Appendix…

Appendix

EARLY MOVEMENTS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

SENTIMENTS have been quoted from the proceedings of the public meetings held by the fathers of the Revolution, which, when taken in connection with the language of the Declaration of Independence, seem to favor the opinion that it was their purpose to extend to the colored people all the privileges to be secured by that struggle. An examination of the historical records, leads to the conclusion, that no such intention existed on the part of the statesmen and patriots of that day. The opinions expressed, with scarcely an exception, show that they viewed the slave trade and slavery as productive of evils to the colonies, and calculated to retard their prosperity, if not to prevent their acquisition of independence. The question of negro slavery was one of little moment, indeed, in the estimation of the colonists, when compared with the objects at which they aimed; and the resolutions adopted, which bound them not to import any more slaves, or purchase any imported by others, was a blow aimed at the commerce of the mother country, and designed to compel Parliament to repeal its obnoxious laws. But the resolutions themselves must be given, as best calculated to demonstrate what were the designs of those by whom they were adopted. Before doing this, however, it is necessary to ascertain what were the relations which the North American Colonies bore to the commerce of the British Empire, and why it was, that the refusal any longer to purchase imported slaves would be so ruinous to Great Britain, and her other colonies. When this is done, and not till then, can the full meaning of the resolutions be determined. Such were the links connecting these colonies with England--with the West Indies--and with the African slave trade, conducted by British merchants--that more than one-half of the commerce of the mother country was directly or indirectly under their control. The facts on this subject are extracted from the debates in the British Parliament, and especially from the speech of Hon. EDMUND BURKE, on his resolutions, of March 22d, 1775, for conciliation with America.[106] He said:--

"I have in my hand two accounts; one, a comparative statement of the export trade of England to its colonies, as it stood in the year 1704, and as it stood in the year 1772. The other, a state of the export trade of this country to its colonies alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of England to all parts of the world, (the colonies included,) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers; the latter period from the accounts on your own table, the earlier, from an original manuscript of Davenant, who first established the Inspector General's Office, which has been, ever since his time, so abundant a source of Parliamentary information.

"The export trade to the colonies, consists of three great branches. The African, which, terminating almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their commerce; the West Indian, and the North American. All these are so interwoven, that the attempt to separate them would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole; and if not entirely destroy, would very much depreciate the value of all the parts. I, therefore, consider these three denominations to be, what in effect they are, one trade.

"The trade to the colonies, taken on the export side, at the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, stood thus:

"Exports to North America and the West Indies $2,416,325 To Africa 433,325 ----------- $2,849,650

"In the year 1772, which I take as a middle year, between the highest and lowest of those lately laid on your table, the account was as follows:

"To North America and the West Indies $23,958,670 To Africa 4,331,990 To which, if you add the export trade from Scotland, which had, in 1704, no existence 1,820,000 ----------- $30,110,660

"From a little over two millions and three quarters, it has grown to over thirty millions.[107] It has increased no less than twelve fold. This is the state of the colony trade, as compared with itself at these two periods, within this century; and this is matter for meditation. But this is not all. Examine my second account. See how the export trade to the colonies alone, in 1772, stood in the other point of view, that is, as compared to the whole trade of England, in 1704.

"The whole trade of England, including that to the colonies, in 1704 $32,545,000 Export to the colonies alone, in 1772 30,120,000 ----------- Difference $2,425,000

"The trade with America alone, is now within less than two millions and a half of being equal to what this great commercial nation, England, carried on at the beginning of this century with the whole world! If I had taken the largest year of those on your table, it would rather have exceeded. But, it will be said, is not this American trade an unnatural protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the rest of the body? The reverse. It is the very food that has nourished every other part into its present magnitude. Our general trade has been greatly augmented; and augmented more or less in almost every part to which it ever extended; but with this material difference, that of the thirty-two millions and a half, which, in the beginning of the century, constituted the whole mass of our export commerce, the colony trade was but one-twelfth part; it is now considerably more than a third of the whole--[which is $80,000,000.] This is the relative proportion of the importance of the colonies at these two periods; and all reasoning concerning our mode of treating them, must have this proportion as its basis; or it is a reasoning, weak, rotten, and sophistical."

It is easy to perceive, from what is said by Mr. Burke, the embarrassments that must fall upon the mother country, in the event of a rebellion in the North American colonies. Take another illustration of this point. More than one-third of the exports of Great Britain were made to North America, the West Indies, and Africa. They stood thus during the three years ending at Christmas, 1773:

Annual average exports to North America $17,500,000 To the West Indies 6,500,000 To Africa 3,500,000 ---------- Total value of exports $27,500,000

But this is not all. The total value of the exports of Great Britain to all the world, at this date, was $80,000,000. These exports were made up, in part, of colonial products, tobacco, rice, sugar, etc., to the amount of $15,000,000;--$5,000,000 to foreign countries, and $10,000,000 to Ireland,--which, when added to the $27,500,000, paid for by the colonies, exhibits them as sustaining more than one-half of the commerce of the mother country.[108]

The immediate cause of the alarm which led to the examination of this subject by the Hon. Edmund Burke, and others, of the British Parliament, was the adoption, by the North American colonies, of the policy of non-importation and non-consumption of all English products, whether from the mother country, or any of her colonies; and the non-exportation of any North American products to Great Britain, the West Indies, or any of the dependencies of the crown. This agreement was adopted as a measure of retaliation upon Parliament, for the passage of the Boston Port Bill, which ordered the closing of Boston harbor to all commerce. The measure was first proposed at a meeting of the citizens of Boston, held on May 13, 1774. It was soon seconded by all the principal cities, towns, and counties, throughout the colonies; and when the Continental Congress met at Philadelphia, the terms of the league were drawn up and adopted, October 20, 1774, and went into operation.

A few extracts from memorials to Parliament, praying that the difficulties with North America might be adjusted, and the threatened evils averted, will show how the slave trade was then interwoven with the commerce and national prosperity of Great Britain, and to what extent the American league could affect that prosperity.

In the House of Commons, January 23, 1775: "Mr. Burke then presented a petition of the Master, Wardens, and Commonalty, of the Society of Merchants Venturers of the city of Bristol, under their common seal; which was read, setting forth, That a very beneficial and increasing trade to the British colonies in America, has been carried on from the port of Bristol, highly to the advantage of the kingdom in general, and of the said city in particular; and that the exports from the said port to America, consist of almost every species of British manufactures, besides East India goods, and other articles of commerce; and the returns are made not only in many valuable and useful commodities from thence, but also, by a circuitous trade, carried on with Ireland, and most parts of Europe, to the great emolument of the merchant, and improvement of his Majesty's revenue; and that the merchants of the said port are also deeply engaged in the trade to the West India islands, which, by the exchange of their produce with America, for provisions, lumber, and other stores, are thereby almost wholly maintained, and consequently, become dependent upon North America for support; and that the trade to Africa, which is carried on from the said port to a very considerable extent, is also dependent upon the flourishing state of the West India islands, and America; and that these different branches of commerce give employment not only to a very numerous body of artists and manufacturers, but also to a great number of ships, and many thousand seamen, by which means a very capital increase is made to the naval strength of Great Britain. . . . . . The passing certain acts of Parliament, and other measures lately adopted, caused such a great uneasiness in the minds of the inhabitants of America, as to make the merchants apprehensive of the most alarming consequences, and which, if not speedily remedied, must involve them in utter ruin. And the petitioners, as merchants deeply interested in measures which so materially affect the commerce of this kingdom, and not less concerned as Englishmen, in every thing that relates to the general welfare, cannot look without emotion on the many thousands of miserable objects, who, by the total stop put to the export trade of America, will be discharged from their manufactories for want of employment, and must be reduced to great distress."[109]

January 26, 1775. A petition of the merchants and tradesmen of the port of Liverpool, was presented to the House, and read, setting forth: "That an extensive and most important trade has been long carried on, from said town to the continent and islands of America; and that the exports from thence infinitely exceed in value the imports from America, from whence an immense debt arises, and remains due to the British merchant; and that every article which the laborer, manufacturer, or more ingenious artist, can furnish for use, convenience, or luxury, makes a part in these exports, for the consumption of the American; and that those demands, as important in amount as various in quality, have for many seasons been so constant, regular, and diffusive, that they are now become essential to the flourishing state of all their manufactures, and of consequence to every ndividual in these kingdoms; and that the bread of thousands in Great Britain, principally and immediately depends upon this branch of commerce, of which a temporary interruption will reduce the hand of industry to idleness and want, and a longer cessation of it would sink the now opulent trader in indigence and ruin; and that at this particular season of the year, the petitioners have been accustomed to send to North America many ships wholly laden with the products of Britain; but by the unhappy differences at present subsisting, from whatever source they flow, the trade to these parts is entirely at a stand; and that the present loss, though great, is nothing, when compared with the dreadful mischiefs which will certainly ensue, if some effectual remedy is not speedily applied to this spreading malady, which must otherwise involve the West India islands, and the trade to Africa, in the complicated ruin; but that the petitioners can still, with pleasing hopes, look up to the British Parliament, from whom they trust that these unhappy divisions will speedily be healed, mutual confidence and credit restored, and the trade of Britain again flourishing with undecaying vigor."[110]

March 16, 1775. To the question "From what places do the sugar colonies draw food for subsistence?" the answer, given before Parliament, was, in part, as follows: "I confine myself at present to necessary food. Ireland furnishes a large quantity of salted beef, pork, butter, and herrings, but no grain. North America supplies all the rest, both corn and provisions. North America is truly the granary of the West Indies; from whence they draw the great quantities of flour and biscuit for the use of one class of people, and of Indian corn for the support of all the others; for the support, not of man only, but of every animal . . . . . . North America also furnishes the West Indies with rice . . . . . . North America not only furnishes the West Indies with bread, but with meat, with sheep, with poultry, and some live cattle; but the demand for these is infinitely short of the demand for the salted beef, pork, and fish. Salted fish, (if the expression may be permitted in contrast with bread,) is the meat of all the lower ranks in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands. It is the meat of all the slaves in the West Indies. Nor is it disdained by persons in better condition. The North American colonies also furnishes the sugar colonies with salt from Turks' Island, Sal Tortuga, and Anguilla; although these islands are themselves a part of the West Indies. The testimony which some experience has enabled me to bear, you will find confirmed, Sir, by official accounts. The same accounts will distinguish the source of the principal, the great supply of corn and provisions. They will fix it precisely in the middle colonies of North America; in those colonies who have made a public agreement in their Congress, to withhold all their supplies after the tenth of next September. How far that agreement may be precipitated in its execution, may be retarded or frustrated, it is for the wisdom of Parliament to consider: but if it is persisted in, I am well founded to say, that nothing will save Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands from the dreadful consequences of absolute famine. I repeat, the famine will not be prevented. The distress will fall upon them suddenly; they will be overwhelmed with it, before they can turn themselves about to look for relief. What a scene! when rapine, stimulated by hunger, has broken down all screens, confounded the rich with the poor, and leveled the freeman with his slave! The distress will be sudden. The body of the people do not look forward to distant events; if they should do this, they will put their trust in the wisdom of Parliament. Suppose them to be less confident in the wisdom of Parliament, they are destitute of the means of purchasing an extraordinary stock. Suppose them possessed of the means; a very extraordinary stock is not to be found at market. There is a plain reason in the nature of the thing, which prevents any extraordinary stock at market, and which would forbid the planter from laying it in, if there was; it is, that the objects of it are perishable. In those climates, the flour will not keep over six or eight weeks; the Indian corn decays in three months; and all the North American provisions are fit only for present use."[111]

To the question, what are the advantages of the sugar colonies to Great Britain? it was answered: "The advantage is not that the profits all centre here; it is, that it creates, in the course of attaining those profits, a commerce and navigation in which multitudes of your people, and millions of your money are employed; it is that the support which the sugar colonies received in one shape, they give in another. In proportion to their dependence on North America, and upon Ireland, they enable North America and Ireland to trade with Great Britain. By their dependence upon Great Britain for hands to push the culture of the sugar-cane, they uphold the trade of Great Britain to Africa. A trade which in the pursuit of negroes, as the principal, if not the only intention of the adventurer, brings home ivory and gold as secondary objects. In proportion as the sugar colonies consume, or cause to be consumed, among their neighbors, Asiatic commodities, they increase the trade of the English East India Company. In this light I see the India goods which are carried to the coast of Guinea.[112]

To the question, what proportion of land in the Leeward Islands, being applied to raising provisions, would supply the negroes with provisions, on an estate of two hundred hogsheads, for instance? it was answered: "The native products of the Islands are very uncertain; all so, but Guinea corn; therefore, much more land would be applied to this purpose than would be necessary to raise the supply for the regular constant consumption. They must provide against accidents, such as hurricanes, excess of wet weather, or of dry weather, the climate being very uncertain; it is, therefore, impossible to answer this question precisely; but this I can say, that if they were obliged to raise their own food, that their food then must be their principal object, and sugar only a secondary object; it would be but the trifle, which provisions are now."[113]

The testimony in reference to Jamaica, was very similar to that quoted in relation to Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands; except that as Jamaica had more unimproved land, and greater diversity of soil and climate, it might, in time, stand prepared to meet the shock. But as the emergency was likely to be sudden and unexpected, much suffering must ensue in the outset of the non-intercourse policy.

It is only necessary to add a few remarks, from the speech of Mr. Glover, in summing up the testimony. He said: "From this ground see what is put in hazard; not merely a monied profit, but our bulwark of defense, our power in offense--the acts and industry of our Nation. Instead of thousands and tens of thousands of families in comfort, a navigation extensive and enlarging, the value and rents of lands yearly rising, wealth abounding, and at hand for further improvements, see or foresee, that this third of our whole commerce, that sole basis of our Empire, and this third in itself the best, once lost, carries with it a proportion of our national faculties, our treasure, our public revenue, and the value of land, succeeded in its fall by a multiplication of taxes to reinstate that revenue, an increasing burden on every increasing estate, decreasing by the reduced demand of its produce for the support of Manufactures, and menaced with a heavier calamity still--the diminution of our Marine, of our seamen, of our general population, by the emigration of useful subjects, strengthening that very country you wish to humble, and weakening this in the sight of rival powers, who wish to humble us.

"To recapitulate the heads of that material evidence delivered before you, would be tedious in me, unnecessary in itself. Leaving it, therefore, to its own powerful impression, I here add only, in a general mode of my own, that of the inhabitants of those Islands, above four hundred thousand are blacks, from whose labor the immense riches there, so distinctly proved at your bar, are derived, with such immense advantage to these kingdoms. How far these multitudes, if their intercourse with North America is stopped, may be exposed to famine, you have heard. One-half in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, say one hundred thousand negroes, in value at least twenty millions of dollars, possibly, it grieves me to say probably, may perish. The remainder must divert to provisions the culture of the produce so valuable to Great Britain. The same must be the practice in great part throughout Jamaica and the new settled acquisitions. They may feel a distress just short of destruction, but must divert for subsistence so much labor as, in proportion, will shorten their rich product."[114]

The North American colonies could not have devised a measure so alarming to Great Britain, and so well calculated to force Parliament into the repeal of her obnoxious laws, as this policy of non-intercourse. It would deprive the West Indies of their ordinary supplies of provisions, and force them to suspend their usual cultivation, to produce their own food. It would cause not only the cessation of imports from Great Britain into the West Indies, on account of the inability of its people to pay, but would, at once, check all demand for slaves, both in the sugar Islands and in North America--thus creating a loss, in the African trade alone, of three and a half millions of dollars, and putting in peril one-half of the commerce of England.

We are now prepared to introduce the resolutions, passed by the North American colonies, on the subject of the slave trade and slavery. It is not considered necessary to burden our pages with a repetition of the whole of the accompanying resolutions. They embraced every item of foreign commodities, excepting in a few instances where medicines, saltpetre, and other necessaries, were exempted from the prohibition. In a few counties, though they condemned the slave trade, they excepted negroes, and desired to retain the privilege of procuring them. This was in the early part of the movement. When the Continental Congress came to act upon it, no such exemption was made.

On May 17, 1774, the citizens of Providence, Rhode Island, met and acquiesced in the Boston resolutions. Their proceedings closed with this declaration: "Whereas, the inhabitants of America are engaged in the preservation of their rights and liberties; and as personal liberty is an essential part of the natural rights of mankind, the deputies of the town are directed to use their endeavors to obtain an act of the General Assembly, prohibiting the importation of negro slaves in this colony; and that all negroes born in the colony should be free at a certain age."

Prince George county, Virginia, June 1774, responded to Boston, and added this resolution: "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual balance of trade against the colony."[115]

Culpepper County, Virginia, July 7, 1774 acquiesced in the non-intercourse policy, and added this resolution: "Resolved, That the importing slaves and convict servants, is injurious to this colony, as it obstructs the population of it with freemen and useful manufacturers, and that we will not buy such slave or convict hereafter to be imported."[116]

The Provincial Convention, at Charleston, South Carolina, July 6, 7, 8, 1774, resolved to acquiesce in the Boston non-intercourse measures, and the merchants agreed not to import goods or slaves, until the grievances were redressed.[117]

Nansemond County Virginia, July 11, 1774, gave full assent to the Boston measures, and also "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual increase of the balance of trade against the colony ."[118]

Caroline County, Virginia, July 14, 1774, cordially acceded to the Boston policy, and also "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs our population by freemen, manufacturers, and others, who would emigrate from Europe and settle here, and occasions a balance of trade against the country that ought to be associated against."[119]

Surry County, Virginia, July 6, 1774, decided to sustain the Bostonians and also "Resolved, That as the population of this colony, with freemen and useful manufacturers, is greatly obstructed by the importation of slaves and convict servants, we will not purchase any such slaves or servants, hereafter to be imported."[120]

Fairfax County, Virginia, July 18, 1774, took ground strongly with Boston, and further "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that during our present difficulties and distress, no slaves ought to be imported into any of the British colonies on the continent; and we take this opportunity of declaring our most earnest wishes to see an entire stop forever put so such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade."[121]

Hanover county, Virginia, July 20, 1774, sustained the Boston resolutions, and also "Resolved, That the African trade for slaves, we consider as most dangerous to virtue and the welfare of this country; we therefore most earnestly wish to see it totally discouraged."[122]

Prince Ann County, Virginia, July 27, 1784, adopted the Boston policy, most distinctly, and also "Resolved, That our Burgesses be instructed to oppose the importation of slaves and convicts as injurious to this colony, by preventing the population of it by freemen and useful manufacturers."[123]

The Virginia Convention of Delegates, which met at Williamsburgh, August 1, 1774, fully indorsed the non-intercourse policy, medicines excepted, and in their resolutions declared: "We will neither ourselves import, nor purchase any slave or slaves imported by any other person, after the first day of November next, either from Africa, the West Indies, or any other place."[124]

The North Carolina Convention of Delegates, which met at Newbern, August 24, 1774, fully indorsed the non-intercourse policy, and also passed this among their other resolutions: "Resolved, That we will not import any slave or slaves, or purchase any slave or slaves, imported or brought into this Province by others, from any part of the world, after the first day of November next."[125]

And, finally, the Continental Congress, which met at Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774, in passing its non-importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption Agreement, included the following as the second article of that document:

"That we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manfactures to those who are concerned in it."[126]

To afford a clear view of the reasons which prompted the colonies to adopt such stringent measures to compel Parliament to repeal its oppressive acts, it is only necessary to quote the very brief summary of grievances of which they complained, as drawn up by the Pennsylvania Convention, which met in Philadelphia, July 15, 1774:

"The legislative authority claimed by Parliament over these colonies, consists of two heads: first, a general power of internal legislation; and, secondly, a power of regulating our trade; both, she contends, are unlimited. Under the first may be included, among other powers, those of forbidding us to worship our Creator in the manner we think most acceptable to him--imposing taxes on us--collecting them by their own officers--enforcing the collection by Admiralty Courts, or Courts Martial--abolishing trials by jury--establishing a standing army among us in time of peace, without consent of our Assemblies--paying them with our money--seizing our young men for recruits--changing constitutions of government--stopping the press--declaring any action, even a meeting of the smallest number, to consider of peaceable modes to obtain redress of grievances, high treason--taking colonists to Great Britain to be tried--exempting 'murderers' of colonists from punishment, by carrying them to England, to answer indictments found in the colonies--shutting up our ports--prohibiting us from slitting iron to build our houses, making hats to cover our heads, or clothing to cover the rest of our bodies, etc."[127]

It was in the midst of grievances such as these, and of efforts of redress such as the adoption of the Non-Intercourse Agreement was expected to afford, that the resolutions against the slave trade and slavery were passed. What, then, was their true import? Did the patriots of the Revolution contemplate the enfranchisement of the negro, in the event of securing their own independence? Did their views of free institutions include the idea that barbarism and civilization could coalesce and co-exist in harmony and safety? Or did they not hold, as a great fundamental truth, that a high degree of intelligence and moral principle was essential to the success of free government? And was it not on this very principle, that they opposed the further introduction of negroes from Africa, and afterwards, by a special clause in the Constitution, excluded the Indians from citizenship?

The resolutions which have been quoted, have given rise to much discussion, and have often been misrepresented. By severing them from their connection with the circumstances under which they were adopted, and associating them with the phrase in the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are created equal," the impression has been made that the negroes were to be included in the rights therein claimed. But as they have not been made participants in the benefits of the Revolution, it has been argued that the nation has broken its covenant engagements, and must expect that the judgments of Heaven will be poured out upon her.

Now, what are the facts? The colonists were aiming at a high degree of mental and moral culture, and were desirous of developing the resources of the country, by encouraging the influx of freemen from Europe, and especially of mechanics and manufacturers. They were anxiously looking forward to the time when they could cast off the yoke of oppression which the mother country had forced upon their necks. The multiplication of the negro population was considered as a barrier to the success of their measures, and as most dangerous to virtue and the welfare of the country. It was increasing the indebtedness of the citizens to foreign merchants, and augmenting the balance of trade against the colonies. But there was no settled policy in reference to the future disposition of the colored population. Feelings of pity were manifested toward them, and some expressed themselves in favor of emancipation. The Continental Congress, in addition to its action in the Non-Intercourse Agreement, Resolved, April 6, 1776, "That no slaves be imported into any of the thirteen United Colonies."[128] The Delaware Convention, August 27, 1776, adopted, as the 26th article of its Constitution, that "No person hereafter imported into this State from Africa, ought to be held in slavery on any pretense whatever; and no negro, Indian, or mulatto slave ought to be brought into this State, for sale, from any part of the world."[129]

There was more of meaning in this action, than the resolution, standing alone, would seem to indicate. On the 11th of July, preceding, Gen. Washington wrote to the Massachusetts Assembly, that the enemy had excited the slaves and savages to arms against him;[130] and on November 7th, 1775, Lord Dunmore had issued a proclamation, declaring the emancipation of all slaves "that were able and willing to bear arms, they joining his Majesty's troops, as soon as may be, for the more speedy reducing the colonists to their duty to his Majesty's crown and dignity."[131]

Previous to the commencement of hostilities, the resolutions of the colonists, adverse to the slave trade and slavery, were designed to operate against British commerce; but, after that event, the measures adopted had reference, mainly, to the prevention of the increase of a population that had been, and might continue to be, employed against the liberties of the colonies. That such a course formed a part of the policy of Great Britain, is beyond dispute; and that she considered the prosecution of the slave trade as necessary to her purposes, was clearly indicated by the Earl of Dartmouth, who declared, as a sufficient reason for turning a deaf ear to the remonstrances of the colonists against the further importation of slaves, that "Negroes cannot become republicans--they will be a power in our hands to restrain the unruly colonists." That such motives prompted England to prosecute the introduction of slaves into the colonies, was fully believed by American statesmen; and their views were expressed, by Mr. Jefferson, in a clause in the first draft of the Declaration of Independence, but which was afterward omitted.

That the emancipation of the negroes was not contemplated, by those in general, who voted for the resolutions quoted, is evident from the subsequent action of Virginia, where the greater portion of the meetings were held. They could not have intended to enfranchise men, whom they declared to be obstacles in the way of public prosperity, and as dangerous to the virtues of the people. Nor could the signers of the Declaration of Independence have designed to include the Indians and negroes in the assertion that all men are created equal, because these same men, in afterwards adopting the Constitution, deliberately excluded the Indians from citizenship, and forever fixed the negro in a condition of servitude, under that Constitution, by including him, as a slave, in the article fixing the ratio of Congressional representation on the basis of five negroes equaling three white men. The phrase--"all men are created equal"--could, therefore, have meant nothing more than the declaration of a general principle, asserting the equality of the colonists, before God, with those who claimed it as a divine right to lord it over them. The Indians were men as well as the negroes. Both were within the territory over which the United Colonies claimed jurisdiction. The exclusion of both from citizenship under the Constitution, is conclusive that neither were intended to be embraced in the Declaration of Independence.

That the colonists were determined, at any sacrifice, to achieve their own liberties, even at the sacrifice of their slave property, seems to have been the opinion of intelligent Englishmen. Burke, in his speech already quoted, thus dissipates the hopes of those who expected to find less resistance at the South than at the North.

"There is, however, a circumstance attending the [Southern] colonies, which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difference, and makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the Northward. It is that in Virginia and the Carolinas, they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, those who are free, are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks, among them, like something that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the peculiar morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it; but I can not alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these people of the Southern colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty, than those to the Northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such in our days were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible."

FOOTNOTES:

[106] See American Archives, vol i. folio 1749.

[107] His estimates are in pounds sterling. It is here, for sake of uniformity, reduced to dollars, the pound being estimated at five dollars.

[108] Investigations before the Committee on the Petition of the West India Planters. See American Archives, vol i. folio 1736.

[109] American Archives, vol. i. folio 1519.

[110] American Archives, vol. i. folio 1531.

[111] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folios 1723-24.

[112] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folios 1728-29,

[113] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folio 1730.

[114] American Archives, vol i. folio 1737.

[115] American Archives, vol. i. folio 494.

[116] American Archives, vol. i. folio 523.

[117] American Archives, vol. i. folio 525.

[118] American Archives, vol. i. folio 530.

[119] American Archives, vol. i. folio 541.

[120] American Archives, vol. i. folio 593.

[121] American Archives, vol. i. folio 600.

[122] American Archives, vol. i. folio 616.

[123] American Archives, vol. i. folio 641.

[124] American Archives, vol. i. folio 687.

[125] American Archives, vol. i. folio 735.

[126] American Archives, vol. i. folio 914.

[127] American Archives, vol i. folio 573.

[128] American Archives, 4th series, vol. iii. folio 11.

[129] American Archives, 5th series, vol. i. folio 1178.

[130] American Archives, 5th series, vol. i. folio 192.

[131] American Archives, 4th series, vol. iii. folio 1385.

FREE COLORED POPULATION.

WHEN the author was carefully collating the facts from the Record of MAJOR LACHLAN, in reference to the fugitive slaves in Canada, he was not aware that he should be so fortunate as to obtain, from other sources, any testimony in their support. Canada has all along been a sealed book to the public of the States, so far as the condition of blacks, who had escaped thither, were concerned. Since the completion of the stereotyping of the volume, and just as it was about ready for the press, the New York Herald, of January 5, reached us. It embraces a detailed report on this important subject, which was prepared by a special agent, who visited the settlements he describes. It is very interesting to find, that the opinions and predictions of Major Lachlan, made in 1841 to 1850, as to the results of colored immigration into Canada, should be so fully sustained and fulfilled, by a report upon the actual facts in 1859.

It may be remarked, here, that we believe a crisis has arrived in the history of the free colored people of the United States, which demands the most calm and serious consideration; and we would remind the more intelligent colored men, that the honor of conducting their fellow-men in the road to a high civilization, will be as great as are the honors heaped upon the few of the white race, who have been the master spirits in bringing up their fellow-men to the pinnacle of greatness upon which they now stand. More than one field, for the accomplishment of this object, now presents itself; and, as the darkest hour is said to be that which immediately proceeds the dawn of day; it may be hoped that the lowering clouds now overshadowing their prospects, will soon be dissipated by a brighter sun, that shall reveal the highway of their deliverance.

But to the extracts from the Herald. After giving a detailed account of the whole subject of negro immigration into Canada, together with the particulars of the results of the several attempts at founding settlements for the refugees, the Herald's reporter sums up the whole matter thus:

"THE SOCIAL AND MORAL EFFECT OF THE IMPORTATION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES INTO CANADA.

"While, as we have seen, the British abolitionists in Canada are laboring with the republican abolitionists of America to entice away the slave property of the South, and to foment a servile insurrection in the Southern States, and a disruption of the Union, there are men of sense and of honor among our neighbors over the borders, who deplore this interference of their countrymen in the affairs of the republic, and appreciate the terrible catastrophe to which, if persevered in, it must eventually lead. I conversed with a prominent abolitionist in Chatham, holding a public position of trust and honor, who told me that the first suggestion of the Harper's Ferry attack was made to Brown by British abolitionists in Chatham, and who assured me that he had himself subscribed money to aid Brown in raising men for the service in Ohio and elsewhere in the States. In reply to some questions I put to him, he stated that he and his associates on the other side looked with expectation and hope to the day, not far distant, when a disruption of the Union would take place; for that, in that case, the British abolitionists would join the republican abolitionists of America in open warfare upon the slaveholding States. When I reminded him that the patriotic men of the North would raise a barrier of brave hearts, through which such traitors would find it difficult to reach the Southern States, he replied--'Oh, we have often talked over and calculated upon that; but you forget that we should have the negroes of the South to help us in their own homes against their oppressors, with the knife and the fire-brand.'

"I conversed on the other hand with conservative, high-minded men, who expressed the most serious apprehension that the bold and unjustifiable association of Canadian abolitionists with the negro stealers and insurrectionists of America would eventually plunge the two countries into war.

"We have seen that the immigration of fugitive slaves into Canada is unattended by any social or moral good to the negro. It is injurious, also, to the white citizens of Canada, inasmuch as it depresses the value of their property, diminishes their personal comfort and safety, and destroys the peace and good order of the community. Mr. Sheriff Mercer, of Kent county, assured me that the criminal statistics of that county prove that nine-tenths of the offenses against the laws are committed by colored persons. The same proportion holds good in Essex county, and the fact is the more startling when it is remembered that the blacks do not at present number more than one-fourth of the whole population.

"In the township of Anderdon, Essex county, this fall, nearly every sheep belonging to the white farmers has been stolen. The fact was presented in the return of the Grand Jury of the county, and some twelve negro families, men, women and children, were committed to jail on the charge of sheep stealing. The cases of petit larceny are incredibly numerous in every township containing negro settlements, and it is a fact that frequently the criminal calendars would be bare of a prosecution but for the negro prisoners.

"The offenses of the blacks are not wholly confined to those of a light character. Occasionally some horrible crime startles the community, and is almost invariably attended by a savage ferocity peculiar to the vicious negro. If a murder is committed by a black, it is generally of an aggravated and brutal nature. The offense of rape is unfortunately peculiarly prevalent among the negroes. Nearly every assize is marked by a charge of this character. A prominent lawyer of the Province, who has held the position of public prosecutor, told me that his greatest dread was of this offense, for that experience had taught him that no white woman was safe at all times, from assault, and those who were rearing daughters in that part of Canada, might well tremble at the danger by which they are threatened. He told me that he never saw a really brutal look on the human face until he beheld the countenances of the negroes charged with the crime of rape. When the lust comes over them they are worse than the wild beast of the forest. Last year, in broad daylight, a respectable white woman, while walking in the public road within the town of Chatham, was knocked down by a black savage and violated. This year, near Windsor, the wife of a wealthy farmer, while driving alone in a wagon, was stopped by a negro in broad daylight, dragged out into the road, and criminally assaulted in a most inhuman manner. It was impossible to hear the recital of these now common crimes without a shudder.

"The fugitive slaves go into Canada as beggars, and the mass of them commit larceny and lay in jail until they become lowered and debased, and ready for worse crimes. Nor does there seem at present a prospect of education doing much to better their condition, for they do not appear anxious to avail themselves of school privileges as a general rule. The worse class of blacks are too poor and too indolent to clothe their children in the winter, and their services are wanted at home in the summer. The better class affect airs as soon as they become tolerably well to do, and refuse to send their little ones to any but white schools. In Windsor there are two public colored schools, but the negroes of that place choose to refuse to allow their children to attend these institutions, and sent them to the schools for whites. They were not admitted, and two of the black residents, named Jones and Green, tested the question at law, to try whether the trustees or teachers had a right to exclude their children. It was decided that the trustees had such power, when separate schools were provided for colored persons.

"That property is seriously depreciated in all neighborhoods in which the negroes settle is a well known fact. Mr. S. S. Macdonnel, a resident of Windsor, and a gentleman of high social and political position, is the owner of a large amount of real estate in that place. The Bowyer farm, a large tract of land belonging to him, was partitioned into lots some few years since, and sold at auction. Some of the lots were bid in by negroes of means, among others, by a mulatto named De Baptiste, residing in Detroit. As soon as the white purchasers found that negroes were among the buyers, they threw up their lots, and since then the value of the property has been much depressed. In several instances Mr. Macdonnel paid premiums to the negroes to give up their purchases, where they had happened to buy in the midst of white citizens. At a subsequent sale of another property, cut up into very fine building lots, by the same gentleman, one of the conditions of sale announced was, that no bid should be received from colored persons. De Baptiste attended and bid in a lot. When his bid was refused, he endeavored to break up the auction in a row, by the aid of other negroes, and failing in this, brought an action at law against Mr. Macdonnel. This Mr. M. prepared to defend, but it was never pressed to a trial. These incidents, together with the attempt of the Windsor negroes to force their children into the schools for whites, illustrate the impudent assumption of the black, as soon as he becomes independent, and the deeply seated antipathy of the whites in Canada to their dark skinned neighbors. At the same time it is observable that the 'free negro' in Canada--that is, the black who was free in the States--endeavors to hold his head above the 'fugitive,' and has a profound contempt for the escaped slave.

"As I desired to obtain the views of intelligent Canadians upon the important questions before me, I requested a prominent and wealthy citizen of Windsor to favor me with a written statement of his observations on the effect of the negro immigration and received the following hastily prepared and brief communication, in reply. The opinions expressed are from one of the most accomplished gentlemen in the Province, and are worthy of serious consideration, although the public position he occupies renders it proper that I should not make public use of his name:--

"'WINDSOR, Dec. 23, 1859.

"'MY DEAR SIR--In reply to your request, I beg to say that I would cheerfully give you my views at length upon the important topics discussed at our interview, did not my pressing engagements just now occupy too much of my time to make it possible that I should do more than hastily sketch down such thoughts as occur to me in the few moments I can devote to the subject.

"'The constant immigration of fugitives from slavery into the two western counties of the Province of Canada, Kent and Essex, has become a matter for serious consideration to the landed proprietors in those counties, both as it effects the value and salability of real estate, and as rendering the locality an undesirable place of abode.

"'It is certain that ever since large numbers of fugitive slaves have, by means of the organization known here and in the States as "the Underground Railroad," and of such associations as the Dawn and Elgin Institutes and the Refugee Home Society, been annually introduced into these two counties, no settlers from the old country, from the States, or from the eastern part of Canada, have taken up lands there. And there is every reason to assign the fact of there being a large colored population, and that population constantly on the increase, as the chief cause why these counties do not draw a portion at least of the many seeking Western homes.

"'Kent and Essex have been justly styled "the Garden of Upper Canada." The soil in most parts of the counties cannot be excelled in richness and fertility, and the climate is mild and delightful. There are thousands of acres open for sale at a moderate price, but it now seldom happens that a lot of wild land is taken up by a new comer. The farmer who has achieved the clearing of the land that years ago was settled upon may wish to extend his possessions for the sake of his sons who are growing up, by the acquisition of an adjoining or neighboring piece of wild land; but seldom or never is the uncleared forest intruded upon now by the encampment of emigrant families.

"'It may be broadly asserted, first, in general, that the existence of a large colored population in Kent and Essex has prevented many white settlers from locating there who otherwise would have made a home in one of those counties; and, secondly, that in particular instances it constantly occurs that the sale of a lot of land is injuriously affected by reason of the near settlement of colored people.

"'Next, as to the general feeling of the gentry and farmers who live in the midst of this population: All regard it with dissatisfaction, and with a foreboding--an uncomfortable anticipation for the future, as they behold the annual inpouring of a people with whom they have few or no sympathies in common, many of whose characteristics are obnoxious and bad, and who have to make a commencement here, in the development of their better nature, should they possess any, from perhaps the lowest point to which the human mind can be degraded, intellectually and morally.

"'There is undoubtedly hardly a well thinking person whose heart is not touched with a feeling of pity for the unfortunates who present themselves as paupers, in the name of liberty, to become denizens of our country. And it would, doubtless, be a great moral spectacle to witness these escaped slaves, as they are sometimes pictured by professional philanthropists, rendering themselves happy in their freedom, acquiring property, surrounding themselves with the comforts, if not the elegancies of life, and advancing themselves intellectually, socially and politically. But, alas for human nature! If the negro is really fitted by the Creator to enjoy freedom as we enjoy it, the habits of mind and of action, however baneful they may be, that have been long exercised, are not to be suddenly broken or changed; and the slave who was idle, and lying, and thievish in the South, will not obtain opposite qualities forthwith by crossing the line that makes him free.

"'This is not said in a spirit of malevolence toward the colored people that are here and are brought here, but as presenting their case as it really is, and as explaining the position in which residents of these counties are placed, or will be placed, if this continuous flow from the slave States is poured in by means of the organizations and societies formed for that purpose in many of the Northern States of America, and fostered and aided by many indiscreet men in our own country.

"'The main argument in favor of the free school system is, that it is a benefit to all to be surrounded by an intelligent and moral community, and for such a benefit every property holder should be glad to contribute his quota. Is there, then, any need of asking the question, if the people of these counties desire the sort of population that comes to them from the Southern States?

"'What is the condition of the negroes on their arrival here? What their progress in the acquisition of property and knowledge, and their conduct as citizens?

"'There are very few indeed who arrive here with sufficient means at once to acquire a farm, or to enter into business of any kind. The great mass of them may be called paupers, claiming aid from the societies through whose agency they are brought out. Some of these societies hold large tracts of land, which they sub-divide and sell to new comers upon long time, but with conditions as to clearing, residence, etc., that are difficult of observance. I believe there is much trouble in carrying out this plan, arising in some measure from the peculiarities of negro character--a want of constancy or steadiness of purpose, as well as from a feeling of distrust as to their having the land secured to them. If the land is not purchased from any of these societies, a parcel of ten or fifteen colored families get together and purchase and settle upon some other spot.

"While there are instances of colored men accumulating property here, the great mass of them fail even in securing a living without charity or crime. They have but little forethought for the future, and care only to live lazily in the present. The criminal records of the county show that nine-tenths of the offenses are committed by the colored population, and I think the experience of every citizen who resides near a settlement will testify to their depredating habits.

"'I have given you thus hurriedly and disconnectedly my views on these subjects. They are important enough to demand more time and consideration in their discussion, but I believe the opinions I have advanced you will find shared in by a large proportion of the residents of the Province. I am, my dear sir, faithfully yours.' ----- -----.

"In addition to the testimony of the writer of the above communication, my views upon the subject under examination were confirmed by the valuable opinion of the Hon. Colonel Prince, the representative of the county in the Provincial Parliament for a long term of years. Colonel Prince has bestowed much consideration upon the negro question, and he has practical experience of the condition and conduct of the colored population. In June, 1858, in the course of a debate in the Legislative Council, Col. Prince was reported to have spoken as follows:

"'In the county of Essex the greatest curse that befell them was the swarm of blacks that infested that county. They were perfectly inundated with them. Some of the finest farmers of the county of Kent had actually left their beautiful farms, so as not to be near this terrible nuisance. If they looked over the criminal calendars of the country they would see that the majority of names were those of colored people. They were a useless, worthless, thriftless set of people, too lazy and indolent to work, and too proud to be taught. . . . . Were the blacks to swarm the country and annoy them with their rascalities? Honorable gentlemen might speak feelingly for the negroes, but they had never lived among them as he had done. Notwithstanding all that he said about them, they would say, if asked on the subject, that they had no better friend than Col. Prince. But there was no use in trying to get the white man to live with them. It was a thing they would not do. There was a great sympathy always expressed for the black man who escaped from the slave life; but he had lived with them twenty-five years, and had come to the conclusion that the black man was born for servitude, and was not fit for any thing else. He might listen to the morbid philanthropy of honorable gentlemen in favor of the negro; but they might as well try to change the spots of the leopard as to change the character of the blacks. They would still retain their idle and thievish propensities.'

"While Col. Prince claims that he was very inaccurately reported, and that he never said one word in favor of slavery, which he professes to abhor with a holy horror, he yet adheres to the opinion that the colored race is not fit to live and mix in freedom with the whites. He deplores deeply the action of such of his countrymen as improperly interfere in the affairs of the States, and condemns the lawless running off of slaves from the South, and the attempts to raise servile insurrection in the slaveholding States. As a constitutional British gentleman, he reveres the laws, and believes that where they are bad, or where the constitution of a country is unwise, the remedy lies in the power of the people by legal means. He sees the evil effect, morally and socially, of the influx of fugitive slaves into Canada, and would shut them out if he could. He knows that the negroes form an enormous portion of the criminals of his county, and the county of Kent, and he is doubly annoyed that men who come from servitude to freedom should abuse their privileges as the negroes do. He admits that every distinct attempt to make a settlement of negroes self-supporting and prosperous, has failed, and he believes that the negro is not yet fit for self-government, and requires over him a guiding, if not a master's hand.

Col. Prince is a gentleman of the old school--hale, hearty and whole-souled--and does not fear to express the sentiments he entertains.

"The lessons taught by an examination into the action of the Canadian abolitionists, and of the condition and prospects of the fugitive slaves in the Province, should be made useful to the American people. The history of the past proves that Great Britain would gladly destroy the Union of the States, which makes the American republic a leading power among nations. As in days past she sought to accomplish this object through the instrumentality of traitors and of the foes of the Union, so now she seeks aid in her designs from the republican abolition enemies of the confederacy in our own States. The intrigues of the British emissaries in Canada should stay the hand of every man who fancies that in helping to rob the South of its slaves he is performing an act of humanity; for they should teach him that he is but helping on the designs of those who look eagerly to the slavery agitation and the sectional passions engendered thereby, to accomplish a disruption of the Union, and encompass the failure of our experiment of free government. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

"Let our merchants and our farmers carefully consider these facts, and then reflect upon what they are required by the abolition agitators to do. To what end are the systematized negro stealing of the North, the attempts to incite insurrection at the South, and their natural results, a dissolution of the Union, to lead? Are we to render New York and the other free States subject to the same deplorable evils as afflict the western counties of Canada? Are our Northern farmers willing to have the value of their lands depreciated, and to subject their crops and stock to constant depredations by inviting here the same class of neighbors that at present deplete whole Canadian townships of their sheep? Unless we desire to accomplish such results, why, under a mistaken idea of charity to the negro, do we take him from a life of usefulness and content at the South to plant him in freedom and suffering at the North? Why do we consent to help forward, directly or indirectly, an agitation that can only incite a disruption of the Union and bring upon us the very evils we deplore?"

IMPORTANT DECISIONS.

Since the volume was in type, the Supreme Court of Ohio has made a decision of great importance to the free colored people. We copy from the Law Journal, December, 1859:

"NEGROES AND THE COMMON SCHOOLS.

"The Supreme Court of Ohio, on Tuesday, on a question before them involving the right of colored children to be admitted into the Common Schools of the State, decided that the law of the State interfered with no right of colored children on the subject, and that they were not, therefore, entitled of right to the admission demanded. The following is the reported statement of the case:

"'Enos Van Camp vs. Board of Equalization of incorporated village of Logan, Hocking County, Ohio. Error to District Court of Hocking County.

"'Peck J. held:

"'1. That the statute of March 14, 1853, 'to provide for the reorganization, supervision, and maintenance of Common Schools, is a law of classification and not of exclusion, providing for the education of all youths within the prescribed ages, and that the words 'white' and 'colored,' as used in said act, are used in their popular and ordinary signification.

"'2. That children of three-eighths African and five-eighths white blood, but who are distinctly colored, and generally treated and regarded as colored children by the community where they reside, are not, as of right, entitled to admission into the Common Schools, set apart under said act, for the instruction of white youths.

"'Brinkherhoff, C. J., and Sutliff, J., dissented.'"

(From the Cincinnati Gazette.)

MASSACHUSETTS BLACK MILITIA.

Last Wednesday a bill passed by the Massachusetts Legislature authorizing colored persons to join military organizations, was vetoed by Gov. Banks, on the ground that he believed the chapter in the bill relating to the militia, in which the word "white" was stricken out, to be unconstitutional. In this opinion he is sustained by the Supreme Court and by the Attorney General.

The matter was discussed in the House at some length, and the veto sustained by a vote of 146 to 6.

A new chapter was then introduced on leave, and it being precisely the same as the other, except that the word "white" was restored, it passed the House with but one negative vote.

Under a suspension of the rules the new bill was then sent to the Senate, where, after debate, it was passed by a vote of 11 to 15.

The Governor signed the new bill, and the Legislature adjourned sine die.

SOUTH-SIDE VIEWS.

REV. Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore, has written a long letter to Hon. Edward Everett, in regard to the present state of things as regards slavery. We subjoin two or three specimens:--Cincinnati Gazette.

"In June, 1845, there assembled in Charleston a body of men, representing almost all the wisdom and wealth of South Carolina. There were present, also, delegates from Georgia, and I believe from other States. It was a meeting of the association for the improvement, moral and religious, of the slave population. The venerable Judge Huger presided. Having been appointed to address that large and noble audience, I did not hesitate to speak my whole mind: appealing to masters to imitate the Antonines and other magnanimous Roman Emperors, to become the guardians of their slaves, to have laws enacted protecting them in their relations as husbands and wives and parents; to recognize the rights which the Gospel asserts for servants as well as masters. In a word, I pressed upon them the solemn obligations which their power over these human beings imposed upon them--obligations only the more sacred, because their power was so irresponsible.

"That august assembly not only honored me with their attention, but expressed their approval, the presiding officer concurring most emphatically in the views submitted.

"I need scarcely tell you that no such address would be regarded as wise or prudent at this time. It is not that masters are less engaged in seeking to promote the moral and religious well-being of their servants; but measures which once could have been adopted most beneficially would now only expose master and servant to the baneful influence of fanatical intermeddling.

"If any thing is certain, it is that the Gospel does not recognise hatred, abuse, violence and blood as the means by which good is to be done. The Gospel is a system of love. It assails no established social relations, but it infuses love into the hearts of those who are bound together, and thus unites them in affection."

Again he says:

"I think I speak accurately when I say, that hitherto every sacrifice for the emancipation of slaves has been made by Southern men; and many hundred thousand dollars have been expended in such liberations. The North has wasted large sums for abolition books and lectures; for addresses calculated to inflame the imaginations of women and children, and to mislead multitudes of men--most excellent and pious--but utterly ignorant as to the condition of things at the South. We now find, indeed, that money has been contributed even for the purchase of deadly weapons to be employed against the South, and to enlist the most ferocious passions in secret crusades, compared with which an open invasion by foreign enemies would be a blessing. I believe, however, that not one cent has yet been given to set on foot--or even encourage when proposed--any plausible enterprise for the benefit of the slave."

* * * * *

"I do now believe that the guardianship of a kind master is at this time a great blessing to the African. If emancipation is ever to take place, it will be gradually, and under the mild, but resistless influence of the Gospel. Whether slavery be an evil or not, we at the South did not bring these Africans here--we protested against their introduction. The true friend of the African is at the South, and thousands of hearts there are seeking to know what can be done for the race. There must be some limits to human responsibility, and a man in New England has no more right to interfere with the institutions of Virginia, than he has to interfere with those of England or France. All such interference will be repelled by the master, but it will prove injurious to the slave. Dr. Channing was regarded as a leading abolitionist in his day, but could that noble man now rise up, he would stand aghast at the madness which is rife everywhere on this subject. 'One great principle, which we should lay down as immovably true, is, that if a good work cannot be carried on by the calm, self-controlled, benevolent spirit of Christianity, then the time for doing it has not yet come.' Such was his language, when opposing slavery. Were he now living, the delirious spirit of the day would denounce him, as it denounced Mr. Webster, and now denounces you and every true patriot. Nay, even Mr. Beecher is abused as not truculent enough.

"Jesus saw slavery all around him. Did he seek to employ force? He said 'All power in heaven and earth is given unto me, therefore, go teach, go preach the Gospel.'"

COLORED PEOPLE EMIGRATING FROM LOUISIANA TO HAYTI.

The New Orleans Picayune notices that a vessel cleared from that port on the previous day, having on board eighty-one free colored persons, emigrating to Hayti. The Picayune says:

"These people are all from the Opelousas parishes, and all cultivators--well versed in farming, and in all the mechanical arts connected with a farm. Among them are brickmakers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carpenters, etc. Some of them are proficient weavers, who have long been employed making the stuff called Attakapas cottonade, so favorably known in the market. They take along with them the necessary machinery for that trade, and all sorts of agricultural and mechanical implements.

"These eighty-one persons--twenty-four adults and fifty-seven children and youths--compose fourteen families, or rather households, for they are all related, and the eighty-one may be called one family. They are all in easy circumstances, some even rich, one family being worth as much as $50,000. They were all land owners in this State, and have sold out their property with the intention of investing their capital in Hayti."--

Cincinnati Commercial, January, 1860.

THE COOLIE TRAFFIC.

It may be well to put upon record one of those extreme cases of hardship and cruelty which necessarily accompany the transportation of laborers to the West Indies, whether under the name of the slave trade, or coolie immigration. The China correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, of a recent date, says: The Flora Temple, an English vessel, had made all arrangements to secure a full cargo of coolies. They were cheated, inveigled, or stolen, and either taken directly to the ship or else confined in the barracoons in Macao till the ship was ready to sail for Havanna--the crew numbering fifty, and the coolies eight hundred and fifty. The vessel sailed October 8, 1859, when the coolies soon learned their destiny, and resolved to avert it at all hazards. On the morning of the 11th, without weapons of any kind, they rushed upon the guard and killed him. The noise brought the captain and his brother on deck, fully armed with revolvers, who by rapid firing and resolutely pressing forward, drove the miserable wretches below; where, without light and air, they were locked and barred like felons, in a space too limited to permit their living during the long voyage before them. Think of eight hundred and fifty human beings all full grown men, pressed into this contracted, rayless, airless dungeon, in which they were to be deported from China to Havana, all the long way over the China sea, the Indian ocean, and the Atlantic!

On the 14th, the vessel struck upon an unknown reef, a gale of wind in the meantime blowing, and the sea running high. Every effort was made to save the ship by the officers and crew; the poor coolies, battened down beneath the decks, being allowed no chance to aid in saving the ship or themselves. Although the yards were "braced around" and the ship "hove aback," she struck first slightly, and then soon after several times with a tremendous crash, the breakers running alongside very high. Pieces of her timbers and planking floated up on her port side, and after some more heavy thumps she remained apparently immovable. The water rapidly increased in the hold till it reached the "between-decks," where the eight hundred and fifty coolies were confined.

While this was going on, indeed, almost immediately after the ship first struck, the officers and crew very naturally became afraid of the coolies for the treatment they had received, and the captain ordered the boats to be lowered, not to save the coolies in whole or in part, but to preserve himself and crew. These boats, even under favorable circumstances, were not more than sufficient for the officers and crew, showing that no provision had been made for the poor coolies in case of disaster. The boats passed safely through the breakers, leaving the ship almost without motion, all her masts standing, her back broken, and the sea making a clear break over her starboard and quarter.

When the boats left the ship, and steered away, without making an effort to save the eight hundred and fifty coolies, or allowing them to do any thing themselves, with their last look toward the ship they saw that the coolies had escaped from their prison through doors which the concussion had made for them, and stood clustering together, helpless and despairing, upon the decks, and gazing upon the abyss which was opening its jaws to receive them. My friend assures me that he knows these poor creatures were completely imprisoned all the night these terrible occurences were going on, the hatches being "battened down," and made as secure as a jail door under lock and bars.

The ship was three hundred miles from land when it struck, and after fourteen days of toil and struggle, one of the boats only succeeded in reaching Towron, in Cochin-China. The three other boats were never heard of. Here the French fleet was lying; and the admiral at once sent one of his vessels to the fatal scene of the disaster, where some of the wreck was to be seen; but not a single coolie! Every one of the eight hundred and fifty had perished.

TABLE I.

FACTS IN RELATION TO COTTON--ITS GROWTH, MANUFACTURE, AND INFLUENCE ON COMMERCE, SLAVERY, EMANCIPATION, ETC., CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED.

| Great Britain Annual Import | United States' Annual | YEARS. | and Consumption of Cotton, | Exports Cotton to Great | | from earliest dates to | Britain and Europe | | 1858, in lbs. | generally. | --------|-----------------------------|--------------------------| 1641 | Cotton manufacture first | | | named in English history. | | | | | | TOTAL IMPORTS. | | 1697 | 1,976,359 | | 1701 | 1,985,868 | | 1700 |} | | to |} 1,170,881 | | 1705 |} | | 1710 | 715,008 | | 1720 | 1,972,805 | | 1730 | 1,545,472 | | 1741 | 1,645,031 | 1747-48, 7 bags of | 1751 | 2,976,610 | Cotton were shipped from | 1764 | 3,870,392 | Charleston, S. C., to | 1771 |} | England. | to |} 6,766,613 | | 1775 |} | 1770, 2,000 lbs. shipped | 1781 | 5,198,778 | from Charleston. | 1782 | 11,828,039 | | 1783 | 9,735,663 | | 1784 | 11,482,083 | 71 bags shipped and | 1785 | 18,400,384 | seized in England, on | 1786 | 19,475,020 | the ground that America | 1787 | 23,250,268 | could not produce so | 1788 | 20,467,436 | much. | 1789 | 32,576,023 | | 1790 | 31,447,605 | | 1791 | 28,706,675 | lbs. 189,316 | 1792 | 34,907,497 | 138,328 | 1793 | 19,040,929 | 500,000 | 1794 | 24,358,567 | 1,601,760 | 1795 | 26,401,340 | 6,276,300 | 1796 | 23,126,357 | 6,100,000 | 1797 | 23,354,371 | 3,800,000 | 1798 | 31,880,641 | 9,330,000 | 1799 | 43,379,278 | 9,500,000 | 1800 | 56,010,732 | 17,789,803 | 1801 | 56,004,305 | 20,900,000 | 1802 | 60,345,600 | 27,500,000 | 1803 | 53,812,284 | 41,900,000 | 1804 | 61,867,329 | 38,900,000 | 1805 | 59,682,406 | 40,330,000 | 1806 | 58,176,283 | 37,500,000 | 1807 | 74,925,306 | 66,200,000 | 1808 | 43,605,982 | 12,000,000 | 1809 | 92,812,282 | 53,200,000 | 1810 | 132,488,935 | 93,900,000 | 1811 | 91,576,535 | 62,200,000 | 1812 | 63,025,936 | 29,000,000 | 1813 | 50,966,000 | 19,400,000 | 1814 | 73,728,000 | 17,800,000 |

================================================================== Great Britain's sources of Cotton supplies other than the | United States, with total Cotton crop of United States at | intervals. | | -----------------------------------------------------------------| Previous to 1791 Great Britain obtained her supplies of Cotton | from the West Indies and South America, and the countries | around the eastern parts of the Mediterranean. From that date | she began to receive supplies from the U. S. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1786. Imports by Great Britain from-- | Br. W. Indies, lbs. 5,800,000 | Fr. and Spanish Colonies 5,500,000 | Dutch do. 1,600,000 | Portuguese do. 2,000,000 | Turkey and Smyrna, 5,000,000 | 1789. Cotton crop of United States, 1,000,000 lbs. | 1791. Imports by Great Britain from-- | Br. West Indies, lbs. 12,000,000 | Brazil, 20,000,000 | 1794. Cotton crop of the U. S., 8,000,000 lbs. | 1796. Cotton crop of the U. S., 10,000,000 lbs. | 1798. India, the first imports from, 1,622,000 lbs. | 1799. Cotton crop of the U. S., 20,000,000 lbs. | 1800. Exports from-- | India, lbs. 30,000,000 | West Indies, 17,000,000 | Brazil, 24,000,000 | Elsewhere, 7,000,000 | | 1806. Cotton crop of the U. S., 80,000,000 lbs. | | | | | | 1812. War declared between the United States and Great Britain. | | |

================================================================== Dates of Inventions promoting the growth and manufacture of Cotton, and of movements to elevate the African race.

------------------------------------------------------------------ Previous to the invention of the machinery named below, all carding, spinning, and weaving of wool and cotton had been done by the use of the hand-cards, one-spindle wheels, and common hand-looms. The work, for a long period, was performed in families; but the improved machinery propelled by steam power, has so reduced the cost of cotton manufactures, that all household manufacturing has long since been abandoned, and the monopoly yielded to capitalists, who now fill the world with their cheap fabrics.

1762. Carding machine invented. 1767. Spinning Jenny invented. 1769. Spinning Roller-frame invented. " Cotton first planted in the United States. " Watt's Steam Engine patented. 1775. Mule Jenny invented. 1776. Virginia forbids foreign slave trade. 1780. Emancipation by Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. 1781. Muslins first made in England. 1784. Emancipation by Connecticut and Rhode Island. 1785. Watts' Engine improved and applied to cotton machinery. First cotton mill erected, 1783. 1785. New York Abolition Society organized. 1786. Carding and spinning machines erected in Massachusetts. 1787. Power Loom invented. " First Cotton mill erected in Beverly, Massachusetts. " Pennsylvania Abolition Society formed. " Slavery excluded from N. W. Territory, including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, &c. 1789. Franklin issues an appeal for aid to instruct the free blacks. 1792. Emancipation by New Hampshire. 1793. Cotton Gin invented. 1799. Emancipation by New York. 1804. Do. New Jersey. 1800. Cotton consumed in the United States, 200,000 lbs. 1801. United States exported to-- France, lbs. 750,000 England 19,000,000 1803. Louisiana Territory acquired, including the region between the Mississippi river (upper and lower) and the Mexican line. 1805. United States export to France, 4,500,000 lbs. 1807. Fulton started his steamboat. 1808. Slave trade prohibited by United States and England. 1808. Cotton manufacture established in Boston. 1810. Cotton consumed in United States, 4,000,000 lbs. 1812. Two-thirds of steam engines in Great Britain employed in cotton spinning, etc. 1813. United States export to France, 10,250,000 lbs.

================================================================== | Great Britain Annual Import | United States' Annual | YEARS. | and Consumption of Cotton, | Exports Cotton to Great | | from earliest times to | Britain and Europe | | 1858, in lbs. | generally. | --------|-----------------------------|--------------------------| 1815 | 96,200,000 | 83,000,000 | 1816 | 97,310,000 | 81,800,000 | 1817 | 126,240,000 | 95,660,000 | | | | | Total Consumption. | | 1818 | 109,902,000 | 92,500,000 | 1819 | 109,518,000 | 88,000,000 | 1820 | 120,265,000 | 127,800,000 | 1821 | 129,029,000 | 124,893,405 | 1822 | 145,493,000 | 144,675,095 | 1823 | 154,146,000 | 173,723,270 | 1824 | 165,174,000 | 142,369,663 | 1825 | 166,831,000 | 176,449,907 | 1826 | 150,213,000 | 204,535,415 | 1827 | 197,200,000 | 294,310,115 | 1828 | 217,860,000 | 210,590,463 | 1829 | 219,200,000 | 264,837,186 | 1830 | 247,600,000 | 298,459,102 | 1831 | 262,700,000 | 276,979,784 | 1832 | 276,900,000 | 322,215,122 | 1833 | 287,000,000 | 324,698,604 | 1834 | 303,000,000 | 384,717,907 | 1835 | 326,407,692 | 387,358,992 | 1836 | 363,684,232 | 423,631,307 | 1837 | 367,564,752 | 444,211,537 | 1838 | 477,206,108 | 595,952,297 | 1839 | 445,744,000 | 413,624,212 | 1840 | 517,254,400 | 743,941,061 | 1841 | 460,387,200 | 530,204,100 | 1842 | 477,339,200 | 584,717,017 | 1843 | 555,214,400 | 792,297,106 | 1844 | 570,731,200 | 663,633,455 | 1845 | 626,496,000 | 872,905,996 | 1846 | 624,000,000 | 547,558,055 | 1847 | 442,416,000 | 527,219,958 | 1848 | 602,160,000 | 814,274,431 | 1849 | 624,000,000 | 1,026,602,269 | 1850 | 606,000,000 | 635,381,604 | 1851 | 648,000,000 | 927,237,089 | 1852 | 817,998,048 | 1,093,230,639 | 1853 | 746,376,848 | 1,111,570,370 | 1854 | 761,646,704 | 987,833,106 | 1855 | 775,814,112 | 1,008,424,601 | 1856 | 877,225,440 | 1,351,431,827 | 1857 | 837,406,300 | 1,048,282,475 | 1858 | 884,733,696 | 1,118,624,012 | 1859 | | 1,372,755,006 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------

================================================================== Great Britain's sources of Cotton supplies other than the | United States, with total Cotton crop of United States at | intervals. | | -----------------------------------------------------------------| 1815. Peace proclaimed between the United States and Great | Britain. | 1818. Cotton crop of the U. S., 125,000,000 lbs. | 1821. Exports from-- | West Indies, lbs. 9,000,000 | Brazil, 28,000,000 | India, 50,000,000 | Turkey and Egypt, 5,500,000 | Elsewhere, 6,000,000 | 1822. Cotton crop of the U. S., 210,000,000 lbs. | 1828. Cotton crop of the U. S., 325,000,000 lbs. | Imports by Great Britain from West Indies,-- | 1829. lbs. 4,640,414 | 1830, 3,449,249 | 1831, 2,401,685 | 1834, 2,296,525 | 1832. Imports by Great Britain from-- | Brazil, lbs. 20,109,560 | Turkey and Egypt, 9,113,890 | East Indies and Mauritius 5,178,625 | British West Indies. 1,708,764 | Elsewhere, 964,933 | 1838. Imports by Great Britain from-- | Brazil, lbs. 24,464,505 | East Indies and Mauritius 40,230,064 | British West Indies, 928,425 | 1840. Imports by Great Britain from-- | British West Indies, lbs. 427,529 | 1841. Imports by Great Britain from India, 1835 to 1839, | annual average, 57,600,000 lbs. | Imports by Great Britain, 1840 to 1844, during the Chinese | war, 92,800,000 lbs. | 1845. Do. from Egypt, 32,537,600 lbs. | 1848. Imports by Great Britain from-- | West Indies and Demarara, lbs. 3,155,600 | Brazil and Portuguese Colonies 40,080,400 | East Indies, 91,004,800 | Imports by Great Britain from-- | 1849. East Indies, lbs. 72,800,000 | 1850. Do. 123,200,000 | 1852. Do. 84,022,432 | 1853. Do. 180,431,496 | 1854. Do. 119,835,968 | 1855. Do. 145,218,976 | 1856. Imports by Great Britain from-- | British East Indies, lbs. 180,496,624 | Brazil, 21,830,704 | Egypt, 34,399,008 | 1857. Imports from-- | Brazil, lbs. 29,910,832 | Egypt, 24,532,256 | 1858. Imports from Brazil, lbs. 18,617,872 | Do. Egypt, 38,232,320 | ------------------------------------------------------------------

================================================================== Dates of Inventions promoting the growth and manufacture of Cotton, and of movements to elevate the African race.

------------------------------------------------------------------ 1815. Power Loom first used in United States. 1816. First steamboat crossed the British Channel. 1816. Power Loom brought into general use in England. 1817. Colonization Society organized. 1819. Florida annexed. 1820. Slave trade declared piracy by Congress. 1820. Emigrants to Liberia first sent. 1821. Benjamin Lundy published his "Genius of Universal Emancipation." 1823. United States export to France, 25,000,000 lbs. 1824. Do. do. do. 40,500,000 lbs. 1825. New York and Erie Canal opened. Production and manufacture of cotton now greatly above the consumption, and prices fell so as to produce general distress and stagnation, which continued with more or less intensity throughout 1828 and 1829. The fall of prices was about 55 per cent.--Encyc. Amer. 1826. Creek Indians removed from Georgia. 1829. Emancipation in Mexico. 1830. United States export to France, 75,000,000 lbs. 1831. Slave Insurrection in Virginia. 1832. Garrison declares war against the Colonization Society. 1832. Ohio Canal completed. 1833. Cotton consumption in France, 72,767,551 lbs. 1834. Emancipation in West Indies, commenced. 1834. Birney deserted the Colonization Society. 1835. United States export to France, 100,330,000 lbs. 1836. Gerrit Smith repudiates the Colonization Society. 1836. Cherokee and Choctaw Indians removed from Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. 1837. American Anti-Slavery Society had an income of $36,000, and 70 agents commissioned. 1838. Colonization Society had an income of only $10,900. 1840. Cotton consumed in the United States, 106,000,000 lbs. 1844. Value of cotton goods imported into the United States $13,286,830. 1845. Texas annexed. 1846. Mexican War. 1847. Gold discovered in California. 1848. New Mexico and California annexed. 1849. United States export to France, 151,340,000 lbs. Do. Other Continental countries, 128,800,000 lbs. 1850. Cotton consumed in United States, 256,000,000 lbs. 1851. Value of United States cotton fabrics, $61,869,184. 1853. Value of cottons imported, $27,675,000. 1853. United States export to England, 768,596,498 lbs. 1853. Do. do. Continent, 335,271,064 lbs. 1855. United States export to Great Britain and North American Colonies, 672,409,874 lbs. 1855. Do. do. Continent, 322,905,056 lbs. 1855. Value of Cottons imported, $21,655,624. The remaining statistics of this column can be found in the other Tables. ------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE.--Our commercial year ends June 30: that of England January 1. This will explain any seeming discrepancy in the imports by her from us, and our exports to her.

N. B.--In 1781 Great Britain commenced re-exporting a portion of her imports of Cotton to the Continent; but the amount did not reach a million of pounds, except in one year, until 1810, when it rose to over eight millions. The next year, however, it fell to a million and a quarter, and only rose, from near that amount, to six millions in 1814 and 1815. From 1818, her consumption, only, of cotton, is given, as best representing her relations to slave labor for that commodity. After this date her exports of cotton gradually enlarged, until, in 1853, they reached over one hundred and forty-seven millions of pounds. Of this, over eighty-two millions were derived from the United States, and over fifty-nine millions from India. That is to say, of her imports of 180,431,000 lbs. in 1853, from India, she re-exported 59,000,000.

We are enabled to add, for our second edition, that the imports of Cotton into Great Britain, from India, for 1854, amounted to 119,835,968 lbs., of which 66,405,920 lbs. were re-exported; and that her imports from the same for 1855 amounted to 145,218,976 lbs., of which 66,210,704 lbs. were re-exported; thus leaving, for the former year, but 53,430,048 lbs., and for the latter but 79,008,272 lbs. of East India Cotton for consumption in England. The present condition of cotton supplies from India up to 1859, will be seen in the extracts from the London Economist.

TABLE II.

TABULAR STATEMENT OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS, DOMESTIC ANIMALS, ETC., EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES: THE TOTAL VALUE OF PRODUCTS AND ANIMALS RAISED IN THE COUNTRY; AND THE VALUE OF THE PORTION THEREOF LEFT FOR HOME CONSUMPTION AND USE, FOR THE YEAR 1853. See Patent Office Report; Abstract of Census; Rep. Com. Nav., etc.

======================================================================== | Value of | Total Value | Value of | Exports. | of Products | portion left | | and Animals. | for home | | | consumption. -------------------|--------------|--------------------|---------------- Cattle, and their | | | products, | $3,076,897 | Catt. $400,000,000 | $396,923,103 Horses and Mules, | 246,731 | 300,000,000 | 299,753,269 Sheep and Wool, | 44,375 | Sheep, 46,000,000 | 45,955,625 Hogs and their | | | products, | 6,202,324 | Hogs, 160,000,000 | 153,797,676 Indian Corn and | | | Meal, | 2,084,051 | Corn, 240,000,000 | 237,915,949 Wheat Flour and | | | Biscuit, | 19,591,817 | Wheat, 100,000,000 | 80,408,183 Rye Meal, | 34,186 | Rye, 12,600,000 | 12,565,814 Other Grains, and | | | Peas and Beans, | 165,824 | 54,144,874 | 53,979,050 Potatoes, | 152,569 | 42,400,00 | 42,247,431 Apples, | 107,283 |(1850) 7,723,326 | 7,616,043 Hay, averaged at | | | $10 per ton, | |(1850) 138,385,790 | 138,385,790 Hemp, | 18,195 | 4,272,500 | 4,254,305 Sugar--Cane and | | | maple, etc., | 427,216 |(1850) 36,900,000 | 36,472,784 Rice, | 1,657,658 | 8,750,000 | 7,092,342 |--------------|--------------------|---------------- Totals, | $33,809,126 | $ 1,551,176,490 |$1,517,367,364 |==============|====================|================ Cotton, | $109,456,404 | $128,000,000 | $18,543,596 Tobacco, and its | | | products, | 11,319,319 | 19,900,000 | 8,580,681 |--------------|--------------------|---------------- Totals, | $120,775,723 | $147,900,000 | $27,124,277 ------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE.--This table is left as it was in the first edition. As the census tables supply a portion of its materials, a new statement cannot be made until after 1860.

TABLE III.

TOTAL IMPORTS OF THE MORE PROMINENT ARTICLES OF GROCERIES, FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1853; SPECIFYING ALSO, THE RE-EXPORTS, AND THE PROPORTIONS FROM SLAVE-LABOR COUNTRIES. See Report on Commerce and Navigation.

======================================================================= Coffee, Imported, | Value, $15,525,954 | lbs. 199,049,823 " Re-Exported, | 1,163,875 | " 13,349,319 " Slave-Labor | | production, | 12,059,476 | " 156,108,569 | | Sugar, Imported, | $15,093,003 | " 464,427,281 " Re-Exported, | 819,439 | " 18,981,601 " Slave-Labor | | production, | 14,810,091 | " 459,743,322 | | Molasses, Imported, | $3,684,888 | gals. 31,886,100 " Re-Exported, | 97,880 | " 488,666 " Slave-Labor | | production, | 3,607,160 | " 31,325,735 | | Tobacco, etc., Imported, | $4,175,238 | " Re-Exported, | 312,733 | " Slave-Labor | | production, | 3,674,402 | -----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE.--A part of the modifications necessary in this table to adopt it to 1859, can be inferred from some of the tables which follow.

TABLE IV.

FREE COLORED AND SLAVE POPULATION, OF THE STATES NAMED, IN THE PERIODS OF TEN YEARS, FROM 1790 TO 1850, WITH THE RATIO OF INCREASE OR DECREASE PER CENT. PER ANNUM, OF THE FORMER.

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES.| 1790. | 1800. | 1810. | 1820. | 1830. | 1840. | 1850. -------------------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|------- PENNSYLVANIA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 6,537 | 14,561| 22,492| 30,202| 37,930| 47,854| 53,626 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 12.27| 5.44| 3.42| 2.55| 2.61| 1.20 Slaves | 3,737 | 1,706| 795| 211| 403| 64| ...... MASSACHUSETTS. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 5,463| 6,452| 6,737| 6,740| 7,048| 8,669| 9,064 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 1.81| .44| .004| .45| 2.29| .45 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| ......| ......| ......| ...... NEW YORK. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 4,654| 10,374| 25,333| 29,279| 44,870| 50,027| 49,069 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 12.29| 14.41| 1.55| 5.32| 1.14| [D].19 Slaves | 21,324| 20,343| 15,017| 10,088| 75| 4| ...... NEW JERSEY. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 2,762| 4,402| 7,843| 12,460| 18,303| 21,044| 23,810 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 5.93| 7.81| 5.88| 4.68| 1.49| 1.31 Slaves | 11,423| 12,422| 10,851| 7,557| 2,254| 674| 236 RHODE ISLAND. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 3,469| 3,304| 3,609| 3,554| 3,561| 3,238| 3,670 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| [D].47| .92| [D].15| .01| [D]90| 1.33 Slaves | 952| 381| 108| 48| 17| 5| ...... VERMONT. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 225| 557| 750| 903| 881| 730| 718 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 11.84| 3.46| 2.04| [D].24|[D]1.71| [D]16 Slaves | 17| ......| ......| ......| ......| ......| ......

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES.| 1790. | 1800. | 1810. | 1820. | 1830. | 1840. | 1850. -------------------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|------- MAINE. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 538| 818| 969| 929| 1,190| 1,355| 1,356 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 5.20| 1.84| [D].41| 2.80| 1.38| .007 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| ......| 2| ......| ...... NEW HAMPSHIRE. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 630| 856| 970| 786| 604| 537| 520 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 3.58| 1.33|[D]1.89|[D]2.31|[D]1.10| [D].31 Slaves | 158| 8| ......| ......| 3| 1| ...... CONNECTICUT. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 2,801| 5,330| 6,453| 7,844| 8,047| 8,105| 7,693 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 9.02| 2.10| 2.15| .25| .07| [D].50 Slaves | 2,759| 951| 310| 97| 25| 17| ...... OHIO. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| 337| 1,899| 4,723| 9,568| 17,342| 25,279 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| 46.35| 14.87| 10.25| 8.12| 4.57 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| ......| 6| 3| ...... INDIANA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| 163| 393| 1,230| 3,629| 7,165| 11,262 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| 14.11| 21.29| 19.50| 9.74| 5.75 Slaves | ......| 135| 237| 190| 3| 3| ...... DELAWARE. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 3,899| 8,268| 13,163| 12,958| 15,855| 16,919| 18,073 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 11.20| 5.88| [D].13| 2.23| .67| .68 Slaves | 8,887| 6,153| 4,177| 4,509| 3,292| 2,605| 2,290 MARYLAND. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 8,043| 19,587| 33,927| 39,730| 52,938| 62,078| 74,723 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 14.35| 7.32| 1.71| 3.32| 1.72| 2.03 Slaves |103,036|105,635|111,502|107,397|102,994| 89,737| 90,368 VIRGINIA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 12,766| 20,124| 30,570| 36,889| 47,348| 49,852| 54,333 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 5.76| 5.99| 2.06| 2.83| .52| .89 Slaves |293,427|345,796|392,518|425,153|469,757|449,087|472,528

========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES.| 1790. | 1800. | 1810. | 1820. | 1830. | 1840. | 1850. -------------------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|------- NORTH CAROLINA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 4,975| 7,043| 10,266| 14,612| 19,543| 22,732| 27,463 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 4.15| 4.57| 4.23| 3.37| 1.63| 2.08 Slaves |100,572|133,296|168,824|205,017|245,601|245,817|288,548 SOUTH CAROLINA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 1,801| 3,185| 4,554| 6,826| 7,921| 8,276| 8,960 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 7.68| 4.29| 4.98| 1.60| .44| .82 Slaves |107,094|146,151|196,365|258,475|315,401|327,038|584,984 GEORGIA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 398| 1,019| 1,801| 1,763| 2,486| 2,753| 2,931 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| 15.60| 7.67| [D].21| 4.10| 1.07| .64 Slaves | 22,264| 59,404|105,218|149,654|217,531|280,944|381,682 TENNESSEE. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 361| 309| 1,317| 2,727| 4,555| 5,524| 6,422 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......|[D]1.44| 32.62| 10.70| 6.70| 2.12| 1.62 Slaves | 3,417| 13,584| 44,535| 80,107|141,603|183,050|239,459 MISSISSIPPI. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| 182| 240| 458| 519| 1,366| 930 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| ......| 3.18| 9.08| 1.33| 16.31|[D]3.19 Slaves | ......| 3,489| 17,088| 32,814| 65,659|195,211|309,878 ALABAMA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| ......| 517| 1,572| 2,039| 2,265 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| ......| ......| 17.53| 2.97| 1.10 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| 41,879|117,549|252,532|342,844 MISSOURI. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| 607| 347| 596| 1,574| 2,618 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| ......| ......|[D]4.28| 6.39| 17.66| 6.63 Slaves | ......| ......| 3,011| 10,222| 25,091| 58,240| 87,422 KENTUCKY. | | | | | | | Free Colored | 114| 741| 1,713| 2,759| 4,917| 7,317| 10,011 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| 55.00| 13.11| 6.10| 7.82| 4.88| 3.68 Slaves | 11,830| 40,343| 80,561|126,732|165,213|182,258|210,981

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES.| 1790. | 1800. | 1810. | 1820. | 1830. | 1840. | 1850. -------------------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|------- LOUISIANA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| 7,585| 10,476| 16,710| 25,502| 17,462 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| ......| ......| 3.81| 5.95| 5.26|[D]3.15 Slaves | ......| ......| 34,660| 69,064|109,588|168,452|244,809 ILLINOIS. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| 613| 457| 1,637| 3,598| 5,436 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| ......| ......|[D]2.54| 25.82| 11.97| 5.10 Slaves | ......| ......| 168| 917| 747| 331| ...... FLORIDA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| ......| ......| 844| 817| 932 Increase or | | | | | | | decrease per | | | | | | | cent. per annum | ......| ......| ......| ......| ......| [D].31| 1.40 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| ......| 15,501| 25,717| 39,310 ARKANSAS. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| ......| 59| 141| 465| 608 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| ......| ......| 13.89| 2.29| 1.10 Slaves | ......| ......| ......| 1,617| 4,576| 19,935| 47,100 MICHIGAN. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| ......| 120| 174| 261| 707| 2,583 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| ......| 4.50| 5.00| 17.08| 25.53 Slaves | ......| ......| 24| ......| 32| ......| ...... DISTRICT OF | | | | | | | COLUMBIA. | | | | | | | Free Colored | ......| 783| 2,549| 4,048| 6,152| 8,361| 10,059 Increase per cent. | | | | | | | per annum | ......| ......| 22.55| 5.88| 5.19| 3.59| 2.03 Slaves | ......| 3,244| 5,395| 6,377| 6,119| 4,694| 3,687 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------

FOOTNOTE:

[D] DECREASE.

TABLE V.

INFLUENCE OF THE COLORED POPULATION ON PUBLIC SENTIMENT.

TABLE SHOWING THE PROPORTION OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION IN THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN PORTIONS OF THE STATE OF OHIO, BY COUNTIES, AS PRESENTED BY THE CENSUS OF 1840 AND 1850, TOGETHER WITH THE POPULAR VOTE FOR AND AGAINST THE ABOLITION CANDIDATE, HON. S. P. CHASE, AT THE ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR, OCTOBER, 1855.

================================================= SOUTHERN COUNTIES. | MR. CHASE. || -------------------------------|---------------|| COUNTIES. | 1840. | 1850. | FOR |AGAINST|| ---------------|-------|-------|-------|-------|| Hamilton, | 2,576| 3,600| 4,516| 18,764|| Clermont, | 122| 412| 2,434| 2,879|| Brown, | 614| 863| 1,571| 2,129|| Adams, | 63| 55| 1,139| 1,629|| Scioto, | 206| 211| 1,042| 1,497|| Lawrence, | 148| 326| 1,092| 1,067|| Gallia, | 799| 1,198| 344| 1,972|| Meigs, | 28| 52| 1,515| 1,504|| Jackson, | 315| 391| 714| 906|| Pike, | 329| 618| 641| 1,156|| Highland, | 786| 896| 1,209| 2,599|| Clinton, | 377| 598| 1,640| 964|| Warren, | 341| 602| 2,306| 1,821|| Butler, | 254| 367| 1,960| 3,235|| Preble, | 88| 77| 1,567| 1,326|| Montgomery, | 376| 249| 2,746| 3,830|| Greene, | 344| 654| 1,953| 1,357|| Fayette, | 239| 291| 909| 757|| Ross, | 1,195| 1,906| 2,160| 2,255|| Vinton, | [E]| 107| 722| 901|| Hocking, | 46| 117| 927| 1,199|| Pickaway, | 333| 412| 1,521| 1,862|| Fairfield, | 342| 280| 2,474| 2,726|| Perry, | 47| 29| 1,772| 1,540|| Athens, | 55| 106| 1,634| 1,072|| Washington, | 269| 390| 2,212| 1,774|| Morgan, | 68| 90| 1,776| 1,235|| Noble, | [E]| [F]| 1,361| 1,030|| Monroe, | 13| 69| 1,451| 1,901|| Belmont, | 742| 778| 1,755| 2,856|| Guernsey, | 190| 168| 1,893| 1,491|| Muskingum, | 562| 631| 2,551| 3,204|| Franklin, | 805| 1,607| 2,487| 4,033|| Madison, | 97| 78| 562| 1,012|| Clarke, | 20| 323| 1,866| 1,404|| Miami, | 211| 602| 1,787| 1,977|| Darke, | 200| 248| 1,685| 1,829|| Champaigne, | 328| 494| 1,353| 1,463|| Union, | 78| 128| 1,222| 829|| Delaware, | 76| 135| 1,602| 1,504|| Licking, | 140| 128| 2,021| 3,252|| Harrison, | 163| 287| 1,712| 1,259|| Jefferson, | 497| 665| 2,156| 1,654|| Shelby, | 262| 407| 955| 1,286|| |-------|-------|-------|-------|| Total, South, | 14,924| 21,745| 72,915| 95,941|| -------------------------------------------------

=============================================== NORTHERN COUNTIES. | MR. CHASE. -------------------------------|--------------- COUNTIES. | 1840. | 1850. | FOR |AGAINST ---------------|-------|-------|-------|------- Ashtabula, | 17| 43| 3,772| 1,156 Lake, | 21| 38| 1,640| 521 Geauga, | 3| 7| 1,816| 486 Cuyahoga, | 121| 359| 3,965| 3,545 Trumbull, | 70| 65| 3,109| 1,505 Portage, | 39| 58| 2,660| 1,871 Summit, | 42| 121| 2,242| 1,326 Medina, | 13| 35| 2,032| 1,526 Lorain, | 62| 264| 2,693| 919 Huron, | 106| 39| 2,295| 1,411 Erie, | 97| 202| 1,564| 1,191 Seneca, | 65| 151| 2,332| 1,976 Sandusky, | 41| 47| 1,382| 1,509 Ottawa, | 5| 1| 369| 406 Lucas, | 54| 139| 1,618| 1,156 Fulton, | [E]| 1| 715| 453 Williams, | 2| 0| 890| 878 Defiance, | [E]| 19| 592| 626 Henry, | 6| 0| 440| 511 Wood, | 32| 18| 1,099| 636 Paulding, | 0| 1| 362| 115 Putnam, | [E]| 11| 528| 858 Hancock, | 8| 26| 1,238| 1,359 Vanwert, | 0| 47| 602| 483 Allen, | 23| 27| 1,235| 929 Wyandott, | [E]| 49| 1,143| 1,106 Crawford, | 5| 10| 1,449| 1,753 Richland, | 65| 67| 2,220| 2,329 Ashland, | [E]| 3| 1,580| 1,660 Wayne, | 41| 28| 2,421| 2,585 Starke, | 204| 159| 3,343| 3,044 Mahoning, | [E]| 90| 1,592| 1,552 Columbiana, | 417| 182| 3,118| 2,170 Carroll, | 49| 52| 1,502| 1,082 Tuscarawas, | 71| 89| 2,552| 2,179 Coshocton, | 38| 44| 2,064| 2,014 Holmes, | 3| 5| 1,194| 1,675 Knox, | 63| 62| 2,166| 2,135 Morrow, | [E]| 18| 1,631| 1,371 Marion, | 52| 21| 1,220| 1,184 Hardin, | 4| 14| 903| 725 Logan, | 407| 536| 1,424| 1,119 Mercer, | 204| 399| 492| 968 Auglaise, | [E]| 87| 643| 1,286 |-------|-------|-------|------- Total, North, | 2,450| 3,524| 73,877| 59,319 -----------------------------------------------

FOOTNOTES:

[E] Not organized in 1840.

[F] Not organized in 1850.

TABLE VI.

TOTAL COTTON CROP OF THE UNITED STATES, WITH THE AMOUNTS EXPORTED, THE CONSUMPTION OF THE UNITED STATES, NORTH OF VIRGINIA, AND THE STOCK ON HAND, SEPTEMBER 1, OF EACH YEAR, FROM 1840 TO 1859, IN POUNDS.--London Economist, 1859.

======================================================================= | | EXPORTS TO VARIOUS PLACES. | YEARS.| TOTAL CROP. |-------------------------------------------------| | | | | OTHER | | | | ENGLAND. | FRANCE. | POINTS. | TOTAL. | ------|-------------|-----------|-----------|-----------|-------------| 1840 | 871,134,000|498,716,400|178,986,000| 72,698,800| 750,401,200| 1841 | 653,978,000|343,496,800|139,510,400| 42,303,600| 525,290,800| 1842 | 673,429,600|374,252,400|159,251,600| 52,594,800| 586,098,800| 1843 | 551,550,000|587,884,400|138,455,600| 77,714,800| 804,052,000| 1844 | 812,163,600|480,999,200|113,074,000| 57,722,800| 651,796,000| 1845 | 957,801,200|575,722,400|143,742,800|114,037,200| 433,502,400| 1846 | 840,214,800|440,497,600|143,881,200| 81,888,000| 666,716,800| 1847 | 711,460,400|332,363,600| 96,594,400| 67,530,800| 496,488,800| 1848 | 939,053,600|529,706,000|111,668,800|101,929,600|1,743,304,400| 1849 |1,091,437,600|615,160,400|147,303,600|128,672,400| 891,141,600| 1850 | 838,682,400|422,708,400|115,850,800| 77,502,800| 636,062,000| 1851 | 942,102,800|565,306,000|120,534,200|107,634,800| 795,484,000| 1852 |1,206,011,600|667,499,600|168,550,000|141,408,800| 977,458,400| 1853 |1,305,152,800|694,744,000|170,691,200|145,924,800|1,011,360,000| 1854 |1,172,010,800|641,500,000|149,623,200|136,536,000| 927,659,200| 1855 |1,138,935,600|619,886,400|163,972,400|113,824,000| 897,683,600| 1856 |1,411,138,000|768,554,400|192,254,800|221,033,200|1,181,842,400| 1857 |1,175,807,600|571,548,000|165,342,800|164,172,000| 901,062,800| 1858 |1,245,584,800|723,986,400|153,600,800|158,594,800|1,036,181,000| 1859 |1,606,800,000|...........|...........|...........|1,208,561,200| -----------------------------------------------------------------------

======================================== |CONSUMPTION OF | YEARS.|U. S. NORTH OF | STOCK ON HAND | VIRGINIA. | 1ST SEPTEMBER. ------|---------------|----------------- 1840 | 118,077,200 | 23,376,800 1841 | 118,915,200 | 28,991,600 1842 | 107,140,000 | 12,722,800 1843 | 130,051,600 | 37,794,400 1844 | 138,697,600 | 63,908,800 1845 | 155,602,400 | 39,368,000 1846 | 169,038,800 | 42,848,800 1847 | 171,186,800 | 85,934,800 1848 | 212,708,800 | 68,587,200 1849 | 207,215,600 | 61,901,200 1850 | 195,107,600 | 67,172,000 1851 | 161,643,200 | 51,321,600 1852 | 241,211,600 | 36,470,400 1853 | 268,403,600 | 54,257,200 1854 | 244,228,400 | 27,120,600 1855 | 237,433,600 | 28,667,200 1856 | 261,091,600 | 25,668,400 1857 | 280,855,200 | 17,703,200 1858 | 184,692,800 | 40,410,000 1859 | 304,087,200 | .......... ----------------------------------------

[Illustration: Right Index] Consumption for Virginia and South of that State, for 1859, is estimated at 66,973,600 lbs. The crop year closes, August 31st.

TABLE VII.

STATEMENT OF THE VALUE OF COTTON MANUFACTURES, OF FOREIGN PRODUCTION, WHICH WERE IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES; AND THE VALUE OF THE COTTON GOODS MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES, AND EXPORTED, DURING THE YEARS STATED--THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30.

=================================================================== | FOREIGN | DOMESTIC || | FOREIGN | DOMESTIC YEARS.| IMPORTS. | EXPORTS. ||YEARS.| IMPORTS. | EXPORTS. ------|-------------|------------||------|-------------|----------- 1840. | $ 6,504,484 | $3,549,607 ||1850. | $20,108,719 | $4,734,424 1841. | 11,757,036 | 3,122,546 ||1851. | 22,164,442 | 7,241,205 1842. | 9,578,515 | 2,970,690 ||1852. | 19,689,496 | 7,672,151 1843. | 2,958,796 | 3,223,550 ||1853. | 27,731,313 | 8,768,894 1844. | 13,641,478 | 2,898,780 ||1854. | 33,949,503 | 5,535,516 1845. | 13,863,282 | 4,327,928 ||1855. | 17,757,112 | 5,857,181 1846. | 13,530,625 | 3,545,481 ||1856. | 25,917,999 | 6,967,309 1847. | 15,192,875 | 4,082,523 ||1857. | 28,685,726 | 6,115,177 1848. | 18,421,589 | 5,718,205 ||1858. | 17,965,130 | 5,651,504 1849. | 15,754,841 | 4,933,129 ||1859. | 26,026,140 | 8,316,222 --------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE. Of the goods imported, a part were re-exported, and the remainder was used in the United States. The re-exports stood as follows, beginning with 1840:--$1,103,489--$929,056--$836,892--$314,040--$404,648 --$502,553--$673,203--$486,135--$1,216,172--$571,082--$427,107--$677,940 --$977,030--$1,254,363--$1,468,179--$2,012,554--$1,580,495--$570,802-- $390,988.--Congress Report on Finances.

STATEMENT SHOWING THE AMOUNT OF COFFEE IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES ANNUALLY, WITH THE AMOUNT TAKEN FOR CONSUMPTION, DURING THE YEARS 1850 TO 1858, INCLUSIVE--THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 31.

=============================================== YEARS.| RECEIPTS. | CONSUMPTION. ------|--------------------|------------------- 1850. | lbs. 152,580,310 | lbs. 134,539,736 1851. | 216,043,870 | 181,225,700 1852. | 205,542,855 | 204,991,595 1853. | 193,112,300 | 175,687,790 1854. | 182,473,853 | 179,481,083 1855. | 283,214,533 | 210,378,287 1856. | 230,913,150 | 218,225,490 1857. | 217,871,839 | 172,565,934 1858. | 227,656,186 | 251,255,099 -----------------------------------------------

NOTE. The New York Shipping and Commercial List, to which we are indebted for these statements, says, that it includes the quantity withdrawn from our markets, and forwarded inland to Canada and the British Provinces; the amount of which is not ascertained, but will not vary greatly from 2,230,000 lbs., for the last year.

TABLE VIII.

STATEMENT EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF THE EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES, OF BREADSTUFFS AND PROVISIONS; THE AMOUNT AND VALUE OF COTTON EXPORTED, WITH THE AVERAGE COST, IN CENTS, PER POUND; AND THE AMOUNT OF TOBACCO EXPORTED, FROM 1821 TO 1859 INCLUSIVE: THE YEAR FROM 1821 TO 1842 ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, AND FROM 1844 TO 1859 ENDING JUNE 30,--THE YEAR 1843 INCLUDING ONLY NINE MONTHS.

=========================================================================== | | COTTON. |AVERAGE | |BREADSTUFFS |------------------------------|COST PER | | AND | | | lb. IN | TOBACCO YEARS.|PROVISIONS. | POUNDS. | VALUE. | CENTS. |UNMANUFACTURED. -----|------------|---------------|--------------|---------|--------------- 1821 | $12,341,901| 124,893,405| $20,157,484| 16.2 | $5,648,962 1822 | 13,886,856| 144,675,095| 24,035,058| 16.6 | 6,222,838 1823 | 13,767,847| 173,723,270| 20,445,520| 11.8 | 6,282,672 1824 | 15,059,484| 142,369,663| 21,947,401| 15.4 | 4,855,566 1825 | 11,634,449| 176,449,907| 36,846,649| 20.9 | 6,115,623 1826 | 11,303,496| 204,535,415| 25,025,214| 12.2 | 5,347,208 1827 | 11,685,556| 294,310,115| 29,359,545| 10 | 6,577,123 1828 | 11,461,144| 210,590,463| 22,487,229| 10.7 | 5,269,960 1829 | 13,131,858| 264,837,186| 26,575,311| 10 | 4,982,974 1830 | 12,075,430| 298,459,102| 29,674,883| 9.9 | 5,586,365 1831 | 17,538,227| 276,979,784| 25,289,492| 9.1 | 4,892,388 1832 | 12,424,703| 322,215,122| 31,724,682| 9.8 | 5,999,769 1833 | 14,209,128| 324,698,604| 36,191,105| 11.1 | 5,755,968 1834 | 11,524,024| 384,717,907| 49,448,402| 12.8 | 6,595,305 1835 | 12,009,399| 387,358,992| 64,961,302| 16.8 | 8,250,577 1836 | 10,614,130| 423,631,307| 71,284,925| 16.8 | 10,058,640 1837 | 9,588,359| 444,211,537| 63,240,102| 14.2 | 5,795,647 1838 | 9,636,650| 595,952,297| 61,566,811| 10.3 | 7,392,029 1839 | 14,147,779| 413,624,212| 61,238,982| 14.8 | 9,832,943 1840 | 19,067,535| 743,941,061| 63,870,307| 8.5 | 9,883,957 1841 | 17,196,102| 530,204,100| 54,330,341| 10.2 | 12,576,703 1842 | 16,902,876| 584,717,017| 47,593,464| 8.1 | 9,540,755 1843 | 11,204,123| 792,297,106| 49,119,806| 6.2 | 4,650,979 1844 | 17,970,135| 663,633,455| 54,063,501| 8.1 | 8,397,255 1845 | 16,743,421| 872,905,996| 51,739,643| 5.92 | 7,469,819 1846 | 27,701,121| 547,558,055| 42,767,341| 7.81 | 8,478,270 1847 | 68,701,921| 527,219,958| 53,415,848| 10.34 | 7,242,086 1848 | 37,472,751| 814,274,431| 61,998,294| 7.61 | 7,551,122 1849 | 38,155,507| 1,026,602,269| 66,396,967| 6.4 | 5,804,207 1850 | 26,051,373| 635,381,604| 71,984,616| 11.3 | 9,951,023 1851 | 21,948,651| 927,237,089| 112,315,317| 12.11 | 9,219,251 1852 | 25,857,027| 1,093,230,639| 87,965,732| 8.05 | 10,031,283 1853 | 32,985,322| 1,111,570,370| 109,456,404| 9.85 | 11,319,319 1854 | 65,941,323| 987,833,106| 93,596,220| 9.47 | 10,016,046 1855 | 38,895,348| 1,008,424,601| 88,143,844| 8.74 | 14,712,468 1856 | 77,187,301| 1,351,431,701| 128,382,351| 9.49 | 12,221,843 1857 | 74,667,852| 1,048,282,475| 131,575,859| 12.55 | 20,662,772 1858 | 50,683,285| 1,118,624,012| 131,386,661| 11.70 | 17,009,767 1859 | 38,171,881| 1,372,755,006| 161,434,923| 11.75 | 21,074,038 |------------|---------------|--------------| |--------------- |$961,545,275|$23,366,357,434|$2,383,027,536| |$339,274,520 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE. The articles exported which are not included above, are as follows, for 1859:--product of the sea, $4,462,974; product of the forest, $14,489,406; cotton piece goods, manufactured tobacco, spirits, seeds, hemp, and various other articles, $31,579,008. The value of the manufactured tobacco, exported in 1859, and included in the last item, was over $3,334,401, which, added to the $21,074,038, of unmanufactured included above, makes the total exports of tobacco for that year amount to $24,408,439.

TABLE IX.

STATEMENT EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF FOREIGN GOODS IMPORTED AND TAKEN FOR CONSUMPTION, IN THE UNITED STATES; THE VALUE OF DOMESTIC PRODUCE OF THE UNITED STATES EXPORTED, EXCLUSIVE OF SPECIE; THE VALUE OF SPECIE AND BULLION IMPORTED, AND THE VALUE OF SPECIE AND BULLION EXPORTED, FROM 1821 TO 1859 INCLUSIVE: THE YEAR FROM 1821 TO 1842 ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, AND FROM 1844 TO 1859 ENDING JUNE 30,--THE YEAR 1843 INCLUDING ONLY NINE MONTHS.

===================================================================== |IMPORTS ENTERED |DOMESTIC PRODUCE | |FOR CONSUMPTION,|EXPORTED, | SPECIE AND BULLION. YEARS.|EXCLUSIVE OF |EXCLUSIVE OF |--------------------------- |SPECIE. |SPECIE. | IMPORTED. | EXPORTED. ------|----------------|-----------------|-------------|------------- 1821 | $43,696,405 | $43,671,894 | $8,064,890 | $10,477,969 1822 | 68,367,425 | 49,874,079 | 3,369,846 | 10,810,180 1823 | 51,308,936 | 47,155,408 | 5,097,896 | 6,372,987 1824 | 53,846,567 | 50,649,500 | 8,379,835 | 7,014,552 1825 | 66,375,722 | 66,944,745 | 6,150,765 | 8,787,659 1826 | 57,652,577 | 52,449,855 | 6,880,966 | 4,704,533 1827 | 54,901,108 | 57,878,117 | 8,151,130 | 8,014,880 1828 | 66,975,475 | 49,976,632 | 7,489,741 | 8,243,476 1829 | 54,741,571 | 55,087,307 | 7,403,612 | 4,924,020 1830 | 49,575,009 | 58,524,878 | 8,155,964 | 2,178,773 1831 | 82,808,110 | 59,218,583 | 7,305,945 | 9,014,931 1832 | 75,327,688 | 61,726,529 | 5,907,504 | 5,656,340 1833 | 83,470,067 | 69,950,856 | 7,070,368 | 2,611,701 1834 | 86,973,147 | 80,623,662 | 17,911,632 | 2,076,758 1835 | 122,007,974 | 100,459,481 | 13,131,447 | 6,477,775 1836 | 158,811,392 | 106,570,942 | 13,400,881 | 4,324,336 1837 | 113,310,571 | 94,280,895 | 10,516,414 | 5,976,249 1838 | 86,552,598 | 95,560,880 | 17,747,116 | 3,508,046 1839 | 145,870,816 | 101,625,533 | 8,595,176 | 8,776,743 1840 | 86,250,335 | 111,660,561 | 8,882,813 | 8,417,014 1841 | 114,776,309 | 103,636,236 | 4,988,633 | 10,034,332 1842 | 87,996,318 | 91,798,242 | 4,087,016 | 4,813,539 1843 | 37,294,129 | 77,686,354 | 22,390,559 | 1,520,791 1844 | 96,390,548 | 99,531,774 | 5,830,429 | 5,454,214 1845 | 105,599,541 | 98,455,330 | 4,070,242 | 8,606,495 1846 | 110,048,859 | 101,718,042 | 3,777,732 | 3,905,268 1847 | 116,257,595 | 150,574,844 | 24,121,289 | 1,907,024 1848 | 140,651,902 | 130,203,709 | 6,360,224 | 15,841,616 1849 | 132,565,168 | 131,710,081 | 6,651,240 | 5,404,648 1850 | 164,032,033 | 134,900,233 | 4,628,792 | 7,522,994 1851 | 200,476,219 | 178,620,138 | 5,453,592 | 29,472,752 1852 | 195,072,695 | 154,931,147 | 5,505,044 | 42,674,135 1853 | 251,071,358 | 189,869,162 | 4,201,382 | 27,486,875 1854 | 275,955,893 | 215,156,304 | 6,958,184 | 41,436,456 1855 | 231,650,340 | 192,751,135 | 3,659,812 | 56,247,343 1856 | 295,650,938 | 266,438,051 | 4,207,632 | 45,745,485 1857 | 333,511,295 | 278,906,713 | 12,461,799 | 69,136,922 1858 | 242,678,413 | 251,351,033 | 19,274,496 | 52,633,147 1859 | 324,258,159 | 278,392,080 | 7,434,789 | 63,887,411 |----------------|-----------------|-------------|------------- |$5,064,761,199 |$4,540,620,945 |$332,476,827 | $522,100,369 ---------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTE. There is usually re-exported from twenty to thirty million dollars worth of the foreign articles imported. In 1859 the re-exports were to the value of $14,509,971; in 1858 they were $30,886,142; in 1857 they were $23,975,617; and in 1856, but $16,378,578. By adding the re-exports to the imports entered for consumption, the product will show the whole amount of the imports. The above figures are from the Congressional Report on Finances, 1857-8, and the Report on Commerce and Navigation, 1859.

TABLE X.

STATEMENT SHOWING THE AMOUNT OF CANE SUGAR CONSUMED IN THE UNITED STATES, ANNUALLY, WITH THE PROPORTIONS THAT ARE DOMESTIC OR FOREIGN, DURING THE YEARS STATED--THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 31.

---------------------------------------------------------------- -------|------------------|------------------|------------------ YEARS. | FOREIGN. | DOMESTIC. | TOTAL. -------|------------------|------------------|------------------ 1850. | lbs. 319,420,800 | lbs. 283,183,040 | lbs. 603,603,840 1851. | 406,530,880 | 240,661,120 | 646,206,400 1852. | 440,289,920 | 265,796,160 | 706,086,080 1853. | 449,366,400 | 386,128,960 | 835,495,360 1854. | 337,912,960 | 522,954,560 | 863,067,520 1855. | 431,432,960 | 304,731,520 | 846,164,480 1856. | 594,254,080 | 276,568,320 | 848,422,400 1857. | 541,553,600 | 87,360,000 | 628,913,600 1858. | 548,257,920 | 310,740,160 | 870,222,080 -------|------------------|------------------|------------------

STATEMENT SHOWING THE AMOUNT, IN GALLONS, OF MOLASSES CONSUMED IN THE UNITED STATES, ANNUALLY, WITH THE PROPORTIONS WHICH ARE FOREIGN OR DOMESTIC, DURING THE YEARS STATED--THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 31.

---------------------------------------------------------------- -------|------------------|------------------|------------------ YEARS. | FOREIGN. | DOMESTIC. | TOTAL. -------|------------------|------------------|------------------ 1850. | Gals. 24,806,949 | Gals. 12,202,300 | Gals. 37,019,249 1851. | 33,238,278 | 10,709,740 | 43,948,018 1852. | 29,417,511 | 18,840,000 | 48,258,511 1853. | 28,576,821 | 26,930,000 | 55,536,821 1854. | 24,437,019 | 32,053,000 | 56,493,019 1855. | 23,533,423 | 24,251,207 | 47,266,085 1856. | 23,014,878 | 16,584,000 | 39,608,878 1857. | 23,266,404 | 5,242,380 | 28,508,784 1858. | 24,795,374 | 20,373,790 | 45,169,164 -------|------------------|------------------|------------------

NOTE. The above table is taken from the Shipping and Commercial List, and New York Price Current, January 22, 1859. The sources of supply are the same as when the first edition went to press, and the proportions from slave labor and free labor countries respectively, has undergone very little change. The year ends December 31st, while the Congressional fiscal year ends June 30th.

The value of imports of Sugar, for the year ending June 30, 1858, from a few principal countries, stood thus: Cuba, $15,555,409; Porto Rico, $3,584,503; British West Indies, $386,546; British Guiana, $255,481; British Honduras, $26; Hayti, $851; San Domingo, $5,529.

TABLE XI.

COTTON IMPORTED INTO GREAT BRITAIN FROM VARIOUS COUNTRIES, QUANTITY RE-EXPORTED, AND STOCK ON HAND DECEMBER 31, FOR A SERIES OF YEARS, IN POUNDS. BY DEDUCTING THE EXPORTS AND THE STOCK ON HAND AT THE END OF EACH YEAR FROM THE WHOLE IMPORTS, THE REMAINDER IS THE QUANTITY TAKEN FOR CONSUMPTION.

========================================================== | | | | | | From | | From | From | | United | From |Mediterranean.| East | YEARS.| States. | Brazil. | | Indies. | ------+-----------+-----------+--------------+-----------+ 1840.|487,856,504|14,779,171 | 8,324,937| 77,011,839| 1841.|358,240,964|16,671,348 | 9,097,180| 97,388,153| 1842.|414,030,779|15,222,828 | 4,489,017| 92,972,609| 1843.|574,738,520|18,675,123 | 9,674,076| 65,709,729| 1844.|517,218,662|21,084,744 | 12,406,327| 88,639,776| 1845.|626,650,412|20,157,633 | 14,614,699| 58,437,426| 1846.|401,949,393|14,746,321 | 14,278,447| 34,540,143| 1847.|364,599,291|19,966,922 | 4,814,268| 83,934,614| 1848.|600,247,488|19,971,378 | 7,231,861| 84,101,961| 1849.|634,504,050|30,738,133 | 17,369,843| 70,838,515| 1850.|493,153,112|30,299,982 | 18,931,414|118,872,742| 1851.|596,638,962|19,339,104 | 16,950,525|122,626,976| 1852.|765,630,544|26,506,144 | 48,058,640| 84,922,432| 1853.|658,451,796|24,190,628 | 28,353,575|181,848,160| 1854.|722,151,346|19,703,600 | 23,503,003|119,836,009| 1855.|681,629,424|24,577,952 | 32,904,153|145,179,216| 1856.|780,040,016|21,830,704 | 34,616,848|180,496,624| 1857.|654,758,048|29,910,832 | 24,882,144|250,338,144| 1858.|732,403,840|16,466,800 | 34,867,840|138,253,360| ------+-----------+-----------+--------------+-----------+

================================================================== | West | | | | | Indies | | | | | and | Other | Total | Amount | Stocks, YEARS.| Guiana. |Countries.| Imported. | Exported. |December 31. ------+--------------------+-------------+-----------+----------- 1840.| 866,157|3,649,402 | 592,488,010| 38,673,229|233,600,000 1841.|1,533,197|5,061,513 | 487,992,355| 37,673,586|247,760,000 1842.| 593,603|4,441,250 | 531,750,086| 45,251,248|269,760,000 1843.|1,260,444|3,135,224 | 673,193,116| 39,620,000|368,280,000 1844.|1,707,194|5,054,641 | 646,111,304| 47,222,560|414,760,000 1845.|1,394,447| 725,336 | 721,979,953| 42,916,384|478,160,000 1846.|1,201,857|1,140,113 | 467,856,274| 65,930,704|263,520,000 1847.| 793,933| 598,587 | 474,707,615| 74,954,320|204,760,000 1848.| 640,437| 827,036 | 713,020,161| 74,019,792|239,440,000 1849.| 944,307|1,074,164 | 755,469,012| 98,893,536|263,760,000 1850.| 228,913|2,090,698 | 663,576,861|102,469,696|248,960,000 1851.| 446,529|1,377,653 | 757,379,749|111,980,400|237,600,000 1852.| 703,696|3,960,992 | 929,782,448|111,894,303|322,960,000 1853.| 350,428|2,084,162 | 895,278,749|148,596,680|327,000,000 1854.| 409,110|1,730,081 | 887,333,149|123,326,112|282,520,000 1855.| 468,452|6,992,755 | 891,751,952|124,368,100|226,600,000 1856.| 462,784|6,439,328 |1,023,886,304|146,660,864|197,080,000 1857.|1,443,568|7,986,160 | 969,318,896|131,928,720|217,040,000 1858.| 9,862,272 | 931,847,056|153,035,680|184,782,000 ------+--------------------+-------------+-----------+-----------

AVERAGE WEEKLY CONSUMPTION OF COTTON IN EUROPE, FOR A SERIES OF YEARS, IN POUNDS.[135]

================================================================== COUNTRIES. | 1850. | 1851. | 1852. | 1853. | ---------------------|----------|----------|----------|----------| France | 2,830,800| 2,869,200| 4,230,000| 3,607,200| Belgium | 453,600| 446,000| 653,600| 615,200| Holland | 415,200| 415,200| 546,000| 469,200| Germany | 661,200| 846,000| 976,800| 1,107,600| Trieste | 915,200| 884,400| 1,038,400| 792,400| Genoa, Naples, etc. | 223,200| 238,400| 376,800| 392,000| Spain | 592,400| 707,200| 730,400| 653,600| Russia, Norway, etc. | 1,169,200| 1,169,200| 1,622,800| 1,600,000| |----------|----------|----------|----------| Total on Continent | 7,260,800| 7,575,600|10,174,800| 9,237,200| Add Great Britain |11,650,000|12,795,200|14,316,000|14,545,200| |----------|----------|----------|----------| Total weekly | | | | | European Consumption |18,910,800|20,370,800|24,490,800|23,882,400| ------------------------------------------------------------------

=========================================================================== COUNTRIES. | 1854. | 1855. | 1856. | 1857. | 1858. --------------------|----------|----------|----------|----------|---------- France | 3,400,000| 3,684,400| 4,046,000| 3,438,400| Belgium | 538,400| 484,400| 615,200| 438,400| Holland | 661,200| 684,400| 761,200| 753,200| Germany | 1,592,400| 822,800| 1,900,000| 444,800| Trieste | 715,200| 651,200| 746,000| 576,800| Genoa, Naples, etc. | 322,800| 439,400| 846,000| 692,000| Spain | 715,200| 876,800| 938,400| 692,000| Russia, Norway, etc.| 1,030,800| 961,600| 1,769,200| 1,538,400| |----------|----------|----------|----------|---------- Total on Continent | 8,976,000| 9,414,000|11,622,000| 9,786,000| Add Great Britain |15,131,600|16,161,200|16,794,800|15,626,000|16,533,200 |----------|----------|----------|----------|---------- Total weekly | | | | | European Consumption|24,107,600|25,575,200|28,416,800|25,412,000| ----------------------------------------------------------------------------

FOOTNOTE:

[135] The London Economist, from which we copy, observes, that the figures in this table differ slightly from some other estimates, as must be the case in all computations that are not official, but that from examination it has reason to think them as near the truth as any practical object can require. The quantities consumed in each country include the direct imports from the producing countries, as well as the indirect imports, chiefly from England. The consumption on the Continent, for 1858, was not known. January 15, 1859, the date of publication of the Economist. The bales are estimated at 400 lbs. each.

TABLE XII.

SUMMARY STATEMENT OF THE VALUE OF EXPORTS OF THE GROWTH, PRODUCE, AND MANUFACTURE OF THE UNITED STATES, FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1859; THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE NORTH AND OF THE SOUTH, RESPECTIVELY, BEING PLACED IN OPPOSITE COLUMNS; AND THE ARTICLES OF A MIXED ORIGIN BEING STATED SEPARATELY.--Report on Com. and Nav., 1859.

========================================================================= EXPORTS OF THE NORTH. | EXPORTS OF THE SOUTH. | PRODUCT OF THE FOREST. | PRODUCT OF THE FOREST. | Wood and its products, $7,829,666 | Wood and its products, $2,210,884 Ashes, pot and pearl, 643,861 | Tar and pitch 141,058 Ginseng, 54,204 | Rosin and turpentine, 2,248,381 Skins and furs, 1,361,352 | Spirits of turpentine, 1,306,035 | PRODUCT OF AGRICULTURE. | PRODUCT OF AGRICULTURE. | Animals and their | products, 15,262,769 | Animals and their products, 287,048 Wheat and wheat flour, 15,113,455 | Wheat and wheat flour, 2,169,328 Indian corn and meal, 2,206,396 | Indian corn and meal, 110,976 Other grains, biscuit, | Biscuit or ship bread, 12,864 and vegetables, 2,226,585 | Rice, 2,207,148 Hemp, and Clover seed, 546,060 | Cotton, 161,434,923 Flax seed, 8,177 | Tobacco, in leaf, 21,074,038 Hops, 53,016 | Brown sugar, 196,935 ----------- | ------------ $45,305,541 | $193,399,618

ARTICLES OF MIXED ORIGIN.

Refined sugar, wax, chocolate, molasses, $ 550,937 Spirituous liquors, ale, porter, beer, cider, vinegar, linseed oil, 1,370,787 Household furniture, carriages, rail-road cars, etc. 1,722,797 Hats, fur, silk, palm leaf, saddlery, trunks, valises, 317,727 Tobacco, manufactured and snuff, 3,402,491 Gunpowder, leather, boots, shoes, cables, cordage, 2,011,931 Salt, lead, iron and its manufactures, 5,744,952 Copper and brass, and manufactures of, 1,048,246 Drugs and medicines, candles and soap, 1,933,973 Cotton fabrics of all kinds, 8,316,222 Other products of manufactures and mechanics, 3,852,910 Coal and ice, 818,117 Products not enumerated, 4,132,857 Gold and silver, in coin and bullion, 57,502,305 Products of the sea, being oil, fish, whalebone, etc. 4,462,974 ------------ $97,189,226 Add Northern exports, 45,305,541 Add Southern exports, 193,399,618 ------------ Total exports, $335,894,385 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------

EXPLANATORY NOTE.--The whole of the exports from the ports of Delaware, Baltimore, and New Orleans, are placed in the column of Northern exports, because there is no means of determining what proportion of them were from free or slave States, and it has been thought best to give this advantage to the North. Taking into the account only the heavier amounts, the exports from these ports foot up $11,287,898; of which near one-half consisted of provisions and lumber. The total imports for the year were $338,768,130. Of this $20,895,077 were re-exported, which, added to the domestic exports, makes the total exports $356,789,462, thus leaving a balance in our favor of $18,021,332.

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY:

OR,

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF MORAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY.

BY

ALBERT TAYLOR BLEDSOE, LL. D.,

PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA.

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY:

OR,

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF MORAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY,

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Introduction

THIS work has, for the most part, been thought out for several years, and various portions of it reduced to writing. Though we have long cherished the design of preparing it for the press, yet other engagements, conspiring with a spirit of procrastination, have hitherto induced us to defer the execution of this design. Nor should we have prosecuted it, as we have done, during a large portion of our last summer vacation, and the leisure moments of the first two months of the present session of the University, but for the solicitation of two intelligent and highly-esteemed friends. In submitting the work, as it now is, to the judgment of the truth-loving and impartial reader, we beg leave to offer one or two preliminary remarks.

We have deemed it wise and proper to notice only the more decent, respectable, and celebrated among the abolitionists of the North. Those scurrilous writers, who deal in wholesale abuse of Southern character, we have deemed unworthy of notice. Their writings are, no doubt, adapted to the taste of their readers; but as it is certain that no educated gentleman will tolerate them, so we would not raise a finger to promote their downfall, nor to arrest their course toward the oblivion which so inevitably awaits them.

In replying to the others, we are conscious that we have often used strong language; for which, however, we have no apology to offer. We have dealt with their arguments and positions rather than with their motives and characters. If, in pursuing this course, we have often spoken strongly, we merely beg the reader to consider whether we have not also spoken justly. We have certainly not spoken without provocation. For even these men--the very lights and ornaments of abolitionism--have seldom condescended to argue the great question of Liberty and Slavery with us as with equals. On the contrary, they habitually address us as if nothing but a purblind ignorance of the very first elements of moral science could shield our minds against the force of their irresistible arguments. In the overflowing exuberance of their philanthropy, they take pity of our most lamentable moral darkness, and graciously condescend to teach us the very A B C of ethical philosophy! Hence, if we have deemed it a duty to lay bare their pompous inanities, showing them to be no oracles, and to strip their pitiful sophisms of the guise of a profound philosophy, we trust that no impartial reader will take offense at such vindication of the South against her accusers and despisers.

In this vindication, we have been careful throughout to distinguish between the abolitionists, our accusers, and the great body of the people of the North. Against these we have said nothing, and we could say nothing; since for these we entertain the most profound respect. We have only assailed those by whom we have been assailed; and we have held each and every man responsible only for what he himself has said and done. We should, indeed, despise ourselves if we could be guilty of the monstrous injustice of denouncing a whole people on account of the sayings and doings of a portion of them. We had infinitely rather suffer such injustice--as we have so long done--than practice it toward others.

We cannot flatter ourselves, of course, that the following work is without errors. But these, whatever else may be thought of them, are not the errors of haste and inconsideration. For if we have felt deeply on the subject here discussed, we have also thought long, and patiently endeavored to guard our minds against fallacy. How far this effort has proved successful, it is the province of the candid and impartial reader alone to decide. If our arguments and views are unsound, we hope he will reject them. On the contrary, if they are correct and well-grounded, we hope he will concur with us in the conclusion, that the institution of slavery, as it exists among us at the South, is founded in political justice, is in accordance with the will of GOD and the designs of his providence, and is conducive to the highest, purest, best interests of mankind.

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I. THE NATURE OF CIVIL LIBERTY

The commonly-received definition of Civil Liberty.--Examination of the commonly-received definition of Civil Liberty.--No good law ever limits or abridges the Natural Liberty of Mankind.--The distinction between Rights and Liberty.--The Relation between the State of Nature and Civil Society.--Inherent and Inalienable Rights.--Conclusion of the First Chapter.

FEW subjects, if any, more forcibly demand our attention, by their intrinsic grandeur and importance, than the great doctrine of human liberty. Correct views concerning this are, indeed, so intimately connected with the most profound interests, as well as with the most exalted aspirations, of the human race, that any material departure therefrom must be fraught with evil to the living, as well as to millions yet unborn. They are so inseparably interwoven with all that is great and good and glorious in the destiny of man, that whosoever aims to form or to propagate such views should proceed with the utmost care, and, laying aside all prejudice and passion, be guided by the voice of reason alone.

Hence it is to be regretted--deeply regretted--that the doctrine of liberty has so often been discussed with so little apparent care, with so little moral earnestness, with so little real energetic searching and longing after truth. Though its transcendent importance demands the best exertion of all our powers, yet has it been, for the most part, a theme for passionate declamation, rather than of severe analysis or of protracted and patient investigation. In the warm praises of the philosopher, no less than in the glowing inspirations of the poet, it often stands before us as a vague and ill-defined something which all men are required to worship, but which no man is bound to understand. It would seem, indeed, as if it were a mighty something not to be clearly seen, but only to be deeply felt. And felt it has been, too, by the ignorant as well as by the learned, by the simple as well as by the wise: felt as a fire in the blood, as a fever in the brain, and as a phantom in the imagination, rather than as a form of light and beauty in the intelligence. How often have the powers of darkness surrounded its throne, and desolation marked its path! How often from the altars of this unknown idol has the blood of human victims streamed! Even here, in this glorious land of ours, how often do the too-religious Americans seem to become deaf to the most appalling lessons of the past, while engaged in the frantic worship of this their tutelary deity! At this very moment, the highly favored land in which we live is convulsed from its centre to its circumference, by the agitations of these pious devotees of freedom; and how long ere scenes like those which called forth the celebrated exclamation of Madame Roland--"O Liberty, what crimes are perpetrated in thy name!" may be enacted among us, it is not possible for human sagacity or foresight to determine.

If no one would talk about liberty except those who had taken the pains to understand it, then would a perfect calm be restored, and peace once more bless a happy people. But there are so many who imagine they understand liberty as Falstaff knew the true prince, namely, by instinct, that all hope of such a consummation must be deferred until it may be shown that their instinct is a blind guide, and its oracles are false. Hence the necessity of a close study and of a clear analysis of the nature and conditions of civil liberty, in order to a distinct delineation of the great idol, which all men are so ready to worship, but which so few are willing to take the pains to understand. In the prosecution of such an inquiry, we intend to consult neither the pecuniary interests of the South nor the prejudices of the North; but calmly and immovably proceed to discuss, upon purely scientific principles, this great problem of our social existence and national prosperity, upon the solution of which the hopes and destinies of mankind in no inconsiderable measure depend. We intend no appeal to passion or to sordid interest, but only to the reason of the wise and good. And if justice, or mercy, or truth, be found at war with the institution of slavery, then, in the name of God, let slavery perish. But however guilty, still let it be tried, condemned, and executed according to law, and not extinguished by a despotic and lawless power more terrific than itself.

§ I. The commonly-received definition of civil liberty.

"Civil liberty," says Blackstone, "is no other than natural liberty so far restrained as is necessary and expedient for the general advantage." This definition seems to have been borrowed from Locke, who says that, when a man enters into civil society, "he is to part with so much of his natural liberty, in providing for himself, as the good, prosperity, and safety of the society shall require." So, likewise, say Paley, Berlamaqui, Rutherforth, and a host of others. Indeed, among jurists and philosophers, such seems to be the commonly-received definition of civil liberty. It seems to have become a political maxim that civil liberty is no other than a certain portion of our natural liberty, which has been carved therefrom, and secured to us by the protection of the laws.

But is this a sound maxim? Has it been deduced from the nature of things, or is it merely a plausible show of words? Is it truth--solid and imperishable truth--or merely one of those fair semblances of truth, which, through the too hasty sanction of great names, have obtained a currency among men? The question is not what Blackstone, or Locke, or Paley may have thought, but what is truth? Let us examine this point, then, in order that our decision may be founded, not upon the authority of man, but, if possible, in the wisdom of God.

§ II. Examination of the commonly-received definition of civil liberty.

Before we can determine whether such be the origin of civil liberty, we must first ascertain the character of that natural liberty out of which it is supposed to be reserved. What, then, is natural liberty? What is the nature of the material out of which our civil liberty is supposed to be fashioned by the art of the political sculptor? It is thus defined by Locke: "To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in; and that is a state of perfect freedom to order their actions and dispose of their possessions and persons as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave or depending upon the will of any other man."[136] In perfect accordance with this definition, Blackstone says: "This natural liberty consists in a power of acting as one thinks fit, without any restraint or control, unless by the laws of nature, being a right inherent in us by birth, and one of the gifts of God to man at his creation, when he endowed him with the faculty of free-will." Such, according to Locke and Blackstone, is that natural liberty, which is limited and abridged, as they suppose, when we enter into the bonds of civil society.

Now mark its features: it is the gift of God to man at his creation; the very top and flower of his existence; that by which he is distinguished from the lower animals and raised to the rank of moral and accountable beings. Shall we sacrifice this divine gift, then, in order to secure the blessings of civil society? Shall we abridge or mutilate the image of God, stamped upon the soul at its creation, by which we are capable of knowing and obeying his law, in order to secure the aid and protection of man? Shall we barter away any portion of this our glorious birthright for any poor boon of man's devising? Yes, we are told--and why? Because, says Blackstone, "Legal obedience and conformity is infinitely more valuable than the wild and savage liberty which is sacrificed to obtain it."

But how is this? Now this natural liberty is a thing of light, and now it is a power of darkness. Now it is the gift of God, that moves within a sphere of light, and breathes an atmosphere of love; and anon, it is a wild and savage thing that carries terror in its train. It would be an angel of light, if it were not a power of darkness; and it would be a power of darkness, if it were not an angel of light. But as it is, it is both by turns, and neither long, but runs through its Protean changes, according to the exigencies of the flowing discourse of the learned author. Surely such inconsistency, so glaring and so portentous, and all exhibited on one and the same page, is no evidence that the genius of the great commentator was as steady and profound as it was elegant and classical.

The source of this vacillation is obvious. With Locke, he defines natural liberty to be a power of acting as one thinks fit, within the limits prescribed by the law of nature; but he soon loses sight of this all-important limitation, from which natural liberty derives its form and beauty. Hence it becomes in his mind a power to act as one pleases, without the restraint or control of any law whatever, either human or divine. The sovereign will and pleasure of the individual becomes the only rule of conduct, and lawless anarchy the condition which it legitimates. Thus, having loosed the bonds and marred the beauty of natural liberty, he was prepared to see it, now become so "wild and savage," offered up as a sacrifice on the altar of civil liberty.

This, too, was the great fundamental error of Hobbes. What Blackstone thus did through inadvertency, was knowingly and designedly done by the philosopher of Malmesbury. In a state of nature, says he, all men have a right to do as they please. Each individual may set up a right to all things, and consequently to the same things. In other words, in such a state there is no law, exept that of force. The strong arm of power is the supreme arbiter of all things. Robbery and outrage and murder are as lawful as their opposites. That is to say, there is no such thing as a law of nature; and consequently all things are, in a state of nature, equally allowable. Thus it was that Hobbes delighted to legitimate the horrors of a state of nature, as it is called, in order that mankind might, without a feeling of indignation or regret, see the wild and ferocious liberty of such a state sacrificed to despotic power. Thus it was that he endeavoured to recommend the "Leviathan," by contrasting it with the huger monster called Natural Liberty.

This view of the state of nature, by which all law and the great Fountain of all law are shut out of the world, was perfectly agreeable to the atheistical philosophy of Hobbes. From one who had extinguished the light of nature, and given dominion to the powers of darkness, no better could have been expected; but is it not deplorable that a Christian jurist should, even for a moment, have forgotten the great central light of his own system, and drawn his arguments from such an abyss of darkness?

Blackstone has thus lost sight of truth, not only in regard to his general propositions, but also in regard to particular instances. "The law," says he, "which restrains a man from doing mischief to his fellow-citizens diminishes the natural liberty of mankind." Now, is this true? The doing of mischief is contrary to the law of nature, and hence, according to the definition of Blackstone himself, the perpetration of it is not an exercise of any natural right. As no man possesses a natural right to do mischief, so the law which forbids it does not diminish the natural liberty of mankind. The law which forbids mischief is a restraint not upon the natural liberty, but upon the natural tyranny, of man.

Blackstone is by no means alone in the error to which we have alluded. By one of the clearest thinkers and most beautiful writers of the present age,[137] it is argued, "that as government implies restraint, it is evident we give up a certain portion of our liberty by entering into it." This argument would be valid, no doubt, if there were nothing in the world beside liberty to be restrained; but the evil passions of men, from which proceed so many frightful tyrannies and wrongs, are not to be identified with their rights or liberties. As government implies restraint, it is evident that something is restrained when we enter into it; but it does not follow that this something must be our natural liberty. The argument in question proceeds on the notion that government can restrain nothing, unless it restrain the natural liberty of mankind; whereas, we have seen, the law which forbids the perpetration of mischief, or any other wrong, is a restriction, not upon the liberty, but upon the tyranny, of the human will. It sets a bound and limit, not to any right conferred on us by the Author of nature, but upon the evil thoughts and deeds of which we are the sole and exclusive originators. Such a law, indeed, so far from restraining the natural liberty of man, recognizes his natural rights, and secures his freedom, by protecting the weak against the injustice and oppression of the strong.

The way in which these authors show that natural liberty is, and of right ought to be, abridged by the laws of society, is, by identifying this natural freedom, not with a power to act as God wills, but with a power in conformity with our own sovereign will and pleasure. The same thing is expressly done by Paley.[138] "To do what we will," says he, "is natural liberty." Starting from this definition, it is no wonder that he should have supposed that natural liberty is restrained by civil government. In like manner, Burke first says, "That the effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they please;" and then concludes, that in order to "secure some liberty," we make "a surrender in trust of the whole of it."[139] Thus the natural rights of mankind are first caricatured, and then sacrificed.

If there be no God, if there be no difference between right and wrong, if there be no moral law in the universe, then indeed would men possess a natural right to do mischief or to act as they please. Then indeed should we be fettered by no law in a state of nature, and liberty therein would be coextensive with power. Right would give place to might, and the least restraint, even from the best laws, would impair our natural freedom. But we subscribe to no such philosophy. That learned authors, that distinguished jurists, that celebrated philosophers, that pious divines, should thus deliberately include the enjoyment of our natural rights and the indulgence of our evil passions in one and the same definition of liberty, is, it seems to us, matter of the most profound astonishment and regret. It is to confound the source of all tyranny with the fountain of all freedom. It is to put darkness for light, and light for darkness. And it is to inflame the minds of men with the idea that they are struggling and contending for liberty, when, in reality, they may be only struggling and contending for the gratification of their malignant passions. Such an offense against all clear thinking, such an outrage against all sound political ethics, becomes the more amazing when we reflect on the greatness of the authors by whom it is committed, and the stupendous magnitude of the interests involved in their discussions.

Should we, then, exhibit the fundamental law of society, and the natural liberty of mankind, as antagonistic principles? Is not this the way to prepare the human mind, at all times so passionately, not to say so madly, fond of freedom, for a repetition of those tremendous conflicts and struggles beneath which the foundations of society have so often trembled, and some of its best institutions been laid in the dust? In one word, is it not high time to raise the inquiry, Whether there be, in reality, any such opposition as is usually supposed to exist between the law of the land and the natural rights of mankind? Whether such opposition be real or imaginary? Whether it exists in the nature of things, or only in the imagination of political theorists?

§ III. No good law ever limits or abridges the natural liberty of mankind

By the two great leaders of opposite schools, Locke and Burke, it is contended that when we enter into society the natural rights of self-defense is surrendered to the government. If any natural right, then, be limited or abridged by the laws of society, we may suppose the right of self-defense to be so; for this is the instance which is always selected to illustrate and confirm the reality of such a surrender of our natural liberty. It has, indeed, become a sort of maxim, that when we put on the bonds of civil society, we give up the natural right of self-defense.

But what does this maxim mean? Does it mean that we transfer the right to repel force by force? If so, the proposition is not true; for this right is as fully possessed by every individual after he has entered into society as it could have been in a state of nature. If he is assailed, or threatened with immediate personal danger, the law of the land does not require him to wait upon the strong but slow arm of government for protection. On the contrary, it permits him to protect himself, to repel force by force, in so far as this may be necessary to guard against injury to himself; and the law of nature allows no more. Indeed, if there be any difference, the law of the land allows a man to go further in the defense of self than he is permitted to go by the law of God. Hence, in this sense, the maxim under consideration is not true; and no man's natural liberty is abridged by the State.

Does this maxim mean, then, that in a state of nature every man has a right to redress his own wrongs by the subsequent punishment of the offender, which right the citizen has transferred to the government? It is clear that this must be the meaning, if it have any correct meaning at all. But neither in this sense is the maxim or proposition true. The right to punish an offender must rest upon the one or the other of two grounds: either upon the ground that the offender deserves punishment, or that his punishment is necessary to prevent similar offenses. Now, upon neither of these grounds has any man, even in a state of nature, the right to punish an offense committed against himself.

First, he has no right to punish such an offense on the ground that it deserves punishment. No man has, or ever had, the right to wield the awful attribute of retributive justice; that is, to inflict so much pain for so much guilt or moral turpitude. This is the prerogative of God alone. To his eye, all secrets are known, and all degrees of guilt perfectly apparent; and to him alone belongs the vengeance which is due for moral ill-desert. His law extends over the state of nature as well as over the state of civil society, and calls all men to account for their evil deeds. It is evident that, in so far as the intrinsic demerit of actions is concerned, it makes no difference whether they be punished here or hereafter. And beside, if the individual had possessed such a right in a state of nature, he has not transferred it to society; for society neither has nor claims any such right. Blackstone but utters the voice of the law when he says: "The end or final cause of human punishment is not by way of atonement or expiation, for that must be left to the just determination of the supreme Being, but a precaution against future offenses of the same kind." The exercise of retributive justice belongs exclusively to the infallible Ruler of the world, and not to frail, erring man, who himself so greatly stands in need of mercy. Hence, the right to punish a transgressor on the ground that such punishment is deserved, has not been transferred from the individual to civil society: first, because he had no such natural right to transfer; and, secondly, because society possesses no such right.

In the second place, if we consider the other ground of punishment, it will likewise appear that the right to punish never belonged to the individual, and consequently could not have been transferred by him to society. For, by the law of nature, the individual has no right to punish an offense against himself in order to prevent further offences of the same kind. If the object of human punishment be, as indeed it is, to prevent the commission of crime, by holding up examples of terror to evil-doers, then, it is evidently no more the natural right of the party injured to redress the wrong, than it is the right of others. All men are interested in the prevention of wrongs, and hence all men should unite to redress them. All men are endowed by their Creator with a sense of justice, in order to impel them to secure its claims, and throw the shield of its protection around the weak and oppressed.

The prevention of wrong, then, is clearly the natural duty, and consequently the natural right, of all men.

This duty should be discharged by others, rather than by the party aggrieved. For it is contrary to the law of nature itself, as both Locke and Burke agree, that any man should be "judge in his own case;" that any man should, by an ex post facto decision, determine the amount of punishment due to his enemy, and proceed to inflict it upon him. Such a course, indeed, so far from preventing offenses, would inevitably promote them; instead of redressing injuries, would only add wrong to wrong; and instead of introducing order, would only make confusion worse confounded, and turn the moral world quite upside down.

On no ground, then, upon which the right to punish may be conceived to rest, does it appear that it was ever possessed, or could ever have been possessed, by the individual. And if the individual never possessed such a right, it is clear that he has never transferred it to society. Hence, this view of the origin of government, however plausible at first sight, or however generally received, has no real foundation in the nature of things. It is purely a creature of the imagination of theorists; one of the phantoms of that manifold, monstrous, phantom deity called Liberty, which has been so often invoked by the pseudo philanthropists and reckless reformers of the present day to subvert not only the law of capital punishment, but also other institutions and laws which have received the sanction of both God and man.

The simple truth is, that we are all bound by the law of nature and the law of God to love our neighbor as ourselves. Hence it is the duty of every man, in a state of nature, to do all in his power to protect the rights and promote the interests of his fellow-men. It is the duty of all men to consult together, and concert measures for the general good. Right here it is, then, that the law of man, the constitution of civil society, comes into contact with the law of God and rests upon it. Thus, civil society arises, not from a surrender of individual rights, but from a right originally possessed by all; nay, from a solemn duty originally imposed upon all by God himself--a duty which must be performed, whether the individual gives his consent or not. The very law of nature itself requires, as we have seen, not only the punishment of the offender, but also that he be punished acccording to a pre-established law, and by the decision of an impartial tribunal. And in the enactment of such law, as well as in the administration, the collective wisdom of society, or its agents, moves in obedience to the law of God, and not in pursuance of rights derived from the individual.

§ IV. The distinction between rights and liberty.

In the foregoing discussion we have, in conformity to the custom of others, used the terms rights and liberty as words of precisely the same import. But, instead of being convertible terms, there seems to be a very clear difference in their signification. If a man be taken, for example, and without cause thrown into prison, this deprives him of his liberty, but not of his right, to go where he pleases. The right still exists; and his not being allowed to enjoy this right, is precisely what constitutes the oppression in the case supposed. If there were no right still subsisting, then there would be no oppression. Hence, as the right exists, while the liberty is extinguished, it is evident they are distinct from each other. The liberty of a man in such a case, as in all others, would consist in an opportunity to enjoy his right, or in a state in which it might be enjoyed if he so pleased.

This distinction between rights and liberty is all-important to a clear and satisfactory discussion of the doctrine of human freedom. The great champions of that freedom, from a Locke down to a Hall, firmly and passionately grasping the natural rights of man, and confounding these with his liberty, have looked upon society as the restrainer, and not as the author, of that liberty. On the other hand, the great advocates of despotic power, from a Hobbes down to a Whewell, seeing that there can be no genuine liberty--that is, no secure enjoyment of one's rights--in a state of nature, have ascribed, not only our liberty, but all our existing rights also, to the State.

But the error of Locke is a noble and generous sentiment when compared with the odious dogma of Hobbes and Whewell. These learned authors contend that we derive all our existing rights from society. Do we, then, live and move and breathe and think and worship God only by rights derived from the State? No, certainly. We have these rights from a higher source. God gave them, and all the powers of earth combined cannot take them away. But as for our liberty, this we freely own is, for the most part, due to the sacred bonds of civil society. Let us render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and unto God the things that are God's.

§ V. The relation between the state of nature and of civil society.

Herein, then, consists the true relation between the natural and the social states. Civil society does not abridge our natural rights, but secures and protects them. She does not assume our right of self-defense,--she simply discharges the duty imposed by God to defend us. The original right is in those who compose the body politic, and not in any individual. Hence, civil society does not impair our natural liberty, as actually existing in a state of nature, or as it might therein exist; for, in such a state, there would be no real liberty, no real enjoyment of natural rights.

Mr. Locke, as we have seen, defines the state of nature to be one of "perfect freedom." Why, then, should we leave it? "If man, in the state of nature, be so free," says he, "why will he part with his freedom? To which it is obvious to answer," he continues, "that though, in the state of nature, he hath such a right, yet the enjoyment of it is very uncertain, and constantly exposed to the invasion of others; for all being kings as much as he, every man his equal, and the greater part not strict observers of equity and justice, the enjoyment of the property he has in this state is very unsafe, very insecure. This makes him willing to quit a condition which, however free, is full of fears and continual dangers; and it is not without reason that he seeks out, and is willing to join in society with, others who are already united, or have a mind to unite, for the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and estates, which I call by the general name property."[140] What! can that be a state of perfect freedom which is subject to fears and perpetual dangers? In one word, can a reign of terror be the reign of liberty? It is evident, we think, that Locke has been betrayed into no little inaccuracy and confusion of thought from not having distinguished between rights and liberty.

The truth seems to be that, in a state of nature, we would possess rights, but we could not enjoy them. That is to say, notwithstanding all our rights, we should be destitute of freedom or liberty. Society interposes the strong arm of the law to protect our rights, to secure us in the enjoyment of them. She delivers us from the alarms, the dangers, and the violence of the natural state. Hence, under God, she is the mother of our peace and joy, by whose sovereign rule anarchy is abolished and liberty established. Liberty and social law can never be dissevered. Liberty, robed in law, and radiant with love, is one of the best gifts of God to man. But liberty, despoiled of law, is a wild, dark, fierce spirit of licentiousness, which tends "to uproar the universal peace."

Hence it is a frightful error to regard the civil state or government as antagonistic to the natural liberty of mankind; for this is, indeed, the author of the very liberty we enjoy. Good government it is that restrains the elements of tyranny and oppression, and introduces liberty into the world. Good government it is that shuts out the reign of anarchy, and secures the dominion of equity and goodness. He who would spurn the restraints of law, then, by which pride, and envy, and hatred, and malice, ambition, and revenge are kept within the sacred bounds of eternal justice,--he, we say, is not the friend of human liberty. He would open the flood-gates of tyranny and oppression; he would mar the harmony and extinguish the light of the world. Let no such man be trusted.

If the foregoing remarks be just, it would follow that the state of nature, as it is called, would be one of the most unnatural states in the world. We may conceive it to exist, for the sake of illustration or argument; but if it should actually exist, it would be at war with the law of nature itself. For this requires, as we have seen, that men should unite together, and frame such laws as the general good demands.

Not only the law, but the very necessities of nature, enjoin the institution of civil government. God himself has thus laid the foundations of civil society deep in the nature of man. It is an ordinance of Heaven, which no human decree can reverse or annul. It is not a thing of compacts, bound together by promises and paper, but is itself a law of nature as irreversible as any other. Compacts may give it one form or another, but in one form or another it must exist. It is no accidental or artificial thing, which may be made or unmade, which may be set up or pulled down, at the mere will and pleasure of man. It is a decree of God; the spontaneous and irresistible working of that nature, which, in all climates, through all ages, and under all circumstances, manifests itself in social organizations.

§ VI. Inherent and inalienable rights.

Much has been said about inherent and inalienable rights, which is either unintelligible or rests upon no solid foundation. "The inalienable rights of men" is a phrase often brandished by certain reformers, who aim to bring about "the immediate abolition of slavery." Yet, in the light of the foregoing discussion, it may be clearly shown that the doctrine of inalienable rights, if properly handled, will not touch the institution of slavery.

An inalienable right is either one which the possessor of it himself cannot alienate or transfer, or it is one which society has not the power to take from him. According to the import of the terms, the first would seem to be what is meant by an inalienable right; but in this sense it is not pretended that the right to either life or liberty has been transferred to society or alienated by the individual. And if, as we have endeavored to show, the right, or power, or authority of society is not derived from a transfer of individual rights, then it is clear that neither the right to life nor liberty is transferred to society. That is, if no rights are transferred, than these particular rights are still untransferred, and, if you please, untransferable. Be it conceded, then, that the individual has never transferred his right to life or liberty to society.

But it is not in the above sense that the abolitionist uses the expression, inalienable rights. According to his view, an inalienable right is one of which society itself cannot, without doing wrong, deprive the individual, or deny the enjoyment of it to him. This is evidently his meaning; for he complains of the injustice of society, or civil government, in depriving a certain portion of its subjects of civil freedom, and consigning them to a state of servitude. "Such an act," says he, "is wrong, because it is a violation of the inalienable rights of all men." But let us see if his complaint be just or well founded.

It is pretended by no one that society has the right to deprive any subject of either life or liberty, without good and sufficient cause or reason. On the contrary, it is on all hands agreed that it is only for good and sufficient reasons that society can deprive any portion of its subjects of either life or liberty. Nor can it be denied, on the other side, that a man may be deprived of either, or both, by a preordained law, in case there be a good and sufficient reason for the enactment of such law. For the crime of murder, the law of the land deprives the criminal of life: à fortiori, might it deprive him of liberty. In the infliction of such a penalty, the law seeks, as we have seen, not to deal out so much pain for so much guilt, nor even to deal out pain for guilt at all, but simply to protect the members of society, and secure the general good. The general good is the sole and sufficient consideration which justifies the State in taking either the life or the liberty of its subjects.

Hence, if we would determine in any case whether society is justified in depriving any of its members of civil freedom by law, we must first ascertain whether the general good demands the enactment of such a law. If it does, then such a law is just and good--as perfectly just and good as any other law which, for the same reason or on the same ground, takes away the life or liberty of its subjects. All this talk about the inalienable rights of men may have a very admirable meaning, if one will only be at the pains to search it out; but is it not evident that, when searched to the bottom, it has just nothing at all to do with the great question of slavery? But more of this hereafter.[141]

This great problem, as we have seen, is to be decided, not by an appeal to the inalienable rights of men, but simply and solely by a reference to the general good. It is to be decided, not by the aid of abstractions alone; a little good sense and practical sagacity should be allowed to assist in its determination. There are inalienable rights, we admit--inalienable both because the individual cannot transfer them, and because society can never rightfully deprive any man of their enjoyment. But life and liberty are not "among these." There are inalienable rights, we admit, but then such abstractions are the edge-tools of political science, with which it is dangerous for either men or children to play. They may inflict deep wounds on the cause of humanity; they can throw no light on the great problem of slavery.

One thing seems to be clear and fixed; and that is, that the rights of the individual are subordinate to those of the community. An inalienable right is a right coupled with a duty; a duty with which no other obligation can interfere. But, as we have seen, it is the duty, and consequently, the right, of society to make such laws as the general good demands. This inalienable right is conferred, and its exercise enjoined, by the Creator and Governor of the universe. All individual rights are subordinate to this inherent, universal, and inalienable right. It should be observed, however, that in the exercise of this paramount right, this supreme authority, no society possesses the power to contravene the principles of justice. In other words, it should be observed that no unjust law can ever promote the public good. Every law, then, which is not unjust, and which the public good demands, should be enacted by society.

But we have already seen and shall still more fully see, that the law which ordains slavery is not unjust in itself, or, in other words, that it interferes with none of the inalienable rights of man. Hence, if it be shown that the public good, and especially the good of the slave, demands such a law, then the question of slavery will be settled. We purpose to show this before we have done with the present discussion. And if, in the prosecution of this inquiry, we should be so fortunate as to throw only one steady ray of light on the great question of slavery, by which the very depths of society have been so fearfully convulsed, we shall be more than rewarded for all the labor which, with no little solicitude, we have felt constrained to bestow upon an attempt at its solution.

§ VII. Conclusion of the first chapter.

In conclusion, we shall merely add that if the foregoing remarks be just, it follows that the great problem of political philosophy is not precisely such as it is often taken to be by statesmen and historians. This problem, according to Mackintosh and Macaulay, consists in finding such an adjustment of the antagonistic principles of public order and private liberty, that neither shall overthrow or subvert the other, but each be confined within its own appropriate limits. Whereas, if we are not mistaken, these are not antagonistic, but co-ordinate, principles. The very law which institutes public order is that which introduces private liberty, since no secure enjoyment of one's rights can exist where public order is not maintained. And, on the other hand, unless private liberty be introduced, public order cannot be maintained, or at least such public order as should be established; for, if there be not private liberty, if there be no secure enjoyment of one's rights, then the highest and purest elements of our nature would have to be extinguished, or else exist in perpetual conflict with the surrounding despotism. As license is not liberty, so despotism is not order, nor even friendly to that enlightened, wholesome order, by which the good of the public and the individual are at the same time introduced and secured. In other words, what is taken from the one of these principles is not given to the other; on the contrary, every additional element of strength and beauty which is imparted to the one is an accession of strength and beauty to the other. Private liberty, indeed, lives and moves and has its very being in the bosom of public order. On the other hand, that public order alone which cherishes the true liberty of the individual is strong in the approbation of God and in the moral sentiments of mankind. All else is weakness, and death, and decay.

The true problem, then, is, not how the conflicting claims of these two principles may be adjusted, (for there is no conflict between them,) but how a real public order, whose claims are identical with those of private liberty, may be introduced and maintained. The practical solution of this problem, for the heterogeneous population of the South imperatively demands, as we shall endeavor to show, the institution of slavery; and that without such an institution it would be impossible to maintain either a sound public order or a decent private liberty. We shall endeavor to show, that the very laws or institution which is supposed by fanatical declaimers to shut out liberty from the Negro race among us, really shuts out the most frightful license and disorder from society. In one word, we shall endeavor to show that in preaching up liberty to and for the slaves of the South, the abolitionist is "casting pearls before swine," that can neither comprehend the nature, nor enjoy the blessings, of the freedom which is so officiously thrust upon them. And if the Negro race should be moved by their fiery appeals, it would only be to rend and tear in pieces the fair fabric of American liberty, which, with all its shortcomings and defects, is by far the most beautiful ever yet conceived or constructed by the genius of man.

FOOTNOTES:

[136] Locke on Civil Government, chap. ii.

[137] Robert Hall.

[138] Political Philosophy, chap. v.

[139] Reflections on the Revolution in France.

[140] Locke on Civil Government, chap. ix.

[141] Chap. ii. § x.

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