lua Nuu inquired of God where he might find a proper place, and God replied to him: “Go, travel to the eastward and where you find a sharp-peaked hill projecting precipitously into the ocean, that is the hill for the sacrifice.” Then Lua Nuu and his son Kupulupulu-a-Nuu and his servant Pili Lua Nuu started off in their boat to the eastward; and in remembrance of the event the Hawaiians called the mountains back of Kualoa in Koolau, Oahu, after one of Lua Nuu’s names, Kane Hoalani, and the smaller hills in front of it were named after Kupulupulu and Pili Lua Nuu.

The following are the generations of Lua Nuu:

1 Lua Nuu (k) Ahu (w) Ku Nawao (k) Ka Mee Haku Lani (w) Ka Lani Menehune (k) 2 Ku Nawao (k) Ka Lani Menehune (k) Ka Mole Hikina Aholoholo (k) Kuahine (w) Ka Imi Puka Ku (k) 3 Ka Imi Puka Ku (k) Hooluhi Kupaa (w) Ka Hekili Paapaaina Ke Apaapa Nuu Ke Apaapa Lani Nakeke i Lani Kahiki Apaapa Nuu Kahiki Apaapa Lani Nakolokolo Lani Nakeke Honua Ku i ka Ewa lani Ka Uwai o ka Moku Hoopali Honua Newenewe Mauolina i Kahiki-ku 4 Newenewe Mauolina (k) Nowelo Hikina (w) Kaokao Kalani (k)

5 Kaokao Kalani (k) Heha ka Moku (w) Aniani Ku (k) 6 Aniani Ku (k) Ke Kai Pahola (w) Aniani Ka Lani (k) 7 Aniani Ka Lani (k) Ka Mee Nui Hikina (w) Hawaii Loa or Ke Kowa i Hawaii (k) 8 Hawaii Loa (k)

Hawaii Loa was the ancestor of the Hawaiian family. They were an industrious, agricultural and fishing people. They were also very religious and worshiped Kane, Ku and Lono, either separately, or the joint name and symbol of Ku-Kauakahi. They were therefore called, par excellence, the lahui akua, while all those who worshiped images and such worthless things were called lahui laa luau.

Lua Nuu and his descendants lived to the eastward of Kalana i Hauola, on the land called Aina Lauana a Kane and also Aina Au Apaapa a Kane until the time of Hoopale Honua, but after the time of Newenewe Mauolina they spread far to the eastward of the Aina Au Apaapa a Kane. From the time of Newenewe to Aniani Ku they had spread to the eastern-most shores of Kapakapaua a Kane. In the time of Ke Kowa i Hawaii they arrived at these (Hawaiian) islands.

Several legends refer to this period between Lua Nuu and Hawaii Loa. Those of Kana Loa and his brother Kane Apua, of Makalii, of Maui, of Kana, etc. Makalii was a celebrated king in Kahiki Kapakapaua a Kane. During a season of great fertility he sent his messengers all over the country and collected all the food they could get at and stored it up in Makalii’s storehouses and forts. A famine followed, but Makalii was stingy and had all the food gathered up in nets and hung up out of reach, and great distress came over men and animals. The rats scoured over the earth and found no food; they flared in the air, and there was the food. They then climbed up on the black shining cloud of Kane—ala nui polohiwa a Kane—and on the rainbow and from there they nibbled at Makalii’s nets until they broke and tore them, so that the food fell out on the earth again; and thus was the earth restocked with potatoes, taro, yam, etc. In remembrance of this king some stars have been called Makalii, and the Pleiades have been called “na Huihui,” in memory of Makalii’s nets of food—“na koko a Makalii.”

Kana Loa was the elder and Kane Apua was the younger brother. Their exploits are celebrated, viz: How they overthrew the King Wahanui and how he and his died at sea, how they conducted the Menehune people over the sea and through the wilderness until they came to the land that Kane had given their forefathers, the “Aina i ka Houpo a Kane;” and how they caused water to flow from the rocks, etc. Kana Loa was also called Li Hau Ula and he was a priest (kahuna) of greater renown than any other.

The legend of Maui and how he caught the sun and made him go slower, so that his mother might have more daylight to manufacture her kapa in (akuku i ke kapa), belongs to this period.

In former times there were two modes of worship, or two different creeds here on Hawaii—1. Those who worshiped the God who could not be seen;—2. Those who worshiped the God who could be seen, natural objects, or objects made by hand.—“He Pae a Kane,” “He Pae Kii.”

The one god (Kane) comprised three beings (ouli-wai-akua)—Kane, Ku, Lono. Kane was the root or origin of gods and all created things; Ku or Ku-ka-Pao was the workman who executed everything; Lono was the essence of wisdom, power and incomparable attributes. One god, but viewed under three different aspects. He was called Kane in order that man (“kane”) by being named after him should not forget him.

Before heaven and earth were created these three deities were called Kane-i-ka-Po-Loa, Ku-i-ka-Po-Loa and Lono-i-ka-Po-Loa, and their joint name was Ke Alii Hi-ka-Po-Loa, equivalent to “Almighty God.”

Of all the objects, animate or inanimate, natural or artificial, that were worshiped by the pae kii (idol-worshipers) the fish called Paoolekei was the only one that received no worship.

It was supposed that these kii (images or idols) received power from being entered into and possessed by the spirits of the dead.

After Light had been created or brought forth from the Po (the darkness or chaos) the gods looked upon the empty space (ka lewa) and there was no place to dwell in. They then created the heavens for themselves. Three heavens did they create or call into existence by their word of command. The uppermost heaven was called “Lani-Makua,” the one next below was called “he Lani o Ku,” and the lowest was called “he Lani o Lono.”

When the heavens were made the gods found that their feet ached because there was nothing to support them. So they created the earth for a foot-stool. Hence Kane was called Kane Lu Honua and the earth was called “Ka honua nui a Kane” and also “Keehina honua a Kane.”

After heaven and earth were made Kane created the big and small lights—sun, moon and stars,—and placed them in the empty space between heaven and earth.

Kane also created “i kini akua” (spirits) angels or their equivalents—to act as his servants and messengers. They were created from his spittle. They were supposed to have been created at the time that the stars were made.

The earth, sun, moon and stars were set floating in space (hoolewa ia i ka lewa) by Kane and kept in their places by the power (mana) of Kane.

The ocean (ka moana nui a Kane) surrounded the earth. It was made salt by Kane so that its waters should not stink, and to keep it thus in a healthy and uninfected state is the special occupation of Kane. In imitation of Kane the priests prepare waters of purification, prayer and sanctification (holy water) “wai huikala, wai lupalupa, and Ke Kai olena,” wherewith to drive away demons and diseases; it was called “Ka wai kapu a Kane.”

When the earth had been made and all things on it, man was created, as previously stated, and he was placed on the land called Kalana i Hauola; a beautiful, fertile land stocked with fruits and tame animals. It was also called Aina Hemolele a Kane, also Kapakapaua a Kane. (Its situation on earth seems to have been to the east of those who made the legend—“Kahiki-ku.”)

The first man, generally called Kumu Honua, had a number of names—already mentioned; he was a tall, handsome, majestic looking person, and so was his wife. He was alone upon the land for about one century (kipaelui or kihipea) before his wife Lalo Honua was created.

Among the animals enumerated in the legend as dwelling in peace and comfort with Kumu Honua in Kalani i Hauola were:

Ka puaa nui Hihimanu a Kane (the large Hihimanu hog of Kane); ka ilio nui niho oi a Kane (the large sharp-toothed dog of Kane); ka ilio holo i ka uaua a Lono (the dog running at the voice of Lono); ka puaa maoli (the common hog); ka ilio alii a Kane (the royal dog of Kane); na moo (lizards); moo niho nui, niho oi, wawaka a Kane (the sharp, large-toothed, iridescent lizard of Kane); ka moo olelo a Kane (the talking lizard of Kane); ka moo kolo (the crawling lizard); ka moo pelo a Kane (the deceitful lizard of Kane); ka moo kaala (the warring lizard); ka moo kaula a Kane (the prophetic lizard of Kane); ka moo make a Kane (the deadly lizard of Kane), etc. The moo-pelo a Kane was said to be very skillful in lying and in the old mele he is called “he ilioha kupu ino ku o ka moku.”

Kumu Honua and his wife Lalo Honua lived in Kalana i Hauola until they were driven out by “Ka Aaia-Nukea-nui-a-Kane”—the large white bird of Kane. In Kalana i Hauola grew the “ulu kapu a Kane” and the “ohia hemolele a Kane”—(the sacred breadfruit and sacred apples.)

It was thought by the priests of old that these tabued fruits were the cause of the trouble and death of Kumu Honua and Lalo Honua. Hence in the ancient meles the former was called Kane Laa-Uli, Kumu-Uli, Kulu-Ipo—(the fallen chief—he who fell from, by, or on account of the tree, the mourner, etc.) or names of similar import.

The legends further relate that if strangers ate of the ripe apples of this land, Kalana i Hauola, they died forthwith, and that the native inhabitants, knowing this, never ate them. Here also, and here alone, [grew the] “wauke kapu a Kane,” the cloth which was forbidden to be worn by any but the Alii-kapu who had been properly anointed by the “aila niu a Kane.”

Among many other names for this land was Ulu-Paupau—the fruit which caused defilement and degradation. Another name was Pali-uli. The legend says:

“He aina kapu o Pali-uli. He aina hemolele. He hoopololei ka loaa o ua aina la. He hoiu kapu loa ka hoomakaukau ana, i mea e loaa ’i ua aina la. Ina hewa, aole no e loaa ana. Ina e nana i hope, aole no e loaa. Ina e aloha i ka ohana, aole no e komo i Pali-uli” (A sacred land is Pali-uli, a holy land. One must be righteous to attain it; he must prepare himself exceedingly holy who wishes to reach that land. If sinful he will not get there; if he looks behind he will not get there; if he prefers his family he will not enter in Pali-uli). Says the chant:

O Pali-uli, aina huna a Kane O ka aina i Kalana i Hauola. I Kahiki-ku, i Kapakapaua a Kane. O ka aina i kumu, i lali. O ka aina ai nui a ke Akua.

O Pali-uli, hidden land of Kane, Land in Kalana i Hauola, In Kahiki-ku, in Kapakapaua of Kane, The Land whose foundation shines with fatness, Land greatly enjoyed by the god.

Ulu Kaa was another name for Kalana i Hauola. Aina Huna a Kane, another name. Also Aina a Kane Huna Moku; Aina Kapu a Kane; Aina Elieli a Kane, and Aina i ka Houpo o Kane. This land or Paradise was the central part of the world—“ke kiko waena”—and situated in Kahiki-ku which was a large and extensive continent. It was also called Aina Eepa a Kane; Aina wai-Akua a Kane; also Kahiki-ku.

Kahiki-ku was also called Aina apaapaa a Kane on account of its size and vast dimensions. It was situated to the eastward, and it was there where the gods commenced their creations, hence in olden times the sun (ka la) was called “he Alanui hele a Kane,” and the west was called “he Alanui o ka make.”

In olden times the front of the dwelling houses was turned to the east, as a sign of the Kane worship; and one door or opening was turned to the west in remembrance of Hawaii-Loa or, as he is called Ke Kowa i Hawaii, who came from the westward and discovered or settled on Hawaii, and afterwards returned to the westward, going to Kahiki-ku.

Kalana i Hauola was also called Aina Luana or Aina Lauana a Kane; also the Aina wai ola a Kane. This “wai ola” or living water was a running stream, or overflowing spring (wai kahe), attached to or enclosed in a pond (loko). It was a beautiful transparent clear water. The banks of the pond were splendid. It had three outlets, one for Ku, one for Kane and one for Lono, and through these outlets the fish entered in the pond. If the fish of the pond were thrown on the ground or on the fire, they did not die. If a man had been killed and was sprinkled over with this water he would soon come to life again. According to the ancient worship of Hawaii water and salt were objects of special solicitude. The priests mixed water and salt and prayed over it and it then became a sort of Holy water, a water of purification etc. in remembrance of the pond of living water in the Aina wai ola a Kane.

That land was also called the Aina wauke kapu a Kane, because that wauke was planted by Kane for clothing for the first people, Lepo Ahulu (k) and Lalo Ahulu (w)—Kumu Honua and Lalo Honua.

This land was also called “Aina wai lepolepo o kumu honua a Kane,” because man was formed out of moistened earth. When man was formed, Ku and Kane spat in his nostrils, and Lono spat in his mouth, and the earth model became a living being. This name was also applied to the entire earth as well as to the particular “Kalana i Hauola.” When people died they were said to have gone to the muddy waters of Kane (“ua hoi i ka wai lepolepo a Kane.”) In its wider sense, as the residence of Kumu Honua, after he was turned out of Kalani i Hauola, it applied to the land adjoining the latter. In this sense it was also called “Aina kahiko a Kane.” It was situated to the eastward of Kalana i Hauola, because the chants, prayers, and legends attest that the emigrants from there found land in going to the eastward and that new land they called “na Aina i kulana kai maokioki a Kane” and that great ocean “Ka Moana kai maokioki a Kane,” and also “Ka Moana kai Popolo.” And it is equally certain that when they returned to the Aina Kahiko or to Kahikiku they shaped their course to the westward.

When Kumu Honua was turned out of Kalana i Hauola, he went to live on an island or in a district, which was called after him Kumu Honua Mokupuni. He afterwards returned to the mainland of Kapakapaua a Kane and there he died and was buried on top of a high hill called Kumu Honua Puu, where multitudes of his descendants were also buried. And when in after ages room became scarce in that cemetery only the bones of the head and of the back-bone (“na auhau”) were buried there, and hence it was called Ka Puu Poo Kanaka. It was also called after the various names of Kumu Honua.

[Original notes break at this point, one or more pages probably lost.]

2. Laka. The eldest son of Kumu Honua and Lalo-Honua (w), was also called Kuewa (the vagabond). He killed his younger brother Ahu, and from that time he was called Kolo-i-ke-Ao. He was a bad man and progenitor of the irreligious and godless.

2. Ahu, second son of Kumu Honua, a pious man, built altars and worshiped God. His brother Laka envied him and killed him. He died without leaving any offspring. His other names were Kulu-ipo, and Kolo-i-ka-Po.

2. Kapili, also called Kaiki-ku-a-Kane, was the third son of Kumu Honua. He was a pious man, a kahuna and progenitor of the true worshipers.

4. Ka Wa Kupua. He first organized the order of prophets, soothsayers and magicians.

6. Ake Nui. He was born to the eastward of Kapakapaua-a-Kane and his parents moved to a far off place on account of a famine in their own land.

7. Ka Mauli Newenewe Loa. He attained the greatest age of all mankind: four “Kipaelui” (four hundred years.)

7. Ke Ola i Mauolina a Kane. The most upright and pious man of his time. Hence he was taken away alive from earth and did not die.

8. Ka Lei Lani. He also was remarkable for his piety, and he also was taken away from earth alive by God.

9. Haule i Honua. He was a warrior of renown, and his generation was signalized for skill in war and politics. He moved to or invaded a country south of Kapakapaua-a-Kane called Ku Lalo, or Ka Honua i Lalo, where a warlike people dwelt, who are described in the legend as “he poe poa a me ka pakaha wale” (terms of opprobrium).

11. Lalo o Kona. He was born in that southern land, Ka Honua i Lalo, and hence his name.

12. Hoo Nanea. He was also born in Honua i Lalo, but afterwards he returned to the land of his ancestors (Kapakapaua-a-Kane) and died there.

13. Nuu. He was born to the eastward of Kapakapaua-a-Kane. He was a pious and God-fearing man. In his time came the flood, Kai a Kahinalii. By command of God he built a vessel called, “He waa Halau Alii o ka Moku,” in which he and his escaped.

14. Nalu Akea. He is called the progenitor of the people living on the main land of Kane, “aina kumu paa a Kane.”

14. Nalu Hoohua. He is called the progenitor of “ka poe kekea” (clear skinned). That race of people were called a warlike, proud and quarrelsome people. They did not travel or propagate themselves among the lands of the ocean (aina moana), but dwelt to the westward of Kapakapaua-a-Kane. Therefore the firstborn of Nalu-Hoohua was called Hakui Lani and also Kui ka Ewa Honua.

14. Nalu Manamana. The third and favorite son of Nuu. He is the progenitor of the pure white people (Ka poe keokeo maoli).

A variation in the legend of Nalu-Akea gives him the following descendants:

Naeheehe Lani (k) Hikimoe Kawowoilani (w) Ka Hakui Lani (k) Lui ke Kai (w) Ninihua (k) Ka Io Lani (k) Ka Honua ka Moku (w) Kahiki Moe (k).

15. Ka Io Lani. In his time the worship of Kane was yet pure and unmixed with idolatry.

17. Ka Neenee Lani. Celebrated for his knowledge of astronomy and soothsaying. He was a pious man.

18. Honua o ka Moku. Renowned for agriculture and industry.

20. Hele i kua Hikina. In his time this race began to move to the eastward of Kapakapaua-a-Kane.

21. Hele Moo Loa. In his time the race moved to the eastern border of the main land and dwelt there as strangers.

22. Ke Ao Apaapaa. The race was now settled on the eastern border of Kapakapaua-a-Kane and were pursuing agriculture, fishing and other industrial pursuits.

23. Lua Nuu. He was first called Kane Hoa Lani, but, becoming renowned, he was called Lua Nuu, i.e., the second Nuu. He was also called Kini, and Kinikini. He by command of God first introduced circumcision to be practiced among all his descendants. He left his native home and moved a long way off until he reached a land called Honua i Lalo (the southern country); hence he got the name Lalo-Kona, and his wife was called Honua-Po-i-Lalo. He was the father of Ku Nawao by his slave-woman Ahu, and of Ka lani Menehune by his wife Mee Hiwa.

24. Ku Nawao. He was the progenitor of the people called “Ka Poe Mu-ai Maia” and also “Laau-Haeleele.” He was the oldest son of Lua Nuu and became a wanderer in the Desert.

24. Ka Lani Menehune. He was the father of Aholoholo and Ka Imi Puka Ku, who were twins. Through his cunning and adroitness (maalea) the younger brother, Ka Imi Puka Ku, obtained the affection of his father and was aggrandized by him. His wife came from the east of Kapakapaua-a-Kane and was related to him.

25. Aholoholo, was renowned for his swiftness.

25. Ka Imi Puka Ku, or Kini-Lau-a-Mano. He had twelve children, from the youngest of whom sprang the Hawaiian people.

26. Ka Hekili Paapaaina, Newenewe i Maolina. The oldest and the youngest of Kinilau’s children. The former is said to be the progenitor of the “alii kapu,” and the latter of the “alii wohi.” But the two dignities were united through their children in this wise:

Husband Wife Child

Kahekili Paapaaina Ka Honua i ke Kapu Heha-ka-Moku (w) Newenewe i Maolina Nowelo Hikina Kaokao ka Lani (k) Kaokao ka Lani Heha-ka-Moku Aniani-Ku (k) etc.

29. Aniani ka Lani. In his time this race had got far from the original homesteads. He is quoted by both Tahitian and Hawaiian legends as a progenitor (ku-puna) of their nations.

30. Hawaii Loa, or Ke Kowa i Hawaii. He was one of the four children of Aniani ka Lani. The other three were Ki, who settled in Tahiti, Kana Loa and Laa-Kapu. In his time this ocean was called Kai Holo-o-ka-Ia. It was so called by Hawaii Loa, and at that time there existed only the two islands of Hawaii and of Maui, discovered by him, the first of which was called after himself, and the second was named after his oldest son. The other islands of this group are said to have been hove up from the sea by volcanoes during and subsequent to the time of Hawaii Loa. These two large islands were then uninhabited. Hawaii Loa and his followers were the first inhabitants.

Hawaii Loa and his brothers were born on the east coast of a country called Ka Aina kai Melemele a Kane (the land of the yellow or handsome sea). Hawaii Loa was a distinguished man and noted for his fishing excursions which would occupy sometimes months, sometimes the whole year, during which time he would roam about the ocean in his big vessel (waa), called also a ship (he moku), with his people, his crew and his officers and navigators (“Poe hookele” and “Kilo-hoku.”)

One time when they had thus been long out on the ocean, Makalii, the principal navigator, said to Hawaii Loa: “Let us steer the vessel in the direction of Iao, the Eastern Star, the discoverer of land (Hoku hikina kiu o na aina.) There is land to the eastward, and here is a red star ‘hoku ula’ (Aldebaran) to guide us, and the land is there in the direction of those big stars which resemble a bird (e kapa mai nei me he manu la.)” And the red star, situated in the lap of the goats (i ka poli o na kao) was called Makalii after the navigator’s name. And some other red stars in the circle of the Pleiades (ma ka ponaha o na huhui) were called the Huhui-a-Makalii.

So they steered straight onward and arrived at the easternmost island (ka moku hikina loa.) They went ashore and found the country fertile and pleasant, filled with awa, coconut trees, etc., and Hawaii Loa, the chief, called that land after his own name. Here they dwelt a long time and when their vessel was filled with food and with fish, they returned to their native country with the firm intention to come back to Hawaii-nei which they preferred to their own country. They had left their wives and children at home; therefore they returned to fetch them.

And when they arrived at their own country and among their relations, they were detained a long time before they set out again for Hawaii.

At last Hawaii Loa started again, accompanied by his wife and his children and dwelt in Hawaii and gave up all thought of ever returning to his native land. He was accompanied also in this voyage by a great multitude of people (ka lehulehu), steersmen, navigators, shipbuilders and this and that sort of people. Hawaii Loa was chief of all this people, and he alone brought his wife and children. All the others came singly without women. Hence Hawaii Loa is called the special progenitor of this nation.

On their voyage hither the Morning Star (ka Hoku Loa) was the special star that they steered by. And Hawaii Loa called the islands after the names of his children and the stars after his navigators and steersmen.

After Hawaii Loa had been some time in this country (Hawaii nei), he made another voyage to find his brothers, and to see if they had any children who might become husbands or wives for his own. On this voyage he fell in with his younger brother Ki, on the island of Tahiti, where Ki had settled and called it after one of his own names. Then Hawaii Loa and Ki sailed together to the southward (i ka mole o ka honua), there they found an uninhabited island which Hawaii Loa called after his own name, and another smaller island which he called after his daughter, “Oahu.”

When they had finished their business here they returned to Hawaii and the Hoku-Iwa stars and the Hoku Poho ka Aina, were those that they steered by. On his outward voyage from Hawaii the star called Ke Alii o Kona-i-ka-Lewa and the stars of the Hoku-kea o ka Mole Honua (Southern Cross) were those by which he shaped his course for Tahiti and those other islands. They left from Lae o Kalae in Kau (south cape of Hawaii), and thither they returned.

When Hawaii Loa thus returned he brought with him Tu-nui-ai-a-te-Atua the first-born son of his brother Ki, and he became the husband of his favorite daughter Oahu. These two had afterwards a child called Ku Nui Akea who was born at Keauhou, in Puna, Hawaii. Puna was then a fertile and fine country and it was called Puna by Ku nui ai a ke Akua after his own birthplace, Puna-Auia, in Tahiti.

32. Kunuiakea, on both father’s and mother’s side became a chief of the very highest rank (kapu loa). From him sprang the race of chiefs here in Hawaii (welo alii), and from Makalii sprang the race of the common people (welo kanaka). The first has been kept separate from the most ancient times, and the second has been kept separate from the time of chaos (mai ka Po mai). But the priestly race (welo kahuna) was one and the same with the race of chiefs from the beginning.

When Hawaii Loa arrived here, as before observed, there were only the two islands of Hawaii-Loa and of Maui-ai-Alii; but during his time and close afterwards the volcanoes on Hawaii and on Maui began their eruptions; and earthquakes and convulsions produced or brought to light the other islands.

Kunuiakea’s son Ke Lii Alia, and his grandson Kemilia, were born at Tahiti along with the Aoa, the royal tree; but his great grandson, Ke Lii Ku (Eleeleualani), was born on Hawaii.

35. Eleeleualani was the grandfather of Papa-Nui-Hanau-Moku (w). His wife was called Ka Oupe Alii and was a daughter of Kupukupunuu from Ololoimehani (supposed to be either a name for the island of Nuuhiwa, or of a place on that island). They had a son called Kukalani-ehu, whose wife was Ka Haka-ua-Koko, the sixth descendant from Makalii, and they two were the parents of Papa-Nui (w).

37. Papa-Nui-Hanau-Moku (w). She first married Wakea, who was the son of Kahiko (k) and Tupu-rana-i-te-hau (w) who was a Tahitian woman. Papa’s first child with Wakea was a daughter called Hoohokukalani.

Papa, having quarreled with Wakea on account of their daughter, went to Tahiti and there she took to Te Rii Fanau for husband and had a son called Te Rii i te Haupoipoi. She afterwards returned to Hawaii under the name of Huhune and had a son with Waia and called his name Hinanalo. Domestic troubles now made her crazy and she returned to Tahiti where she had another son with Te Arii Aumai, who was said to be the fourth generation of the Tahiti chiefs, and she called his name Te Arii Taria, and he became chief over that part of Tahiti called Taharuu.

It is thus on account of her being the mother of chiefs, both here and in Tahiti that she is called Papa Nui Hanau Moku. She is said to have been a comely, handsome woman, very fair and almost white.

Papa is said to have traveled eight times between Tahiti and Hawaii, and died in a place called Waieri, in Tahiti, during the time of Nanakehili, the fifth descendant from her and Wakea.

37. Wakea was a wicked and bad man. He instituted the bad and oppressive kapus, such as that men and women could not eat together; that women could not eat red fish, hogs, fowl or other birds, and some kinds of bananas. These kapus were put on to spite and worry Papa, on account of her growling at and reproaching him for his wickedness. Wakea also departed from the ancient worship and introduced idol worship, and many people followed him, because they were afraid of him.

Hawaii Loa was born on the eastern shore of the land of Kapakapaua-a-Kane. One of Hawaii Loa’s grandchildren was called Keaka-i-Lalo (w) whom he married to Te Arii Aria, one of his brother Ki’s grandchildren, and he placed them at Sawaii, where they became the ancestors of that people, Sawaii being then called Hawaii-ku-lalo.

Afterwards Hawaii Loa revisited Tahiti and found that his brother Ki had forsaken the religion in which they were brought up, that of Kane, Ku and Lono, and adopted Ku-waha-ilo, the man-eating God, (ke Akua ai kanaka) as his God. After quarreling with his brother on this account, Hawaii Loa left Tahiti and brought with him Te Arii Apa as a husband for Eleeleualani, his moopuna (grandchild). From these two was born Kohala (w), a girl, from whom the Kohala people sprang.

Afterwards Hawaii Loa went again to Tahiti and Hawaii-ku-lalo (Sawaii) and held a meeting with those peoples at Tarawao, but finding that they persisted in following after the God Ku-waha-ilo and that they had become addicted to man-eating, he reproved and repudiated them, and passed a law called he Papa Enaena, forbidding anyone from Hawaii-Luna (this present Hawaii) from ever going to the southern islands, lest they should go astray in their religion and become man-eaters.

When Hawaii Loa returned from this trip he brought with him Te Arii Tino Rua (w) to be a wife to Ku-Nui-Akea, and they begat Ke Alii Maewa Lani, a son, who was born at Holio in North Kona, Hawaii, and became the Kona progenitor.

After this Hawaii Loa made a voyage to the westward, and Mulehu (Hoku Loa) was his guiding star. He landed on the eastern shore of the land of the Lahui-maka-lilio (the people with the turned up eyes oblique). He traveled over it to the northward and to the westward to the land of Kuahewahewa-a-Kane, one of the continents that God created, and thence he returned, by the way he had come, to Hawaii nei, bringing with him some white men (poe keokeo kane) and married them to native women (a hoo-moe i koonei poe wahine). On this return voyage the star Iao was his guiding star to Hawaii.

After this Hawaii Loa made another voyage to the southern and eastern shore of Kapakapaua-a-Kane, and took with him his grandchild Ku-Nui-Akea in order to teach him navigation, etc. When they had stayed there long enough they returned and Ku-Nui-Akea brought with him “he mau haa elua” (two stewards) one called Lehua and the other Nihoa, and they were settled on the two islands which bear their names, as konohiki (land stewards) and put under the charge of Kauai, the youngest son of Hawaii Loa.

When Hawaii Loa returned from the conference with his brother Ki and his descendants, his wife Hualalai bore him a son who was called Hamakua, and who probably was a bad boy (keiki inoino), for so his name would indicate. Ten years after this (ke Au puni) Hualalai died and was buried on the mountain of Hawaii that has been called after her name ever since.

After Hawaii Loa was dead and gone, in the time of Ku Nui Akea, came Tahiti-nui from Tahiti and landed at Ka-lae-i-Kahiki (the southwest point of Kahoolawe, a cape often made by people coming from or going to Tahiti.) Tahiti-nui was a moopuna of Ki, Hawaii Loa’s brother, and he settled on East Maui and died there.

The descendants of Hawaii Loa and also of Ki (which are one, for they were brothers) peopled nearly all the Polynesian islands. From Ki came the Tahiti, Bora-bora, Huahine, Tahaa, Raiatea and Moorea [people].

From Kanaloa were peopled Nukuhiwa, Uapou, Tahuata, Hiwaoa and those other islands. Kanaloa married a woman from the man-eating people, Taeohae, from whom spring those cannibals who live on Nuuhiwa, Fiji, Tarapara, Paumotu, and the islands in western Polynesia—so is it reported in the Hawaiian legends and prayers—but the Hawaiian islands and the Tahiti islands (properly speaking) did never addict themselves to cannibalism.

The island of Maui was called after Hawaii Loa’s first born son.

The island of Oahu was called after Hawaii Loa’s daughter, and her foster parent was Lua, and hence the name Oahu-a-Lua.

Kauai was called after Hawaii Loa’s younger son; his wife’s name was Waialeale, and they lived on Kauai, and the mountain was called after her, because there she was buried.

And thus other islands and districts were called after the first settlers.

In this first age, from Hawaii Loa to Wakea, the royal authority and prerogatives were not very well defined. The chiefs were regarded more in the light of parents and patrons (haku), than as moi and alii-kapu, although they enjoyed all the honor and precedence due to their rank.

This state of things was considerably altered by Wakea, his priest and successors, yet even so late as the time of Kanipahu, who refused the government, it is evident that the royal authority was not well settled in the olden times (aole he ano nui o na ’lii i ka wa kahiko loa ’ku).

THE STORY OF KAHAHANA.

Within the wonderful and often charming domain of History, from classic to modern times, among so called cultured and so called barbarous peoples, few episodes are marked with greater pathos, or, if better known, would elicit greater interest, than the fall and death of Kahahana, King of Oahu, one of the Hawaiian Islands, about the years 1783–85.

Kahahana was high-born and royally connected. His father was Elani, one of the highest nobles in the Ewa district on Oahu, a descendant, on the Maweke-Lakona line, of the ancient lords of Lihue. His mother was Kaionuilalahai, a daughter of Kalanikahimakeialii, and a sister of Peleioholani, King of Oahu, and a cousin of Kahekili, King of Maui. Through his mother’s connections with the royal house of Maui Kahahana was brought up from his earliest youth on Maui and became a special favorite with his uncle Kahekili. Educated in all the athletic and warlike exercises, which it became a chief of that period to know, Kahahana was remarkable for his personal beauty and manly bearing. Handsome, brave and gallant, he was the idol of the Maui court and the pride of the Oahu aristocracy, his father’s peers, who chafed under the heavy yoke of their own King Peleioholani, and had but small confidence in his son and prospective successor Kumahana.

Though Kahekili was too reserved, some say too morose, to often share in the festivities and entertainments which, through the presence of his sisters, his nieces and other relatives, had made his court at Wailuku, where he mostly resided, a gathering place and a focus for the gallant and gay of all the other isles in the group, yet Kahahana was his alter ego, his rex convivii, whose prudence and popularity harmonized, or at least neutralized, the rival pretensions of Kahekili’s half sister Namahana to be the leading star and the oracle of fashion among the Hawaiian noblesse at her lately acquired domain in Waiehu.

At these princely reunions, these royal feasts, whether at Waiehu or at Wailuku, the palm of beauty and of woman grace was by universal accord awarded to Kekua-poi-ula-o-ka-lani, the youngest sister of Namahana and of Kekuamanoha, of whom we shall hear more hereafter. The legends and narratives handed down from that time have but one expression of her surpassing beauty and winning charms, and the present writer has had the fortune to meet more than one octogenerian Hawaiian who remembers seeing her while still, as Queen of Oahu, she was as remarkable for her incomparable beauty, as in the days, ten or twelve years before, when Kahahana first wooed and won her young affections.

Between Kahahana and Kekuapoi it was an affair of the heart. They loved each other like the commonest mortals and, as at that time no political or social considerations of convenience stood in the way, the union was allowed by Kahekili, whose wards they may be said to have been. They loved each other and, according to the custom and institutions of the land, they became man and wife. Nothing more natural, simple or straightforward. But the anomalous part of their married life was that in those days of social as well as political profligacy, when a chief or a chiefess took as many wives or husbands as he or she fancied or could maintain, Kahahana and Kekuapoi remained true to each other with undivided affection to the end of their lives.

In A.D. 1770 Peleioholani,—son of Kualii, hereditary Sovereign of the island of Oahu, hereditary lord of several districts on Southern Kauai, and, by the grace of his god and the strength of his spear, master and conqueror of the island of Molokai—died, at the advanced age of ninety and upward, and was succeeded by his son Kumahana.

The character of Peleioholani has been variously described in the traditions that have come down from his time. The Hawaii and Maui traditions, or reminiscences, of Peleioholani describe him as proud, arrogant, overbearing—proud, even beyond the most exacting Hawaiian etiquette. Molokai traditions acknowledge his prowess as a warrior, but are merciless in the condemnation of him as a tyrant, whose cruelty went even a step beyond what those cruel times considered admissible. Against those two sources of information we have the Oahu traditions which,—though they acknowledge that he was proud, and justly so, because no bluer blood flowed in anybody’s veins than in his and in his sister Kukuiaimakalani’s—yet assert that his cruelty towards the Molokai chiefs was but a just punishment for their wanton and unprovoked murder of his daughter Keelanihonuaiakama. But whatever his reputation on the other islands, on Oahu he was feared as a stern monarch, but also respected as a just man, under whom the husbandman prospered, priests and artisians were protected, and the naturally turbulent character of the feudal nobles kept under salutary, though at times summary, restraint. As sovereign of his island he made the customary circuits, for political and religious purposes, at stated times; but his favorite residence, when not otherwise occupied, was at Waikiki in the known district, where a perfect forest of coconut trees enclosed his dwelling or palace on three sides, and the pleasant grove of kou trees which his father had planted, threw its delicious shade on the heated sea-beach.

Stern but just, Peleioholani’s reign was a blessing to his kingdom of Oahu, which probably had never since the days of Mailekukahi stood higher in population, wealth, and resources, than at the time of his death.

The contrast between Peleioholani and his son Kumahana had no doubt been apparent to thoughtful men long before the black kapa covered the mortal remains of the father. Chiefs and commoners alike knew the man to whom their fealty now would be pledged. Indolent of body, weak, fickle and avaricious of mind, Kumahana was a failure as a sovereign, and it did not take long to ripen the public mind to that conviction. Feal and loyal as the Oahu chiefs had always been to the Kakuhihewa family, whom for six generations they had looked upon as their representative on the Oahu throne, yet the weaknesses and extravagancies of Kumahana were enough in three short years to alienate chiefs, priests, and commoners to such an extent that when Pupuka, Elani, Makaioulu and other chiefs, in conjunction with the High-priest Kaopulupulu, called a public meeting of chiefs and commoners, to consider the situation of the country and for the avowed purpose of deposing Kumahana, not a voice was heard nor a spear raised in defence of the unfortunate man who then and there was publicly decreed incompetent and unworthy to rule the Oahu kingdom. That meeting and the manner of the execution of its decree find few parallels in the most civilized of modern countries, where the people had to resort to revolution to protect the best interests of their country and their own well-being. It was a public declaration of the national non possumus any longer to suffer the rule of Kumahana. Its execution, through the wonderful unanimity of the national voice, required neither “National Guards,” nor spears, nor clubs, nor barricades to enforce it. It was a veritable vox populi, vox Dei, and the only trait of wisdom recorded of Kumahana was that he quietly submitted to the inevitable and left for Kauai, where the relations of his mother and sister provided a refuge for him and his family at Waimea. And to the lasting credit of those, whose kindred only six years later were stigmatized by civilized Europe as “barbarians,” “savages,” “cannibals,” not a drop of blood was shed in this mighty upheaval of an entire people.

Had I the powers of a Walter Scott to give the reader a description of that remarkable assembly of Oahu notables that then and there convened for high national objects, I gladly would do so. I would describe the preliminary meeting of the District Chiefs, the (Ai-moku), with the High Priest (Kahuna-nui), presiding. I would tell of the dispatch of the High Priest’s messenger or herald, elele, around the island, convoking the chiefs and commoners to the projected assembly, a kind of Hawaiian “Fiery Cross,” speeding from feudal hall to lowliest hamlet; his functions, his privileges, his insignia of office, his formula of convocation. I would describe the meeting of those thus convened; the appearance of the chiefs dressed in their ahu-ula (feather cloaks), their mahiole (feather helmets), their niho palaoa (necklace of whale’s tooth and human hair), their kupee or pupu houka (bracelets of glittering precious shells); carrying their pololu (long spears), in their right hand, their pahoa (dagger of hardened wood), in their malo, or belt, and their newa or war-club looped up under their cloak. I would describe the sturdy makaainana, the commoners or freemen of the land, mustering behind their chiefs, armed with their ihe, javelins, and maa, slings. But abler hands, at some not far distant day, will doubtless weave a pleasant tale from those materials; and I proceed with the main story, from my work, “An Account of the Polynesian Race,” Vol. II, on pages as shown:

Kahahana, son of Elani, of the Ewa line of chiefs, was elected Moi of Oahu in place of Kumahana, son of Peleioholani and grandson of Kualii, who had been deposed by the Oahu chiefs as an incompetent, indolent, penurious and unlovable chief. This occurred about the year 1773 (pp. 65, 290, 154).

It is not improbable that the influence of Kahekili, King of Maui, was in Kahahana’s favor, for in the war between Hawaii and Maui wherein the invading forces of Kalaniopuu were all but annihilated in the battle of Waikapu commons, Kahahana and his Oahu troops were joined with Kahekili in the defence of Maui (p. 154).

In a subsequent attempt of Kalaniopuu to wrest honors from Kahekili, Kahahana is found an ally in the defence of Lahaina, accompanied by Keaulumoku, bard and prophet who, a few years later, composed his famous “Haui Ka Lani” chant foretelling the success and glory of Kamehameha I (p. 156).

Kaeo, King of Kauai, sent two messengers to acquaint Kahahana of Cook’s visit, whereupon Kaopulupulu the high priest of Oahu said: “These people are foreigners; they are surely the people that will come and dwell in this land” (p. 169).

In 1779 Kahahana, the Oahu King, had but lately returned from Maui where he assisted Kahekili in his wars against Kalaniopuu of Hawaii. The rupture between Kahekili and Kahahana did not occur till afterward, in 1780–81 (pp. 197–8).

Kauhi, of Maui, landing at Waikiki on an expedition against Oahu, was met by the chiefs of Oahu, defeated and slain, his body exposed at the Apuakehau (Waikiki) heiau [307], and great indignities were committed with his bones. The memory of this great outrage instigated his descendant, Kahekili, to the fearful massacre of the Oahu chiefs, when, after the battle of Niuhelewai, he had defeated Kahahana and conquered the island (p. 208).

The death of Kahahana closed the autonomy of Oahu (p. 269).

In order to understand the political relations between Kahekili and Kahahana, the king of Oahu, and the causes of the war between them, it is necessary to go back to the year 1773, when Kumahana, the son of Peleioholani, was deposed by the chiefs and makaainana of Oahu. Though Kumahana had grown-up children at the time, yet the Oahu nobles passed them by in selecting a successor to the throne, and fixed their eyes on young Kahahana, the son of Elani, one of the powerful Ewa chiefs of the Maweke-Lakona line, and on his mother’s side closely related to Kahekili and the Maui royal family. Kahahana had from boyhood been brought up at the court of Kahekili, who looked upon his cousin’s child almost as a son of his own. What share, if any, indirectly, that Kahekili may have had in the election of Kahahana, is not known; but when the tidings arrived from Oahu announcing the result to Kahekili, he appears at first not to have been overmuch pleased with it. The Oahu chiefs had deputed Kekelaokalani, a high chiefess, a cousin to Kahahana’s mother and also to Kahekili, to proceed to Wailuku, Maui, and announce the election and solicit his approval. After some feigned or real demurrer, Kahekili consented to Kahahana going to Oahu, but refused to let his wife Kekuapoi-ula go with him, lest the Oahu chiefs should ill-treat her. Eventually, however, he consented, but demanded as a price of his consent that the land of Kualoa in Koolaupoko district should be ceded to him, and also the palaoa-pae (the whalebone and ivory) cast on the Oahu shores by the sea.

Hampered with these demands of the crafty Kahekili, Kahahana started with his wife and company for Oahu, and landed at Kahaloa in Waikiki. He was enthusiastically received, installed as Moi of Oahu, and great were the rejoicings on the occasion.

Shortly after his installation, Kahahana called a great council of the Oahu chiefs and the High Priest Kaopulupulu, and laid before them the demands of Kahekili regarding the land of Kualoa and the palaoa-pae. At first the council was divided, and some thought it was but a fair return for the kindness and protection shown Kahahana from his youth by Kahekili; but the high priest was strongly opposed to such a measure, and argued that it was a virtual surrender of the sovereignty and independence of Oahu, Kualoa being one of the most sacred places on the island, where stood the sacred drums of Kapahuula and Kaahu-ulapunawai, and also the sacred hill of Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha; and that the surrender of the palaoa-pae would be a disrespect to the gods; in fact, if Kahekili’s demands were complied with, the power of war and of sacrifice would rest with the Maui king and not with Kahahana. He represented strongly, moreover, that if Kahahana had obtained the kingdom by conquest, he might do as he liked, but having been chosen by the Oahu chiefs, it would be wrong in him to cede to another the national emblems of sovereignty and independence. Kahahana and all the chiefs admitted the force of Kaopulupulu’s arguments, and submitted to his advice not to comply with the demands of Kahekili.

Kahekili was far too good a politician to display his resentment at this refusal of his demands, knowing well that he could not have the slightest prospects of enforcing them by war so long as the Oahu chiefs were united in their policy, and that policy was guided by the sage and experienced high priest Kaopulupulu. He dissembled, therefore, and kept up friendly relations with Kahahana, but secretly turned his attention to destroy the influence of Kaopulupulu in the affairs of Oahu, and create distrust and enmity between him and Kahahana. In this object he is said to have been heartily advised and assisted by his own high priest, Kaleopuupuu, the younger brother of Kaopulupulu. Kaleopuupuu envied his brother the riches and consideration which his wisdom and skill had obtained for him. Moreover, the warlike preparations of his brother-in-law, the Hawaii king Kalaniopuu, cautioned him against precipitating a rupture with so powerful an ally as the Oahu king; and Kahekili was but too glad to obtain the assistance of Kahahana and his chiefs in the war with Kalaniopuu, 1777–78, Kahahana’s forces arriving from Molokai just in time to share the sanguinary battle on the Waikapu common, [308] related on page 153, [Fornander, Polynesian Race, II] and the subsequent events of that war.

After the return of Kalaniopuu to Hawaii in January, 1779, Kahahana went over to Molokai to consecrate the heiau called Kupukapuakea at Wailau, and to build or repair the large taro patch at Kainalu known as Paikahawai. Here he was joined by Kahekili, who was cordially welcomed and royally entertained. On seeing the fruitfulness and prosperity of the Molokai lands, Kahekili longed to possess some of them, and bluntly asked Kahahana to give him the land of Halawa. Kahahana promptly acceded to the request, not being moved by the same considerations regarding the Molokai lands as those of Oahu, Molokai having been conquered and subjected as an appanage or tributary to the Oahu crown by Peleioholani. At this meeting, while discussing Kahahana’s previous refusal to give Kahekili the Kualoa land and the palaoa-pae on Oahu, Kahekili expressed his surprise at the opposition of Kaopulupulu, assuring Kahahana that the high priest had offered the government and throne of Oahu to him (Kahekili), but that out of affection for his nephew he had refused; and he intimated strongly that Kaopulupulu was a traitor to Kahahana.

The poisoned arrow hit its mark, and Kahahana returned to Oahu filled with mistrust and suspicion of his faithful high-priest. A coolness arose between them. Kahahana withdrew his confidence from, and slighted the advice of the high-priest, who retired from the court to his own estate in Waialua and Waimea, and caused himself and all his people and retainers to be tatooed on the knee, as a sign that the chief had turned a deaf ear to his advice. It is said that during this period of estrangement Kahahana became burdensome to the people, capricious and heedless, and in a great measure alienated their good-will. It is said, moreover, that he caused to be dug up dead men’s bones to make arrow-points wherewith to shoot rats—a favorite pastime of the chiefs; and that he even rifled the tombs of the chiefs in order to make kahili handles of their bones, thus outraging the public sentiment of the nation. That Kahahana was imprudent and rash, and perhaps exacting, there is no doubt; and that conquered chieftains’ bones were the legitimate trophies of the victors is equally true; but that Kahahana would have violated the tombs of the dead—an act of the greatest moral baseness even in those days—is hardly credible, and is probably an after exaggeration, either by the disaffected priestly faction or by the victorious Kahekili plotters.

While such was the condition on Oahu, Kahekili reconquered the district of Hana, as already related, and, hearing of the death of Kalaniopuu and the subsequent contentions on Hawaii, he felt secure in that direction, and seriously turned his attention to the acquisition of Oahu. He first sent some war canoes and a detachment of soldiers under command of a warrior chief named Kahahawai [309] to the assistance of Keawemauhili [310], the then independent chief of Hilo, in his contest with Kamehameha. He next sent his most trusted servant Kauhi to Kahahana on Oahu, with instructions to inform Kahahana in the strictest confidence that Kaopulupulu had again offered him the kingdom of Oahu, but that his regard for Kahahana would not allow him to accept it, and exhorting Kahahana to be on his guard against the machinations of the high-priest. Credulous as weak, Kahahana believed the falsehoods sent him by Kahekili, and, without confiding his purpose to any one, he resolved on the death of Kaopulupulu. Preparations were ordered to be made for a tour of the island of Oahu, for the purpose of consecrating heiaus and offering sacrifices. When the king arrived at Waianae he sent for the high-priest, who was then residing on his lands at Waimea and Pupukea, in the Koolau district, to come to see him. It is said that Kaopulupulu was fully aware of the ulterior objects of the king, and was well convinced that the message boded him no good; yet, faithful to his duties as a priest and loyal to the last, he started with his son Kahulupue to obey the summons of the king. Arrived at Waianae, Kahulupue was set upon by the king’s servants, and, while escaping from them, was drowned at Malae. [311] Kaopulupulu was killed at Puuloa, in Ewa.

Thus foolishly and cruelly Kahahana had played into the hand of Kahekili, who, with his high-priest Kaleopuupuu, had for a long time been plotting the death of Kahahana’s ablest and wisest counsellor.

Though executions de par le roi of obnoxious persons for political reasons were not uncommon in those days throughout the group, and by the proud and turbulent nobility generally looked upon more as a matter of personal ill-luck to the victim than as a public injustice, yet this double execution, in the necessity of which few people except the credulous Kahahana believed, greatly alienated the feelings of both chiefs and commoners from him, and weakened his influence and resources to withstand the coming storm.

The death of Kaopulupulu took place in the latter part of 1782 or beginning of 1783.

As soon as Kahekili heard that Kaopulupulu was dead, he considered the main obstacle to his acquisition of the island of Oahu to be removed, and prepared for an invasion. He recalled the auxiliary troops under Kahahawai which he had sent to the assistance of Keawemauhili in Hilo, and assembled his forces at Lahaina. Touching at Molokai, on his way, he landed at Waikiki, Oahu. Among his chiefs and warriors of note on this expedition are mentioned Kekuamanoha, Kaiana, Namakeha, Kalaikoa, Kamohomoho, Nahiolea, Hueu, Kauhikoakoa, Kahue, Kalaninuiulumoku, Peapea, Manono-Kauakapekulani, Kalanikupule, Koalaukane. [312] Besides his own armament, he had several double canoes furnished him by Keawemauhili of Hilo, and by Keouakuahuula of Kau.

Kahahana was at Kawananakoa, in the upper part of Nuuanu valley, when the news came of Kahekili’s landing at Waikiki, and hastily summoning his warriors, he prepared as best he could to meet so sudden an emergency.

As an episode of this war the following legend has been preserved and may prove interesting: When the news of the invasion spread to Ewa and Waialua, eight famous warriors from these places, whose names the legend has retained, concerted an expedition on their own account to win distinction for their bravery and inflict what damage they could on Kahekili’s forces. It was a chivalrous undertaking, a forlorn hope, and wholly unauthorized by Kahahana, but fully within the spirit of the time for personal valor, audacity, and total disregard of consequences. The names of those heroes were Pupuka, [313] Makaioulu, Puakea, Pinau, Kalaeone, Pahua, Kauhi, and Kapukoa. Starting direct from Apuakehau in Waikiki, where Kahekili’s army was encamped and organizing preparatory to a march inland to fight Kahahana, the eight Oahu warriors boldly charged a large contingent of several hundred men of the Maui troops collected at the heiau. In a twinkling they were surrounded by overwhelming numbers, and a fight commenced to which Hawaiian legends record no parallel. Using their long spears and javelins with marvellous skill and dexterity, and killing a prodigious number of their enemies, the eight champions broke through the circle of spears that surrounded them. But Makaioulu, though a good fighter was a bad runner, on account of his short bow-legs, and he was overtaken by Kauhikoakoa, a Maui chief. Makaioulu was soon tripped up, secured, and bound by Kauhikoakoa, who swinging the captive up on his own shoulders, started off with him for the camp to have him sacrificed as the first victim of the war. This affair took place on the bank of the Punaluu taro patch, near the coconut grove of Kuakuaaka. Makaioulu, thus hoisted on the back of his captor, caught sight of his friend Pupuka, and called out to him to throw his spear straight at the navel of his stomach. In hopes of shortening the present and prospective tortures of his friend, and knowing well what his fate would be if brought alive into the enemy’s camp, Pupuka did as he was bidden, and with an unerring aim. But Makaioulu, seeing the spear coming, threw himself with a violent effort on one side, and the spear went through the back of Kauhikoakoa. Seeing their leader fall, the Maui soldiers desisted from further pursuit, and the eight champions escaped.

In the beginning of 1783—some say it was in the month of January—Kahekili, dividing his forces in three columns, marched from Waikiki by Puowaina, Pauoa, and Kapena, and gave battle to Kahahana near the small stream of Kaheiki. Kahahana’s army was thoroughly routed, and he and his wife Kekuapoi-ula fled to the mountains. It is related that in this battle Kauwahine, the wife of Kahekili, fought valiantly at his side.

Oahu and Molokai now became the conquest of Kahekili, and savagely he used his victory.

For upwards of two years or more Kahahana and his wife and his friend Alapai [314] wandered over the mountains of Oahu, secretly aided, fed, and clothed by the country people, who commiserated the misfortunes of their late king. Finally, weary of such a life, and hearing that Kekuamanoha, the uterine brother of his wife Kekuapoi-ula, was residing at Waikele in Ewa, he sent her to negotiate with her brother for their safety. Dissembling his real intentions, Kekuamanoha received his sister kindly and spoke her fairly, but having found out the hiding-place of Kahahana, he sent messengers to Kahekili at Waikiki informing him of the fact. Kahekili immediately returned preemptory orders to slay Kahahana and Alapai, and he sent a double canoe down to Ewa to bring their corpses up to Waikiki. This order was faithfully executed by Kekuamanoha; and it is said that the mournful chant which still exists in the Hawaiian anthology of a bygone age under the name of “Kahahana” was composed and chanted by his widow as the canoe was disappearing with her husband’s corpse down the Ewa lagoon on its way to Waikiki.

The cruel treachery practised on Kahahana and his sad fate, joined to the overbearing behaviour and rapacity of the invaders, created a revulsion of feeling in the Oahu chiefs, which culminated in a wide-spread conspiracy against Kahekili and the Maui chiefs who were distributed over the several districts of Oahu. Kahekili himself and a number of chiefs were at that time living at Kailua; Manonokauakapekulani, Kaiana, Namakeha, Nahiolea, Kalaniulumoku, and others, were quartered at Kaneohe and Heeia; Kalanikupule, Koalaukane, and Kekuamanoha were at Ewa, and Hueu was at Waialua.

The Oahu leaders of the conspiracy were Elani, the father of Kahahana, Pupuka and Makaioulu, above referred to, Konamanu, Kalakioonui, and a number of others. The plan was to kill the Maui chiefs on one and the same night in the different districts. Elani and his band were to kill the chiefs residing at Ewa; Makaioulu and Pupuka were to kill Kahekili and the chiefs at Kailua; Konamanu and Kalakioonui were to dispatch Hueu at Waialua. By some means the conspiracy became known to Kalanikupule, who hastened to inform his father, Kahekili, and the Maui chiefs at Kaneohe in time to defeat the object of the conspirators; but, through some cause now unknown, the messenger sent to advise Hueu, generally known as Kiko-Hueu, failed to arrive in time, and Hueu and all his retainers then living at Kaowakawaka, in Kawailoa, of the Waialua district, were killed. The conspiracy was known as the “Waipio Kimopo” (the Waipio assassination), having originated in Waipio, Ewa.

Fearfully did Kahekili avenge the death of Hueu on the revolted Oahu chiefs. Gathering his forces together, he overran the districts of Kona and Ewa, and a war of extermination ensued. Men, women, and children were killed without discrimination and without mercy. The streams of Makaho and Niuhelewai in Kona, and that of Hoaeae in Ewa, are said to have been literally choked with the corpses of the slain. The native Oahu aristocracy were almost entirely extirpated. It is related that one of the Maui chiefs, named Kalaikoa, caused the bones of the slain to be scraped and cleaned, and that the quantity collected was so great that he built a house for himself, the walls of which were laid up entirely of the skeletons of the slain. The skulls of Elani, Konamanu, and Kalakioonui adorned the portals of this horrible house. The house was called “Kauwalua,” and was situated at Lapakea in Moanalua, as one passes by the old upper road to Ewa. The site is still pointed out, but the bones have received burial.

The rebellion of the Oahu chiefs appears to have had its supporters even among the chiefs and followers of Kahekili. Kalaniulumoku, the son of Kamehamehanui and nephew of Kahekili, took the part of the Oahu chiefs, and was supported by Kaiana, Namakeha, Nahiolea, and Kaneoneo, [315] the grandson of Peleioholani. Their struggle was unsuccessful, and only added to the long list of the illustrious slain. Kalaniulumoku was driven over the Pali of Olomana and killed; Kaneoneo was killed at Maunakapu, as one descends to Moanalua; Kaiana, Nahiolea, and Namakeha escaped to Kauai. A number of chiefesses of the highest rank—“Kapumoe”—were killed, mutilated, or otherwise severely afflicted. Kekelaokalani, the cousin of Kahahana’s mother and of Kahekili, made her escape to Kauai. As an instance of deep affection, of bitterness of feeling, and of supreme hope of return and revenge at some future day, it is said that she took with her when she fled some of the Oahu soil from Apuakehau, Kahaloa, Waialua, and Kupalaha at Waikiki, and deposited it at Hulaia, Kaulana, and Kane, on Kauai (pp. 217–227).

A LAMENTATION FOR KAHAHANA. [316]

BY KALAWELA. [318]

Thou and thy companion [319] have fled to Ewa, 1. Thou dids’t go and also my chief, [320] Both fled hastily [321] in destitution— Fled poverty-stricken [322] to the plain, To the solitude [323] in Kawailele. 5. Lo! there was the sacred drum— The drum [324] in the temple of Kekeleaiku. Thou art Hiolani, [325] the war-sounding bird [326] Of Halaulani at Hanapouli, [327] Through the torn hau, [328] seaward at Kupahu, 10. There was Kalohai. Puanakau [329] was the month; The month of Hikilei is quite certain. Hionalele, Kamaka, Kemilia, [330] Hikimauelemauele [331] his companion, 15. They two borne upon the ocean, From the many harbors [332] of Puuloa, On the chief’s canoe Kaiolohia. [333] Speak! the many paddles [334] bearing the chief Who is upon the canoe platform. [335] 20. Leahi [336] rises beautifully in the calm; It is separated, it is cut asunder. The people on the canoes thought a sea lay between, But there was no sea; it was deceiving, There was a joining indeed upland of Huewa. 25. Scorched by the summer [337] sun Is the brown grass of Mauuenaena, Browned [338] by the sea of Kalehuawehe In the surf-riding villages [339] at Aiohi. Greeting! [340] companions of the first winter’s surf, 30. Uncertain [341] is the sea for the double canoe [342] An endeared canoe [343] to the memory of Moholekinau, the chief. O Laauli, O Lanikele, O Kamahukeleaola, The man of the pali [344] now enters Peapea; Enters the house [345] of braided coconut leaves; 35. The unthatched [346] house on the beach there thou dwellest. Whose is the right of residence, That you may be at ease [347] on this shore? Kona [people] have gone; [348] Koolau has forsaken [you]; You are friendless [349] at that shore— 40. That friendly shore [350] where you two are sleeping, Benumbed [351] in the forbidden sea devoted to Keawe, Thou with very dark chin, whose eyes are black; [352] Friends [353] are they to the sacredness of the chief. The chief is a flower, a flower not scattered [354] for the islands. 45. Wonderful [355] is the chief of Oahu, The chief rests comfortable [356] at Kona in the calm— The perfect calm [357] of the heavy rain Beating down the grass. The resident laughs, [358] the surfs break 50. In the processions of Kauahui. [359] Thou art perhaps united [360] with him in sleep Till the sickening wind abates, calmed by the Kaunulau. [361] Stop! [362] let the canoe be roped, A canoe rope fastened to the cliff, 55. To the cliff, thou! [363] to the salt pond! To the maomao [364] [trees] at Kinimakalehua. [365] Men [366] are dwelling in the wilderness Until the soldier [367] becomes red— The soldier [368] stretched out in the sun. 60. Erect the haka [369] with the insignia of a high chief! Perhaps thou hast seen [370] [him] O rain, and thou sun! This is the chief who lies here, Lying naked, [371] without covering— Sleeping in the rain of the winter. 65. O thou chief of ill-looking face in the heavens [372] Powerful is the chief that disregards the kapu Of the dark blue [373] of Lono, the ill-looking face in the heavens. The chief has gone, a soul without a body; The chief has become a shriveled, [374] thin soul. 70. The voice of the spirit calls to his companion in sleep, Alapai; Kepookukahauhanaokama. [375] A child indeed was he, a nurtured, fondled [376] child, He was his bosom companion, of the extreme end of the long pali [377] of Koolau. Koolau is also entitled to sympathy, [378] 75. Ye traveling companions [379] with ti-leaf malos, Seen only during soft, [380] frequent rains, That nourish the makahala, [381] That scattereth the budding [382] leaves of the lehua Which salutes [383] thee, O Kalauli. 80. A small hog-bearing canoe [384] [Is] thy witness; [385] my director in the wilderness, My guide in the deep ravines, Thou wast an inhabitant, but hast gone. [386] I thought [387] my chief had departed. 85. The koa-canoe bore him hence— Mahuka carried him away [388] to a place of safety, [there] perhaps he will live. What is the offence of the man [389] That he has grievously [390] done against that sea? The sea that bears away the ako, and the ama! 90. Canoe floating [391] on its bosom by this means reached there; Landed shriveled, [392] weak and cold on that shore. Finished is the fatigue; [393] compassion for you. The eyes of his friend were fixed upon him. O my sacred girdle [394] of Liloa, 95. The outside [395] girdle when Umi was king, That is the offence for which his property was taken. He sits by the sea, [396] a resident by the ocean, the warrior, Lonokaeho [397] of projecting forehead. The red kapas of the two chiefs, 100. You are two, [398] we are two; Unite together [399] in the path [ye men] of Apua, Revealed you by the risen sun of Waianae [400] The gentle wind [401] loosens the leaves of the coconut, It enters directly [402] into the house, 105. Grateful for warmth is the house, Chilled by the mountain breeze, sleeping in the cold— In the cold waikaloa wind. [403] Long [404] is the path on traveling it; [He] went astray [405] in the wilderness of Halemano, 110. In the uplands of Wahiawa, far inland Where dwelt the clouds, there resting, Residing in quietness. The wind whispers and gathers the clouds together— Whispers, [406] for the stream slumbers. Love be to the water! 115. The cold water of the wilderness you two frequented, [Yea,] the mountain climbers are shivering with the cold.

. . . . .

The procession [407] is ascending the mountain To that far distant [408] place, O chief! [409] Reaching [410] for that tender bud [411] of heaven. 120. The heaven [412] is perhaps revealing the chief Sleeping The sacred sleep of niolopua, [413] He slept all day until night; Through the night also. 125. Pierced [414] is my chief by the a’u. He has gone in the short path of Kanaloa, The length [415] of whose body is like that of Kana Who fathomed [416] an indefinite length— That, indeed, [417] is the length of the chief. 130. There is perhaps not his like. [418] Long time [419] the chief lay in the road, The chief lay motionless [420] in the dust, That is the dust of Kanenuhonua, [421] But he is concealed [422] in the sky of heaven; 135. Dim [423] were the eyes [in looking] for he had quite vanished. Kiowaikaala [424] of Waianae, A fountain of Kalalau, upland Of Makanipalua, above at Haliala, These are thy names. [425] 140. Alas! my companion [426] of Koolau, From the trade winds of Kailua [427] Which constantly fan [428] the leaves of the uki; The beautifully cultivated plain of Alele, [429]

[And] the dark of the hau [430] [trees] untraversed, 145. Constantly passed by [431] But never penetrated. Thou hast scattered thy many bodies, [432] numerous, in the ocean; They are swimming. The eye of friendship [433] was the cause of [his going to] death. 150. He has founded the night— [434] The bottomless pit is the foundation [435] of fear in the chief. Chief of the dark obscurity, the fearful night; [436] Heavy, saddening fear [437] is in the heavy chief, Weighed down [438] under the greatness of his love. 155. I am looking [439] around, desiring the sight [of my chief]. I do not see him, [440] he has forever disappeared, Made sacred in the sea [441] cut off by Kane, There at Kuaihelani [442] he has gone. The beautiful red-cloud of heaven [443] is thy name. 160. Thou art a sacred child of Kaeha. [444] Ye two lay in the calm [445] [sea] of Kahaloa, A resident [446] of the sea at Hauola, A resident dwelling at the cape of Waiaula. Kona greatly mourns [447] 165. In the very long days [448] of summer, Bearing [449] the remnant of friendship [to the shores] below. Thus, even him, [450] thou hast carried to heaven. Have compassion [451] on the child— The companion whom thou namedest; 170. There declaring [452] at Lahonua, To sleep together [453] in the sea spray, [454] One, [a] real chief has departed. [455] The division, the land, both [456] Gone with the great [457] company but never [to] return. 175. Heaven is the sacred fireplace of the chief— The exalted chief [458] in the sea of Peapea and Kamanu. Kaioea of Maui is the wizard [459] that hears unearthly sounds, A wizard is the chief [460] for the island. It is commonly said of my chief [461] 180. Palila [462] is from the night, [But] the chief is from the world of light. [463] It is disputed [464] the path he has gone. My chief is alive [or] he is dead [perhaps]. We together know [465] well 185. That the chief went at noon. [466] He has perhaps followed [467] his wife. Kona is become feeble, [468] feeble is Wailuku. That was the wife Beloved [469] by the chief that is dead. 190. The chief died [470] quietly, He was covered [471] with a coconut leaf; He sleeps quietly: [472] There is thy mother [473] for thy pleasure; for thy pleasure. The chief has returned again [474] to the time of infancy when he was tossed in the arms. 195. The chief Kaumakoa, the king, Changed his appearance and voice, [475] He sat with feminine modesty [476] only, A hermaphrodite perhaps from Honokawailani. [477] A chief possessor of land, [478] a chief by descent from kings, [479] 200. A chief that sees with his own eyes, [480] looked closely at the kapu. The heavens are covered with fleecy, filmy clouds, [481]

. . . . .

A distant sea, [482] a foamy sea is Kailua, Fanned, [483] cooled by the gentle breeze. The hau [484] is the path, a narrow strip; 205. Go carefully [485] lest you fall dead in the sun, The god that dwells [486] on Kapolei hill. The sun is wailing [487] on account of the women of Kamao, A hiding god, [488] blossoming ohai [489] of the banks, Contented [490] among the stones— 210. Among the breadfruit [491] planted by Kahai. Thou wast spoken of by the oo— [492] By the bird [493] of Kanehili. My chief also was seen [494] Above the dense Kanalio fog [495] by the bird— 215. That bird [496] dazed by smoke, Falling to the ground is caught [497] by men. The bird scents [498] the sea spray, There indeed by the sea is my chief, On a very sacred day, [499] at the sacred altar, 220. A god that raises up the sea [500] at Oneula. His traveling companions were indifferent [501] about accompanying him. Faint hearted [502] they forsook him; the chief lived alone. Unsafe [503] upon the height of the pali is the path— A wooden bridge [504] is the path 225. To the landing for canoes [505] of Hamakua To ascend and lie quietly above, Even the canoe of Kuileiakamokala. [506] Long since [507] my lord has been gone; The eye twinkled; [508] he was gone. 230. Burst forth O Uli— [509] Burst the waters— To query; to question; water? water? Drinking water is the water of Laka, Laka indeed was his name. 235. When the chief suddenly died, [510] He marked in the forbidden sand [511] of Kaha, The place trodden alone by my lord. Dark [512] was the rain; the dark cloud burst over the forest; Heedlessly [513] the rain fell upon the pandanus, 240. Upon the heads [514] of the pandanus was the rain of Hanau. The speaking god [515] brought forth— The chiding god [516] carrying his sleeping victim away To the sea-beach; [517] to the shore of Kama. Kama of the wreath of Moopuali, [518] 245. Chief [519] of the high swelling seas, Even the land of Maakaina. [520] Thou the younger brother, [521] the elder that of the chief. There is knowledge, knowledge indeed, [522] 250. There is righteousness, righteousness indeed, My constant companions [523] [now] disappeared, Where have they two [524] gone? The district is being fanned, [525] it is lulled by the calms, Till the arch [526] of the canoe appears. 255. Adjusted is the pali, [527] made smooth by the sun, The wind has abated [528] again at Laiewaha. The child seizes and enjoys the calm, [529] Very calm is Kona. The calm stretches not [530] to Kauna, [531] 260. It is overcome [532] by the winds of Kau. Kahaanaweli troubles [533] as with a storm. Fearful [534] is the storm [535] of Pele’s hills at Piliwale, Which was brought to me and left outside [536] the house. He left for his fear [537] of the stones, 265. The sharp-edged [538] stones of the spear— A spear, the east wind, [539] a child of Kau, It scares [540] him; He is now afraid of the wind. I am returning [541] in the calm, 270. In the calm, smooth, placid [542] sea, Reached [543] after like something inland— The faint track [544] of a canoe when it goes on the sea. In the sea plant the koi, [545] the pandanus, the lehua; The lehua, the noni blossoms in the sea; 275. The sea is quite red with them. It is a great distance [546] to Kawaihae. Reaching Kawaihae [547] the baggage is [found] broken, Reduce [548] the baggage of the travelers, If the company are slow [549] it will be hot; 280. Sleep early [550] in the plain of Moolau in Puuhuna. The blossom of the Koaie [551] at Waika; at Waika is it. Strike off the dew, [552] the daily moisture, Very high [553] is the sun upon the highland of Kaipuhaa. The winds dance, [554] strike and fight together, 285. Battling [555] in the presence of Makanipalua. There is no second [556] to the goodness of Kohala, That is beaten [557] by the Apaa wind. The oven brush-wood [558] of the taro-patch banks, The easily-broken bordering [559] white cane of Kehei, 290. From the outside [560] of Kohala to the inside, Call to me [561] thou who art there inside, Here is the hill [562] (of difficulty) without here, the cold.

O pililua oe, o helelua i Ewa, 1. O ka hele oe a ka’u lani, O kaapikikolo olua ia lua mea— Omeamea wale ia iho i ke kula e, I ka oneanea i Kawailele. 5. Nolaila ka! o Kahapuulono, o Kapaikaualulu— O ka pahu i loko o Kekeleaiku. O Hiolani oe, o ka pueo kani kaua No Halaulani i Hanapouli, No ka welu hau i ke kai, i Kupahu, 10. Nolaila ka o Kalohai. O Puanakau ka malama; O ka malama o Hikilei akaka lea, O Hionalele, o Kamaka, o Kemilia, O Hikimauelemauele kona lua e. 15. Elua laua i ka moana e, Oia kai ke awalau o Puuloa, Iluna o Waakaiolohia lani. E i! lau hoe ia ana ka lani, Oia kai luna i ka pola waa e. 20. Kupu maikai Leahi i ka malie; Iaea e ke kai, a moku okoa. Kuhi ka waa holo, he kai ko waena, Aole ka he kai; he hoopunipuni, He pili ka no uka o Huewa. 25. Ua ehu wale i ka la o Makalii Ke oho kukai o Mauuenaena, I enaena i ke kai o Kalehuawehe I na kulana heenalu i Aiohi. Aloha! na hoa o ka nalu mua kau, 30. O kulana kai o ke kaulua e— He kaulua aloha keia e Moholekinau, ka lani. O Laauli, o Lanikele, o Kamahukeleaola, O ke kanaka o ka pali komo i Peapea; Komo i ka hale pea lau niu; 35. Hale pili ole o ke kaha ke noho oe, Owai la ke kuleana o ka noho ana, I nanea’i oe i ke kaha nei? Ua hele Kona; he ole Koolau; Ua kuleana ole ua kaha la— 40. Ua kaha aloha la a olua e moe maila, E kamaele kai kapu, laahia Keawe, E ka auwae ele lua, i ele ka maka; O ka makamaka ia o ke kapu o ke ’lii. He pua ka lani, he pua laha ole nei no na moku. 45. He kamahao ka lani na Oahu, I walea ka lani i Kona, i ka lulu— I ka pohu wale o ka ua waahia, Ke halii maila i ke pili. Akaaka ke kupa, haki na nalu 50. I na huakai o Kauahui. I hui ia paha oe e moe mai la A manawaohua ka makani, pahola iho la Kaunulau. E ku! e kaula ka waa, He waa huki kaula i ka pali. 55. I ka pali la oe! i ke alia! I ka maomao la i Kinimakalehua. Noho ana kanaka i ka nahelehele A hiki moano ka lehua— Ke koa i kau i ka la. 60. E kau ae i ka haka weloula lani! Ua ike paha oe, e ka ua, e ka la! Ea ke lani e moe nei. E loloaikulani wale ana, aohe kapa— E moe wale ana i ka ua o hooilo. 65. E ka lani nui maka hakuma i ka lani. Makolukalanimakahakumaikekapu O ke kahiwa o Lono, ka hakuma lani. Ua hele uhane ka lani, aohe kino; Ua uhane ololi wale ka lani. 70. Ua hanehane ka leo, ke hea i kona hoa moe o Alapai; O Kepookukahauhanaokama. He kama la hoi ia, he kamalei, O kona hoa moe no ka ia, o ka pali welau loloa o Koolau. No Koolau hoi kekahi aloha, 75. E ka huakai malo lauki, Ike wale e ka ua haao, Ua hanai ka makahala; Ke lu la i ka muo o ka lehua I ui wale ae ia oe, e Kalauli. 80. He waa puaa Kahuoi Kuu hoike, kuu hoikeike o ka nahele, Kuu alakai o ka pali loa e. Akahi o nohoia a hala aku la. Kai noa ua hala kuu lani. 85. Ua lawe la koa waa— Ua ahai la o Mahuka i ke ola, ola la paha. O ke aha la ka hala a ke kanaka I hana ino ai ua kai la? O ke kai lawe i ako, lawe ama e! 90. Waa ua umauma, ke ala e hiki ai; Pae maeele i ke ka honua e. Kuu ka luhi, aloha ia oe. Kau mai ana ka maka hoaloha. E kuu kaai kapu au o Liloa e, 95. O ke kaai mawaho, o Umi he ’lii, O ka hala ia kui papa mokumoku i ke au Noho i ke kai, kamaaina aku la ka moana e; o ke koa-i-a-. O Lonokaeho lae wakawaka. O na kapa ula o na lani a elua e, 100. Elua olua, elua maua; Paiha oukou i ke ala e Apua, O ko kaina ala liu ka la o Waianae. Wehe ke kaiaulu i ke oho o ka niu, Komo okoa iloko o ka hale, 105. Aloha ka hale i ka mehana e, Hai i ke hau, moe i ke anu— I ka makani anu he waikaloa e. Loa ke ala ke hele ia; Hele hewa i ka nahele o Halemano, 110. I ka uka o Wahiawa, i ka uka lilo e Noho i ka ao, noho ihola e, Nanea ka noho ana. Ia kuololo ololo pua i ka makani ke ao— Ololo, ua nopa ke kahawai. Aloha ka wai! 115. A olua e hele’i i ka wai anu o ka nahele, Ua li wale i ke koekoe ka huakai hele pii mauna e.

. . . . .

Ka huakai hele, hele pii mauna—e— Haele i ka uka lilo, e ka lani! Loua i kela muo o ka lani. 120. O ka lani hoikea ka mea paha ia nei E moe ana I ka hiamoe kapu o niolopua. E moe ana a po ka la—e— Po wale ho-i— 125. Moku i ke a’u la kuu lani. I haele i ke ala muku a Kanaloa, O ka kino loa e like me Kana I anana ia a puehu ka loa— Hoi ha ka nui o ka lani—e—. 130. Like ole paha. I loa ka lani i moe i ke ala—e— Moe oni ole ka lani i ka ea—e— Oia ke ea na Kanenuhonua. Huna aku la i ke aouli ka lani; 135. Liua hoi ka maka i ka nalo loa. Kiowaikaala no Waianae, He poowai no Kalalau, i uka No Makanipalua, i ka luna i Haliala. Kou inoa. 140. Auwe! kuu hoa o ke Koolau Mai ka Malanai o Kailua—e— Ke ahe wale la i ke oho o ke uki; I ke kula puukaa la o Alele, I ka pouli hau aoi hala, 145. Hala hoomau, Hele loa e— Lu iho la i ko nui kino, oleoleo la i ka moana—e— Au mai ana. Ka maka hoaloha ke kumu o ka po. 150. Hookumu ka po— Ka po ka mole ka weli o ke alii. Alii o poluluhi, poweliweli; Weliweli kaumaha i na lani hakoi, Hakoi o kona nui ko aloha—e— 155. Au wale ana au, he ake ka ike. E oe ike, ua nalo loa—e— Ua laa i ke kai okia a Kane, Aia i Kuaihelani ka hele ana—e— O ka onohi ula o ka lani ko inoa. 160. Keiki kapu oe a Kaeha—e— Elua olua i moe i ka lai o Kahaloa—e— He kamaaina no ke kai i Hauola, Kupa noho lae no Waiaula. I uwe wale ae ia Kona—e— 165. I ka la loa wale o Makalii— E lawe ana koena aloha ilalo. Ia ka lani kau koliko lani, E uwe mai i ke keiki— I ko hoa i olelo ai; 170. I hai ai i o lahonua, E momoe pu i ke ehu kai—e— Hookahi ka lani kaha aku nei. O ka moku, o ka aina, alua Hele i ka huakai, hoi ole—e— 175. O ka lani ke kapuahi kapu o ka lani— O ke alii puolani i ke kai o Peapea a Kamanu. O Kaioea o Maui ka hookalakupua, He kupua ka lani no ka moku e— Ke hakupehe ia nei kuu lani 180. O Palila ko ka po. O ka lani ko ke ao. Ua hoopaapaa ke alanui hele. I ke ola, i ka make o kuu lani. Ua ike pu no kakou 185. I hele o ka lani i ke awakea. I uhai i kana wahine—e— Halualua Kona, halua Wailuku. O ka wahine ia I aloha ai ka lani hahai e— 190. Hele lolopio ai ka lani, A ui ia iho i ka niau; Moe malie e; Aia ko makuahine i ko lealea; i ko lealea. Hoi hou ka lani i ka wa kamalii ke hiia la. 195. O ka lani Kaumakoa, ke alii, I lole i kalole ka leo. He pe he pa wale no ka noho, He mahu paha no Honokawailani. He lani aimoku, he alii no ka moo, 200. O ke alii a ka maka i ike, i papu ke kapu. Papu ka lani palamoa he inoa.

. . . . .

He kai mahamoe, kai moa Kailua e, O ka luhe la lula i ke kehau. He hau ke ala, he kumoena ololi; 205. E newa ai o hea make i ka la, Akua noho la i Puuokapolei. E hanehane mai ana ka la i na wahine o Kamao, Akua pee, pua ohai o ke kaha, I walea wale i ke a— 210. I ka ulu kanu a Kahai. Haina oe e ka oo— E ka manu o Kanehili. I kea ae la hoi kuu lani Iluna ka ohu Kanalio a ka manu e— 215. Kela manu haule wale i kauwahi, I hapapa i loaa i ke kanaka. Honi i ka manu hunakai o kai, Aia ka i kai kuu lani; I ka la la hoano i ka lele kai, 220. Akua hoea kai la i Oneula. Ua molowa wale na hoa haele. Ua pauaho, ua haalele; ua noho hookahi o ka lani e, Kamau i ka lau o ka pali ke ala— Ala holopapa laau i alanui, 225. I awa no ka waa o Hamakua E pii ai a waiho aku iluna, I ka waa o Kuileiakamokala. E kala i hele ai o ka lani; Imo aku la ka maka, nalo aku la—e. 230. Lele Uli e— Lele wai e— He ui, he ui, he wai, he wai? He wai inu he wai no Laka, O Laka ka hoi kona inoa. 235. I kaili aina ai ka lani, Ooki i ke one kapu o Kaha e— I kahi hele hookahi a kuu lani. Pouli ka ua; moku pawa i ka nahele; Lele hoopoo ae la ka ua iluna i ka hala, 240. I ke poo o ka hala ua o Hanau. Hanau mai ke Akua olelo— Akua pahulu hohe hoha mai ana E kaha aku nei; i ke kaha aku nei o Kama, O Kama o ka lei o Moopuali, 245. O ke alii o ke kai ahua moku, O ka moku o Maakaina. I kaina oe, i kaikuaana kela O ka lani. Ilaila no ka ike la, ike iho, 250. Ilaila no ka pono la, pono iho, O’u mau kaikunane hoomau hele loa, Aia la laua ihea? Kaia na ke kalana e luhe ana e ka malie. A pua ia kae ka pona waa. 255. Hooponopono ka pali, niania ka la, Hoi koana ka makani i Laiewaha. Hoowaha keiki waha i ka pohu, Pohu loa Kona—e— A ai pili ka pohu a Kauna, 260. A oi na i ka makani o Kau. Ke haaino mai la Kahaanaweli. Weliweli ka ino o na Puuapele i Piliwale, I halihali mai ka ia’u a waho kahua haalele. I haalele i makaulia i ke a, 265. I ke a lau maka ihe— He ihe, ke ae, he keiki na Kau, Ke hooweliweli mai la iaia; Akahi no ka makau i ka makani. E hoi ana no au i ka malino, 270. I ka pawapawa ahaaha o nikiniki, I naoa no me he mea no uka la— Ka maawe ala a ka waa e hele nei o ke kai. O ke kai kanu koa, kanu hala, kanu lehua, He lehua, ka noni, ke pua la i ke kai; 275. I ke kai ula loa e—. Lolohili no a Kawaihae. A Kawaihae hae na ukana, Hana liilii ka ukana a ka huakai. I hakalia ilaila hiki ka la; 280. Moe koke no i ke kula o Moolau i Puuhuna. Ka puu o Koaie i Waika; i Waika ia—e— Kaha i ka hau, ka wai a ka la, He la makili loa ka uka o Kaipuhaa. Haa na makani, pa e paio nei, 285. Paio i ke alo o Makanipalua. A oi lua ka maikai o Kohala, I kuipeia e ka makani Apaa. Ka laolao imu nahele kuakua loi, Ka pae ko kea upepe o Kehei—e— 290. Mai Kohala waho no a Kohala loko, E hea mai oe ia’u maloko na, Eia ka puu o waho nei, he anu.

NOTES ON A LAMENTATION FOR KAHAHANA.

[These notes on the Kahahana Mele are based largely upon those of Judge Andrews, found with the original MS. in his study thereof for its translation, and though more applicable to the original version than the translation, they nevertheless throw much light on ancient Hawaiian thought and practice. It may seem presumptuous to attempt the alteration of so eminent a scholar’s work, and is, in some parts, done with reluctance, yet a careful examination called for revision in places to modify admitted obscurities in his notes, which would doubtless have been done by himself had he prepared it for publication.—Ed.].

[316] Kahahana, king of Oahu, was contemporary with Kahekili on Maui; he was beaten in battle by Kahekili and fled to the mountains, and was subsequently slain by his brother-in-law, Kumanoha, known also as Kekuamanoha.

[318] The author is supposed to voice the widow’s lament as she sees the bodies of her murdered lord and his companion, Alapai, borne out on the canoe upon the lochs of Puuloa, on its way to Waikiki for their sacrifice.

[319] Pililua oe, you and your friend, you are one of two: O helelua, you two have gone together to Ewa.

[320] A ka’u lani; lani, chief; also my chief.

[321] O Kaapikikikolo, Kaawilikolo, to snatch up what comes to hand when one hurriedly flees from a pursuer. Olua ia lua mea; a phrase signifying no property, only their persons.

[322] Omeamea wale, a repetition of the familiar phrase signifying utter destitution, poverty, a forlorn state.

[323] I ka oneanea, to the solitude in Kawailele, a place in Ewa.

[324] Two names, Kahapuulono and Kapaikaualulu, are given for the drum in the temple of Kekeleaiku.

[325] Hiolani, name given Kahahana because he was a fallen chief; hio, decline, fall over; lani, a chief.

[326] Ka pueo kani kaua; oe understood, thou art the bird (pueo, owl) that sings of war.

[327] The names used here seem to imply a mental and physical condition rather than a locality.

[328] No ka welu hau, on account of the clumps of hau (a bush, Paritium tiliaceum), at Kupahu, there was Kahana (Kalohai).

[329] Puanakau, a term signifying an uncertain or approximate month in which Kahahana died, but shown as certain in the next line.

[330] Hionalele, etc., names of Kahahana.

[331] Hikimauelemauele, name of his companion (kona lua).

[332] Oia kai, i.e., that sea, near Ewa; ke awalau, many harbors; numerous entrances into the bay full of islands.

[333] Name of the canoe formerly belonging to Kahahana.

[334] E i! lau hoe ia ana ka lani, speak, he shall speak; lau a multitude; hoe, the paddles as the paddling multitude of men, sovereigns of the chief.

[335] Oia, he, Kahahana, is upon the pola, the deck of a double canoe.

[336] Leahi, serene in the calm, lends itself to the deceptive appearance at times of being separated by sea from the main land.

[337] The grass, land, etc., are brown by the summer sun. Makalii is the name of a single month, it applies to the hottest; it is also the name of a whole season of six months. Ke oho, grass likened to the hair; kukai, dipped frequently in the sea. It is said that persons made their hair brown by frequent bathing in the sea. Here ke oho kukai is the brown grass of Mauuenaena, a plain east of Waikiki.

[338] I enaena, that is burned, scorched, by the sea of Kalehuawehe, the name of the Waikiki surf at certain seasons.

[339] Aiohi, ancient name of that part of Waikiki, about the Kapiolani park entrance.

[340] Aloha na hoa, exclamation of the poet, compassion for the companions of the first surf of the season; when winter sets in, the highest surfs begin to dash upon the shore, these were called “ka nalu mua kau,” the first season surfs, and were very high.

[341] Kulana kai, the state of the sea in the winter months, uncertain, some high, some calm.

[342] Kaulua has been dealt with erroneously in the original translation as a wintry month, a month to be remembered, etc. Kaulua is given as the fourth summer month, therefore its other meaning of a double canoe, which in its use as bearing the body of the dead chief, shown in the context, seems to better fit the case.

[343] He kaulua aloha, “an endeared canoe to the memory of Moholekinau” (an epithet of Kahahana), the chief.

[344] The man of the pali who had secreted himself enters Peapea, name of a land of Kahekili, affording a play on words.

[345] Hale pea lau niu, house made of coconut leaves; pea, leaves crossed as in braiding coconut leaves into a lanai cover.

[346] Hale pili ole, house unthatched, o ke kaha, on the sea-beach, ke noho oe, there thou dwellest.

[347] I nanea ai oe, that you may be at ease, comfortable on this shore.

[348] Ua hele Kona, the people of Kona have gone; those of Koolau have forsaken you.

[349] Ua kuleana ole, etc., your rights at that shore are rejected.

[350] Ua kaha aloha la; that friendly shore where you two are sleeping is shown by the context to be death’s shore.

[351] E kamaele kai kapu, thou like one benumbed in the forbidden sea; laahia keawe is somewhat obscure.

[352] E ka auwae ele lua, thou with a chin very dark, “lua,” poetic for “loa” ad interim; i ele ka maka, whose eyes also are black.

[353] O ke kapu o ke alii, that is what is sacred to the chief or to which he has a right. It is said that black was a distinguishing mark of Kahekili and all his attendants and followers, hence, any such distinguishing mark on Kahahana, whether birthmark or tatooing, designated him as sacred to Kahekili.

[354] He pua laha ole nei no na moku, a flower not scattered or intended for the islands.

[355] Kamahao, wonderful the fate of Oahu’s chief.

[356] I walea, comfortable, easy, is the chief at Kona, i ka lulu, on account of the quietness.

[357] I ka pohu wale, by the perfect calm o ka ua, i.e., the calm that often attends a waahia (waahila) shower.

[358] Akaaka ke kupa, the resident laughs—a poetic idea this. Haki na nalu, the surfs break.

[359] Huakai, the ridge of white foam on the top of a surf when it breaks, hence the white foaming surfs of Kauahui.

[360] I hui ia paha oe, thou (i.e., Kahahana) art united, perhaps; e moe mai la, he will sleep with you.

[361] A manawaohua, the sickness of dogs when they refuse all food except grass and leaves—applies to people when they have no appetite—i ka makani. Kahahana even loathed the breezes that fanned him. Pahola, mahola, the motion of the hands in spreading a cloth or kapa, hence the blowing of the Kaunulau wind which was to neutralize that which made Kahahana sick.

[362] E ku, let down the stone as an anchor, that the canoe be roped, i.e., fastened.

[363] I ka pali la oe; to the cliff, thou; to the salt plain; a directing command, with what follows, of the course of a departing soul. Alia—a salt pond—on Oahu, was the place where the souls of the dead were supposed to descend to the nether world.

[364] Kinimakalehua at the Maomao trees was one of the places where Kahahana hid himself. This is probably the same as mao (Gossypium tomentosum).

[365] Kinimakalehua was a small headland between Kahauiki and Leina a ka Uhane, a place where in former times the priests prayed and made offerings to the gods for the reception of the spirits before they leaped into Sheol.

[366] Kahahana and friends are here called kanaka.

[367] A hiki moano ka lehua. Moano, a pale red color until the lehua (soldier) becomes red, i.e., until they (Kahahana and his friend) should die.

[368] Ke koa i kau i ka la, the soldier (Kahahana) should be stretched out dead.

[369] E kau ae i ka haka, erect the haka having the ensign, weloula, of a chief. A very high haka or a noble kapa or mat used in ceremonies of the chiefs is weloula. The poet here says to Kahahana to prepare the funeral ceremonies worthy of a chief (or yourself).

[370] Ua ike paha oe, perhaps thou hast seen, O rain and sun, that this is the chief who lies here, naked.

[371] E loloaikulani, to lie naked without covering, a word used only in poetry, now obsolete; aohe kapa, explanatory of loloaikulani.

[372] Kalaninuimakahakumaikalani, a name of Kahahana that may be rendered by separate words. Hakuma is an epithet of ill-looking, angry countenance, applied to clouds when they threaten a storm. The prefix “makolu” intensifies this thought as thick, heavy, ominous.

[373] Hakiwa o Lono, etc. Hakiwa is the dark blue when the sky and sea or land meet—now seldom used. It does not mean the sky overhead, nor does it apply to the clouds; Lono, an ancient god, the meeting of sky and ocean of Lono, that is the hakuma of heaven.

[374] Ua uhane ololi, the chief has become a shrivelled, thin soul, a ghost. Ua hanehane ka leo, etc.—The Hawaiians supposed that near a burying ground, or where there were many dead bodies from a battle or other causes, there, or near there, the uhanes or ghosts met and wailed and talked; hanehane signifies this conference, hence it sometimes signifies low conversation or whispering, meaning the voice of the spirit calls to his companion in sleep, Alapai; ke hea for the present tense, for Alapai was slain with him, he was his aikane, intimate friend.

[375] A name of Alapai.

[376] He kama, a child, ia hoi la, indeed was he; he kamalei, a nurtured, fondled child. Lei is what is worn as an ornament of the neck, hence, what is greatly beloved, a child hugged to the bosom is a kamalei.

[377] Ka pali welau o Koolau, the extreme end of the long pali of Koolau. Alapai was from that place and joined Kahahana when he heard of his misfortunes.

[378] His district is also entitled to sympathy in the depth of this bosom companion. The notes had it “Koolau is also greatly to be pitied,” which hardly seems deep enough.

[379] Huakai malo lau ki; procession of ti-leaf malo wearers. The people of Koolau on account of the rain often exchanged their valuable kapas and malos for covering made of ti-leaves.

[380] Ua haao, a soft frequent rain upon the mountains of Koolau.

[381] Ua hanai, etc., thou, i.e., the rain thou feedest, nourishest the makahala, a plant growing only at Nuuanu.

[382] Ke lu la, thou scatterest the first leaves, muo, new leaves as the coconut.

[383] I ui wale ia oe; “ui” to salute, to pity, have affection for, which salute thee, O Kalauli, i.e., Kahahana.

[384] Kahuoi has a small canoe, that will carry or contains a hog, hence a small canoe.

[385] Kuu hoike, etc., this, as preceding, is the language of Alapai to Kahahana: thou art or hast been my director in the wilderness.

[386] Akahi o nohoia, just now thou wast an inhabitant here, but thou hast gone. This is the end of Alapai’s speech.

[387] Kai noa, etc., expression of the poet, who thought his chief had gone to Kauai.

[388] Ua ahai, to carry away; Mahuka has carried him “i ke ola,” to a place of safety, ola la paha, there perhaps he will live. Mahuka an ancient journeyer of Oahu, from some secret going of his, it has now become an epithet, hele mahuka, i.e., to run away.

[389] What is the man’s offence, i.e., Kahahana’s.

[390] I hana ino ai, that he has grievously done against that sea? i.e., between Oahu and Kauai; the sea that bears away the ako and the ama, that is, it is broken to pieces.

[391] Waa au, etc., canoe swimming on its bosom, that is floating in pieces. Ke ala e hiki ai, in this path, in this manner it got ashore.

[392] Pae maele, that is, Kahahana and companion landed, shriveled, cold and weak, this is the meaning of maele. I ke ka honua signifies simply the shore for kaha honua, perhaps, or a poetic embellishment.

[393] Kuu ka luhi, loosed, finished, etc., the fatigue, compassion for you—the people of Oahu. He set out to go to Kauai, but the canoe being broken he was driven back and cast upon the shore of Oahu.

[394] E kuu kaai kapu, O my sacred belt, kaai, same as kaei, the girdles of the chiefs were sacred. Liloa, a chief of ancient time on Hawaii.

[395] The outer girdle, etc., i ka hala ia, that is his offence, his affliction perhaps; kui papa, etc., “break the board” seems to be an expression applied to the stripping of a chief or a man of all his property, honor, etc., i ke au for aupuni.

[396] Noho i kai, he sits in solitude by the sea; Kamaaina aku la ka moana, i.e., i or ma understood; he, the warrior, sits a resident by the ocean.

[397] Lonokaeho, an ancient warrior having the body of a common man but very strong; his epithet “lae wakawaka” was because he had a forehead projecting very much like a general’s hat and so also behind, with their projections he whacked about in front and rear and laid men sprawling wherever he went.

[398] Elua olua, you are two; elua maua, we are two; that is, the poet and the wife of Kahahana.

[399] Paiha, to unite as several persons for travel, unite together in the path ye men of Apua, place where Kahahana died.

[400] O ko kaina ala, referring to their shadowed path revealed by the sun of Waianae.

[401] Kaiaulu, name of the pleasant sea-breeze at Waianae. At Maui the same breeze is called “aa,” at Kona, Hawaii, it is called “eka.” Ke oho o ka niu, the leaves (hairs) of the coconut.

[402] Komo okoa, the gentle wind enters wholly into the house which is grateful for its warmth, overcoming the chill of the mountain breeze which sleeps in the cold.

[403] I ka makani anu, in the cold wind, he waikaloa, the name of the cold wind.

[404] Loa, etc., long is the path to the traveler.

[405] Hele hewa, i.e., Kahahana went astray, wandering in the Halemano shrubbery of upper Wahiawa.

[406] The poet here pictures the whispering wind and gathering clouds acting in sympathy lest the slumbering stream be awakened.

[407] Ka huakai hele, etc., the caravan is ascending.

[408] Uka lio,—lio, any place at a great distance off; among the forest trees; also the place where the stars are placed in the horizon.

[409] E ke alii, the poet speaks to the chief Kahahana or his departed spirit.

[410] Lou, the instrument (a long pole with fixture at the end) for reaching and picking breadfruit; loua, is the action of picking breadfruit with that instrument.

[411] Muo, the tender leaf-bud; Kahahana is called the tender bud of heaven, and death has plucked him; loua, for louia.

[412] Ka lani hoikea, the chief is exhibited; ka mea paha ia nei, this is what has just been done.

[413] Ka hiamoe kapu, etc., the sacred or forbidden sleep of niolopua, name of a sleep. Kumahana, the Oahu chief immediately preceding Kahahana, was famous for his sleeping; when the people and lower chiefs came with food or presents, he was always asleep, the people called his sleeping “niolopua he kapu,” because everything belonging to the high chief was kapu, and such sleeping was peculiar to him,—niolo, a nodding blossom, who slept throughout the day.

[414] Moku i ke a’u, etc., torn, rent, “pierced is my chief by the a’u,” i.e., a large fish with a horn like the swordfish, which kills men.

[415] Ko kino loa—ko, genitive case, the length of whose body is like that of Kana.

[416] I anana ia, who was a fathom long, i.e., Kahahana, a puehu ka loa, and more too; puehu is some indefinite measure, above, a larger one. If one measures a fathom, or a yard, and some is over, they say he anana a puehu, meaning there is some over.

[417] Hoi ha, he oiaio, that indeed is the truth, even so, that is the length of the chief, i.e., of Kahahana.

[418] Like ole paha, or aole ona mea like, there is not his like.

[419] I loa ka lani, long time the chief, i moe i ke ala, lay in the road, that is, his dead body lay unburied.

[420] Moe oni ole ka lani, the chief lay without moving in the ea, dust, earth pulverized.

[421] Oia ke ea, that is, the dust of Kanenuhonua, an ancient chief of Ewa; thus Kahahana is said to lie in the dust of Kanenuhonua because the land mostly belonged to him.

[422] Huna aku la, hidden, concealed in the sky of heaven, i.e., his soul, while his body was defiled in the dust.

[423] “Liua” is said when a person has lost a thing and he looks about, here and there, while the thing itself lies all the while nearby; second, liua is when a person in diving under water by some means fills his mouth and eyes full of water, so for a time, he sees things indistinctly; the latter applies here, liua hoi ka maka, dim were the eyes in looking i ka nalo loa, for he was quite vanished.

[424] Kiowaikaala, name of a pond at Waianae, located in following lines. A poowai; fountain or source upland at Kalalau.

[425] Kou inoa, these are thy names from some supposed resemblance or excellency probably.

[426] Auwe kuu hoa, Alas! My companion; this is the language of the poet; the article “ke” before Koolau is an anomaly unless it here becomes a part of the name or has some other signification.

[427] Malanai, name of the trade-winds of or at Kailua.

[428] Ke ahe wale, etc., ahe, to fan like peahi, which constantly fans the leaves (oho) of the uki, a plant resembling bulrushes; grows only on Oahu.

[429] Kula puukaa la, beautifully cultivated plain (of) Alele, seaward at Kailua, to the northeast of Kaneohe.

[430] Ka pouli hau, the dark of the hau (trees inferred) i.e., the dark green of those trees; aoi for aole i hala, not traveled through, passed over.

[431] Hala hoomau, constantly passed by—hele loa, they, the winds, pass along by the side but never go through the thicket of the hau.

[432] Lu iho la, etc., thou hast scattered thy many bodies, oleoleo (numerous) i ka moana, in the ocean. The poet supposed that Kahahana had many bodies.

[433] Ka maka hoaloha, the eye of friendship, ke kumu, the cause, o ka po, of his going to death; this is a beautiful line but the meaning is obscure.

[434] Hookumu ka po—is understood; on account of his going to death, he had founded the night.

[435] Ka po ka mole, etc., the bottomless pit is upon the foundation; ka weli, the sprouts, shoots of the chief, meaning “ka po” is the place where the chief has taken up his everlasting abode.

[436] Poluluhi, dark obscurity; poweliweli, place where people are afraid to go on account of darkness, ghosts, etc.

[437] Weliweli hakoi, heavy, saddening fear; lani hakoi, the heavy chief, hakoi, koikoi, heavy as in weight; weighed down as one carrying a heavy load.

[438] Hakoi o kona nui ko aloha, weighed down, staggers under the greatness of his love.

[439] Au wale ana au, etc., “au” to look around over a crowd or multitude sitting together; looking over the concourse; he aka ka ike, desiring the sight, i.e., I desire to see [my chief], language of the poet.

[440] E oe ike, e oe for aole, not see, i.e., I do not see thee, ua nalo loa.

[441] Ua laa i ke kai, he is sacred to the sea, devoted first; okia a Kane, “okia” for “oki ia e,” cut off by Kane.

[442] Aia i Kuaihelani, etc., there at Kuaihelani he has gone. This was an imaginary place away beyond Kauai, in some distant unknown region.

[443] O ka onohi, is the eyeball; onohi ula is the appearance of the clouds shone upon by the sun and are red, a beautiful red cloud, hence the rendition of the line as given.

[444] Kaeha, an ancient personage to whom Kahahana is assigned sacred relationship.

[445] Elua olua, ye two, i.e., Kahahana and Alapai, his friend, lay in the calm [sea] of Kahaloa, a place at Waikiki.

[446] Kamaaina, a resident, as is also kupa, but the latter has the deeper meaning of one born to a place as against one from elsewhere.

[447] I uwe wale ae ia; he, i.e., Kahahana is greatly beloved by the people of Kona.

[448] La loa, o Makalii the summer season with its long days.

[449] E lawe ana, bearing away, i.e., the days, a reflection of the poet who was a friend of Kahahana; Koena aloha ilalo, carrying the remnant of friendship (lost friend) to the shores below; “Koena aloha” for “i ke koena o ke aloha.”

[450] I ka lani, even him, Kahahana, to heaven. “Ia” is in apposition with “koena” perhaps the accusative; thus, even him, thou hast carried to heaven, (kau koliko lani); placed on high, in the darkness, obscurity of heaven. Koliko, signifies after the sun has set and darkness begins to come on.

[451] E uwe mai, have compassion; i ke keiki, on the child. The poet perhaps calls upon Kahahana to favor him as his child.

[452] I hai, etc., mentioned, synonymous with olelo i o lahonua. This word signifies the time of distress and difficulty from which one is afterward delivered; here it refers to a proclaimed prophecy which had come to pass.

[453] E momoe pu, that is, Kahahana and the child spoken of above.

[454] I ke ahu kai (sea spray), the place between the breaking of the surf and shore.

[455] Hookahi ka lani, one is the chief, i.e., one real chief [i] kaha aku nei, has gone, departed; kaha, like hele, to depart, go away.

[456] O ka moku, o ka aina, synonymous terms, the division, the land is the second, i.e., all parts.

[457] Hele, gone or traveled with a (huakai) large company, or procession; hoi ole, but return no more.

[458] Ke alii puolani, the exalted chief: puo signifies the action of two waves or opposite surfs when they meet the water as its progress is stopped both ways ascending suddenly; hence to raise, to be exalted, renowned; lani, here, as often in other places, a mere expletive of intensity; sea of Peapea and Kamanu, places not now known.

[459] Ka hookalakupua, the wizard, a person that hears unearthly sounds.

[460] He kupua ka lani, a wizard is the chief [Kahahana] no ka moku, for the island, i.e., of Oahu.

[461] Ke hakupehe, “haku” put together as words, “pehe” hesitatingly; ie nei kuu lani, “i” or “no” is understood or kuu lani may be the nominative, this my chief is commonly reputed here.

[462] Palila belongs to age, “po.” He is fabled to be a very ancient man famous for eating bananas; he was from darkness.

[463] O ka lani ko ke ao, but the chief [Kahahana] is from the world of light.

[464] Ua hoopapa, it is disputed [by men]; he alanui hele, the path he has gone, i.e., some said he was dead, some said he was not.

[465] Ua ike, etc., we together know well.

[466] I hele o ka lani, that the chief went at noon (awakea), i.e., openly, no secrecy.

[467] I uhai paha; uhai, hahai, he has followed perhaps kana wahine, his wife or probably another wife who died previously. This, or his surviving wife became the wife of Kahekili who conquered him.

[468] Halualua, to become feeble [from the loss of Kahahana]; halua is the wrinkling of the skin, becoming flabby on account of old age.

[469] I aloha ai, the wife referred to, beloved by ka lani hahai, the chief that is dead; “hahai” being thus used figuratively.

[470] Hele lolopio ai ka lani; hele is another term for die, as we say he is gone, meaning he is dead. Lolopio is the straightening out of the limbs of a person as soon as dead, or when a person dies calmly and easily so that it is surely known when he is dead. No contraction of face or other muscles is hele lolopio, meaning, went off quietly.

[471] Ui, poetical for uhi, covered; ka niau, the coconut leaf. The ancient custom of laying out chiefs was to lay the body in a sort of mat made of coconut leaves instead of a coffin.

[472] Moe malie, sleeps quietly, applied to an infant.

[473] Aia ko makuahine, there is thy mother i ko lealea, for thy pleasure, etc.,—repeated, that is, he sleeps quietly as when his mother soothed him to sleep.

[474] Hoi hou, the chief has returned again to the time when he was tended, (hiia for hiiia), tossed in the arms was the chief Kaumakoa, the king.

[475] Kalole ka leo, lole to change the appearance of a thing, form, etc., he changed his voice.

[476] He pe he pa have the same meaning and signify the modest sitting of females on the mat in distinction from the men, as they wore but the pa-u. To sit “pe” was to double up the lower part of the leg so as to conceal as much as possible under the pa-u and the upper part of the leg.

[477] He mahu, paha, a hermaphrodite perhaps of Honokawailani. They supposed all such were from that place, but where it was no one knows.

[478] He lani aimoku; a chief possessor of land [was Kahahana]. Note what has been said about Kaumakoa refers to Kahahana although another name is used. He was a possessor of land because he was a descendant of a line of chiefs.

[479] He alii no ka moo; a chief by descent belongs to a line of kings.

[480] Ka maka i ike, that sees with his own eyes, i papu ke kapu; ike is again understood before papu—papu, altogether, fully, throughout; ike papu to look at closely, examine with one’s own eyes; i ke kapu, at the kapu.

[481] Papu ka lani, the heavens are covered over with palamoa, thin fleecy clouds of a whitish cast, not fog, clouds that stand still, but the sun can shine through.

[482] Kai mahamoe, kai moa, while referred to in the original notes as gravy for fish and fowl, carries no weight in its being located at Kailua over other places on Oahu, and has no connection with the cloud condition of the preceding line, or the wind effects which follow. It is rather the sea conditions at Kailua the poet refers to. Kai mahamoe is the smooth, glassy distant sea in a calm; kai moa, the feathery, foamy waves of Kailua’s shore.

[483] Luhe is the motion of the wings of the dragonfly to keep itself cool; the motion of one’s kihei when riding on horseback on a gallop; lula, same, meaning the king was fanned, cooled by the land breeze.

[484] He hau ke ala; hau, the bush; hau, straight, straight is the path, he kumoena ololi; kumoena, the long narrow strip commencement of a mat.

[485] E newa, to go carefully, look where one goes; o hea make i ka la: hea, to become weak, faint in traveling on a long hot journey.

[486] Akua noho la i Puuokapolei, the god dwelling at Kapolei hill, [Kamao], at Ewa, the god of Kahahana where it was supposed his soul had gone.

[487] E hanehane mai ana, etc., the sun is wailing i na wahine o Kamao, on account of the women of Kamao, one of the entrances to the nether world.

[488] Akua pee, i.e., Kahahana, a god that hides himself.

[489] Pua ohai, the flower of ohai, a bush with beautiful blossoms; o ke kaha, dry land where taro will not grow, but potatoes will.

[490] Walea wale, etc., i.e., Kahahana stands satisfied, contented, among the stones (ke a) as does the ohai trees.

[491] Ulu kanu a Kahai, “kanu” for “kanuia” among the breadfruits planted by Kahai. At that place in Puuloa where Kahai introduced the breadfruit, and which is remarkable for the size of its fruits.

[492] Oo, name of a small bird having a sharp bill (Moho nobilis).

[493] E ka manu, by the bird of Kanehili; name of a land.

[494] Ikea for ike ia, was seen.

[495] Iluna above ka ohu Kanalio, the dense Kanalio, fog region of the birds. Winds hardly ever live in the regions where there are no clouds or shades.

[496] Kela manu, etc., [ka uwau], is the name of the bird and some others which are caught by building fires in the night. Either through fright or for other reason, the birds fall so that they are caught.

[497] I hapapa, which flutters [jumps about, unable to fly] and is caught by men, through being, perhaps, confused, or dazzled by the light.

[498] Honi i ka manu, the bird scents [the] hunakai o kai, spray of the sea.

[499] I ka la la hoano, on a very sacred day (la kapu); i ka lele kai, by a very sacred altar: kai, sacred, set apart for sacred use.

[500] Akua hoea kai, a god having power over the sea at Oneula, a place of uncertain location.

[501] Ua molowa wale, etc., the companions of Kahahana were slow, [indifferent] about following him.

[502] Ua pauaho, etc., they had no perseverance, they forsook him.

[503] Kamau, unsettled, unstable; lau, leaf of the pali, i.e., the edge, height, or extended point.

[504] Ala holopapa laau, etc., a wooden bridge is the path.

[505] I awa no ka was, signifies the purpose of the aforesaid bridge as a runway for canoes of Hamakua, i pii ai, whereby they ascend for landing above. This method of canoe-landing on the rocky coasts is spoken of by Rev. W. Ellis in his “Tour of Hawaii,” and is further described and illustrated in the Hawaiian Annual of 1910, page 97, as still practiced on the Puna coast of Hawaii.

[506] Kuileiakamokala, name of the land which has that method for the use of its canoe.

[507] E kala, long ago—not lately—either with or without the negative.

[508] Imo aku la, etc., as we would say, in the twinkling of an eye, he was gone.

[509] Lele Uli e, etc.; five lines from this point are a short specimen of prayer to the god Laka. Petition and adoration are said to be united.

[510] Kaili aina is the common expression respecting one dying suddenly without any previous sickness.

[511] Ooki, cut or marked, i ke one kapu, in the forbidden sand of Kaha; haha, abbreviation of kahakai, sea-beach.

[512] Pouli ka ua, dark was the rain; moku pawa, “pawa” is the dark cloud or the sky that looks dark by contrast when the beams, rays of the sun first appear. The “pawa” is the darkness whether in sky or cloud that is broken away by and appears over the light.

[513] Lele hoopoo, etc., “hoopoo” used mostly poetically, headforemost, careless of consequences, as when one in battle determines not to run, and rushes into the fight, or when one determines to speak to the chief, he rushes on, speaks, life or death; so the rain fell upon the lauhala trees.

[514] I ke poo, etc., upon the heads of the hala (pandanus) of Hanau, name of some small place probably.

[515] Hanau mai, brought forth ke akua olelo, the speaking god.

[516] Akua pahulu, was the god who could carry people off in their sleep if they had eaten certain dried fish (amaama and weke). If a person in eating had his mouth smeared and should hear these words: “Oia hoi, oia hoi,” or “hohe, hoha”, and fall asleep, he would be sure to be carried away and laid in another place, without however being killed.

[517] Kaha aku nei, etc., kaha, sea-beach, side of a river; Kama, name of a land.

[518] Lei o Moopuali, wreath or crown of Moopuali; Kama and Moopuali are names of places not now known.

[519] Alii o ke kai ahua moku, chief of the high swelling sea; kai ahua moku signifies kai mimiki, when the sea swells and flows over the land; moku, refers to the breaking down of homes, fences, etc.

[520] O ka moku o Maakaina, even the land of Maakaina.

[521] Kaina for kaikaina, kaina oe, thou the younger brother, the older that, of the chief.

[522] Ilaila ka ike, etc., there is knowledge indeed and righteousness.

[523] O’u mau kaikunane (used here in place of hoa, companions); hoomau hele loa, constant in traveling onward.

[524] Aia laua ihea, refers perhaps to Kahahana and his friend. [Lines 239 to 253 inclusive are supposed to be additions and do not belong to the original. Andrew’s notes include them, as above, as also the following addition to the Kanikau of Kahahana marked “incerto auctor.” Ed.]

[525] Kaia na for kalana; ka to dip as in bailing water, the motion of the hand in bailing water or in fanning. The kalana (district or county) is being fanned, e luhe ana, it is lulling by the calms, “luhe” is to hang pendulous like the large branches of trees when no wind.

[526] Pua ia kae; pua here signifies to dive, kae signifies the border or edge; pona is the lower cavity of the eyebrow, between the brow and the ball of the eye, the under part of the arch. Pona waa is the arch or circle of canoes in some sorts of fishing.

[527] Hoo—ka pali, is implied, smooth is the cliff; niania i ka la, smoothed by the sun.

[528] Hoi koana, diminishing; when wind or rain has been powerful and diminishes to its regular standing, it is said to hoi koana, return to its littleness again. Laiewaha, name of a place in Kona, near Kau, Hawaii.

[529] Hoowaha keiki, etc., waha, also hoo, to seize one’s property and carry it off before his eyes. Pohu, calm, but what the whole means is not clear.

[530] A ai pili; a ai, a negative, aole, aohe, a oe, etc.

[531] Kauna, a contraction of Kaunanamauna on the boundary line between Kona and Kau.

[532] A oi na; oi is like ai in the foregoing line, na to assuage, still, quiet. It [the calm] is not still, i.e., there is no calm on account of the winds of Kau.

[533] Ke haaino mai la, has reference to the disaster of a boisterous wind, the squally conditions, it may be of Kahaanaweli, name of a place.

[534] Weliweli, anything dreadful or causing fear.

[535] Ka ino o na Puuapele, at Piliwale, likely had reference to an explosive volcanic eruption at that place, and would make the following lines clear.

[536] I halihali mai ka ia’u, which was indeed brought to me; a waiho kahua haalele, and outside of the house left there.

[537] Haalele i makaulia, “left for his fear”—fear of the lava stones.

[538] Ke a lau make ihi, stones having edges like the adz, or spear; ihe, very sharp.

[539] He ihe, a spear; ke ae, name of an east wind, a child of Kau.

[540] Ke hoo—etc., the wind scares him.

[541] E hoi ana, etc., I am returning i ka malino, in the calm.

[542] I ka pawapawa; pawa is the surface of a garden patch that one has smoothed all over, so a smooth surface of the sea, pawapawa, very smooth. Ahaaha, root not found, relating to a calm or smoothness of surface. Nikiniki, onionio, spotted as the sun in a calm.

[543] I naoa past for naoia—nao, naonao, to reach after, to take, reached after.

[544] Ka maawe ala, the faint track, a ka waa, of the canoe, e hele nei o ke kai coursing on the sea.

[545] It is said any vegetables thrown into the sea in Puna never fail to come ashore at Kau, hence, the sea is red, covered with the blossoms of the lehua, and the noni.

[546] Lolohili is to go crookedly, zigzag, along a great distance—characteristic of the Kawaihae road.

[547] A Kawaihae, on arrival at Kawaihae, “ua” implied, hae na ukana, the baggage is broken.

[548] Hana liilii, etc., make small, reduce the baggage of the travelers, divide it into small parcels on account of the length of the way.

[549] I hakalia, etc., if the company are slow, they will feel the heat of the sun.

[550] Moe koke, sleep early, i ke kula, in the plain of Moolau in Puuhuna, between Waimea and Kohala.

[551] Ka pua o koaie, the blossom of the koaie (Acacia koaia) a tree whose leaves resemble the koa but the timber is much harder. Waika, a place in Kohala.

[552] Kaka i ka hau, etc., strike off the dew, the water of the day.

[553] Makili loa, very high is the sun, above in the upland of Kaipuhaa.

[554] Haa na makani, the winds dance, pa, etc., strike and contend together.

[555] Paio i ke alo, etc., contending in the presence of Makanipalua, (lit. two-fold divided wind).

[556] Aoi for aole lua, there is no second, none like the goodness of Kohala.

[557] Kuipeia, struck upon or pounded by the wind Apaa, name of a north or northwesterly wind.

[558] Ka laolao imu, the brush oven-wood, laolao is the small fuel used in the wood ovens, nahele, etc., grows spontaneously at or near the taro patches.

[559] Ka pae, the border; ko kea, white cane; upepe, easily broken, from its soft character. Pae is a border of land usually planted to something different from the land generally.

[560] Mai, etc., from the outside to the inside Kohala. In the northern section of that district its people designate the western end the outside, and the eastern, windward, end, the inside.

[561] E hea mai, etc., call to me; malokona, there inside—Kohala inferred.

[562] Eia ka puu, here is the hill, the difficulty, the sin; owaho nei, outside here, the cold.

ON HAWAIIAN RANK.

Some years ago, in the spring and summer of 1883, a sharp and bitter controversy arose between the two native Hawaiian newspapers, the Kuokoa and the Elele Poakolu, as to the dignus and status of the Hawaiian nobility in olden time and more especially the rank and pretensions of two families, of which the Kuokoa represented one, and the Elele the other. I noted and made memoranda of the controversy for further use, but as the legislative committee on the genealogy of the chiefs had been appointed and was supposed to be actively at work at that time, I looked upon the controversy of the two newspapers as an intrusion, if not an impertinence, and reserved my own opinion on the subject in dispute until said committee should have, in a manner authoritatively, settled and published the rules for determining the ancient degrees of nobility, their number and their relative status with their kapus or privileges, whether inherent and inalienable or incidental and changeable.

At the legislative session of 1884 said committee on the genealogy of the chiefs made a report which no doubt was very valuable for the information it rendered on many subjects, but through some unfortunate oversight it did not touch on the genealogy of the chiefs, and I and the public generally were left in doubt as to the position that the committee would take touching the rank and privileges of the nobility. The committee, however, was continued in its labors by the legislature of 1884, and during these last two years expectation stood on tip-toe among not a few of His Majesty’s subjects, whose family records tell them that the blue blood of the Kawelos, the Kakuhihewas, the Kaulaheas, the Kiha-nuis and Keakealanis, is still coursing in their veins as well as in those of their sovereigns, and whose public recognition as such descendants depended on the faithful, intelligent and impartial investigation of said genealogy committee. The legislative session of 1886 has closed, but the committee on the genealogy of the chiefs, whatever may have occupied its attention during the last two years, has not spoken on the subject which was especially entrusted to it.

Unable, therefore, to ascertain from the committee which families, claiming descent from the ancient noblesse, it would have recognized as entitled to a page on “The Golden Book” of the Hawaiian alii; and equally uncertain as to the rules, methods or principles the committee might have adopted in order to decide, first, whether a person was a noble at all, secondly, what is or would have been his rank and status under the old regime, before nobles created by the king plus the Constitution filled the seats in the Hawaiian House of Lords formerly, up to 1845 and 6, occupied by native born Hawaiian chiefs. Unable to find this out from the committee, I am obliged to fall back upon my own resources, such as the reading of the ancient legends and chants, and the writings of those Hawaiians who wrote upon the subject some thirty or forty years ago, before the rising generation became smitten with the mania of interpolating history and fabricating genealogies to order.

Under the old regime there certainly were ranks and degrees of nobility, well understood and scrupulously observed, with their accompanying kapus and privileges. A pio chief, or chiefess, out-ranked a niau-pio, or a naha, but these three classes could claim the kapu-moe (prostration) from the other nobility and from the commoners, and were exempt, I think, from rendering that observance to each other. The distinction between the three was social rather than political, and time and circumstances generally determined how far the etiquette, due from each to each, should be enforced or relaxed.

To explain the relation of these three classes of the nobility I would say that by “niau-pio” was understood the very highest cast, not only by descent but also by power, such as the sovereigns of the islands, the moi, their children—if the mothers were of sufficient rank—and the aimoku, or district chiefs. By pio was understood the children of a brother and sister or half-brother and half-sister, whose parents were both niau-pio. By naha was understood the children of a father with his daughter, or an uncle with his niece, both the parents being niau-pio. To illustrate: Keawe-i-kekahi-alii was king of Hawaii and Kalanikauleleiaiwi was his half-sister, both from the same mother, though with different father. Keawe and Kalanikaulele cohabited and their children Keeaumoku (k) and Kekela (w) were pio chiefs as well as niau-pio. But Keawe had another wife named Laamaikanaka from the powerful I family in Hilo, with whom he had a son Kalani-nui-amamao, who was the oldest, who succeeded his father as moi or sovereign, who was a great niau-pio, but was not a pio like his half-brother Keeaumoku. Kalanikaulele had other husbands, among whom I need only mention Lonoikahaupu, the king of Kauai, with whom she begat Keawepoepoe, the ancestor of the present reigning family, who was a niau-pio but was not a pio. And similar examples may be drawn from all the islands.

Again the same Keawe-i-kekahi-alii with his wife Laamaikanaka had a daughter called Kaohiokaka. With this daughter Keawe cohabited and she bore a daughter called Kekaulike. That daughter was a naha chiefess under the old heraldry. This Kekaulike cohabited with her mother’s brother Kalaninuiamamao and begat a son named Keawemauhili. That son was a naha, as well as his mother and hence he was frequently called Keawe-wili-lua (Keawe-twice-turned).

These three classes and the rest of the recognized nobility formed what was called the papa-alii by a general term, or the aha-alii, the convocation of nobles, the “Ritterstand.”

Below the three classes above named the papa-alii recognized several gradations of nobility; but they were social rather than political distinctions. Thus a child born of a niau-pio chiefess and a chief not a niau-pio took precedence of a child born to a niau-pio chief with a chiefess not niau-pio. In fact the mother’s rank invariably prevailed over that of the father, with certain exceptions, as when the father publicly acknowledged and adopted the child as his own, although the mother’s rank may not have been equal to the father’s.

The descent from being a niau-pio, a pio, or a naha, to one of the inferior degrees of the aha alii of the nobility, took several generations to accomplish. The writer in the Kuokoa newspaper, to whom I have referred, speaks of wohi, lo alii, alii papa, lokea alii, laauli alii, and kukaepopolo, as distinct grades of nobility, one above the other in the order named. My reading and acquaintance with the ancient rules of heraldry do not correspond with such a classification.

The wohi was a function, an office, not a degree of nobility. It had its peculiar privileges, among which was the exemption from rendering the kapu-moe to the sovereign, the moi. Its duties were that of a prime minister, and on public occasions the wohi walked in front of the sovereign to see that the ceremonial was duly performed and that everybody else, who was not exempt, duly observed the kapu-moe. Like many other institutions it tended to become hereditary. Thus the son of a wohi under one sovereign was most likely to become the wohi under the son of that sovereign; but when the dynasty changed the wohi-ship changed also. Thus the wohi of Kumahana, King of Oahu, was no longer the wohi of Kahahana, who succeeded Kumahana as the head of a new dynasty. Thus the wohi of Kalaniopuu, King of Hawaii, was no longer the wohi when Kamehameha I. had obtained the ascendancy. The wohi-ship was peculiarly an institution on the leeward islands, Oahu and Kauai, and was only comparatively lately introduced on Maui and Hawaii. While the office lasted the privileges attached to it were exercised and enforced; when the office lapsed, the privileges ceased, and the late incumbent was simply a naiu-pio, or a chief of less degree, as the case might be. Keawemauhili was the wohi of his nephew Kiwalao, King of Hawaii; Keliimaikai was the wohi of his brother Kamehameha I.; but neither the children of Keliimaikai claimed, or were awarded the privileges of a wohi after the death of their parents. The precedence that a wohi obtained over other nobles was in virtue of his office alone, and as temporary as the incumbency of that office. The last Hawaiian wohi was Keliimaikai, the aforesaid brother of Kamehameha I., and his son Kekuaokalani might have remained wohi under Liholiho, Kamehameha II., had he not rebelled against him.

The lo was not, as the Kuokoa writer assumes, a specific name for one of the degree of nobility. It was a patronymic, distinguishing a certain family on Oahu. The first known in Hawaiian legends and history was Lo Lale, the brother of Piliwale and Kalamakua, sons of Kalonaiki, the Oahu sovereign. Lo was a title or epithet exclusively belonging to Lale’s descendants. What the occasion of the title, or what kapus and privileges, if any, it conferred, I have been unable to ascertain. As a degree of nobility lo was unknown throughout the group. As a title, or sobriquet, it was never assumed by any one who could not clearly trace his descent from that first Lo Lale, lord of Lihue and adjoining lands in Ewa and Waialua.

The division of the nobility which the Kuokoa writer designates by the names of alii papa and lokea-alii are unknown to me. They do not occur in the old meles or kaaos, and I know not their origin. These, as well as the other divisions, which he designates by the names of laauli alii and kaukau alii, were all recognized nobles, alii of the papa alii or the aha alii; local circumstances and social conventionalities determining generally for the time being the precedence due from one to the other. Their privileges, prerogatives and kapus, be they great or small, whether derived from mother or father, were theirs by birth or inheritance. A chief of the papa alii may not deem it practicable, expedient or prudent to exact those privileges and kapus at times, but his right to their observance none could deprive him of. During the frequent wars which harrassed the country in former days a chief may have lost his lands and possessions and been driven into exile and reduced to poverty and there be no one left to do him homage, or observe the kapus towards him, or he might never have had land and subjects assigned him from his infancy. But if fortune smiled upon him and if, through the strength of his spear or the favor of his sovereign moi, he reconquered the paternal domain or obtained another, he simply resumed the rights and kapus which had been lying in abeyance during poverty and exile. Some families never recovered from such a disaster, but their descendants retain to this day their rank unimpaired and the rights which that rank conferred, though it may not be prudent or practicable to exact them. To illustrate the vicissitudes of the aristocracy during the last 150 years: The old nobility of Molokai, the descendants of Maweke of Nuakea, of Keoloewa, circumscribed in territorial possessions certainly, but as lofty and as pure in its blue blood as any of Oahu or Kauai were, with the exception of one family destroyed, despoiled and exiled by Peleioholani of Oahu in vengeance for the death of his daughter, Kulanihonuaiakama, who was treacherously killed by some chiefs of windward Molokai. Thus the Oahu chief families, the descendants of Maweke of Laakona, of the Kalonas[?], went to the wall and were despoiled by Kahekili of Maui, after his conquest of the island, not one Oahu chief of the ancient nobility remaining in possession of his hereditary lands. Death, flight and exile were their portion. Thus the Maui aristocracy, the descendants of Haho, of Eleio, of Piilani, with the exception of the few who joined the conquering party, were despoiled after the conquest of the island by Kamehameha I. Thus, though somewhat later in time, the Kauai aristocracy, the proud descendants of Maweke, of Ahukini-a-Laa, of Manokalanipo, were almost literally exterminated or reduced during the insurrection of Humehume against Liholiho, Kamehameha II. As for the Hawaiian noblesse, the descendants of Hikapoloa, of Pilikaeaea, of Kiha-nui-lulu-moku, how many have survived the internecine wars that followed the death of Keawe-i-kekahi-alii and the death of Kalaniopuu? Where are the scions of Imakakaloa of Puna, of Piena of Kau, of Palena of Kohala, and others too numerous to mention? What would have been the fate of the illustrious and once powerful house of I of Hilo, the descendants of Liloa and Piilani, had not a lucky accident ranged Keawe-a-Heulu on the side of three other chiefs, whose spears and whose counsel raised Kamehameha I. on the throne? As it was, other adverse circumstances afterwards nearly brought that house to its ruin, when another turn of fortune’s wheel placed it on the top of the ladder. But who will venture to say that during this partial eclipse for more than two generations, when for prudential reasons its white puloulou, or its day-light torches were no longer visible, its kapus, its rights, its privileges, or its rank had been forfeited, diminished, or lost through non-observance? Who will dispute the rank and the kapus of Keawemauhili’s descendants through Elelule and Kuhio, backed as they were by the royal escutcheon of Kamakahelei of Kauai? And yet the heirs to that rank were ignored and their kapus slumbered for more than fifty years, until of late their former status has been restored. Who will deny the rank and heraldic consideration due to the descendants of the great house of Kualii of Oahu, either through his son Peleioholani or his daughter Kukuiaimakalani, many if not most of whom, have not at present land enough of their own to be buried in, and whose only remaining heirlooms are the consciousness of their rank and their family chants, their mele inoa which at one time were solicited, but solicited in vain, by even so proud a king as Lot Kamehameha V.

There was an expression used in olden times to designate certain chiefs, male or female, which expression in those days did not mark a fixed or certain degree of nobility, but was a relative term of a large degree of elasticity. That term was kaukau-alii. In later and modern times the term has been made to imply inferiority and dependence. To illustrate: In olden time the children of Hakau-a-Liloa looked upon the children of Umi-a-Liloa, their cousins, as kaukau alii compared to themselves, though the sovereignty of Hawaii and the highest political kapus rested with the latter. Thus the children of Kalaninuiamamao and of Keeaumoku of Hawaii looked upon the children of Kumukoa and of Awili, their cousins, as kaukau-alii compared with themselves. Thus Kalaipaihala, the son of Kalaniopuu of Hawaii, was a kaukau-alii to his brother Kiwalao, although he was a niau-pio chief in his own right. The term was relative and did not mark a degree of nobility.

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST.

Every people, possessed of some culture or civilization, attempts to preserve a record of its past, whether that record is handed down orally, or by some sort of writing. With the Hawaiians as with their Polynesian congeners everywhere, such records were passed down orally from father to child, or from master to disciple, within the professional circle of those to whom immemorial usage has consigned the preservation of them. But history, or a record of the past, would become unintelligible and rank confusion unless set forth or arranged upon some system of chronology. Some peoples counted time by the number of generations from some common ancestor; some counted by the length of reign of each successive king or chief; some counted each individual year within a, by them, generally adopted era. The Hawaiians counted by generations of their principal chiefs or kings. They started from Wakea as a common ancestor of all the chiefs on all the islands of the Hawaiian group; but, for convenience or clearness sake, time was counted by either of the reigning families on the four principal islands: Kauai, Oahu, Maui, or Hawaii. Thus an event, worthy of being preserved on the national records, was said to have occurred “in the time of”—“i ke au o”—such or such a prominent chief of this or that island; and, in order to ascertain when, the generations were counted either down from Wakea, or more generally up (back) from the then present generation. Thus Hawaiian chronology was not very exact, it must be admitted; but to a people, who depended entirely upon the faithful memory of their bards and priests, it was sufficiently approximate to bring order and sequence in their unwritten records of the past. To us, of a later and more developed civilization, the exactitude of dates is of the very essence of history, or at least one of its most necessary elements; but an approximation to truth satisfied the ancient Hawaiian.

In my work, “The Polynesian Race, its Origin and Migrations,” Vol. I, p. 166, I have approximately fixed the period of Wakea at about 190 A.D., and the length of a generation, for the purposes of historical computation, at 30 years. Counting 13 generations after Wakea we arrive at Nanaulu, in whose time the Hawaiian group was undoubtedly occupied by the Hawaiian branch of the Polynesian Race, say 580 A.D. Continuing on the genealogical line of Nanaulu, as the safest and most correct, we arrive after 15 more generations, or 450 years, at the period of Maweke, say 1030 A.D., when that remarkable intermigratory movement between the southern and northern Polynesian groups, of which their legends and chants give so ample evidence, had already commenced. From Maweke down, therefore, Hawaiian chronology may be computed from any of the leading genealogies, counting Maweke as No. 29, Paumakua as No. 30, Pilikaeaea as No. 31 from Wakea.

Thus, to take only two genealogies out of many, we get the following approximate, chronological lists, viz:

OAHU. HAWAII.

No. A.D. No. A.D.

29. Maweke 1030 30. Mulielealii 1060 31. Moikeha 1090 31. Pilikacaca 1090 32. Hookamalii 1120 32. Kukohau 1120 33. Kahai 1150 33. Kaniuhi 1150 34. Kuolono 1180 34. Kanipahu 1180 35. Maelo (w) and 1210 35. Kalapana 1210 Lauli-a-Laa (k) 36. Laulihewa 1240 36. Kahaimoelea 1240 37. Kahuoi 1270 37. Kalaunuiohua 1270 38. Pua-a-Kahuoi 1300 38. Kuaiwa 1300 39. Kukahiaililani 1330 39. Kahoukapu 1330 40. Mailikukahi 1360 40. Kauholanuimahu 1360 41. Kalona-iki 1390 41. Kihanuilulumoku 1390 42. Piliwale 1420 42. Liloa 1420 43. Kukaniloko (w) 1450 43. Umi-a-Liloa 1450 44. Kalaimanuia (w) 1480 44. Kealiilokaloa 1480 45. Kaihikapu-a-Manuia 1510 45. Kukailani 1510 46. Kakuhihewa 1540 46. Kaikilani (w) 1540 47. Kaihikapu-a-Kakuhihewa 1570 47. Keakealanikane 1570 48. Kahoowahaokalani 1600 48. Keakamahana (w) 1600 49. Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha 1630 49. Keakealani (w) 1630 50. Kualii 1660 50. Kalanikauleleiaiwi 1660 (w) 51. Peleioholani 1690 51. Keawepoepoe 1690 52. Kumahana 1720 52. Kameeiamoku 1720 53. Kaneoneo 1750 53. Kepookalani 1750 54. Kapuaamohu (w) 1774 54. Aikanaka 1780 55. Kinoiki (w) 1804 55. Keohokalole (w) 1810 56. Kapiolani (w) born 1834 56. Kalakaua born 1836

HAWAII. MAUI.

No. A.D. No. A.D.

30. Paumakua 1060 31. Pilikaeaea 1090 31. Haho 1090 32. Kukohau 1120 32. Palena 1120 33. Kaniuhi 1150 33. Hanalaa 1150 34. Kanipahu 1180 34. Mauiloa 1180 35. Kalapana 1210 35. Alo 1210 36. Kahaimoelea 1240 36. Kuhimana 1240 37. Kalaunuiohua 1270 37. Kamaloohua 1270 38. Kuaiwa 1300 38. Loe 1300 39. Kahoukapu 1330 39. Kaulahea I. 1330 40. Kauholanuimahu 1360 40. Kakae 1360 41. Kiha 1390 41. Kahekili I. 1390 42. Liloa 1420 42. Kawaokaohele 1420 43. Umi-a-Liloa 1450 43. Piilani 1450 44. Kealiiokaloa 1480 44. Kiha-a-Piilani 1480 45. Kukailani 1510 45. Kamalalawalu 1510 46. Kaikilani (w) 1540 46. Kauhi-a-Kama 1540 47. Keakealanikane 1570 47. Kalanikaumakaowakea 1570 48. Keakamahana (w) 1600 48. Lonohonuakini 1600 49. Keakealani (w) 1630 49. Kaulahea II. 1630 50. Kalanikauleleiaiwi 1660 50. Kekaulike 1660 51. Keawepoepoe 1690 51. Kamehamehanui 1690 Kahekili 52. Kameeiamoku 1720 52. Kalanikupule 1720 53. Kepookalani 1750 53. Kueliko 1750 54. Aikanaka 1780 54. Kalili 1780 55. Keohokalole (w) 1810 55. Pinao (w) 1824 56. Kalakaua 1836

OAHU. HAWAII.

Kapiolani (w) 1834 Kalakaua 1836 Kinoiki (w) 1804 Kapaakea 1806 Kapuaamohu (w) 1774 Kamanawa II 1780 Kaneoneo 1750 1744 [563] Alapaiwahine (w) 1750 Kumahana 1720 1714 Kaolanialii (w) 1720 Peleioholani 1690 1684 Kalaninuiamao 1690 Kualii 1660 1654 Lonomaaikanaka 1660 (w) Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha 1630 1624 Ahu-a-I 1630 Kahoowahaokalani 1600 1594 I 1600 Kaihikapu-a-Kakuhihewa 1570 1564 Makua 1570 (Kapoholemai) Kakuhihewa 1540 1534 Keawenuiaumi 1540 Kumulae Kaihikapu-a-Manuia 1510 1504 Piikea Umi 1510 Kalaimanuia (w) 1480 1474 Laielohelohe 1480 Kukaniloko (w) 1450 1444 Kalamakua 1450 Piliwale 1420 1414 Kalonanui 1420 Kalonaiki 1390 1384 Mailikukahi 1360 1354 Kukahiaililani 1330 1324 Pua-a-Kahuoi 1300 1294 Kahuoi 1270 1264 Laulihewa 1240 1234 Maelo (w) and 1210 1204 Lauli-a-Laa Kuolono 1180 1174 Kahai 1150 1144 Hookamalii 1120 1114 Moikeha 1090 1084 Mulielealii 1060 1054 Maweke 1030 1024

OAHU. KAUAI.

No. A.D. No. A.D.

29. Maweke [564] 1030 30. Mailelaulii 1060 30. Paumakua (Oahu) 1060 31. Moikeha 1090 31. Kumakaha 1090 32. Hookamalii 1120 32. Luahiwa 1120 33. Kahai 1150 33. Ahukai 1150 34. Kuolono 1180 34. Laamaikahiki 1180 35. Maelo (w) and 1210 35. Ahukini-a-Laa 1210 Lauli-a-Laa (k) 36. Laulihewa 1240 36. Kamahano 1240 37. Kahuoi 1270 37. Luanuu 1270 38. Pua-a-Kahuoi 1300 38. Kukona 1300 39. Kukahiaililani 1330 39. Manokalanipo 1330 40. Mailikukahi 1360 40. Kaumakamano 1360 41. Kaonaiki 1390 41. Kahakuakane 1390 42. Piliwale 1420 42. Kuwalupaukamoku 1420 43. Kukaniloko (w) 1450 43. Kahakumakapaweo 1450 44. Kalaimanuia (w) 1480 44. Kalanikukuma 1480 45. Kaihikapu-a-Manuia 1510 45. Ilihiwalani 1510 46. Kakuhihewa 1540 46. Kauhi-a-Hiwa 1540

OAHU. KAUAI.

No. A.D. No. A.D.

46. Kaihikapu-a-Kakuhihewa 1570 46. Kanei-a-Haka (w) and Kealohi (k) Maikai 1570 47. Kahoowahaokalani 1600 47. Kapulauki 1600 48. Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha 1630 48. Kuluina (w) 1630 49. Kualii 1660 49. Lonoikahaupu 1660 50. Peleioholani; Kukuiai 1690 50. Kaumeheiwa 1690 (w) 51. Peleioholani, died 51. Kamakahelei (w) 1740 Kalanipoo (w) 1770 52. Kumahana, dethroned 1773 52. Kaumualii, last king; Kapuaanohu (w) 1778 53. Kahahana, conquered by 53. Kinoiki (w) 1808 Kahekili 1783 54. Kahahana, slain 1785 54. Kapiolani (w) 1834

HAWAII. OAHU.

Kalakaua 1836 Kapiolani (w) 1834 Keohokalole (w) 1810 1806 Kinoiki (w) 1804 Aikanaka 1780 1776 Kapuaamohu (w) 1774 Kepookalani 1750 1746 Kamakahelei (w) 1740 Kameeiamoku 1720 1716 Kaumeheiwa 1690 1714 Keawepoepoe 1690 1686 Lonoikahaupu 1660 1684 Kalanikauleleiaiwi (w) 1660 1656 Kuluina (w) 1630 1654 Keakealani (w) 1630 1626 Kapulauki 1600 1624 Keakamahana (w) 1600 1596 Kanei-a-Haka 1570 1594 Keakealanikane 1570 1566 Kauhi-a-Hiwa 1540 1564 Kaikilani (w) 1540 1536 Ilihiwalani 1510 1534 Kukailani 1510 1506 Kalanikukuma 1480 1504 Kealiiokaloa 1480 1476 Kahakumakapaweo 1450 1474 Umi-a-Liloa 1450 1446 Kuwalupaukamoku 1420 1444 Liloa 1420 1416 Kahakuakane 1390 1414 Kiha 1390 1386 Kaumakamano 1360 1384 Kauholanuimahu 1360 1356 Manokalanipo 1330 1354 Kahoukapu 1330 1326 Kukona 1300 1324 Kuaiwa 1300 1296 Luanuu 1270 1294 Kalaunuiohua 1270 1266 Kamahano 1240 1264 Kahaimoelea 1240 1236 Ahukini-a-Laa 1210 1234 Kalapana 1210 1206 Laamaikahiki 1180 1204 Kanipahu 1180 1176 Ahukai 1150 1174 Kaniuhi 1150 1146 Luahiwa 1120 1144 Kukohau 1120 1116 Kumakaha 1090 1114 Pilikaeaea 1090 1086 Paumakua 1060 1084

EVENTS IN HAWAIIAN HISTORY.

In Fornander’s manuscript the genealogical tables given above are followed by “Events in Hawaiian History,” which listed important events from 1527 to 1887. This was published as a supplement to Hitchcock’s Hawaiian Dictionary, which appeared in 1887. Hawaiian events since 1887, also comments on occurrences before that date, are recorded in various numbers of Thrum’s Hawaiian Almanac and Annual. See especially issues for 1876 and 1899.

The original list lacks the following significant events, which have been supplied by the editor:

1782—December. Death of Kanekoa, son of Kalanikeeaulumoku. 1783—March. Great eruption of Kilauea. 1784—Marriage of Kamehameha with Kaahumanu. 1801—Eruption of Hualalai, its last. 1809—Death of Keliimaikai, brother of Kamehameha I. 1809—Kanihonui strangled by order of Kamehameha I. 1818—May 20. Arrival at Hawaii of Spanish pirates, corvette Santa Rosa, of Provisional Government of Buenos Ayres, in charge of mutineers; captured in September by arrival of the Argentine, Captain Bouchard. 1822—May 1. Rev. W. Ellis first visits the islands. 1826—December 23. First treaty with the United States, signed. 1828—May 20. Birth of David Kamehameha, eldest son of Kinau and M. Kekuanaoa. Died December 15, 1835. 1830—December 11. Birth of Lot Kamehameha, son of Kinau and Kekuanaoa. 1832—January 31. Birth of W. C. Lunalilo, son of Kekauluohi and C. Kanaina. 1832—First census of the islands taken; population 130,313. 1832—December 23. Arrival of Japanese junk at Waialua, Oahu. 1834—February 9. Birth of Alex. Liholiho, son of Kinau and M. Kekuanaoa. 1836—November 4. First English treaty (by Edward Russel), signed. 1836—November 16. Birth of David Kalakaua, son of Keohokalole and Kapaakea. 1846—Oahu Temperance Society formed, J. F. B. Marshall, president. 1859—January 23. Eruption of Mauna Loa, with flow to the northwest. 1866—November 13. Death of high chief Kapaakea, father of Kalakaua. 1868—June 19. First Japanese immigrants (148) introduced per ship Scioto. 1869—April 6. Keohokalole, mother of Kalakaua, died. 1871—February 19. Severe earthquake at Honolulu and Lahaina. 1887—September 21. Death of Keliiahonui (Prince Edward), brother of Princes David and Kuhio.

TRADITIONAL AND GENEALOGICAL NOTES.

Wahine-o-Lalohana, connected with Kaiakahinalii. Lalohana, a country “maloko o ke kai” (in the sea). Another story says that she lived at Mauna, a coral reef makai (seaward) of Keauhou, Kona, and that Lono was the mauka (inland) chief.

Another story says the woman lived at Waiakea, Hilo, and the chief was Konikonia. Konikonia’s people went out fishing on the coral reef and their hooks were broken off by the Wahine-o-Lalohana. Her kaikunane, Kuula, was below the water and sometimes lived with Konikonia. This Kuula told Konikonia’s people that there were other people, men and women, living under the water (“he kulanakauhale”), a village, and they had broken the hooks. Kuula, being interrogated by Konikonia as to whether he belonged to that people, said he did and that he had a sister there, whereupon Konikonia told him to fetch her to be his wife. Kuula informed Konikonia of the process how to catch his sister by making images of her husband, Kiimaluhaku, and letting them down in the water, when she would think that he had returned from Kukulu o Kahiki, whither he had gone on a journey. The ruse succeeded and she was led to follow the string of images from below to the canoe and thence to Konikonia’s house, where she fell asleep, and woke up in the afternoon, finding Konikonia with her. She then sent for her food from below. In bringing her coconut shell up the contents were spilled, proved to be the mahina (moon), and flew up to heaven.

Four days she stayed ashore when she wanted to see her parents. Being asked who they were, she said Kahinalii was her father and Hinakaalualumoana was her mother. Being further asked if they would come ashore after her, she said no, not bodily, but that the waters which were then rising had come to search for her, and they would overwhelm every inch of ground, and that her brothers were running ahead of the sea. Then Konikonia and she ran for the mountain and climbed up the tall trees and built a place to stay in. They stayed there ten days, during which time Kahinalii covered the whole earth with the sea and all the people perished; but when it had reached Konikonia’s place it subsided, and he and she and all his ohua (household) were saved, and they returned to terra firma. David Malo thinks it an imported tale though older by far than the arrival of the haole (foreigners) with Captain Cook.

Lihaula was the elder brother of Wakea. They fought and Lihaula was conquered. Afterward Wakea fought with Kaneiakumuhonua and was beaten and driven out of the land and took to the sea. Some say this took place on Hawaii and Wakea was pursued to Kaula when he fled over the sea. Others say they fought in Hikiku and Wakea fled over the sea. Komoawa was the kahuna (priest) of Wakea. Afterwards Wakea fought Kaneiakumuhonua and beat him and retained the Aupuni (Government). Popokolonuha was Komoawa’s wife, and some say that Hoohokukalani was their daughter and not Wakea’s.—Wakea’s first son was Haloanaka, who died and grew up as taro. He (Wakea) afterwards begat Haloa.

BIRTHPLACE AND INTERMENT LOCALITIES OF CELEBRITIES.

Kapawa, born in Kukaniloko, died in Lahaina and buried in Iao.

Heleipawa, born at Lelekea in Kaapahu, Kipahulu, Maui, died in Poukela, buried in Ahulili.

Aikanaka, born in Holonokiu, Muolea, Hana, Maui, died in Oneuli, Puuolai, Honuaula, buried in Iao.

(Puna and) Hema, born on Kauiki, Hawaii kuauli, Hana, Maui, died in Kahiki, Ulupaupau.

Kahai, born in Halulukahi, Wailuku, Maui, died in Kailikii, Kau, and buried in Iao.

Wahieloa, born in Wailau, Kau, Hawaii, died in Koloa, Punaluu, Kau, buried in Alae, Kipahulu, Maui.

Laka, born in Haili, Hilo, Hawaii, died in Kualoa, Oahu, buried in Iao.

Luanuu, born in Peekauai, Waimea, Kauai, died in Honolulu, Oahu, buried in Nuuanu.

Pohukaina, born in Kahakahakea, Kahuku, Kau, Hawaii, died in Waimea, Hawaii, and buried in Mahiki.

Hua, born in Kahomaikanaha, Lahaina, Maui, died in Kehoni, Waiehu, Maui, and buried in Iao.

Pau (Kama [child of] Hua), born in Kahua, in Kewalo, Oahu, died in Molokai, buried in Iao.

Hua Kalalai (Kama [child of] Pau), born in Ohikilolo, Waianae, Oahu, died in Lanai, buried in Iao.

Paumakua, born in Kuaaohe, Kailua, Oahu, died on Oahu and buried in Iao.

Haho, no record; also none of Palena except that [he] begat Hanalaanui and Hanalaaiki.

Lonokawai, Laau, Pili, Koa, Kukohau, Kaniuhi, no record, nor of Loe.

Kanipahu lived in Kalae, Molokai, because Kamaiole had brought Hawaii under his sway. Kanipahu was not aware of his being the rightful alii of Hawaii. He had two children on Hawaii, Kalapana and Kalahumoku. Kamaiole did not know that they were Kanipahu’s children or he would have killed them. The Hawaiians were disgusted with Kamaiole’s oppression and went to Paao (who it seems was still alive) for advice and aid. Paao sent messengers to Molokai, to Kanipahu, to tell him to come back to Hawaii. Kanipahu refused, being ashamed of the lump on his shoulders, but told the messengers to go to Waimanu, Hamakua, and they would find his son Kalapana whom they should enthrone as king. Paao sent for Kalapana, and Kamaiole was killed at Anaehoomalu in Kekaha, on his way to Kona.

Paao is said to have lived 680 years (“he lau me na kanaha ehiku”), in the time of Laaualii, and he died in the time of Kamakaohua. Kau-a-Kamakaohua, daughter of Kamakaohua, was the wife of Hoalani, and their daughter was Ipuwai-a-Hoalani, the wife of Kaihikapu-a-Kakuihewa. From Laaualii to Kaniakaohua there were fifteen generations.

Paao’s son was Kahuakanani. Paao seems to have been a family name applicable to the descendants of the first Paao. The name as borne by that family of kahunas occurs during several generations.

Paao came in the time of Lonokawai who was after Kapawa; the 26th generation of chiefs. Pili afterwards was brought over to Hawaii from Tahiti by Paao in the vessel called Kanaloanui. The fish opelu and aku came with Pili, hence they were kapued fish. (Hoku Pakipika, Feb. 13, 1862.)

Kalaunuiohua. In his time lived Waahia, a noted prophetess (kaula).

Kamaluohua was king of Maui and fought with Kalau and was beaten. Kalau then fought with Kahokuohua, chief of Molokai, and beat him too. Kalau then fought with Huapouleilei of Oahu. Kalau then fought with Kukona of Kauai, was beaten, taken prisoner and afterward released.

Kauholanuimahu went to Honuaula, Maui, to reside, and while there he built the loko (fish-pond) at Keoneoio. While he was living on Maui his wife remained on Hawaii and took another husband who revolted against Kauhola, who returned to Hawaii, beat his opponent and retook the government.

Liloa was the son of Waiolea and Kiha. Waiolea was the elder sister of Pinea who was Liloa’s wife, and mother of Hakau.

Liloa, [king of Hawaii], gave Kekaha in Kona, Hawaii, to Laeanuikekaumanamana in perpetuity, and it descended to his grandchildren through Kualii, Kauluoaonana, Wahulu, Lonoanahulu, etc. to Kameeiamoku and Kamanawa.

Umi likewise gave Kapalilua, in South Kona, to his child Kapunanahuanui-a-Umi, from whom it descended through Ua, Iwikaualii, Iama to Keeaumoku.

Keakealani likewise gave Kaawaloa, South Kona, to Mahiololi from whom it descended to Keaweaheulu and his descendants.

Luhaukapawa is by some said to have originated the kapu system (ai moku).—D. Malo, Ch. 11.

“Kawelo Aikanaka son (maka ia) of Kahakumakapawea—this from Kalanikukuma, elder brother of Kailelalahai and Aaanuikaniaweki. These three were Makapawea’s children or descendants.”—Kanikau of Kalaiulumoku.

“Aikanaka of Kauai is said to be the grandson of Kahakualamea, contemporary with Kawelonui.

“Land visited by Kualanakila the kahu (lord) of Mokulehua: Laniku, Lanimoe, Laupala, Nihoa, Kamokumanamana, Kuaihelani, Hanakaieie, Onuiki, Onunui, Kapuuoneiki, Kumumahane, Kamohalii, (there was a volcano burning).—

“Kahoukapu is said to have had a brother, Kukaohialaka.” [565]

“Kalapana is said to have slain Kamaiole at Anaehoomalu in Kona, and followed him in the noho moi (sovereignty).”—D. Malo, Ch. 38.

Names of lands and islands known to the ancient Hawaiians, and mentioned in the mele, kaao, pule or moolelo: Kahiki was the general name for all foreign lands outside of Hawaii nei; lands or places said to have been visited by Kaulu, or Ulu, the brother of Nanaulu, children of Kii in the genealogy of Welaahilaninui (although in the mele of Kaulu, in which these places recur, Kaulu calls himself the “Kama a Kalana” [566]) are as follows: Wawau, Upolu (Upolo), Pukalia-iki, Pukalia-nui, Alala, Pelua, Palana, Holani, Kuina, Ulunui, Uliuli, Melemele, Hii-kua, Hii-alo, Hakalauai-apo, Kukulu-o-Kahiki, Moanawaikaioo (maelstrom); Kapakapakaua and Ulupaupau were places in Kahiki visited by Hema and by Kahai-a-Hema, nephew of Puna-imua; Kahiki-ku and Kahiki-moe were visited by Kila, Moikeha’s son. Thence came Laa, or Laa-mai-kahiki, his brother.

Tahiti lands, from which Olopana came when he settled on Oahu and married Hina, and built the Heiau of Kawa’ewa’e in Kaneohe, include the following: Keolewa; Haenakulaina; Kauaniani; Kalakeenuiakane; Nuumehelani; Kuaihelani; Kapaahu, the place of Kapuheeuanui who fished the islands out of the sea; Moaulanuiakea, Nuuhiwa and Polapola, known in the tale of Moikeha—see the mele of Kamahualele; Keapapanuu and Keapapa-lani, in the mele of Pakui said to have been created after Kahiki-ku and Kahiki-moe and before Hawaii, by Papa and Wakea; Kahiki-nui-kaialeale, supposed to be New Zealand.

Kauhiakama, the son of Kamalalawalu was carried prisoner from Maui by the Oahu chiefs and burnt at Apuakehau, in Waikiki, and his skull was used as an ipu honowa (excrement receptacle), hence the vindictiveness of Kahekili to the Oahu chiefs.

Keelanihonuaiakama was the daughter of Peleioholani and was killed by the Molokai chiefs, hence Peleioholani’s wars and vindictiveness toward them.

Peleioholani was son of Kualii, king of Oahu. He conquered Molokai in the time of Keawa, and put his son Kumahana as king of Maui, say 1764.

Kapiiohokalani was a brother of Peleioholani; Kaneoneo was the son of Kumahana.

Kumahana, son of Peleioholani, followed him as king of Oahu, about 1770, and three years afterward he was dethroned (wailana-ia), when Kahahana was sent for from Maui and became king of Oahu.

Keeaumoku rebelled against Kalaniopuu in Hawaii and went over to Maui, about 1765. In 1767 he rebelled against Kahekili and was defeated at Waihee, afterwards off Molokai whither Kahekili had pursued him, and he fled to Hana where Kaahumanu was born to him and his wife, Namahana, about 1768. Mahihelelima was then chief of Hana.

Hoapilikane, the son of Kameeiamoku and his wife Kealiiokahekili was born about 1776.

Hoapiliwahine, daughter of Keeaumoku and Namahana, and younger sister to Kaahumanu, was born about 1778.

Kekuaokalani, or Kepookalani Kalaninuimalokuloku, popularly known as Keliimaikai, called a younger brother of Kamehameha I.; it was he who fought for the maintenance of the kapu under Liholiho I. His wife was Manono.

Kamehameha’s wives, hooipo, were Peleuli, Keopuolani, Kai and Kaahumanu; his wahine hoao was Kaheiheimalie, daughter of Keeaumoku, born about 1778. His children were Kamehamalu, Kahoanoku. He had another wife Kahoa (?) another called Kaneikapolei and Kalola.

Kekela (who died last year) [about 1870] was the daughter of Kalaniwahikapaa, the granddaughter of Kanealai; she was hoomoeia (espoused) by Kamehameha to Kamaholelani, a Kauai chief.

Manono, wife of Kekuaokalani, was Kekuanaoa’s sister.

Manono’s mother was Luahiwa. Kaukuahi was Manono’s child.

Manonokauakapekulani was elder brother of Kekuanaoa; they were grandchildren of Kanealai.

P. Kanoa is from Molokai, a grandson of Peekua who descended from Kanealai on the side of Pailili. Also C. Kanaina. Their grandmother was Kaha.

Kanealai was Keawe’s wife; they had four children: Hao, Awili, Kaililoamoku and Kumukoa. Kanealai was connected with Kahekili. So was Pehu. Kalaniwahiikapaa’s wife was Mulehu. Kawao’s wife was Kalanihelemailuna; their child was A. Paki. Kumukoa’s wife was Kaulahoa. Kumukoa’s child was Kalaikuahulu, who was connected on Molokai somehow.

Six chiefs of Hawaii, whose bones were in the basket of Lonoikamakahiki and exhibited before Kakuhihewa of Oahu, are called kaikaina of Keawe-nui-a-Umi. (See Kaao of Lono.) Their names are as follows:

Palahalaha, son of Wahilani —Kohala. Pumaia, ,, ,, Wanua —Hamakua. Hilo-Hamakua, ,, ,, Kulukulua —Hilo. Lililehua, ,, ,, Huaa —Puna. Kahalemilo, ,, ,, Imaikalani —Kau. Moihala, ,, ,, Heapae —Kona.

“The ends of the earth and of heaven were created (hanau ia) by Kumukanikekaa (w) and her husband Paialani.

“Others say that Kamaieli (w) whose other name was Haloihoilalo, begat the foundation of the earth, and that Kumuhonua was her husband.

“In the mookuauhau of Kumulipo it is said that the earth and the heaven grew up of themselves (ulu wale).

“In the mookuauhau of Wakea it is said that his wife Papa begat a calabash (ipu)—the bowl and the cover—Wakea threw the cover upward and it became the heaven; from the inside meat and seeds Wakea made the sun, moon, stars and sky; from the juice he made the land and the sea.

“In the moolelo of Moi, the prophet of Keoloewa-a-kamau, of Molokai; in the prophecies and sayings of Nuakea, the prophetess of Luhaukapawa, Kapewaiku, Kapewalani, of Kauai; of Maihea and Naulu-a-Maihea, the prophet race of Oahu in the time of Lonohoonewa (the father of Paumakua); of Luahoomoe, the prophet of Hua of Maui—in all these prophecies—it is said that the gods (na akua) created heaven and earth. The gods who created heaven and earth were three, Kane, Ku, and Lono. Kanaloa was the great enemy of these three gods. Before this creation of heaven, earth, etc., everything was shaky, trembling and destitute, bare, (naka, olohelohe); nothing could be distinguished, everything was tossing about, and the spirits of the gods were fixed to no bodies, only the three above gods had power to create heaven and earth. Of these three Kane was the greatest in power, and Ku and Lono were inferior to him. The powers of the three joined together were sufficient to create and fix heaven and earth.

“Their creation commenced on the 26th day of the month, on the day called Kane and was continued during the days called Lono, Mauli, Muku, Hilo and Hoaka.

“In six days the creation was done and the seventh day, the day called Ku, became the first kapu day (la kapu), day of rest. The first and the last of the seven days in every month have been kept kapu ever since by all generations of Hawaiians.” (Mookuauhau o Puanue. Au Okoa Oct. 14, 1869.)

In an ancient prayer reference is made to the subversion of the creed of religion (kapu) of Kahai by Lono.

When Moikeha came from Tahiti (Moaulanui) he brought with him his kilokilo, called Kamahualele, who followed him to Kauai; also his two sisters, named Makapuu and Makaaoa; also his two brothers named Kumukahi and Haehae; also his kahuna named Mookini. When he arrived at Hilo in Hawaii, Kumukahi and Haehae wished to stop there and they were put ashore. (Is Lae Kumukahi called after the first and Haehae after the other?—probably.) When Moikeha got off at Kohala, Mookini and Kaluawilinau left there. (Is the old heiau of Mookini called after Moikeha’s kahuna?—probably.) At Hana another follower named Honuaula was left. At Oahu his two sisters Makapuu and Makaaoa were left, hence probably “Lae Makapuu,” East Cape of Oahu. Kamahualele was an adopted son of Moikeha.—He traveled in a double canoe (kaulua). Moikeha was a red-haired, florid man (ehu kumuuli).

In the Hawaiian priesthood, (oihana kahuna) there were ten branches or colleges. He who was master of, or proficient, in all was called a high priest (kahuna nui.) The names of these branches of learning, or colleges were: (1) Anaana, (2) Hoopiopio, (3) Hoounauna—these three connected with the practice of sorcery, by prayer and signs, for the death or injury of another. (4) Hookomokomo, (5) Po’i-uhane, connected with divination by causing spirits of the dead to enter the body of a subject and possess it. (6) Lapaau maoli, medicine generally. (7) Kuhikuhi-puu-one, consulted about building temples, their location and prosperity. (8) Oneoneihonua, (9) Kilokilo, (10) Nanauli, soothsayers, diviners, prophets.

Each one of these ten was again subdivided in classes and occupations of detail. The priesthood was governed by rules and regulations of its own, stringent oaths were exacted before admission and heavy penalties upon infraction.

A number of gods were invoked by the different classes and subdivisions of the priesthood, but the principal god, who seems to have been the presiding and tutelar deity of the entire body of priests was called Uli, the blue sky, the vault of heaven.

HAWAIIAN GENEALOGY.

From Wakea and Papa down to the period of Maweke and his contemporaries there is considerable difference in the current Hawaiian genealogies. I will now give as many of these different versions as have come to my knowledge, commencing with the most generally received, and the one that was adopted by David Malo in that earliest attempt at a written history of the Hawaiian islands, prepared at Lahainaluna in 1836 while yet a great number of the chiefs and priests from the heathen times were alive. It runs exclusively on the Ulu-Hema-Hanalaa-nui line of the Hawaiian chiefs, ignoring the Nanaulu, Puna and Hanalaa-iki branches. I will insert them however entire, [567] because the comments and critical comparisons which I have to make may oblige me to refer to names subsequent to the Maweke-Paumakua period; and to avoid inconvenience in future references, it will be better to have the whole of such genealogy at one place, than to have them as scattered fractions in many places.

1. Wakea 4. Wailoa 7. Ole 10. Nukahakoa 2. Hoohokukalani (w) 5. Kakaihili 8. Pupue 11. Luanuu 3. Waia 6. Kia 9. Manaku 12. Kahiko 13. Kii 14. Ulu Nanaulu 23. Lana Kaoko Kalai 15. Nana Nanamea 24. Kapawa Malelewaa 16. Waikumailani Pehekeula 25. Heleipawa Hopoe 17. Kuheleimoana Pehekemana 26. Aikanaka Makalawena 18. Konohiki Nanamua 27. Puna Lelehooma 19. Wawena Nanaikeauhaku 28. Auanini Kekupahaikala 20. Akalana Keaoa 29. Lonohoonewa Maweke 21. Maui Hekuma 30. Paumakua 22. Nana a Maui Umalei

The above list begins with the Nana-Ulu line but switches at Kii (No. 13), to the Ulu order, with much irregularity.

D. MALO’S LIST ON THE ULU LINE, WITH SOME SLIGHT VARIATIONS.

1. Wakea 21. Wawena 41. Paumakua 2. Haloa 22. Akalana 42. Haho 3. Waia 23. Maui 43. Palena 4. Hinanalo 24. Nanamaoa 44. Hanalaanui 5. Nanakehili 25. Nanakulei 45. Lanakawai 6. Wailoa 26. Nanakaoko 46. Laau 7. Kio 27. Nanakuae 47. Pili 8. Ole 28. Kapawa 48. Koa 9. Pupue 29. Heleipawa 49. Ole 10. Manaku 30. Aikanaka 50. Kukohou 11. Lukahakoa (Kahiko) 31. Hema 51. Kaniuhi 12. Luanuu 32. Kahai 52. Kanipahu 13. Kahiko 33. Wahieloa 53. Kalapana 14. Kii—14 34. Laka 54. Kahaimoelea 15. Ulu 35. Luanuu 55. Kalau 16. Nanaie 36. Kanua 56. Kuaiwa 17. Nanailani 37. Pohukaina 57. Kahoukapu 18. Waikulani 38. Hua 58. Kauhola 19. Kuheleimoana 39. Pau 59. Kiha 20. Konohiki 40. Hua-o-Pau 60. Liloa

24. Kapawa 28. Lonohoonewa 32. Ahukai 25. Heleipawa 29. Paumakua 33. Laa 26. Puna 30. Kumakaha 34. Lauli-a-Laa 27. Auanini 31. Luahiwa

11. Lalo o Kona (k) Ka Mole Aniani (w) 12. Hoonanea (k) Hoowalea (w) Nuu or Kahinalii (k) 13. Nuu Lilinoe (w) { Naluakua (k) 14. { Naluhoohua (k) { Nalumanamana (k) Manamana-ia-Kuluea (w) 15. Kaiolani (k) Kawowo-i-Lani (w) 16. Hakuimoku (k) Lui-ke-Po (w) 17. Neeneelani (Imilani) (k) Pili-Po (w) 18. Honua-o-ka-moku (k) Anahulu-ka-Po (w) 19. Neepapulani (k) Wehe-ka-Po (w) 20. Hele-i-ku-Hikina (k) Hala-ka-Po (w) 21. Helemooloa (k) Kawanaao (w) 22. Keaoapaapa (Kuapapa) (k) Keaolaelae (w) 23. Luanuu (Kaneholani) (k) Pomalie (w) (Kini) Polehulehu Ahu (w) (a slave) Meehiwa Hakulani (w) 24. { Kunawao (w) Kamolehikinakuahine (w) { Kalanimenehune (Kane, Lono) Ku Oo (k) 25. { Aholoholo (k) { Kaimipukaku (Kinilau-e-Mano) (k) Kahooluhikupaa (w) 26. Newenewe-i-Maolina-i-Kahikiku (k) Nowelohikina (w) 27. Kaokaokalani (k) Hehakamoku (w) 28. Anianiku (k) Kekaipahola (w) 29. Anianikalani (k) Kameenuihikina (w) { Hawaii-loa (Ke kowa i Hawaii) (k) Hualalai (w) 30. { Ku, or Kii (k), (for Kaimelemele) { Kanaloa { Laakapu Oahu (w) Kunuiaiakeakaua (k) Kunuiakea (k) Hawaii-loa (k) Hualalai (w) { Maui-ai-ahi (k) 31. { Oahu (w) Kunuiaiakeakua (k) { Kauai (k) 32. Kunuiakea (k) Kahikiwalea (w) 33. Keliialia (k) Kahikialii (w) 34. Kemilia (k) Polohamalei (w) 35. Keliiku (Eleeleualani) (k) Ka-Oupe-alii (w) 36. Kukalaniehu (k) Kahakauakoko (w) 37. Papanuihanaumoku (w) Wakea (k) Hoohokukalani (w) Keliihanau (k) Te Rii i te Haupoipoi (k) Waia (k) Hinanalo (k) Te Arii Aumai (k) Te Arii Taria (k) Haloa (k) Hinamanouluae (w) Waia (k) Huhune (Papa) (w) Hinanalo (k) Hanuu Nanakehili (k) Haulani (w) Wailoa (k)

[Note: The foregoing list, Nos. 11 to 37, follows closely the Kumuhonua genealogy as given in “Polynesian Race,” Vol. I, pages 182–3.]

1. Maweke Naiolaukea 2. Mulielealii 2. Kalehenui 3. Moikeha 3. Hinakaimauliawa 4. Hookamalii 4. Mua (or Mualani) 5. Kahai 5. Kuomua 6. Kuolono 6. Kawalewaleoku 7. Maelo (w) (Lauli-a-Laa) 7. Kaulaulaokalani 8. Laulihewa 8. Kaimihauoku 9. Kahuoi 9. Moku a Loe 10. Pua-a-Kahuoi 10. Kaliaokalani 11. Mailikukahi 11. Keopuolani 12. Kaihuholuakalona-iki 12. Kupanihi 13. Piliwale 13. Luapuloku 14. Kukaniloko (w) 14. Ahuakai 15. Kalanimanuia (w) 15. Maeunuiokalani 16. Kaihikapu-a-Manuia 16. Kapiliokalani 17. Kakuihewa 17. Halaulani 18. Kanekapu a Kakuihewa 18. Laninui a Kaihupu 19. Kahoowaha 19. Kaakaualani (w) 20. Kauakahi a Kahoowaha 20. Kauakahinui a Kakuihewa (k) 21. Kualii (k)

[Note: This list (from No. 11) differs in order from that of the Nanaulu line of comparative genealogy table in Pol. Race, Vol. I, p. 249.]

2. Keaunui a Maweke 3. { Lakona { Nuakea (w) (Keoloewa k) 4. Kapau o Nuakea 5. Kamauliwahine

Laamaikahiki 6. Kualani (w) (Kanipahu k) 7. Ahukini-a-Laa 7. Kalahumoku 8. Kamahano 8. Ihialamea 9. Luanuu 9. Kamanawa (w) 10. Kukona 10. Ehu 11. Manokalanipo 11. Ehunuikaimalino 12. Kaumakamano 12. Paula 13. Kahakuakane 13. Panaiakaiaiki 14. Kuwalupaukamoku 14. Ahulinuikaapeape 15. Kahakumakapaweo 15. Kailiokiha 16. Kalanikukuma 16. Mokuahualeiakea (w) (Umi) 17. Kahakumakalina (k) 17. Akahiilikapu (w) a Umi

[Kukona (No. 10) was contemporary with Kalaunuiohua, who was a grandson of Kalapana, another brother of Kalahumoku and son of Kanipahu. Kalanikukuma (No. 16) was contemporary with Umi-a-Liloa of Hawaii.]

1. Kamehameha I. 8. Kukailani 15. Kuaiwa 2. Keoua 9. Kealiiokaloa 16. Kalaunuiohua 3. Keeaumoku 10. Umi-a-Liloa 17. Kahaimoilea 4. Keawe-nui 11. Liloa 18. Kalapana 5. Keakealani (w) 12. Kiha-nui 19. Kanipahu 6. Iwikauikaua 13. Kauholanuiamahu 7. Makakaualii 14. Kahoukapu

[The above list in reverse order follows somewhat the Ulu line of genealogy as shown in “Polynesian Race,” Vol. I, pages 191–2.]

Kanipahu Alaekauakoko Hualani 1. { Kalapana Makeamalaihanae { Kalahumoku Laamea 2. Kahaimoelea 2. Ikialaamea Kalamea 3. Kalau 3. Kamanawa (w) Kaiua 4. Kuaiwa 4. Uakaiua Kuaimakani 5. Kahau 5. Kauahae-a-K. Kapiko 6. Kauhola 6. Kuleanakapiko Keanianihooleilei 7. Kiha 7. Akahiakuleana (w) Liloa 8. Liloa Umi and Omaokamao (k) Lonoapii Piilaniwahine Moihala Kaholipeoku Lonowahinekahaleikeopapa Kauhealuikawaokalani Kalaniheliikauhilonohonua Loheakauakeiki Kahoanokapuokuihewa Kapahimaiakea Kapuleiolaa Kanaloauoo Kapaihi Mahiopupelea Hoau Kamaiki Keaweikekino Ileholo Kahiko Kuanuuanu Kahili Napolo Hopuola Kalimahauna Sara Hiwauli John Ii

[This list starting from Kanipahu, No. 50 of the Ulu line, does not show clearly the sex of Ii’s ancestry. See Polynesian Race, I, p. 191.]

MALE FEMALE

1. Kalapana Makeamalamaihanae 2. Kahaimoeleaikaikupou Kapoakauluhailaa 3. Kalaunuiohua Kaheke 4. Kuaiwa Kamuleilani 5. Kahoukapu Laakapu 6. Kauhola [nuimahu] Neula 7. Kiha Waoilea 8. Liloa Akahiakuleana 9. Umi.

[This list is based on the Ulu line, of which Kalapana is No. 51.]

MAUI

MALE FEMALE

61. Piilani Laielohelohe Lonoapii 62. Kihapiilani Kumaka 63. Kamalalawalu Piilaniwahine 64. Kauhi-a-Kama Kapukini 65. Kalanikaumakaowakea Kaneakalau 66. Lonohonuakini Kalanikauanakinilani 67. Kaulahea Papaikaniau 68. Kekaulike Kekuiapoiwa 69. Kahekili

According to J. Koii’s record, a variance on the Ulu-Hema line.

61. Keawe (k) Kalanikauleleiaiwi (w) 62. Keeaumoku (k) Keawepoepoe (k) 63. Keoua (k) Kameeiamoku (k) 64. Kamehameha I. Kepookalani (k) 65. Kaoleioku (k) Aikanaka (k) 66. Konia (w) Pauahi (w) Keohokalole (w) 67. Pauahi (w) Ruth K. (w) Kalakaua (k)

65. Kaoleioku (k) Kamehameha III. Kinau (w) 66. Konia (w) Kamehameha IV., V. 67. Pauahi (w)

Kalaiwahineuli (w) Keoua kalina kupua Haae Kalaipaihala Kamehameha I. Kamakaeheikuli (w) Kaoanaeha (w) Kinau (w) Kalaemamahu Kekela (w) Liholiho, Lot, etc. Kekauluohi (w) Emma (w) Lunalilo

Kanaloauoo Mahi a Lole Kaunana a Mahi Haae Kekuiapoiwa 2 Kamehameha I.

[The four lists given above differ in part from the closing of the Ulu list, as shown on page 192 of Vol. I, “Polynesian Race.”]

1. Kaneoneo 8. Kakuihewa (k) 2. Kumahana (k) 9. Kaunuiakaneloalani (w) 3. Peleioholani (k) 10. Kanehoalani (w) 4. Kualii (k) 11. Kohipalaoa (w) 5. Kauahi-a-Kahoowaha (k) 12. Piliwale (k) 6. Kahoowaha a Kalani (k) 13. Kalonaiki (k) 7. Kanekapu-a-Kuihewa (k)

[This list, tracing backward, differs somewhat from that of the Nanaulu line of comparative genealogy in Vol. I, of “Polynesian Race,” page 249.]

37. Kalaunuiohua Keenuihelemoku (w) Kapapalimulimu (w) Kupapalahalaha Nakoloilani (w) Hekilimakakaakaa Kauilanuimakehaikalani Keolaihonua (w) Kapunohulani Kaalewalewa (w) Kekoiula-a-Kahai Keanuenuepiolani (w) Hinahanaiakamalama

38. Kumuleilani (w) Kuaiwa (k) Halolena Kalenaula Owa Kaululena Kuhimakaukona

35. Ahukini-a-Laa Hai-a-kamio (w) Luaehu

[Lists numbered 37 and 38 seem to have been worked out from material in Kuokua for 1868, June 20 and July 18 issues. The numbers 37, 38 and 35 refer to genealogy as given in “Polynesian Race,” p. 249.]

NOTES ON THE POLYNESIAN CALENDAR.

The Polynesians divided the years into seasons, months and days. The seasons, or kau, of the year were generally two: the rainy or winter season, and the dry or summer season, varying according to the particular situation of the group, either north or south of the equator. The commencement of the seasons, however, were regulated by the rising of the Pleiades, or Makalii, at the setting of the sun. Thus in the Society group the year was divided in Makarii-i-ria,—Pleiades above the horizon,—and Makarii-i-raro, Pleiades below: the first from November to May, the latter from May to November. In the Hawaiian group the year was divided into two seasons, hooilo, the rainy season, from about the 20th of November to 20th of May, and kau, the dry season from 20th May to 20th November. In the Samoan, tau or tausanga meant originally a period of six months, and afterwards was employed to express the full year of twelve months as in the Tonga group. There are traces, also, on the Society group of the year having been divided into three seasons or tau, like the Egyptians, Arabs and Greeks, though the arrangement of the months within each season seems to me to have been arbitrary and probably local.

In regard to the divisions of the year by months, the Polynesians counted by twelve and thirteen months, the former obtaining in the Tonga, Samoan and Hawaiian groups, the latter in the Marquesan and Society groups. Each month consisted of thirty days. It is known that the Hawaiians, who counted twelve months of thirty days each, intercalated five days at the end of the month Welehu, about the 20th December, which were tabu days, dedicated to the festival of Lono, after which the new year began with the first day of the month Makalii, which day was properly called Maka-hiki (equivalent to “commencement”) and afterwards became the conventional term for a year in the Hawaiian, Marquesan and Society groups. There is evidence that the Marquesans at one time counted the year by the lunar months and called it a puni, a circle, a round, a revolution, but how they managed either this or the year of thirteen months to correspond with the divisions by seasons or the solar year I am not informed, Tah. Teeri sometimes dropped.

That a computation by lunar months preceded the other is evident from the various names of different days in the month, but both computations were evidently far older than the arrival of the Polynesians in the Pacific.

To this may be added that the Polynesians counted time also by the nights—po. Tomorrow was a-po-po (Haw.) lit. the night’s night. Yesterday was po-i-nehi-nei, the past night. Po-akahi, po-alua, etc., the first, the second day. Po was the generic term for day and ao or daylight was but the complement of the full po. Po-a-ao, night and day, etc. This method of reckoning by nights ascends to the hoariest antiquity. The unbroken Aryans counted by nights, and the custom prevailed late into historic times among the Hindus, the Iranians, the Greeks, the Saxons, and the Scandinavians. (Pictet v. 2, p. 588.) The Babylonians believed that the world had been created at the autumnal equinox.—(Lenormant, I, p. 451.)

HAWAIIAN AND SAMOAN CALENDAR, COMPARATIVE.

HAWAIIAN SAMOAN

Makalii from 20 December to 20 January Utuva-mua Kaelo ,, 20 January ,, 20 February Utuva-muli Kaulua ,, 20 February ,, 20 March Faaafu Nana ,, 20 March ,, 20 April Lo Welo ,, 20 April ,, 20 May Aununu Ikiiki ,, 20 May ,, 20 June Oloamanu Kaaona ,, 20 June ,, 20 July Palolomua Hinaiaeleele ,, 20 July ,, 20 August Palolomuli Hilinehu ,, 20 August ,, 20 September Mulifa Hilinama ,, 20 September ,, 20 October Lotuaga Ikuwa ,, 20 October ,, 20 November Taumafamua Welehu ,, 20 November ,, 20 December Toe taumafa

Tahitian names for seasons are: poai, winter or dry season; ruamaoro, the summer solstice in December; ruapoto, the winter solstice in June.

DAYS OF THE MONTH, COMPARATIVE. [568]

MARQUESAS SOCIETY ISLS. HAWAIIAN (FATUHIWA) (HUAHINE)

1. Ku-nui Hiro-hiti Hilo 2. Ku-hawa Hoata Hoaka } 3. Hoaka Hami-ami-mua Ku-kahi } la kapu 4. Maheamakahi Hami-ami-roto Ku-lua 5. Maheamawaena Hami-ami-muri Ku-kolu 6. Koekoe-kahi Ore-ore-mua Ku-pau or Ku-ha 7. Koekoe-waena Ore-ore-muri Ole-ku-kahi 8. Poipoi-haapao Tamatea Ole-ku-lua 9. Huna Huna Ole-ku-kolu 10. A’i Ari Ole-ku-pau 11. Huka Manaru Huna 12. Meha’u Hua Mohalu } 13. Ohua Maitu Hua } la kapu 14. Akua Hotu Akua 15. Ohuku-nui Marai Hoku 16. Ohuku-manae Turu-tea Mahealani or Malani 17. Oku’u Raau-mua Kulu 18. Oaniwa Raau-roto Laau-ku-kahi 19. Mekahi Raau-muri Laau-ku-lua 20. Kaau Ore-ore-mua Laau-pau or Kukolu 21. Kaekae-kahi Ore-ore-roto Ole-ku-kahi 22. Waena Ore-ore-muri Ole-ku-lua 23. Haapao Taaroa-mua Ole-pau or Kukolu } 24. Hanaokahi Taaroa-roto Kaloa-ku-kahi } la kapu 25. Wawena Taaroa-muri Kaloa-ku-lua 26. Haapaa Tane Kaloa-pau or Kukolu 27. Puhiwa Roo-nui Kane } 28. Kane Roo-maori Lono } la kapu 29. Oma-nui Mutu Mauli 30. Onamate Terie Muku

NAMES OF MONTHS, COMPARATIVE.

MARQUESAS SOCIETY ISLS. HAWAIIAN. (FATUHIWA) (HUAHEINE)

1. Kuhua Avarahu Nana, March, plenty of malolo, flying fish. 2. Katuna Faaahu Welo, April-May, end of winter. 3. Ehua Pipiri Ikiiki, May when the Huhui (seven stars) sets. 4. Nanaua Taaoa Kaaona, June. 5. Oaomanu Aununu 6th mo. Hinaiaeleele, July, when the ohia ai is ripe. 6. Awea Apaapa 7th mo. Hilinehu (Mahoemua), August. (May?) 7. Ehua Paroro-mua Hilinama (Mahoe-hope), September. 8. Weo Paroro-muri Ikuwa, October, end of summer. 9. Uaoa Muriaha Welehu, November. 10. Uahaameau Hiaia Makalii, 6th month—December. 11. Pohe Tema Kaelo, January, nuhe worms hatched. 12. Napea Te-eri Kaulua, February, arrival of anae along shore. 13. Makau Te-tai (Dec.)

Another computation commenced the year at the month Apaapa (middle of May) and gave different names to several of the months. The year was also divided into two seasons called by the “Matarii” stars (Pleiades)—Matarii i ria (Pleiades above the horizon in the evening) and Matarii i raro (Pleiades below). The year was divided also into three seasons: (1) te tau—autumn, commenced with te Tae or December till Faaahu; (2) te tau miti vahi, season of high sea; (3) te tau poai, winter or season of drought.

The Hawaiian year was again subdivided into four smaller seasons or divisions: (1) ke laa-make, (2) ka hooilo, (3) ka laa-ulu, (4) kau.

Summer (kau) began when the sun stood directly over an island. The winter (hooilo) began when the sun moved from there southward.

Where the ocean and sky meet, the Hawaiians designated as Hiki-ku; above Kahiki, Papanuu; above Papanuu, Papalani; directly above Kahiki, Kapuiholanikekuina.

HOURS OF THE DAY.

The Hawaiian day commenced at 12 midnight and ran till next midnight. There being only twelve months in the Hawaiian year of 30 days each, or in all 360 days, five days were added at the end of the month Welehu so that the civil or solar year began on the 6th day of the month Makalii. The feast of Lono was celebrated during the five intercalary days. For eight months of the year there were four kapu nights and days (Ku, Hua, Kaloa, Kane) in each month. The four kapu times of the month were also called Na la kapu Kauila.

The Hawaiian division of the night was: 1. Kihi, 6 p.m.; 2. Pili, 9 p.m.; 3. Kau, 12 m.n.; 4. Pilipuka, 3 a.m.; 5. Kihipuka, 6 a.m.

The Javanese, borrowing from the Hindus, divided the entire twenty-four hours into five portions, each of which had a particular name. Another division was into nine parts, four for the day and five for the night.—(Rienzi.)

THE WORDS: DAY, MONTH, YEAR, COMPARATIVE.

Day: Malay, ari or hari; Javanese, aivan; Sunda, powi; Tahiti, ra or la; Hawaiian, la and ao; Marquesan, a; Hervey group, ra; Tonga, aho; Samoa, aso; Stewart and Howe groups, atho.

Month: Malay, bulau, (also moon); Javanese, wulau; Sunda, aulau; Tahiti, marama, awae; Hawaiian, malama, mahina (moon); Marquesan, ma’ama; Tonga, mahina; Samoan, masina; Stewart and Howe, merima (moon).

Year: Malay, taun, tahun; Tonga, tau (season); Hawaiian, makahiki, kau (a season, period).

The week of seven days was introduced into Java by the Hindus. Previously the week was divided into five days, like that of the Mexicans. Their names were: (1) laggi, blue, or east; (2) pahina, red, or south; (3) pon, yellow, or west; (4) wagi, black or north; (5) kliwon, mixed colour, the hearth or center. The designating of the north by the black color indicates, according to Mr. Rienzi, that this denomination originated in Hindustan where the sun is never to northward, as in Java or other equinoxial countries.

The ancient Javanese divided the year into thirty periods called woukou, or 360 days, and also into twelve months of unequal length, and the year ended with intercalary days.

At Bali, the year commences about the month of April. The Braminical civil year was the lunar—that of Saka or Salivana—and the priests calculated the intercalary days.

The Javanese have a cycle of seven years, similar to that of Tibet and Siam. The names of the years are mostly of Sanscrit origin and are: 1. manghara, the lobster or crab; 2. menda, the goat; 3. kalabang, the centipede; 4. wichitra, the worm; 5. mintouna, the fish; 6. was, the scorpion; 7. maicha, the buffalo.

In speaking of the Javanese cycle of twelve years and the correspondence of the names of the years with the names of the Sanscrit zodiac, Mr. Rienzi adds: “Ainsi nous retrouvons en Océanie le zodiaque de l’Asie centrale que l’Europe a également adopté”—(Océanie, Vol. I, p. 168.)

In ancient Egypt and Arabia the year was divided into three seasons. This was the ancient arrangement in the Society islands. The Egyptian year began with the winter season in or about November, so also in Arabia. The first was the season of sowing and planting; the second was the summer harvesting and reaping; the third the season of waters, time of inundating the Nile.—(Glidden’s Ancient Egypt.)

NAMES OF STARS IN HAWAIIAN.

Hikianalia Hikikaulonomeha Nana-mua } Castor and Pollux Nana-hope } Hoku-loa Morning star Hoku-ula Mars Hikikaulono Poloula (also Pohina) Nauaakeaihaku Kupuku 7 stars Hoku-aea, a planet in distinction from a fixed star. Haunakelekele Makaimoimo Makaamoamo Makaalohilohi Manalo or Mananalo. Same as Venus and Hokuloa, when morning star, as called Hoku-ao. Kaawela Jupiter Holoholopinaau 12 stars; also Mars Hanakalani Uliuli Polapola Makalii Pleiades? (in Tahitian) Kokoiki Humu 3 stars Kaoea 4 stars } Southern Cross? or Newe Kaulu (na Hui) } Kaulua Kukui Konamaukuku Kiapaakai, Noholoa, } North Star Kumau, Hokupaa, } Ikaika (same as Kaawela) Jupiter Mulehu, Poloahilani (same as Polula) Makaholowaa Kanukuokapuahi Kapuahi Paeloahiki Anianekalani Pulelehuauli Pulelehuakea Pulelehuakawaewae Makahaiaku Makahaiwaa Kahaikahai Kupualaloakalani Kaluokaoko Kawaomaka’lii Lehuakona Huhui 6 stars Pleiades? Kao 6 stars

Another note gives the following: (See Ka Hae Hawaii, Dec. 5, 1860.)

Mercury Kawela Venus Naholoholo, Kaawela (when evening star) Mananalo, Hokuloa (when morning star) Jupiter Hoomananalonalo, Kaawela Mars Holoholopinaau, Hokuula Saturn Makulu, Naholoholo

Kama-devi—in Hindu “all-prolific cow.” Kama, god of love. Another name in the Carnatic was Mun-Moden or also simply Madan. Another of his names is Makara-Ketu, “the fish Ketu.” “Makara” means the horned shark, and is the name of the sign Capricorn which sometimes terminates in the tail of a fish. Mackery is the fish-god or Capricorn of the zodiac. In Hindu solar system Ketu is one of the nodes. In Persian it is Keet.

In Polynesian astronomy Matarii or Makalii corresponded in Tahiti to the Pleiades, and their rising or setting divided the year in two parts. In Hawaii the red star in the constellation Kao was called Makalii after Hawaiiloa’s navigator. Makalii also indicates Castor and Pollux, though elsewhere they are called Nana-mua and Nana-hope, and in Tahitian they are called Na Ainana, the twins. Makali, to bait a hook, angle for fish.

POINTS OF THE COMPASS.

In Hawaiian, going to the north or northeast against the wind was called going up, iluna; to the south or southwest, ilalo.

Hawaiian expressions for arrival here from abroad, are: Mai ka lewa mai; mai ke kua mai o ka moku.

In the Tonga dialect: hahagi (from hagi, up) means north side of an island, also east side; hihifo (from hifo, down) south, also west side; mua, centre; tocalau, to the west. (Toca, to ground a boat; shallow water; coral reef.)

CREATION MYTHS.

According to the legend of Kumuhonua the creation of the world and of man proceeded in this wise. In the beginning there were four ages or “po.” First: po-loa. Second: po-nui-au-wa-ea. Third: po-kanaka. Fourth: po-hana.

1. During the po-loa there was neither heaven nor earth; there was simply a deep, immeasurable darkness, in which dwelt the god Kane, called “Kane-i-ka-po-loa.” He was a spirit (uhane) without a body.

2. During the po-nui-au-wa-ea or po-nui-aea, the world and man were created by Kane, Ku, and Lono. Light was first made, and when it appeared the world (honua) was seen floating about in the darkness; then all other things were created, and lastly man.

3. During the po-kanaka man was created. Kumuhonua was the first man. He was made from the settlings of muddy water (Koana wai lepo), in the manner of steam rising from the water (puholoholoia). He was also called Honua-ula or the red earth. Afterwards Kane created the woman who was called Lalo-honua. She was made from the side of Kumuhonua. Lalo is an ancient name in Hawaiian for the ribs (iwiaoao).

4. The po-hana is divided in two parts: the po-hana and the po-auhulihia.

The po-hana reaches from the creation of Kumuhonua to the time of Nuu. At first Kane lived with Kumuhonua on earth; then Kane gave him laws and instructions and went up to heaven to reside, and Kumuhonua and Lalo-honua remained on earth. Kumuhonua was now called Kane-laau-uli. He broke the law of Kane. The law referred to a laau kapu (forbidden tree), and uli (feebleness, death,) was the punishment.

The po-auhulihia, so called because the earth and all on it was destroyed by the flood (kai-a-kahinalii). Nuu built a big canoe called Waa-halau-alii-o-ka-moku.

The gods (Kane, Ku, and Lono), seeing the man without a wife, descended on earth, put him into a sleep, took out one of his ribs (lalo-puhaka) and made it into a woman. They then awoke the man who found the woman on his right side, and she was called Ke-Ola-Ku-Honua.

The Hawaiian Legend of Welaahilani is substantially the same, but the first woman’s name is Owe.

A Tahitian legend also refers to the creation of the first woman from a rib of the first man, and calls her Owa, or Owe.

In the Mele of Kamapuaa reference is made to Ku, Kane, Kanaloa, as the gods of the night and of the day.

Kamapuaa is also called “ka haole nui, maka [569] olohilohi,” and is said to have eight legs and eight eyes.

The legend of Pele and Kamapuaa represents some confused and half forgotten conception or knowledge of the contest between religious sects, the followers of Pele being worshipers and Kamapuaa, a believer in the efficacy of water.

The people of Pulo-Nias, to the west of Sumatra, believe in a Supreme God called Lora-Langi. He is not worshiped. Below him is a god called Batu Da Danaw who has charge of the earth. The world contains several stages. The one immediately below us is occupied by dwarfs. The heavens or sky above us (holi yawa) are peopled by a superior order of men called barucki, who are gifted with wings and have the power to become invisible at pleasure. They are governed by kings of their own. The people of the earth continued in a savage state until the wife of one king (the present) of the barucki (Leo Mepuhana) had pity on them and taught arts and civilization; then also they were taught to speak. The language, habits and institutions of the Pulo-Nias are strikingly different from the other Malay and Asiatic Islanders. Hindustan and Islamism have left no trace here. (Memoir of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Vol. II, Ch. 17.)

Rangi and Papa originated all things, but “Po,” of which there was a succession, enveloped everything.

There was no separation or interval between Rangi and Papa. The children of Rangi and Papa were: Tumatauenga (father of man); Tane-mahuta (father of forests, etc.); Tawhiri-ma-tea (father of winds, etc.); Rongo-ma-tane (father of cultivated food); Tangaroa (father of fish and reptiles); Haumia-tikitiki (father of wild grown food).

It was Tane-mahuta who rent Rangi and Papa asunder and let in light on the earth. One of Papa’s names after that was Papa-tu-a-nuku. Tawhiri-ma-tea did not approve of the separation and followed his father Rangi to the skies and there begat and named his offspring, the winds.

Tangaroa begat Panga, and he begat Ika-tere (father of fish) and Tu-ti-wehiwehi or Tu-ti-wanawana (father of reptiles).

Tu-matauenga subdued all his brothers except Tawhiri-ma-tea, and then assumed the different names of Tu-kariri, Tu-ka-nguha, Tu-ka-taua, Tu-whaka-heke-tangata, Tu-mata-wehe-iti.

Among the children of Rangi and Papa, Tu-matauenga bore the likeness of man, so did his brothers, so did Po, a Ao, a Kore, ti Kimihanga, and Runuku, and thus they continued until the time of Ngainui and of Whirote-kupua and of Tiki-tawhito-ariki and their generations till the present time.

Many generations after Tu-matauenga lived Taranga (w.) and Makeatu-kara (k.), who were the parents of Maui-taha, Maui-roto, Maui-pae, Maui-waho and of Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga. In their time Death first had power over earth because Maui-a-Taranga tried to deceive the goddess and ancestress Hina-nui-ti-po (goddess of death).

Maui caught the sun in a noose, beat him and compelled him ever after to travel slower and with a lesser heat. He fished up a great portion of the submerged land, and his fish-hook, made from the jaw-bone of his ancestress Muri-ranga-whenua, is still shown in the district of Heretaunga in New Zealand, transformed into the south end of Hawke’s Bay. He got fire from his ancestress Mahu-ika, who pulled out her nails and fire followed. Maui had a sister Hina-uri, whose husband, Irawaru, was changed into a dog by Maui. From Irawaru sprang all dogs. Maui and his descendants lived in Hawaiki, until some of them left there and went to Aotea-roa (New Zealand). (Sir Geo. Grey’s Pol. Mythol.)

According to Moerenhout (Voyage aux Iles du Grand Ocean, I, 446), Rii (a secondary god) separated Heaven and Earth by stretching out the former like a curtain. Mahui “brought the earth up from the depths of the ocean, and when mankind suffered from the prolonged absence of the sun and had lived mournfully in deep obscurity, and when fruits would not ripen, he stopped the sun and regulated its course so as to make day and night equal.” (Does not that legend indicate that Polynesians formerly lived in a zone where the inequality of day and night was greater than in the tropics?). Ru (god of winds), caused the ocean to swell over and break up the continent into its present island condition. Moerenhout says further (Op. Cit. p. 568): “On ne trouve, nulle part, de vestiges des deux principes, ni de ces combats entre les ténèbres et la lumiere, la vie et la mort.” Compare, however, the Marquesan cosmogony. He says also (Op. Cit. p. 571) that Polynesian legends represent the ocean as overflowing its bed and rising up to the highest mountains “sans que, nulle part, il soit question des eaux pluviales.” See, however, the mele of the Deluge in Hawaiian and Marquesan.

The frequent reference in Polynesian legends to moo, enormous, powerful and magical lizards or serpents, relates to a previous residence in some country where such reptiles exist, for in Polynesia these are of the smallest kind. It is more likely to be a remembrance of the serpent worship which obtained in the Hamitic-Arabic race and was by them spread over India and the archipelago.

Manua was another Hawaiian name for the god or chief of the infernal regions, called “Po-pau-ole,” “Po-ia-Milu,” “Po-kini-kini,” “Po-kuakini,” “Po-lua-ahi,” “Po-papaia-owa.” Manua is said to have been the original lord of this place. Milu was only a wicked chief, whose spirit was retained there. It was not an entirely dark place—there was light and there was fire. The legends record several instances where spirits of the dead who had been sent thither were withdrawn from there and brought to the light and life of the upper world again. Moku-lehua brought his wife Pueo up again from there. Maluae brought his son Kaalii back from there; the former by the help of his god Kanikaniula, the latter by that of Kane and Kanaloa; and thus Hiku brought up the spirit of Kawelu (w.) and revived her.

TRADITIONARY VOYAGES.

During the period in Hawaiian History designated as that of Maweke and Paumakua, which was about the commencement of the 11th century, or from twenty-eight to thirty generations ago, [570] after a period of comparative quiet and obscurity, the Polynesian folk-lore in all the principal groups becomes replete with the legends and songs of a number of remarkable men, of bold expeditions, stirring adventures, and voyages undertaken to far-off lands. An era of national unrest and of tribal commotion seems to have set in from causes not now known. A migratory wave swept the island world of the Pacific, and left its traces on the genealogies of the chiefs, in the disuse of old and substitution of new names for places and landmarks, in the displacement of old, and setting up of new tutelar gods with enlarged rites of worship and stricter kapus. Chiefs from the southern groups visited the Hawaiian group, and chiefs from the latter visited the former, accompanied by their relatives, priests and retainers. Where this ethnic movement originated,—in the southern groups or in the northern,—it is now hardly possible to determine. That the Hawaiian group was known at that time to the southern chiefs and priests, may be shown from the legend of Paao, who, by every concurrent tradition was a southerner from the Society group, a high-priest of princely blood, and the founder of one of the high-priest families on Hawaii. In that legend occurs the song of Paao’s companion, Makuakaumana, a portion of which is still preserved, urging upon Lonokaeho, another southern chief, to come with them and take possession of Hawaii. Lonokaeho declined however and sent Pili in his place. That the Hawaii mentioned in this song is not the Samoan Hawaii, but that of this (Hawaiian) group, becomes evident by comparing the description of Hawaii in this song with the description given by Kamahualele, the high-priest of Moikeha, a Hawaiian chief of the same period, who had resided for many years on the southern groups, but returned to Hawaii and died on Kauai.

That the memory of the northern Hawaii should in process of time, and after the cessation of this period of intercourse, have faded from the minds of southern chiefs and bards, or been confounded with that of the Samoan Sawaii, is natural enough; though I think it possible, were Tahitian, Tongan and Samoan legends—if yet existing—properly compared with each other and with the Hawaiian, that many proofs may yet be drawn from that side of the frequent intercourse, hostile, or friendly, of those days between the northern and southern groups of the Pacific.

Though the northern Hawaii was apparently unknown to the Tonga and Society Islanders in Captain Cook’s time, yet the Marquesas retained the memory of former intercourse with that northern Hawaii whose burning mountain, Mounaoa (Maunaloa), is referred to in some of their songs, but these reminiscences are apparently confused and mixed up with others of that older and far-off Hawaii and Vevao where they had sojourned before arriving at their own group of islands.

On October 31, 1527, according to Burney, three vessels left a port called Zivat-Lanejo, said by Galvoam to be situated in latitude 20 north, on the coast of New Spain, for the Moluccas or Spice Islands. They were the Florida with fifty men, the St. Jago with forty-five men, and the Espiritu Santo with fifteen men, under command of Alvaro de Saavedra, with thirty pieces of cannon and merchandise. These vessels were said to have sailed in company for 1000 leagues [571] and then to have been separated by bad weather. The two smaller vessels were never afterward heard of, and Saavedra pursued the voyage alone. (Burney, Discoveries in the South Seas, I, 147–148.)

ON THE WORD AMAMA.

Lenormant [572] says: “All the hymns of the third book finish by the Accadian word Kakama, which is translated in Assyrian by ‘amen,’ ‘amanu.’”

The prayers of the Hawaiian priests, offered in the temples (heiau) as well as those offered at private sacred places or in family worship, invariably closed with the ejaculation amama, equivalent to Amen. In Hawaiian amama, as a verb, means “to offer in sacrifice.” This word does not occur in any of the other Polynesian dialects that I am acquainted with. It is found then alone as a sacerdotal expression that may have become obsolete or superseded in the other dialects. It has no etymon or material foundation within the Polynesian language, and I therefore consider it to be a foreign word imported into the language in far remote times and from a people of superior culture, with whom the Polynesians at one time were conterminous or, in some now unknown way, were connected. That people I believe to have been the old Accadian Cushites. Fr. Lenormant, in his “La langue primitive de la Chaldee” (Paris, 1875) pp. 126 and 271, gives the Accadian kakama as a participle of the verb kaka, “confirmer une parole,” and substantially “confirmation,” “confirme.” As a foreign word kakama was subject to more or less corruption when passing into the Polynesian language, and those acquainted with the facility and frequency with which gutturals are elided in the Hawaiian, Samoan and some other branches of Polynesian, would easily recognize the Accadian kakama in the Hawaiian amama. To the Accadians kakama was a regular participle of the verb kaka, meaning “it is confirmed,” and as such was employed at the close of a prayer or hymn. To the Polynesian (Hawaiian) it was a formula, an ejaculation, employed on similar occasions in imitation of his teachers, but without any inherent sense derived from his own language, as multitudes of Christians today use the word amen without knowing its origin or sense. That the Hawaiians employed amama as a verb, “to offer in sacrifice,” I look upon as a later adaption when the primary sense of the word, if ever known, had been forgotten.

PHILOLOGICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.

It is evident from the language that iron, or perhaps metal of some sort, was not unknown to the Polynesians. The Hawaiians had an ancient, now obsolete, word for iron which was meki; the present term hao is comparatively modern and means any hard substance and, conventionally, iron. But meki is one of those words of wide spread connections which prove its antiquity. We are justified from the facts in assuming that in naming and defining the various phenomena of nature, mankind proceeded from generalizations to specifications or, in other words, it gave a general name to substances of the same nature before it distinguished the differences between those substances by particular names. Thus all metals probably received one or more generic names before their differences were noted by specific individual names. Thus with colors; thus with animals; thus with the body or the most prominent parts of the body; thus with trees and fruits, etc. Thus language grew from abstract to concrete terms, and as the primordial races dispersed in tribes and families they carried with them these generic terms, subject to dialectical differences and phonetic corruption, and added to them such concrete terms as their mental development and the circumstances of their new positions might require; and thus in course of time many or most of the generic synonymous words became specific appellations with various tribes. Thus only can I account for the singular fact that in different sections or tribes of the same race the same word frequently signifies different objects or ideas, although, when a close analysis is possible, those objects will generally be found to have been, or were deemed to be, generally related. For instance, in the Polynesian family of languages, including the pre-Malay dialect of Malaysia, we find the following apparent confusion of terms: Rotti, ngeo, black; Batchin, ngoa, black. Hawaii, kea, white, koae, white; North Celebes, kuloh, white; Tidore, kura-chi, yellow. New Zealand, kura, red; Ceram, marah, merah, blue, and poporole, yellow; Hawaii, mele, yellow, and popolo, blue, dark. Thus also in Celebes, bokati; in Buru, boti; in Amblaw, pue, and in Amboyna, pueni, signifies rat. Gilolo, boki; Hawaii, popoki, cat. Buru, babue; Hawaii, puaa; New Zealand, puaka, hog.

Thus in Irish, baban, child. Arab, babos, the young of either man or beast. Malay, babi, a pig. Baba, father. Celebes, babi-rusa, pig-deer. Sangvir Islands, baba, a monkey. Latin, pupus. Hence the two English words, babe and pup.

And thus also in the naming of metals, we see that in the Welsh mettel and the Greek metallon the original generic signification of the word metal, or its root, has been retained. Now let us see the different uses to which this word has been put and the different changes it has undergone: Hindu (Khol), medh; Hawaiian, meki, iron. Scandinavian, messing; Welsh, pros; Saxon, bros, brass. German, eisen, iron; messer, knife. Malay and Javan, besi, busi, bisi; Ethiopian, basal; Celebes, wasy, ase, iron. Latin, aes, copper. Amboyna, pisi-putih, silver (literally “white iron”).

I look upon the Hindu-Khol and Hawaiian terms as the oldest remaining representatives of the original root which may have had the compound sound of mb,—mbeki, mbesi—of which different dialects retained one or the other, or discarded both. That the original idea expressed by that word was metals in general, and not any specific kind of metal, I consider conclusively shown from the Amboyna term for silver, pisi-putih, meaning literally white iron, as well as from the various specific metals which the word has been made to designate, such as iron, copper, brass and silver.

Among the Southern Polynesians, the Rarotongans also had a name for iron. They called it kurima; but I am unable to trace its linguistic relationship. It may refer to the Gilolo, kur-achi, the name for gold as well as for yellow. If -achi in kur-achi is a dialectual variation of the Celebes term ase or wasy, then the first syllable represents kura, a Polynesian and pre-Malay word for red, bright, yellow, and thus the compound word kurachi becomes analogous to the Amboyna pisi-putih, and would signify the red or yellow iron or metal.

Kolff says, “The Malay language is the lingua franca of the entire Indian Archipelago, but it is only generally understood in those places which enjoy some commerce. The natives who reside in the mountains, and those who have no communication with strangers, speak only a dialect of their own.” [573]

The Malay word ma means mother. Compare the Hawaiian mama, to chew the food for the purpose of feeding children, and the Hawaiian u-ma, now only used in the duplicate form uma-uma, the breast of a female. U itself means breast, what protrudes; hence also ama, satisfied with food. Latin, ma-ma, the breast and mother.

The Malay ma is probably the oldest form, if not the original meaning, which is better expressed perhaps in the Latin ma-ma, primarily breast, then mother; also in the Hawaiian u-ma, now obsolete in the simple form, but also meaning the female breast,—a compound word of which u alone means the breast, what protruded, and ma, which does not occur in the Hawaiian language in that sense, but whose duplicated form ma-ma means to chew anything with intention of spitting it out again, as awa, and as children were fed. A-ma means satisfied with food. Hebrew, Am, mother; Greek, Amona?

The Hawaiian mamo, descendants, posterity, grandchildren, etc., derives from the same root. But while the Malay ma and Java mbo signify “mother,” the composites of these words signify “father” in five-sixths of the Malay or pre-Malay dialects, while nine-tenths of the same dialects employ the word hina or ina and its combinations to express the idea of “mother.” The Hawaiian-Polynesian matua, parent, I consider a composite word from the primal ma and the word tua, which in the Sulu dialects signifies “husband,” whatever may have been its original meaning. In the Hawaiian this word occurs only in composite forms as an epithet of relationship, as kua-ana the older of two children of the same sex. Kai-ku-nane, “the brother of a sister,” ku probably contracted from kua. Kai-ku-wahine, “the sister of a brother.” The Amboyna and Ceram word for woman “mahina” recurs also in the Hawaiian kai-ka-mahine, “a female descendant, a daughter.” Kai is a generic term of relationship, ka is the article “the” incorporated with the word “mahine” which is but another form of “wa-hine.”

The mysterious syllable om, which Manu taught upheld the universe, is shown by Colebrooke to mean “water,” which was worshiped by the Brahmins as the “immortal fluid,” “the mother of worlds,” etc. The word recurs in the Egyptian Omphis, a name for Osiris. It is probably also to be found in the Polynesian-Hawaiian amama, equivalent to amen as the end of a prayer, from ama, to offer to the gods; it also means a sacrifice.

STORY OF HIIAKAIKAPOLIOPELE. [574]

Hopoe and Haena were two women playing hula in the water off Nanahuki, in Puna.

Keowahimakaakaua was a brother of Pele.

In Puupahoehoe, in Kapaahu, in Puna, there is a mawae or rent where Pele slept.

Pohakuokauai was the kupunakane (grandfather) of Pele and lived at Kaena Point, Oahu.

At Haena, Kauai, Pele caught Lohiau between Kahuakaiapaoa, his friend, and Mapu, the music teacher, beating the drum which had disturbed her sleep.

Pele took Lohiau for her husband and returned to Hawaii, promising to send for him. Lohiau hung himself from chagrin at Pele’s leaving him.

Pele sent Hiiaka to bring Lohiau. Hiiaka started on her travel, quarreled with and killed Panaewa, fell in with Wahineomao and made her her friend, killed Makaeekiu off Waipio, and fell in with Mokulau or Moolau from Kohala.

Kaipalaoa (k.) and Punahoa (w.) were the parents of Wahineomao.

Piliamoo and Nohoamao, of Hilo, who owned the “papa kahulihuli o Wailuku,” were killed by Hiiaka.

Unihipili was the name of a god at Honolii, in Hilo.

Piikea nui refused passage in his canoe to Hiiaka and was swamped. On Molokai, Hiiaka killed Ilole (w.) and Hoolehua (w.) because they were jealous of her.

Ulamawao was the name of a pali on Oahu and the name of one of Pele’s husbands.

Makapuu, Kekuapololi and Malei, the husband of Kanahau, living in Koolau, were relations of Hiiaka.

Makapuu was the wife of Kekuapololi. Pohakuloa, in or above Waimanalo was another personage Hiiaka met.

At Kapua in Koolau Muliwaiolena and her daughter Apuakea were killed because the latter compared herself to Hiiaka in beauty.

At Kailua, Hiiaka went to see the country and found Hauwahine bathing. When she perceived Hiiaka, her bird flew up and obscured the sun (an eclipse). She next fell in with Mahinui and Keaalau who were bewailing the death of their child Hanalua. Olomana and Auliilii are mountain peaks in Koolau. Pueo, a chief in Kaalaea, made war on Hiiaka and was killed.

From Hakipuu, going mauka (inland), because the pali projected in the sea, Hiiaka found and killed Mokolii, a moo (lizard), cut off his tail and threw it in the sea and hence the island of Mokolii, near Kualoa. His body formed the lowland makai (towards the sea), below the pali of Kualoa.

Palani was chief of Kahana. Iewale was his wife, killed by Hiiaka while bathing. Kauhiikemaokalani was a person and a mountain peak near Kaliuwaa in Koolau.—In his greeting to Hiiaka he called Pele and her family “na akua malihini.”

Punahoolapa and Pahipahialua near Kahuku.

Hopoe, the friend of Hiiaka, was destroyed by Pele during Hiiaka’s absence.

Piliaaama was fishing off Waimea (“kanaka lawaia o ka pali”).—He was Konohiki to Ihukoko.—He was also a “kane hii alo” (bosom companion) of Kapuewai.

Kekuohapuu, in the upland west of Waimea, Koolau.—Lahuimoho and Wawaemoho were gods on top of Kaala mountain.

Malaehaakoa and his wife Wailuanuiahoino lived at Haena, Kauai; he was a grandson of Kanoalani.

Pele quarreled in Kahiki with Puna-ai-koae and fled from there to Hawaii.

Limaloa, Kaunalewa and Mana were brothers of Lohiau. Kahuanui was one of his sisters.

Aka and Kilioe were two women who watched over the cave where Lohiau was interred. They were killed by Hiiaka.

It being near night when Hiiaka arrived at the pali where Lohiau was buried, she called on the sun to stand still, “i ka muli o Hea,” until she could climb the pali, and the sun listened to her prayer.

When Hiiaka brought Lohiau to life she invoked the aid of Kuhulu the akua. Is that the Samoan Kuhuruhuru, according to New Zealand tradition, a son of Hinauri and Kinirau?

Other gods invoked on that occasion were Kuwaa, Kuhailimoku, Kanaloa, Kahaula, Kaoaka, Kapaulaula, Kapaeleele, Kapaahu, Lonomakua, Keoaahimakaakaua, Kanekapolei, Kane, Laka (the husband of Haiwahine).

Nakoaola was the man of Kahuanui (w.).

Kahuakaipaoa was chief of that part of Kauai and went with all his men to Niihau.

Returning with Lohiau from Kauai, Hiiaka visited Oahu and greeted all the principal mountain peaks on the Kona side.

At Honolulu (Kou) Hiiaka stopped at the house of Peleula.

Olepau was a king of Maui in Hiiaka’s time.

Kaweloikaiehuehu and Waihinalo were Olepau’s wives.

Kapo lived on Maui and was elder sister of Hiiaka.—She is also called Kapomailele.

Kapo and Puanui brought up Wahinano and gave her as a wife to Olepau. She is called “Wahinano wahine a Kapoipoi.”—Olepau and Ole, the same.—When Olepau died he gave his kingdom to his youngest brother Kaumuleialii.—Makaiwa and Kaakau were also brothers of Olepau.

EXTRACTS FROM STORY OF KEANINI. [575]

Hainakolo was the sister of Olopana, wife of Keaniniulaokalani. Olopana had two daughters, Luukia-nui and Luukia-iki.

Hainakolo’s sons, called Lopaikihelewale, was fished up from the sea and brought up by Luukia-nui. Olopana’s place was Opaelolo.

Lopa’s proper name was Leimakani. At this time Kumunuiaiweke and Moanonuikalehua were “kanaka hoe waa” (canoe paddlers) of Keauniniulaokalani.

Leimakani became the husband of Luukia-iki,—scene near Waipio, Hawaii.

The island of Pae was to leeward, or ilalo of Kuaihelani.

Luukia-nui took Leimakani from her sister and had by him a child, called Lonokaiolohia (k.), who was killed by Luukia-nui in a jealous fit.—“Hainakolo, wahine i ka pali o Waipio.” Keanini had another wife, Kaekaenalukai, in Kuaihelani. Lonokaiolohia was restored to life again by Hainakolo and Keanini committed suicide from grief over Hainakolo’s leaving him and going to Hawaii.

Kane-oi’e, Ku Kau Akahi, and Lono Nui Peapea are epithets applied to the supreme gods.

The kapu hoomahanahana were only less in importance than the kapu honao nui of the year. They were the kapu of the days Kukahi, Hua, Kaloa, Kukahi and Kane.

SOME KAUAI TERMS WITH EQUIVALENTS.

KAUAI. HAWAII. ENGLISH.

Lelehu Lehulehu Numerous Pupu (stiffness of old Elemakule Aged age) Aka lapalapa He nui ka maka Wide-eyed Wa’ewa’e (foot of Wawae Foot inanimate things) Halaku Hakaka Fight; quarrel Kalona (animals) Kumulau A breeder Kolopa Lio elemakule An old horse Ii ka lio He uhu ka lio The horse neighs Panie Holo nui Great speed Hoomana (make callous) Hoemi mai Reduce (by abrasion or whittling) Kupoupou Iho mai Come down Aohe i upuupu (upuupu, Aohe i li’uli’u Not a long time tedious) Hookolo I imi ana Seeking A-mai A mo’a mai nei When cooked Nakui He hoihoi A rejoicing Moohele (of mountain Alanui Road, highway ridges) Opeope Uluna Pillow Apeupeu Kapa Hawaii Hawaiian bark-cloth or garment Hoola Kihei lole [Foreign] cloth garment Aleuleu Moena Mat, matting Hakuhaku Opiopi Fold up Akupakupa Oopu okuhekuhe Heap of this species of fish Kamau (food) He Oha Kalo sprigs or suckers Ai okoa Kalo paa Firm kalo Miki pololei Poi koekoe Fresh made poi Palu-ai Ai wale no [Vegetable] food only Pu-paakai He ai, he ia Both fish and food Poe Pohaku ku’i ai Stone poi pounder Omo He po’i umeke A calabash cover Ahukalua Enaena ka umu The oven is heated A’ke Wahahee Falsehood Kalaau (walaau, noise) He kahea A call, or calling Kikoho Pane kikoola Derision Kaiaulu Wahi kiekie High place Hanahanai (of crumbling Wahi palipali Precipitous place cliffs) Neenee Wahi haalu A low place Moomoo (watershed) Kualapa Dividing ridge Opu-aki Opu nahu Stomach ache

THINGS SIMILAR IN INDIA, ETC., AND POLYNESIA.

How far any distinct remembrance of the Siwa worship may be traced in Polynesian traditions and customs is not easy to determine precisely. The blood-thirsty wife of Siwa still survives in name and attributes in the Tongan God of War, Kaliai-tu-po. The name itself of Siwa recurs in the Polynesian word Hiwa, primarily “dark colored, black or blue;” secondarily, “sacred,” as a sacrificial offering. In different dialects the word occurs as Siwa, Hiwa, or Heiwa, and is applied as an adjective with derivative meanings, but in all the idea of sacredness underlies and characterizes its application. Thus Nuka-Hiwa, one of the Marquesas, undoubtedly meant originally the dark or sacred island; Fatu-Hiwa or Patu-Hiwa, another of the same group, meant the “sacred rock or stone;” Hiwaoa, still another of the same group, meant “very sacred or holy.” In Hawaiian puaa-hiwa means the “black or sacred hog” offered in sacrifices. Hiwa-hiwa was an epithet applied to gods and high chiefs. The name of the Siwaite Lingam, the symbol of productiveness, has unquestionably its root and derivation from the same source as the Tongan word linga, which means the male organ of generation, and the primary sense of the word which is found in the Hawaiian lina, “soft, yielding,” as papa lina, cheek; New Zealand and Samoan ta-ringa, ear, et al.

What the Hawaiians called pohaku a kane, upright stones of from one to six and eight feet in height, the smaller size portable and the larger fixed in the ground, and which formerly served as altars or places of offering at what may be called family worship, probably referred to the Lingam symbolism of the Siwa cult in India, [576] where similar stone pillars, considered as sacred, still abound. [577]

But Siwa, as before observed, was not a Vedic god, and his rites were held in abomination by the earlier Vedic Aryans. These stone symbols refer, therefore, to a period of pre-Aryan occupation of India and to the Cushite civilization or race. In the Hawaiian group these stone pillars were sprinkled with water or anointed with coconut oil, and the upper part frequently covered with a black native kapa or cloth, the color of garment which priests wore on special occasions, and which was also the cloth in which the dead were wrapped....

It is possible that from these or similar considerations of superiority of sacredness arose the Polynesian proverb (in Hawaiian), he weo ke kanaka, he pano ke alii, red is the common man, dark is the chief. [578]

The emblem of Siwa, in Hindu mythology, is the double trident. On the hill called Kaulanahoa, back of Kalae, Molokai, of the Hawaii group, are a number of singularly shaped volcanic stones, standing on the brow of the hill, amongst which is one marked with a double trident in two places.

Jos. Roberts (Oriental Illustrations, London, 1835) makes the following observations: To look back after leaving a house or to be called after, was an unfortunate sign in India and in Hawaii (p. 22). “In India, as in Polynesia, salutations between people are made by smelling of each other,” (p. 32). And “whenever a favor has to be solicited, peace made or an interview desired, presents are always sent before. On Hawaii and elsewhere in Polynesia presents always accompanied the visitor or were sent before,” (p. 39). “In India priests and people shave the head, leaving only a tuft on the crown. In Hawaii the heads were frequently shaven so as to leave only a ridge or crest on the top of the head” (p. 91). “Shaving the head is a sign of mourning common in the East as well as among the Polynesians—also among the Arabs, according to Herodotus,” (p. 471). “In India tatooing, by puncturing the skin, is practiced. Tatooing prevails throughout Polynesia.” (p. 91). “An unhealthy country is said to ‘eat up the inhabitants,’ a victorious or oppressive rajah is said to ‘eat up the country’. In Hawaii the expression ai-moku, ‘eating up the land,’ is an epithet of chiefs. The expression ‘to live in the shadow’ of another is common. So also in Hawaii” (p. 101). “To propose riddles and hard questions for solution at entertainments in India is a common amusement. Such custom obtained also in Hawaii when chiefs entertained each other” (p. 199). “The sacred groves, or trees, invariable accessories of India temples and sacred places, have their counterpart in most of the Polynesian heiaus and morais; the sacred aoa tree in Raiatea, Society Islands. Females in India eat apart from their husbands or men generally. Under the Hawaiian kapu system females not only ate apart, but were also forbidden many kinds of food of which men ate freely” (p. 255).

“Nearly all the females (of India) wore jewels of gold in their nostrils, or in the septum of the nose. In Hawaii this custom was not in use, but in other parts of Polynesia it was customary to have a ring or a bone inserted in the septum” (p. 367).

“The Hawaiian sooth-sayers or kilokilo turned to the north when observing the heavens for signs and omens. So did the ancient Hindus: so did the Iranians before the schism, when they placed the Divas in the north; so did the Greeks; so did the ancient Scandinavians before their conversion to Christianity.” “Hawaiians turned to the west when naming the cardinal points, Aryans to the east. With the former, left was south.” (Excerpts from Pictet, Vol. II.)

According to the researches of J. Grimm (Über das Verbrennen der Leichen), all the Aryan peoples, with one exception, practiced incremation at their funerals from time immemorial, in place of interment. The Indians, Greeks, Romans, Gauls, Ancient Germans, Lithuanians and Slavs during heathen times, burned their dead with ceremonies which present evident traces of resemblance, notwithstanding their diversity. The Iranians alone at an early time abandoned this ancient custom on account of the radical difference which arose in their religious creed. The Hebrews and Arabs never practiced incremation (p. 504). The Egyptian Cushites practiced embalming. The Polynesians never followed incremation, they practiced exposure and preserved the bones of the dead, or a species of embalming and interment in caves. Did they separate from the Iranian branch after the schism, or did they follow the training and customs received from the Cushite teachings?

“The Polynesians like the ancient Aryans divided the night into four portions” (p. 591). “The Hindus call the last night of the old moon, in Sanskrit, kuhu (la lune caché), and amaoasi, dwelling with (the sun). The Hawaiians called the 30th day [of the] month, and the Tahitians the 29th day, muku, cut off, shortened, ceased” (p. 598).

Warua (Tah.) and wailua (Haw.), spirit, ghost, have phonetic resemblance to Vedic Sanskrit Varuna, one of the oldest Vedic deities. It is not improbable however that “Varuna” derives from warua. The Polynesian word is evidently a composite, but as it does not occur in the other dialects, so far as I know, or in a different form, I am unable to analyze it. The Sanskrit Varuna, however, which is so confidently ascribed to the root or, var., to cover, surround, may by consulting the Polynesian remnant of Old-world languages, be found to differently and equally appropriately refer itself to the Polynesian wa, span, and runa or luna, above.

“The ancient Aryans distinguished three heavenly regions, 1st, the upper heavens, Dio; 2d, the heaven of clouds, Nabhas; and 3d, the atmosphere, Autariksha (transparent)” (p. 665). “The Polynesians had the distinction of three heavens, viz: that of Kane, Ku, Lono. Of origin of fire, E. Aryan and W. Aryan” (p. 679).

The ancient inhabitants of Yemen worshiped and canonized their ancestors.

Polyandry in Arabia, as mentioned by Strabo, was of Cushite origin, as well as the community of goods between brothers under the administration of the eldest, still practiced by the Narikas of Malabar, and the remnants of the primitive populations of ante-Aryan India. (Lenormant, Vol. II, p. 318.)

There is one custom which, practiced by the Polynesians, was opposed to Hebrew or Egyptian; viz., the feeding on swine’s flesh and rearing them for food as well as for sacrifice to the gods. (See Rawlinson’s Herodotus, II, 47, n. 5.)

In Egyptian hieroglyphics the negative sign is a pair of extended arms with the hands downward, preceding the verb. The mute but emphatic negative of the Hawaiian is expressed by turning the hand over with the palm downward.

The Egyptians were permitted to marry their sisters by the same father and mother. And in patriarchal times a man was permitted to marry a sister, the daughter of his father only. (Rawlinson, Herodotus, III, 32, n. 1.) Among Hawaiian chiefs such marriages gave additional rank and exalted position to the offspring—to the children of Keawe and Kalanikaula, for example.

The custom of sacrificing their first prisoner (in war) is ascribed by Procopius to the Thulite or Scandinavians. (Bell. Goth. II. 15; Rawlinson’s Herodotus, VII, 180, n. 4.)

An ancient Hawaiian legend runs as follows (Polynesian Race, Vol. I, p. 99): Kealii-Wahanui was the king of the country called “Honua-i-lalo.” He oppressed the Lahui Menehune. Their God Kane sent Kane Apua and Kanaloa, his elder brother, to bring this people away from there and take them to the land which Kane had given them and which was called Ka Aina Momona a Kane, or with another name Ka One Lauena a Kane, or with still another name Ka Aina i ka Houpo a Kane. They were then told to observe the four Ku days in the beginning of the month as kapu hoano in remembrance of this, because then they arose (ku) to depart from that land. The offerings were swine and sheep. (The narrator of this legend says that there were formerly sheep without horns on the slopes of Maunaloa, Hawaii, and that they were there up to the time of Kamehameha I, and he refers to some account published by a foreigner in 1787.) The legend further says that after leaving the land of bondage, they came to the Kai Ula a Kane, were pursued by “Ke Alii Wahanui,” that Kane Apua and Kanaloa prayed to Lono, and they then waded across the sea, traveled through the desert and finally reached the Aina Lauena a Kane! This was kept as the first kapu hoano of the year.

On first receiving this legend, I was inclined to doubt its genuineness and to consider it as a paraphrase and adaptation of the Biblical account, by some semi-civilized or semi-Christianized Hawaiian after the discovery of the group by Cook. But a further and better acquaintance with Hawaiian folk-lore has shown me that, though the details of the legend, as narrated by the Christian and civilized Kamakau, may possibly in some degree, and unconsciously perhaps, have received a Biblical coloring, yet the main facts of the legend, with the identical names of places and persons, are referred to in other legends of undoubted antiquity. I am compelled therefore to class this legend among the other Chaldeo-Arabic-Hebraic mementos which the Polynesians brought with them from their ancient homesteads in the west. And it is possible that the legend was preserved in after times by the priesthood, as offering a rational explanation of the institution of the kapu days of Ku. Another feature attests the genuine antiquity of the legend, viz. that no other gods are referred to than those primordial ones of Hawaiian theogony; Kane, Ku and Lono, the latter of whom is clearly recognized as the god of the atmosphere, of air and water, the Lono-noho-i-ka-wai of the creation chants.

Island of Baba, south of the Banda group, Indian Archipelago, is probably the protonome of Vawa, in the western part of the Fiji group; viz., Oto-vawa, and Ka-vawa, and the Wiwa and Wawa in Hawaiian legends.

The islanders of Baba and Tepa and adjoining islands rub lime into their hair, by which the natural blackness changes to reddish, flaxen color. In Polynesia (Hawaii) it was common practice to rub lime into the hair, whereby it became ehu (red) and sometimes entirely white.

Tepa, a village on Baba, corresponds to Kepa, a land on Kauai, Hawaiian group.

Aluta, name of a village or district on the Island of Baba. At Baba large canoes are called orang baay. Polyn. waa, waha.

At the Aru Islands the eastern portion is called the back of the islands. A similar expression obtains in the Hawaiian group.

S. A. Walkenaer (Monde Maritime, Vol. I,) states that Orangkayas was the name of the Noblesse in Achim, Sumatra. Rangatera in the Society group were the free-holders or the lower class of chiefs (p. 21). “One of the Districts in the Batta Country of Sumatra is called Ankola.” Anahola name of one district in Kauai. (Phonetic corruption?) (p. 28.) “In the Batta Country each village has a Bale or place of reunion of the inhabitants;”—“Whale” in New Zealand, “Fale” in Samoa, “Hale” in Hawaii (p. 35).

“Saka was a surname of Buddha. In the Japanese annals Saka lived 1000 years B.C. and the religion of Japan is that of Saka or Siaka. Whence the name Hiaka or Hika in the Hawaiian mythology? Saka is a Sanscrit word signifying era or epoch, and was used as a surname for several celebrated monarchs and founders of dynasties in India.

“On the other hand the Sovereigns of Guzzerat in India bore, during the 7th century A.D., the title of Diva-Saka or Di-Saka (pp. 225, 226). What connection with Hiaka?

“The Malay race expanded from Sumatra to Malaka, and not vice versa. The original country of the Malays (according to their own traditions) was Palembang (the kingdom of) in Sumatra, called the island of Indalous. They lived near the river Malayo, which descends from the mountain Maha-Merou. In 1160 A.D. under Sri-Touri-Bouwana they invaded and conquered the Peninsular of Malacca which was then called Oudjong-Tanah, or the land of Oudjong. The Malays were then called Orang de bavah angen, or people of, or toward the South.

“Other Malay historians trace the origin of the people to Hindustan. They trace their chiefs up to Alexander the Great or Rajah Sekander. One of the sons of Rajah Souren, founder of Besnagour in India conquered Palembang in Sumatra and founded an empire. About the year 1159 the Palembang chiefs invaded Java.” (pp. 41–43.)

Turner’s Nineteen Years in Polynesia, gives the following Samoan traditions:

Origin of Fire. Mafuie, the god of earthquakes, lived under the earth and kept a constant fire. Talanga used to go down to Mafuie’s place through a rock, singing out: “Rock divide, I am Talanga.” His son Tiitii found out his secret, descended and got some fire from Mafuie, but when he had lighted his oven Mafuie blew it up and blew out the fire. Tiitii then went down for more, fought Mafuie, broke off his right arm and obtained fire, Mafuie telling him to find it in every wood he cut.

Savage island has a similar tradition, changing the names of Talanga and Tiitii into “Maui” (father) and “Maui” (son).

Cosmogony. In the beginning the earth was covered with water and the heaven alone inhabited. Tangaloa, the great god, sent his daughter in the form of the bird kuri (snipe) to look for dry land. She found a spot, and as it was extending, she visited it frequently. At one time she brought down some earth and a creeping plant. The plant grew, decomposed and turned into worms, and the worms turned into men and women.

Another account says that Tangaloa rolled two great stones down from heaven, one became the island of Sawaii, the other, Upolo.

Of old the heavens fell down and people had to crawl about. The plants grew and pushed the heavens up a little from the earth. The place where this happened is called Te’enga-langi and is thus pointed out. One day a man came along and offered to push the heavens up for a drink of water from a woman’s gourd. He did so and got the water. Another account calls the man’s name Tiitii.

About the Moon. Two men Punifanga and Tafaliu started to visit the moon. The former thought to reach it by climbing a tree; the latter kindled a large fire, raised a great column of smoke, and climbed up to the moon on that, and got there long before the other.

A woman named Sina, during famine time, seeing the moon rising one evening wished a bite of it. The moon grew indignant and came down and picked her up, her child, her tapa board and mallet, and there they have remained until this day and are plainly to be seen.

About the Sun. A woman called Mangamangai became pregnant by looking at the sun. Her son, called child of the sun, climbed a tree and with a rope and noose caught the sun one morning and obtained from him a basket of blessings. Another account says that he and his mother were annoyed at the sun’s going so fast; so, after having caught the sun with his rope, he stipulated as a condition of liberating the sun, that it should travel slower after that, which has been duly performed.

The god of the lower regions was called Feé.

Raho and Iwa walked from Samoa on the sea until they came where Rotuma is. Raho had a basket of earth and of it made the island.

Taro. A person called Lasi went up to heaven and brought the taro down on earth and planted it there.

1. The New Zealand legends treat of four other names borne in the Hawaiian genealogy as living in Hawaiki before the exodus to New Zealand; viz., Hema, Tawhaki (Kahai), Wahieroa and Raka (Laka).

Hema and his wife Urutonga begat Tawhaki and Kariki. Tawhaki and Hine piripiri begat Wahieroa. Wahieroa and Kura begat Raka. Raka and Tongarautawhiri begat Tuwhakararo. Tuwhakararo and Apukura begat Whakatau.

2. Another tradition says that Maui-a-Taoanga had a sister named Hina-uri, and makes the following pedigree:

Hinauri (w.) and Tinirau (k.) begat Tuhuruhuru.

Tuhuruhuru and Apakura (w.) begat Tu-whakararo, Mairatea (w.), Whakataupotiki, and Reimatua.

3. The Ngati paoa tribe’s chiefs, in 1853, counted fifteen generations from and with Hotunui who came from Hawaiki with the first settlers in New Zealand in the canoe Tainui, companion to Arawa. Average thirty years to a generation = 450 years—1400 or thereabouts. (Sir Geo. Grey’s Polynesian Mythology.)

The proper trade wind at Tahiti is from east-southeast to east-northeast and is called Maarai. When the wind is to south of southeast it is called Maoai. The west northwest and northwest wind is called Toerau. If still more northerly it is Era-potaia, the wife of Toerau. The wind from southwest and west-southwest is called E-toa, if still more southerly it is called Farua. (Cook’s Voy., Vol. 2, p. 143.)

Tahitian Legend of Tahiai. Cannibals who came there were eventually killed (p. 169). Cannibalism was repudiated by Tahitians from ancient times.

Principal gods of Society Islands:

Huaheine Tane Tahaa Tane Raiatea Oro Bolabola Oro Eimeo Oro Tahiti Oro Mauroa Tu Tubuai Tamai Mataia Ohuab Tupu Tupu ai Rymaraiwa Chain Island Tamarii Sander’s Island Taaroa Tah. Taiarapu Opunua Taiarapu Halutiri

Uru-tae-tae was the Tahitian god who conducted departed spirits, for whom the priests of Roma-tane were employed, to the place of happiness.

Tali-ai-tubu. The principal god of the Tongas. God of war. Is that a namesake or transfer of the blood-thirsty Indian goddess Kali or Patra-Kali, the wife of Siwa?

“The Tahitian god Oro was called Koro in Raiatea. The Atituakians say they came from Awaiki, Tetarewa being the first. Awaiki was below. Tetarewa climbed up from it.

“The chief Makea at Rarotonga in 1840 was the twenty-ninth descendant from Karika, or Makea Karika, who came from Manuka or Manua, one of the Samoan group. He fell in at sea with Tangiia, a chief from Faaa in Tahiti. Tangiia made submission and the two went to Rarotonga and settled there.” (Missionary Enterprises, Rev. J. Williams, Ch. XIII.)

Ruanuu—Luanuu, a chief at Raiatea, left that island and settled at Aitutaki. Conductor of fleets; his genealogy kept up at Aitutaki. (Id., Ch. VII.)

In Tahiti the vaa were: vaa-mataaina, double canoes belonging to principal chiefs and public districts, fifty, sixty or seventy feet long; three or four feet deep. Stern ornamented with tii; then the pahi or war canoe, double, from sixty to one hundred feet long, three to four feet deep. The vaa-tii, sacred canoes, similar.

Common double canoe, tipairua.—Haw. kaulua.

Another kind of double canoe was called maihi, or twins, made from single trees, the others were sewed together from pieces of tamanu or other wood.

The vaa-motu (Island canoe) single, built for sailing, has washboards. All single canoes are provided with outriggers (ama) fixed on the left side.

The Paumotu canoes are much larger and stronger then the Tahitian ones. One from Rurutu had twelve feet depth of hold.

Tii in Tahitian means spirit of the dead.

Tiimaaraauta and Tiimaaraatai were the first human beings at Opoa in Raiatea, whence they spread over the group. The latter is sometimes called Hina.

Rua-hatu, the Tahitian Neptune, being asleep in the depth of the ocean, a fisherman of Raiatea dropped his hooks in the hair of Rua-hatu. Enraged, he came up and threatened to destroy the world. The fisherman mihi’d (apologized), and was told to go and fetch his wife and child, and to repair to Toamarama, an island near Raiatea. He did so, took wife, child and a friend, and a pig, a dog and pair of fowls. The waters then rose and covered Raiatea and all the rest of the world, but these four alone were saved.

The Afghans have a tradition that only seven persons were saved from the deluge.

Old Arab traditions give two sons to Seth, viz. Enoch and Sabi. They also relate that Noah had one son who perished in the flood with his mother Waela. The Mexicans, according to Humboldt report also only seven persons saved from the flood.

The Marquesans have eight persons saved.

In 1625 was found in Si-quan-Fou, in the Province of Chen-Si, in China, a dark colored marble slab with an inscription, detailing the arrival of the Christian (Nestorian) missionaries there from Ta-Thsin (Persia or Syria or west of Asia), its founder was called Olopen (what relation to the Hawaiian Olopana?). In the inscription God is called Oloho, supposed a corruption of the Syrian Eloha. (What relation has this word to the name of the Tahitian god Olo, or to the Hawaiian name for God’s residence Olo-loi-mehani?)

In Chinese language “Wan-Ou”—ten thousand things, is an expression for the totality of created beings. In Polynesian language Wanua or Wenua means the earth and all it contains.

In the inscription the Christian religion is called King-Khiao, literally, luminous religion. In Hawaiian mythology when Ku, Kane and Lono created man their invocation was Hi-ki-ao-ola. Any connection?

THE NUMERICAL SYSTEM, COMPARATIVE. [579]

In confirmation of the Polynesian connection with the Aryan stock, at a very early period, I will refer to the numeral systems of both. I believe that it is now pretty well established that the more ancient and rude a people is or was, the more limited is or was its numeral system. The Australians to this day do not count beyond three or four. The wooly-haired indigènes of the peninsula of Malacca count only to two. One is nai, and two is be. The latter calls strongly to mind the Basque bi and the Latin bis, two. The Dravidian languages exhibit signs, by the composition of their higher numbers, that at one time the range of their numerals was equally limited. The Polynesian language gives undoubted evidence that at one time the people who spoke it did not count beyond four, and that its ideas of higher numbers were expressed by multiples of four. [580] They evidently counted one, two, three, four, and that amount called “kau-na” was their tally, when the process was repeated again. That the same system obtained in the Aryan family in early times is evident not only from the marked relationship between the four first Aryan and Polynesian numbers, but the method of counting by fours as a tally still obtains among some of the Aryan descendants. [581]

The following table will show the relation I am seeking to establish. It is selected equally from Aryan and Polynesian branches; but there is this to be observed that, while the latter in all probability exhibit the archaic form of the language, the former exhibit a comparatively later and more or less modified form of the same.

PERSIAN OLD SLAVONIC ANGLO SAXON WELSH LATIN

1 Yek Yedino [582] An Un Unus 2 Du Dova Tva Dau Duo 3 Sih Tri Thri Tri Tres 4 Kehar Chetoiriye Feover [583] Pedoar Quatuor 5 Peng Pamete Fif Pump Quinque 6 Ses Seste Six Chwech Sex—seni 7 Heft Sedme Seofon Saith Septem 8 Hest Osme Eahta [584] Wyth Octo 9 Nuh Devamte Nigon Naw Novem 10 Deh Desamte Tyn [585] Deg Decem

PULO-NIAS TSOR MYSOL SUNDA GREEK

1 Sara Kayee Katim Hidji Hen 2 Dua Rua Lei Duwa Dyo 3 Tula Tel Tol Tilu Treis 4 Ufa Faht Fut Opat Tessara 5 Lima Lima Lim Lima Pente 6 Unu and Ano Nem Onum Gennep Hex 7 Fitu Fit Fit Tudju Hepta 8 Walu Wal Wal Dalapea Okto 9 Suwa Siwer Si Solapan Ennea 10 Fulu Huta Lafu Sa-pulu Deka

SAMOAN TONGA RAROTONGA TAHITI NIUE (SAVAGE IS.)

1 Tasi Taha Tai Tahi Taha 2 Lua Ua or Lua Rua Rua or Piti Ua 3 Tolu Tolu Toru Toru Tolu 4 Fa Fa A Ha or Maha Fa 5 Lima Nima Rima Rima or Pae Lima 6 Ono Ono Ono Ono Ono 7 Fitu Fitu Itu Hitu Fitu 8 Valu Valu Va’u Varu or Va’u Valu 9 Iva Hiwa Iva Iva Iva 10 Sefulu or Hongafulu or Ngauru Ahuru Hongafulu Sengafulu Angafulu

NEW ZEALAND RAPA VAIHU (EASTER IS.) MARQUESAS HAWAII

1 Tahi Ta’i Tahi Tahi Kahi 2 Rua Rua Rua Ua Lua 3 Toru Toru Toru To’u Kolu 4 Wha Aa Haa Fa or Ha Ha 5 Rima (ringa) Rima Rima Ima Lima 6 Ono Ono Hono Ono Ono 7 Whitu Itu Hitu Fitu Hiku 8 Waru Varu Varu Va’u Walu 9 Iwa Iwa Hiwa Iva Iwa 10 Ngahuru Ngauru Anahuru Onohu’u Umi

MANAHIKI FAKAAFO ROTUMA NIUA (NEW VATE, NEW (HUMPHREY) (UNION HEBRIDES) HEBRIDES AT ISLS.) MELE, (SANDWICH IS.)

1 Tahi Tasi Ta Tasi Tasi 2 Rua Lua Rua Rua Rua 3 Toru Tolu Thol Toru Toru 4 Fa Fa Hak Fa Fa 5 Rima Lima Lium Rima Rima 6 Ono Ono On Ono Ono 7 Hitu Fitu Hith Fitu Fitu 8 Varu Valu Vol Varu Varu 9 Iva Iva Siar Iva Siva 10 Raungahuru Sefulu Sanghul Tangafuru Nofuru

MALAY (MARSDEN’S DAYA-MARUT OR BUGUI (WRITTEN BATTA DICT.) IDAAN (BORNEO) LANG.)

1 Satu Uni Sadi Sada 2 Dua Dui Dua Duo 3 Tinga Toru Telu Tolu 4 Ampat Ampat Mpa Opat 5 Lima Rima Lima Lima 6 Anam Anam Mora Onam 7 Tujuh Pitu Pitu Paitu 8 Salapan Haaia Harua Walu 9 Sambilan Sui Hassera Sia 10 Sa-pulu Sapulu Sapulu Sapulu

CERAM ISL. SAVU ISL. MOSSES ISL. LAMPOON MINDANAO AND SULU ARCH.

1 Inta and Isa Ise Kau Iai Isa 2 Lua Rue Rua Rua Dava 3 Tolu Tolu Tolu Tolu Tulu 4 Patu Apa Wali Ampa Apat 5 Lima Lumi Rima Lima Lima 6 Lama? Una Eno Anam Anam 7 Pitu Pitu Vitu Pitu Pitu 8 Alu Aru Ialu Valu Valu 9 Tio Saio Siwa Siwa Siau 10 Pulu Singauru Sangapulu Pulu Sanpulu

TAGALOG PAPANGO JAVA MALAGASY PHILIPPINES PHILIPPINES (MADAGASCAR)

1 Isa Isa-metong Siji Isa or Rek 2 Dalawa A-dua Loru Rua 3 Tatlo A-tlo Tulu Tolu 4 Ampat Apat Papat Efa (or Efatra) 5 Lima Lima Limo Liman (Dimy) 6 Anim Anam Nanam One (Enima) 7 Pito Pitu Pitu Hitu (Fitu) 8 Walo Valo Valo Valu 9 Siam Siam Sango Siwa 10 Polo Apolo Sapulo Fulu

ISLAND OF COCOS SANSCRIT

1 Tasi Ek, or eka or sati 2 Lua Dwi or dvau, dwaja, dui 3 Tolu Tri or trija 4 Tea Chatur or chatvar 5 Lima Panch or panchan 6 Hono Shat or shash 7 Fitu Sapt or saptan 8 Valu Aght or ashtan 9 Iwa Naoa 10 Ongefulu Das, pl. dasati Vinsati (d-wi-vi-da-sati) 20 Sat 100

POLYNESIA PROPER.

Samoan Tahiti Hawaiian Tonga Rapa Easter Island

Tolu Toru Kolu Tolu Toru Toru

ASO-POLYNESIAN.

Daya-Idaan Batta Pulo-Nias Lampoon Savu Mindanao and Sulu

Toru Toru Tula Tolu Tolu Tulu Papango Bisayan Cagayan Malagasy Java Tagal A-tlo Tolo Talu Telu Tolu Telo Telu Tatlo

ARYAN BRANCHES.

Sanscrit Persian Old Slav Welsh Latin Greek Angl. Sax.

Tri Sih Tri Tri Tres Treis Thri, threo

POLYNESIAN PROPER.

Samoa Tahiti Hawaii Tonga Rapa Easter Isl. N. Zealand

Fa Ha, or Ma-ha Ha Fa Aa Haa Wha

ASO-POLYNESIAN.

Daya-Idaan Batta Pulo-Nias Lampoon Savu Mindanao and Sulu

Am-pat O-pat U-fa Am-pa A-pa A-pat Papango Bisayan Ilocos Malagasy A-pat Upat Eppa E-fa and e-fat-ra

ARYAN BRANCHES.

Sanscrit Persian Old Schave Welsh Anglo-Saxon

Chat-ur or Kehar Chet-oiriye Ped-war Feo-ver Chat-var Armorican Latin Greek Gothic Zend Ped-er, Pet-or Quat-uor Tet-tara Tessara Fid-war C’athou Aeol. Pisyres

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