XX. REIGN OF VICTORIA (continued)
The Year of Revolutions--Lord Palmerston's Advice to Spain--It is rejected by the Duke of Sotomayor--Dismissal of Sir H. Bulwer--The Revolution in Germany--Condition of Prussia--The King's Ordinance--He disclaims a Desire to become German Emperor--The National Assembly dispersed by Force--A New Constitution--The King declines the German Crown--The Revolution in Vienna--Flight of Metternich and of the Emperor--Affairs in Bohemia--Croats and Hungarians--Jellachich secretly encouraged--Revolt of Hungary--Murder of Lamberg--Despotic Decrees from Vienna--The second Revolution in Vienna--Bombardment of Vienna--Accession of Francis Joseph--Commencement of the War--Defeats of the Austrians--Quarrel between Kossuth and Görgei--Russian Intervention--Collapse of the Insurrection--The Vengeance of Austria--Death of Count Batthyani--Lord Palmerston's Protest--Schwartzenberg's Reply--The Hungarian Refugees--The Revolution in Italy--Revolt of Venice--Milan in Arms--Retreat of Radetzky--Enthusiasm of the Italians--Revolution and counter-Revolution in Sicily and Naples--Difficulties of the Pope--Republic at Rome--The War in Lombardy--Austrian Overtures--Radetzky's Successes--French and British Mediation--Armistice arranged--Resumption of Hostilities--Battle of Novara--Abdication of Charles Albert--Terms of Peace--Surrender of Venice, Bologna, and other Italian Cities--Foreign Intervention in Rome--The French Expedition--Temporary Successes of the Romans--Siege and Fall of Rome--Restoration of the Pope--Parliamentary Debates on Italian Affairs--Lord Palmerston's Defence of his Policy.
The downfall of the French monarchy was the cause, more or less directly, of a series of Continental revolutions, but Spain was less affected by the flight of the monarch who had exerted so baneful an influence upon its policy and its Royal Family than might have been anticipated. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer was then British Minister at Madrid, and Lord Palmerston was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He evidently expected another revolution in Spain, as appears from a remarkable despatch which he addressed to Sir Henry. Its tone was certainly rather dictatorial, and it is not much wonder that it fired the pride of the Spanish Government. The noble lord wrote as follows:--"Sir,--I have to recommend you to advise the Spanish Government to adopt a legal and constitutional system. The recent downfall of the King of the French and of his family, and the expulsion of his Ministers, ought to indicate to the Spanish Court and Government the danger to which they expose themselves in endeavouring to govern a country in a manner opposed to the sentiments and opinions of the nation; and the catastrophe which has just occurred in France is sufficient to show that even a numerous and well-disciplined army offers only an insufficient means of defence to the Crown, when the system followed by it is not in harmony with the general system of the country. The Queen of Spain would act wisely, in the present critical state of affairs, if she were to strengthen her executive Government, by widening the basis on which the administration reposes, and in calling to her councils some of the men in whom the Liberal party places confidence."
The irritation which this note caused was increased by the fact that before it was communicated by Sir Henry Bulwer to the Spanish Minister, the Duke de Sotomayor, a copy of it had got into print in one of the Opposition journals. In replying to it the Duke reminded our representative that when Lord Palmerston sent the despatch in question the Spanish Cortes were sitting, the press was entirely free, and the Government had adopted a line of conduct admitted to be full of kindness and conciliation. He asked, therefore, what motive could induce the British Minister to make himself the interpreter of the feelings and opinions of a foreign and independent nation in regard to its domestic affairs, and the kind of men that should be admitted to its councils. The Spanish Cabinet, which had the full confidence of the Crown and the Cortes and had been acting in conformity with the constitution and the laws, could not see "without the most extreme surprise the extraordinary pretensions of Lord Palmerston, which led him to interfere in this manner with the internal affairs of Spain, and to support himself on inexact and equivocal data, and the qualification and appreciation of which could not, in any case, come within his province." They declined to give any account of their conduct at the instigation of a foreign Power, and declared that all the legal parties in Spain unanimously rejected such a humiliating pretension. And, he triumphantly asked, "What would Lord Palmerston say if the Spanish Government were to interfere in the administrative acts of the British Cabinet, and recommend a modification of the régime of the State; or if it were to advise it to adopt more efficacious or more liberal measures to alleviate the frightful condition of Ireland? What would he say if the representative of her Catholic Majesty in London were to qualify so harshly as your Excellency has done, the exceptional measures of repression which the English Government prepares against the aggression which threatens in the midst of its own States? What would he say if the Spanish Government were to demand, in the name of humanity, more consideration and more justice on behalf of the unfortunate people of Asia? What, in fine, would he say if we were to remind him that the late events on the Continent gave a salutary lesson to all Governments, without excepting Great Britain?"
Further correspondence on the subject did not heal the wound that had been inflicted on the pride of the Spanish Government, but rather inflamed it; and on the 19th of May the British ambassador received a peremptory order to quit the kingdom within forty-eight hours. In dismissing him, the Duke de Sotomayor administered to him a very sharp rebuke. "Your conduct," he said, "in the execution of your important mission has been reprobated by public opinion in England, censured by the British press, and condemned in the British Parliament. Her Catholic Majesty's Government cannot defend it when that of her Britannic Majesty has not done so." Sir Henry Bulwer accordingly departed, Mr. Otway, the principal attaché, remaining to transact any necessary business connected with the embassy. Diplomatic relations were not renewed for some time, and, it must be admitted, that the insult that had been offered to England was in a great measure provoked.
Elsewhere, however, Lord Palmerston abstained from interference, particularly in Germany. The immense phlegmatic mass of the Teutonic population--amounting to 43,000,000, spread over 246,000 square miles, and divided into thirty-five sovereign States--was powerfully moved by the shock of the French Revolution. Those States existed under every form of government, from absolutism to democracy. They were all united into a Bund or Confederation, the object of which was the maintenance of the independence of Germany, and of its several States. The Confederation consisted of a Diet, composed of the plenipotentiaries of all the States. This Diet was no bad emblem of the German mind and character--fruitful in speculation, free in thought, boundless in utterance, but without strength of will or power of action. The freer spirits demanded more liberal forms of government, and on these being refused, the Revolution broke out in Baden, Hesse-Cassel, and Bavaria. In Saxony the monarchy was saved by bending before the storm of revolution: a new Administration was appointed, which at once issued a programme of policy so liberal that the people were satisfied. Even the King of Hanover yielded to the revolutionary pressure, and called to his councils M. Hubé, a Liberal deputy, who had been imprisoned several years for resisting an unconstitutional act of the Crown. On the 20th of March he issued a proclamation, in which he stated that, in compliance with the many representations addressed to him, he had abolished the censorship of the press, granted an amnesty and restoration of rights to all who had been condemned for political offences, and was willing to submit to changes in the Constitution, based upon the responsibility of Ministers to the country. It was not without necessity that such appeals were addressed to the German people. At Frankfort, while the Assembly were occupied in framing a brand-new Constitution, the Republican party in the Chamber appealed out of doors to the passions of the multitude, and excited them to such a pitch that barricades were erected, and the red flag planted in the streets. By midnight the struggle was over, and tranquillity everywhere restored through the exertions of the military.
Prussia, it might be supposed, would escape the invasion of Revolutionary principles in 1848. Great hopes had been excited on the accession of Frederick William IV. to his father's throne. Yet it was evident to close observers of the signs of the times that a spirit of sullen discontent was brooding over the population. There was a feeling that their amiable and accomplished Sovereign had disappointed them. He proved to be excessively sensitive to the slightest infringement of his prerogative, and he abhorred the idea of representative bodies, who might oppose constitutional barriers to his own absolute will. Hence, there grew up sensibly a mutual feeling of distrust between him and the people, and the natural effect on his part was a change from the leniency and liberality of his earlier years to a more austere temper, while a tedious, inactive, and undecided course of policy wore out the patience of those who expected a more constitutional system. Consequently, although the administration of the country was free from any taint of corruption, and was, on the whole, moderate and just, the revolutionary earthquake of 1848 shook the kingdom of Prussia to its very foundations.
After a week's popular tumult in his capital, the King's eyes were opened, and he conceived the idea of putting himself at the head of the popular movement, with a view, no doubt, of directing and controlling it. On the 18th of March he issued an ordinance against convoking a meeting of the Diet which had closed its Session only a fortnight before. In this document he stated that he demanded that Germany should be transformed from a confederation of States to one Federal State, with constitutional representation, a general military system after the Prussian model, a single Federal banner, a common law of settlement for all Germany, and the right of all Germans to change their abode in every part of the Fatherland, with the abolition of all custom-house barriers to commercial intercourse, with uniformity of weights, measures, and coinage, and liberty of the press throughout Germany. Thereby he placed himself at the head of the United Germany movement.
Meanwhile difficulties thickened daily about the king. His Cabinets resigned in rapid succession; there were no less than five of them between March and October; till at last he got a man of nerve for Prime Minister, in the person of Count von Brandenburg. The Ministry addressed a document to the king for the purpose of disclaiming on his behalf the desire to become German Emperor, stating that his assuming the German colours, and putting himself at the head of the movement for German unity, and proposing to summon a meeting of the Sovereigns and States did not justify the interpretation it had received; that it was not his intention to anticipate the unbiassed decision of the sovereign princes and the people of Germany by offering to undertake the temporary direction of German affairs. Thus the king was obliged to back quietly out of a position which he had rashly assumed. The United Diet acted as being itself only a temporary institution, having established the electoral law on the basis of universal suffrage in order to prepare the way for a constituent Assembly, by which means the revolutionary spirit penetrated to the very extremities of Prussian society.
The first Session of the National Assembly was opened by the king in person on the 22nd of May, but it did not conduct itself in a manner to recommend universal suffrage, or to make the friends of orderly government enamoured of revolution. Eventually it was dispersed by force. The new Chambers were opened on the 26th of February by the king in person, Count Brandenburg having led him to the throne. He stated that circumstances having obliged him to dissolve the National Assembly, he had granted to the nation a Constitution which by its provisions fulfilled all his promises made in the month of March. This Constitution was modelled after that of Belgium. The House was to consist of two Chambers, both elective--the former by persons paying 24s. a year of direct taxes, and the latter by a process of double election: that is, the deputies were chosen by delegates, who had themselves been elected by universal suffrage, there being one deputy for every 750 inhabitants. All Prussians were declared equal in the eye of the law, freedom of the press was established, and all exclusive class privileges were abolished. The judges were made independent of the Crown, and no ordinance was to have the force of law without the sanction of the Assembly.
The Frankfort Parliament had spent a year doing nothing but talking. They came, however, to the important resolution of offering the Imperial Crown of Germany to the King of Prussia. As soon as the Prussian Assembly heard this, they adopted an address to the king, earnestly recommending him to accept the proffered dignity. They were deeply interested by seeing the house of Hohenzollern called to the direction of the Fatherland and they hoped he would take into his strong hands the guidance of the destinies of the German nation. On the 3rd of April, 1849, the king received the Frankfort deputation commissioned to present to him the Imperial Crown. He declined the honour unless the several Governments of the German States should approve of the new Imperial Constitution, and concur in the choice of the Assembly. As soon as this reply was made known, the second Prussian Chamber adopted a motion of "urgency," and prepared an address to the king, entreating him to accept the glorious mission of taking into firm hands the guidance of the destiny of regenerated Germany, in order to rescue it from the incalculable dangers that might arise from the conflicting agitations of the time. The address was carried only by a small majority. The king had good reason for refusing the imperial diadem; first, because Austria, Würtemberg, Bavaria, and Hanover decidedly objected; and secondly because the king required changes in the Frankfort Constitution which the Parliament refused to make. These facts enabled his Majesty to discover that the imperial supremacy was "an unreal dignity, and the Constitution only a means gradually, and under legal pretences, to set aside authority, and to introduce the republic." In July the state of siege was terminated in Berlin, and the new elections went in favour of the Government.
Austria, the centre of despotic power on the Continent, the model of absolutism, in which the principle of Divine Right was most deeply rooted, enjoyed peace from 1815, when Europe was tranquillised by the Holy Alliance, down to 1848, when it felt in all its force the tremendous shock of revolution. During that time Prince Metternich ruled the Austrian Empire almost autocratically. This celebrated diplomatist was the greatest champion and most powerful protector in Europe of legitimacy and ultra-conservatism. The news of the French Revolution reached Vienna on the 1st of March; and no censorship of the press, no espionage, no sanitary cordon designed to exclude the plague of revolution, could avert its electric influence, or arrest its momentous effects. On the 13th the people rose, defeated the Imperial troops, forced Metternich to fly, and the emperor to promise constitutional reforms. The emperor and his family, however, soon felt that Vienna was too hot for them, and notwithstanding unlimited concessions, Ferdinand began to fear that his throne might share the fate of Louis Philippe's. Therefore, he secretly quitted the capital with the imperial family, on the evening of the 17th of May, 1848, alleging the state of his health as a reason for his flight, which took his Ministers quite by surprise. He proceeded to Innsbruck in Tyrol.
The Viennese repeatedly sent petitions and deputations imploring him in vain to return; and it was not till the 8th of August that he consented to quit the safe asylum he had chosen. Personally he had nothing to apprehend. He was amiable and kind, and wanted both the ability and energy to make himself feared. It was not at Vienna alone, or in the Austrian province, that the imperial power was paralysed. Every limb of the vast empire quivered in the throes of revolution. Two days after the outbreak in Vienna a great meeting, convoked anonymously, was held at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, which passed resolutions demanding constitutional government; perfect equality in the two races--German and Czech; the union of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, with a common Diet to meet alternately at Prague and Brünn; that judicial proceedings should be public; that there should be a separate and responsible government at Prague, with security for personal liberty; free press, and religious equality. A deputation was sent with these demands to Vienna. They were all granted; Bohemia was recognised as having a distinct nationality; the Prince Francis Joseph, afterwards Emperor of Austria, having been appointed Viceroy. Even so Slav ambition was unsatisfied, and Prague had to be bombarded by the Austrian troops.
Jellacic, the Ban, or Governor, of Croatia, resolved to hold a Slavonic Diet at Agram on the 5th of June; but it was forbidden as illegal by the Austrian Government, and the Ban was summoned to Innsbruck to explain his conduct to the emperor. He disobeyed the summons. The Diet was held, and one of its principal acts was to confer upon Jellacic the title of Ban, which he had held under the now repudiated authority of the emperor. He was consequently denounced as a rebel, and divested of all his titles and offices. The emperor proceeded to restore his authority by force of arms. Carlowitz was bombarded, and converted into a heap of ruins; and other cities surrendered to escape a similar fate. It was not, however, from disloyalty to the imperial throne, but from hostility to the ascendency of Hungary, that the Ban had taken up arms. He therefore went to Innsbruck early in July, and having obtained an interview with the emperor, he declared his loyalty to the Sovereign, and made known the grievances which his nation endured under the Hungarian Government. His demands were security and equality of rights with the Hungarians, both in the Hungarian Diet and in the administration. These conditions were profoundly resented by the Magyars, who, headed by Count Batthyány and Louis Kossuth, had in 1847 extorted a Constitution from the emperor. It was the unfortunate antipathy of races, excited by the Germanic and Pan-Slavonic movements, that enabled the emperor to divide and conquer. The Archduke Stephen in opening the Hungarian Diet indignantly repelled the insinuation that either the king or any of the royal family could give the slightest encouragement to the Ban of Croatia in his hostile proceedings against Hungary. Yet, on the 30th of September following, letters which had been intercepted by the Hungarians were published at Vienna, completely compromising the emperor, and revealing a disgraceful conspiracy which he appears to have entered into with Jellacic, when they met at Innsbruck. Not only were the barbarous Croatians, in their devastating aggression on Hungary, encouraged by the emperor while professing to deplore and condemn them, but the Imperial Government were secretly supplying the Ban with money for carrying on the war. Early in August the Croatian troops laid siege to several of the most important cities in Hungary, and laid waste some of the richest districts in that country. In these circumstances the Diet voted that a deputation of twenty-five members should proceed at once to Vienna, and make an appeal to the National Assembly for aid against the Croats, who were now rapidly overrunning the country under Jellacic, who proclaimed that he was about to rid Hungary "from the yoke of an incapable, odious, and rebel Government." The deputation went to Vienna, and the Assembly, by a majority of 186 to 108, resolved to refuse it a hearing. Deeply mortified at this insult, the Hungarians resolved to break completely with Austria. They invested Kossuth with full powers as Dictator, whereupon the Archduke resigned his vice-royalty on the 25th of September, and retired to Moravia.
In the midst of the excitement at Pesth, Count Lamberg was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial army in Hungary; and a decree appeared at the same time ordering a suspension of hostilities. The Count immediately started for Pesth without a military escort. In the meantime Kossuth had issued a counter-proclamation, in which the appointment of Lamberg was declared to be illegal and null, as it was not countersigned by the Hungarian Minister, according to the Constitution, and all persons obeying him were declared to be guilty of high treason. Unknown assassins, translating this language into action, stabbed the Count to death in the public street (September 28, 1848). The Government of Vienna resolved now to crush the Hungarian insurrection at any cost. A decree was issued by the emperor, who had lately returned to the capital, dissolving the Diet, declaring all its ordinances and acts illegal and void, constituting Jellacic Commander-in-Chief in Hungary and Transylvania, with unlimited powers, and appointing also a new Hungarian Ministry. Kossuth met this by a counter-proclamation, asserting the entire independence of Hungary, and denouncing the Ban and the new Prime Minister as traitors. The power given to Jellacic excited the indignation not only of all Hungarians, but of the citizens of Vienna. They rose the second time, and again forced the Emperor to fly, this time to Olmütz.
But the triumph of the insurgents was brief. From Radetzky, triumphant in Italy, from Windischgrätz at Prague, and from Jellacic in Hungary, came assurances that they were making haste to rally round the emperor's flag, and to cause it to wave in triumph over the vanquished revolution. The last with his Croats moved up by forced marches, availing himself of the Southern Railway, and on the 9th of October he was within two hours' march of Vienna. On the news of the approach of this formidable enemy, consternation seized the Viennese. The reinforcements brought by Windischgrätz swelled the Imperial forces at Vienna to 70,000 men. In the presence of this host, hanging like an immense thunder-cloud charged with death and ruin over the capital, the citizens relied chiefly upon the Hungarian army. But this was held in check by the Croatian army; and Kossuth, deeming it prudent not to enter into the contest, withdrew his troops within the bounds of Hungarian territory. On the 28th, Prince Windischgrätz began to bombard the city, and the troops advanced to the assault. The Hungarians at last advanced in aid of the insurgents, but were beaten off, and on the night of the 31st of October the city surrendered, and was in possession of the Imperial troops.
A new Ministry was appointed with Prince Schwarzenberg at its head, and on the 2nd of December the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated in favour of his nephew, Francis Joseph, whose father Francis Charles, next in succession, renounced his claim to the throne. The retiring emperor stated that the pressure of events, and the immediate want of a comprehensive reformation in the forms of State, convinced him that more youthful powers were necessary to complete the grand work which he had commenced. The real reason was that Lord Palmerston, who in his private correspondence held the Emperor to be "next thing to an idiot," had been constantly advising him to resign his sceptre into firmer hands. The young Emperor, in his proclamation, expressed his conviction of the value of free institutions, and said that he entered with confidence on the path of a prosperous reformation of the monarchy.
Windischgrätz was, meanwhile, diligently preparing for the conquest of Hungary, with an army which numbered 65,000 men, with 260 guns. The full details of the campaign, however, can hardly be said to belong to English history. It is enough to say here that while Görgei more than held him in check at the outset of the campaign, Bem, a Pole, had been conducting the war in the east of Hungary with the most brilliant success. He was there encountered by the Austrian General Puchner, who had been shut up in the town of Hermannstadt with 4,000 men and eighteen guns, and Bem succeeded in completely cutting off his communications with the main Austrian army. In these circumstances, the inhabitants of Hermannstadt and Kronstadt, on the Russian frontier, both menaced with destruction by the hourly increasing forces under Bem's command, earnestly implored the intervention of Russia. Puchner summoned a council of war, which concurred in the prayer for intervention. For this the Czar was prepared, and a formal requisition having been made by Puchner, General Luders, who had received instructions from St. Petersburg, ordered two detachments of his troops to cross the frontier, and occupy the two cities above mentioned. Nevertheless Bem defeated the combined Russian and Austrian army, and shortly afterwards Görgei won an important battle at Isaszeg.
An unhappy difference in principle of the most fundamental character occurred between Kossuth and Görgei at this time, which brought ruin on the Hungarian cause, now on the verge of complete success. Kossuth was for complete independence; his rival for the maintenance of the Hapsburg monarchy. Kossuth, however, had taken his course before consulting Görgei--a fact that embittered the spirit of the latter. The Hungarian Assembly, at his suggestion, had voted the independence of Hungary (April 19, 1849), with the deposition and banishment for ever of the House of Hapsburg Lorraine. After this declaration the Hungarian forces increased rapidly. The highest hopes still pervaded the nation. They gained several advantages over the enemy, having now in the field 150,000 men. Field-Marshal Welden, the Austrian Commander-in-Chief, dispirited and broken down in health, resigned the command, and was succeeded by the infamous Haynau--the "woman-flogger." But the fate of Hungary was decided by Russian intervention actuated by the fear of the Czar lest the movement should spread to Poland. Hungary would have successfully defended itself against Austria; but when the latter's beaten armies were aided by 120,000 Muscovites under Paskievitch, their most famous general, coming fresh into the field, success was no longer possible, and the cause was utterly hopeless. On the 31st of July, 1849, Luders, having effected a junction with Puchner, attacked Bem, and completely defeated him. On the 13th of August Görgei was surrounded at Vilagos, and surrendered to the Russian general Rudiger. The war was over with the capitulation of Comorn.
Paskievitch and the other Russian generals pleaded earnestly with the Emperor of Austria, imploring him to extend his clemency to all the officers and soldiers who had been engaged in the insurrection. But the Emperor was deeply mortified at the humiliation of having to call for Russian aid against his own rebellious subjects; he was vexed at the horror the Hungarians felt about surrendering to his army, as well as jealous of the magnanimity of the Muscovites. He therefore answered the Russian appeal, that he had sacred duties to perform towards his other subjects, which, as well as the general good of his people, he was obliged to consider. The warmest apologists of Austria were forced to condemn the vindictive and cruel policy now adopted. Görgei was pardoned and offered rank in the Russian army, which he declined, and Klapka escaped by the terms of his capitulation; but fourteen other Hungarian officers of the highest rank were cruelly immolated to Austrian vengeance. One lady was ordered to sweep the streets of Temesvar, another was stripped and flogged by the soldiery. Many eminent Magyars were hanged. But of all the atrocities which stained the name of Austria, and brought down upon her the execration of the civilised world, none was so base and infamous as the judicial murder of Count Batthyány. This illustrious man, who had presided over the Hungarian Ministry, was sentenced to be hanged. Having taken leave of his wife, he endeavoured, in the course of the night, to escape the infamy of such a death by opening the veins of his neck with a blunt paper-knife; but the attempt was discovered, and the surgeon stopped the bleeding. Next day the noble patriot procured a less ignominious doom--he was shot (October 6, 1849).
Meanwhile Lord Palmerston had been constant in his appeals to the Austrian Court. When the Hungarian cause became desperate, he had urged Austria to consent to some arrangement which, while maintaining unimpaired the union with the House of Hapsburg, would satisfy the national feelings of the Hungarians. After the surrender of Comorn, he urged the Government to "make a generous use of the successes which it had obtained," and to pay "due regard to the ancient constitutional rights of Hungary." But he received from Prince Schwarzenberg, the Austrian Minister, a scathing reply. "The world," he wrote, "is agitated by a spirit of subversion. England herself is not exempt from this spirit; witness Canada, the island of Cephalonia, and finally unhappy Ireland. But, wherever revolt breaks out within the vast limits of the British Empire, the English Government always knows how to maintain the authority of the law, were it even at the price of torrents of blood. It is not for us to blame her.... We consider it our duty to refrain from expressing our opinion, persuaded as we are that persons are apt to fall into gross errors in making themselves judges of the often so complicated position of foreign affairs."
For this rebuff, to which he did not even venture an answer, Lord Palmerston speedily obtained a dexterous revenge. Kossuth, Bem, Dembinski, and some thousands of the Hungarian leaders, found refuge at Shumla, within the Turkish frontier. A joint and imperative demand was made by Austria and Russia upon the Sultan to deliver them up. This demand was enforced by two envoys from each Court. The pressure was resisted by the Sultan, who refused to yield to a demand which required him to violate his own honour, the national dignity, the dictates of humanity, and the most sacred rights of hospitality. He took this course at the risk of a rupture with Russia, and though he was pledged by treaty to refuse to shelter both Austrian and Russian malcontents. But he was strongly supported by Lord Palmerston and the French Government, who having gained time by the Sultan's despatch of a special mission to St. Petersburg, ordered the British and French fleets to move up to the Dardanelles and Smyrna. Thereupon the autocratic Powers lowered their tone, Russia demanding only the expulsion of the Poles, Austria the internment of some thirty of the refugees. The refugees were removed to Kutaya, in Asia Minor, where they remained till August 22nd, 1851. On the 1st of September in that year Kossuth left Turkey. On his arrival at Marseilles he was refused permission to travel through France; but he was hospitably received at Gibraltar and Lisbon, and on the 28th of October arrived safely in England, where he was welcomed with unbounded enthusiasm. During these negotiations Palmerston had displayed a courage which raised his reputation both at home and abroad.
Italy, of all the countries on the Continent, was most predisposed for revolution in 1848. In fact, the train had long been laid in that country--rather, a number of trains--designed to blow up the despotisms under which the people had been so grievously oppressed. Mazzini, the prince of political conspirators, had been diligently at work, and the Carbonari had been actively engaged in organising their associations, and making preparations for action. The hopes of the Italian people had been greatly excited by the unexpected liberalism of the new Pope, Pius IX., who startled the world by the novelty of his reforming policy. Already partial concessions had been made by the Government, but these proved wholly insufficient. Upon the news of the revolution in Vienna, Venice rose, forced the Governor to release her leaders, Tommaseo and Manin, compelled the Austrians to evacuate the city, and established a Provisional Government. Meanwhile in Milan all was quiet until the news arrived of the flight of Metternich. Then the inhabitants became impatient and clamorous, and assembled in large numbers around the Government House. In order to disperse them, the soldiers fired blank cartridge. At this moment a fiery youth shouted "Viva l'Italia!" and then, apparently, gave the preconcerted signal by firing a pistol at the troops. Instantly the guards were overpowered, the Vice-Governor, O'Donell, was made prisoner, and the success of the movement was quickly signalised by the floating of the tricolour over the palace. That night (March 18) and the next day (Saturday) the people were busily occupied in the erection of barricades. The bells of Milan tolled early on Sunday morning, summoning the population, not to worship, but to battle. An immense tricolour flag floated from the tower of the cathedral, and under that emblem of revolution the unarmed people, men and women, fought fiercely against Marshal Radetzky's Imperial troops, and in spite of his raking cannon, for five days. It was the most terrific scene of street fighting by an enraged people who had broken their chains that had ever occurred in the history of the world. Every stronghold was defended by cannon, and yet one by one they all fell into the hands of the people, till at last the troops remained masters of only the gates of the city. But the walls were scaled by emissaries, who announced to the besieged that Pavia and Brescia were in open insurrection, and that the Archduke, son of the Viceroy, had been taken prisoner. The citizens also communicated with the insurgent population outside by means of small balloons, containing proclamations, requesting them to break down the bridges and destroy the roads, to prevent reinforcements coming to the Austrians. In vain the Austrian cannon thundered from the Tosa and Romagna gates. The undaunted peasantry pressed forward in increasing numbers, and carried the positions. Radetzky was at length compelled to order a retreat. He retired to Crema, within the Quadrilateral fortresses beyond the Mincio. In the meantime a Provisional Government was appointed at Milan, which issued an earnest appeal to all Italians to rise in arms. "We have conquered," they said; "we have compelled the enemy to fly." The proclamation also intimated that Charles Albert of Sardinia was hastening to their assistance, "to secure the fruits of the glorious revolution," to fight the last battle of independence and the Italian Union. On the 25th of March the Piedmontese army was ordered across the Ticino.
The enthusiasm which now pervaded the whole Italian peninsula was unbounded, and broke forth in frantic expressions of joy and triumph. The days of Continental despotism seemed numbered at last. Everything promised well for the cause of Italian freedom and unity. The Italian troops stationed at Bergamo, Cremona, Brescia, and Rovigo joined the insurgents. The Grand Duke of Tuscany set his troops in motion; the Pope blessed the volunteers; even Naples sent a contingent. The Austrian garrisons had to abandon Padua and several other places, while the great fortress of Verona was held with difficulty. In the south of Italy the cause of despotism seemed to be going down rapidly. Deceived by the promises of the King of Naples, the people of Sicily determined to trust him no longer. In January, 1848, an address to the Sicilians was issued from Palermo, which stated that prayers, pacific protestations and demonstrations had all been treated by Ferdinand with contempt. Palermo would receive with transport every Sicilian who should come armed to sustain the common cause, and establish reformed institutions, "in conformity with the progress and will of Italy and of Pius IX." Property was to be respected, robbery was to be punished as high treason, and whoever was in want would be supplied at the common charge. The king's birthday was kept by unfurling the banner of revolution, and calling the citizens to arms. The royal troops retired into the barracks, the forts, and the palace, leaving the streets and squares in possession of the insurgents. The determination of the Sicilians caused the weak and wavering king, Ferdinand II., to yield; and on the 28th of January a royal decree appeared upon the walls of Naples, granting a Constitution for the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Orders were sent the same day to Palermo for the withdrawal of the Neapolitan troops, and an amnesty for political offences soon was published. The troops remained in the garrison, however, and occasional conflicts took place between them and the citizens till the 2nd of May, when an armistice was agreed to, which lasted to the 2nd of August. In the meantime the elections had taken place under the new Constitution, which the king had promulgated; but the Neapolitan Chamber proceeded to modify it, to which the king objected. The people, led on by the National Guard, which had been established, determined to support the Assembly. On the 15th of May, therefore, barricades were erected in the streets, the royal palace was occupied by troops, and artillerymen stood by their guns with lighted matches in their hands. The accidental firing of a gun led to a collision with the Swiss troops; thereupon, a tremendous battle ensued, lasting for eight hours, in which the royal troops were completely victorious.
The Sicilian Chambers met on the 13th of April, and voted the deposition of the royal family of Naples. It was resolved to elect a new king, and to join the league for the independence of Italy. The prince chosen King of Sicily was the Duke of Genoa, second son of Charles Albert, with the title of Albert Amadeus I., King of Sicily. Messina had revolted, and a fleet was sent from Naples to reduce it. A bombardment commenced on September 3rd, and was continued night and day. The insurgents bravely defended themselves till their provisions were exhausted, and they were scarcely able to stand to their guns. Their ammunition had been all consumed. On the other hand, reinforcements by thousands were poured in from a fleet of Neapolitan steamers. The city was now on fire in every quarter. The insurgents were unable to return a single shot. The victorious royalists then began to massacre the inhabitants, who fled in every direction from their murderous assailants, 10,000 of them finding shelter on board French and English vessels while the Bourbon standard floated over the smoking ruins of Messina. The king promptly withdrew his fleet and contingent of 20,000 men from Northern Italy.
The Pope had been labouring to satisfy his subjects by effecting some mitigation of the ecclesiastical system of government. He had promulgated a plan for the organisation of the executive in nine departments; the chiefs of which were to compose the Council of Ministers, to consist partly of laymen, with a cardinal as secretary. The populace, however, became gradually more unmanageable. The cardinals were insulted wherever they appeared in the streets. In the new Administration, Count Rossi--formerly Ambassador from France--occupied the post of Prime Minister. He was the object of popular distrust; and it was supposed that by his temporising policy, and the feint of practical reforms, he was merely trying to gain time, and to delude the people--so, at least, thought the revolutionary party. The 15th of November was the day appointed for the opening of the Chambers, and on that day he was murdered on the steps of the Cancellaria. The mob obtained the upper hand with surprising rapidity. Thenceforth the Pope took no part in public affairs, and remained a prisoner in his palace, though the Government was still carried on in his name. It was not to be expected that the head of the Roman Catholic Church would remain long in that position. But the difficulty was to get out of the city unobserved. However, he escaped in disguise to Gaeta. Garibaldi, who had returned from South America, and had been serving with the army of Charles Albert as a guerilla leader, now appeared on the Roman stage. He had collected together about 3,000 volunteers and refugees, with whom he arrived in Rome at the end of January, 1849. A constituent Assembly was convoked, by which the Pope was dethroned, and a republic proclaimed, at the head of which was a triumvirate composed of Mazzini, Armellini, and Saffi.
Meanwhile these disturbances elsewhere were having a disastrous effect upon the fortunes of the war in Lombardy. At first, indeed, everything pointed to the success of the Italian cause. In May Peschiera fell, and Radetzky, venturing beyond the Quadrilateral, was defeated by Charles Albert at Goito. Already the Italians had rejected the help which Lamartine offered them from France, and Austria in despair appealed to Lord Palmerston for the mediation of Britain. Well would it have been for the Italians if terms could have been arranged. Lord Palmerston, indeed, who had already sent off a private note to the British Minister at Vienna, advising the Austrians to give up their Italian possessions at once, now consented to propose an armistice, while asserting that "things had gone too far to admit of any future connection between Austria and the Italians." But nothing came of the proposal; the Sardinians declined to consent to the armistice, which would only be for the benefit of Radetzky, who was at this moment somewhat hardly pressed; and the maximum of the concessions offered by the Austrian envoy, Baron Hummelauer, was that Lombardy should be freed from its connection with Austria while Venice should be retained. Palmerston considered the surrender insufficient, and the war went on.
Soon it became apparent that the Italians were disunited, monarchists against republicans, and Milanese against Piedmontese. Radetzky, meanwhile, had received ample reinforcements, and in June set himself to reduce Venetia. Fortress after fortress fell, and by the end of the month the province, with the exception of the capital, was once more in Austrian hands. Then the sturdy old warrior crushed the Piedmontese at Custozza and drove them pell-mell across the Mincio, after a battle which lasted three days. Charles Albert, unequal to his position, and worn out by the dissensions of his staff, surrendered Milan without a struggle, and by August, 1848, the fate of Lombardy was sealed. In vain the Lombards appealed to France; the cautious Cavaignac had there replaced the sentimental Lamartine. He offered, indeed, to join with England in mediation, and, with his consent, Lord Palmerston proposed the terms which had been previously offered by Baron Hummelauer. The Austrians, however, declined to negotiate on that basis, and at last on the 25th of September declared that they would consent to no cession of territory. However, there was a cessation of hostilities.
An armistice was arranged with Piedmont, which lasted throughout the autumn and winter. The events at Rome and the flight of the Pope had meanwhile greatly altered the position of the Italian question; and the revolutionary spirit was so strong that Charles Albert found it impossible to resist the demand of his people for a renewal of hostilities. "I must restore war," he said, "or abdicate the crown and see a republic established." He opened his Parliament in person on the 1st of January, 1849, when he delivered a lengthy speech, in which he fully expounded his policy. He invited the nation to co-operate in the great struggle which was impending. In January, the Sardinian Prime Minister, M. Gioberti, addressed a protest to the foreign Powers, in which he stated that though the suspension of hostilities agreed to on the 5th of August, 1848, was productive of fatal political consequences, Sardinia had faithfully observed the agreement, while Austria had disregarded her promises, and exhibited nothing but bad faith. She had pursued an iniquitous system of spoliation. Under the name of extraordinary war contributions her fleet seized Italian vessels navigating the Adriatic. She had put to death persons whose safety was guaranteed by the law of nations. She had violated the most sacred compacts in a manner unparalleled in the annals of civilised nations. Gioberti, however, who was obnoxious to the republican party, was compelled to resign. On the 24th of February the new Ministry issued a programme of its policy, and on the 14th of March M. Ratazzi, Minister of the Interior, announced to the Chamber of Deputies the expiration of the armistice, declaring that no honourable peace with Austria could be expected unless won by arms. War would, of course, have its perils; but between those perils and the shame of an ignominious peace, which would not insure Italian independence, the king's Government could not hesitate. Consequently, he stated that, two days before, a special messenger had been sent to Radetzky, announcing the termination of the armistice. He was perhaps justified by the declaration of the Austrian envoy to London, Count Colloredo, that Austria would not enter into any sort of conference unless she was assured that no cession of territory would be required. The king, meanwhile, had joined the army as a general officer, commanding the brigade in Savoy. The nominal strength of his army at that time was 135,000 men; but the muster-roll on the 20th of March showed only about 84,000 effective troops, including 5,000 cavalry, with 150 guns. Radetzky had under his command an army equal in number, but far superior in equipment and discipline. He at once broke Charles Albert's lines; drove him to retreat upon Novara, where he utterly defeated him. Abdication only remained for the king, and his son, Victor Emmanuel, concluded peace on terms dictated by Austria. The King of Sardinia was to disband ten military corps composed of Hungarians, Poles, and Lombards. Twenty thousand Austrian troops were to occupy the territory between the Po, the Ticino, and the Sesia, and to form one half of the garrison of Alessandria, consisting of 6,000 men, a mixed military committee to provide for the maintenance of the Austrian troops. The Sardinians were to evacuate the duchies of Modena, Piacenza, and Tuscany. The Piedmontese in Venice were to return home, and the Sardinian fleet, with all the steamers, was to quit the Adriatic. In addition to these stipulations, Sardinia was to indemnify Austria for the whole cost of the war. These terms were accepted with great reluctance by the Piedmontese Government, and with even more reluctance by the Genoese, who revolted, and had to be suppressed by the royal troops.
It remained for Austria to put down the revolution in Venice. That city had bravely stood a siege for nearly twelve months, when, after wonderful displays of heroism, its defenders were at last compelled to relinquish the unequal contest. This glorious defence was mainly owing to the extraordinary energy and activity of Manin, who was at the head of the Government. After the capitulation he escaped with General Hesse and other leaders of the Republican party. Manin settled in Paris, where he lived in retirement, supporting himself by giving lessons in Italian. He died there in 1857. The people of Venice honoured his memory by going into mourning on the anniversary of his death, though, by doing so--such is the meanness of malice--even ladies incurred the penalties of fine and imprisonment at the hands of the Austrians.
During the months of April and May Florence and all the other towns of Tuscany recovered from the revolutionary fever, and returned to their allegiance. At Bologna the Austrians met with a determined resistance. The garrison consisted of 3,000 men, including some hundreds of the Swiss Guards, who had abandoned the service of the Pope. They defied the Austrians, stating that the Madonna was all for resistance, and was actively engaged in turning aside the rockets of the enemy. But the heavy artillery did its deadly work notwithstanding; and after a short bombardment the white flag was hung out, the city capitulated, and the garrison laid down their arms, but were permitted to march out unmolested. Ancona also capitulated on the 10th, and Ferrara was occupied without resistance by Count Thurn. In fact, the counter-revolution was successful all over Central Italy, except in the Papal States, which now became the centre of universal interest. The leaders of the revolutionary party, chased from the other cities of Italy, were warmly welcomed at Rome, and gladly entered the ranks of its defenders.
The eyes of the world were now turned upon Rome. It was not to be expected that the Catholic Powers would allow the bark of St. Peter to go down in the flood of revolution without an effort to save it. Spain was the first to interpose for this purpose. Its Government invited France, Austria, Bavaria, Sardinia, Tuscany, and Naples to send plenipotentiaries to consult on the best means of reinstating the Pope. Austria also protested against the new state of things, complaining that the Austrian flag, and the arms of the empire on the palace of its ambassador at Rome, had been insulted and torn down. On the 8th of February a body of Austrian troops, under General Haynau, entered Ferrara, to avenge the death of three Austrian soldiers, and an insult offered to an Austrian consul. He required that the latter should be indemnified, that the Papal colours should be again displayed, that the murderers of the soldiers should be given up, and that the city should support 10,000 Austrian troops. This was a state of things not to be endured by the French Republic, and its Government determined to interpose and overreach Austria, for the purpose of re-establishing French ascendency at Rome, even though based upon the ruins of a sister republic. The French Republicans, it is well known, cared very little for the Pope, but they were ready to make use of him to gratify their own national ambition. Their attack on the Roman Republic would therefore be fittingly described by the language which Pius IX. applied to that republic itself, as "hypocritical felony."
It was agreed between the Catholic Powers that the Papal territory should be invaded at the same time by Neapolitan, Austrian, and French troops. France was determined to have the chief part, and, if possible, all the glory of the enterprise. Odillon Barrot, President of the Council, explained the objects of the French expedition, on the 16th of April. The Minister demanded extraordinary credit for the expenses of the expedition. It was promptly voted without any opposition, save some murmurs from the Left. An expedition was immediately organised, and an army, 6,000 strong, was embarked at Marseilles, with astounding celerity, on the 22nd of April, 1849, under the command of General Oudinot. But the Romans had no confidence in their professed protectors. On the contrary, they set about making all possible preparations for the defence of the city. In consequence of the hints he had got, however, Oudinot sent forward a reconnoitring party, which was saluted with a fire of artillery, certainly not meant as a feu de joie. The French general then ordered an attack upon two gates, the Portese and San Pancrazio, both on the right bank of the Tiber. The Romans repelled them at both points with a discharge of grape-shot, and they were compelled to retire with heavy loss; General Garibaldi, with his Lombard legion, having surrounded a retreating column, and made 200 prisoners. After this mortifying repulse, Oudinot retired to Palo, near Civita Vecchia, to await reinforcements, in order to enable him to vindicate the honour of the French arms, which could now be done only by the capture of Rome; and the French Government were probably not sorry to have this pretext for their unwarrantable course of aggression. In the meantime reinforcements were rapidly sent from Toulon. During this period a Neapolitan army, 16,000 strong, commanded by the king in person, had entered the States of the Church. Garibaldi, disregarding the orders of Roselli, went forth to meet the invaders, fell upon them with the suddenness of a thunderbolt, won a victory over them, and compelled them to retreat. All negotiations having failed, the French general commenced a regular siege. The city was cannonaded from the 11th to the 21st of June, when Garibaldi assured the Triumvirs that the defence was no longer possible. So Pius IX. was restored by foreign bayonets. Shortly after, the Pope issued a decree, proprio motu, containing a programme of "liberal institutions," so far as they were compatible with an absolute authority, enjoyed in virtue of Divine Right. The people were up for a brief period; they were now down, and would be kept down, if possible. They had presumed to think that they were the source of political power; that they could give their representatives the right of making laws and dethroning kings; but they must now learn that their business was to obey, and submit to anything which their superiors might think proper, of their own will and pleasure, to ordain.
The affairs of Italy were the subject of warm debates in the British Parliament in the Session of 1849. Lord Palmerston was assailed by the Conservatives for having countenanced the Sicilian insurrection, and for having sent Lord Minto to Italy on a mission of conciliation, which they considered an unwarrantable meddling in the affairs of foreign countries. His assailants, he said, belonged to a school which maintained "the right divine to govern wrong," and they therefore stigmatised the Sicilians as rebels. But the Sicilians had had a Constitution for centuries, and their ancient and indisputable rights were confirmed in 1812. As to Lord Minto, he interfered at the instance of the King of Naples himself. The Treaty of Vienna recognised the title of the king as King of the Two Sicilies; "but the recognition of a title was one thing, the overturning of a Constitution another."
In the House of Lords the Earl of Aberdeen, Foreign Secretary in the late Government, strongly censured our foreign policy with regard to Northern Italy. He spoke with delight of the brilliant victories and rare generosity of Radetzky, and warmly eulogised the administration of the Austrian dominions in Italy. Lord Brougham spoke strongly on the same side with Lord Aberdeen, indignantly condemning the Italian policy of the Government. On the 20th of July he moved a set of resolutions on the subject, in which he also praised Austria, as being just and moderate, while Sardinia was aggressive and faithless. He spoke of "the terrible tyranny established by those firebrands of revolution, Mazzini and Garibaldi." He considered that an eternal debt of gratitude was due to General Oudinot, for conducting the siege in such a manner as to avoid any waste of blood, and to preserve the treasures of art of which that city was the repository. With reference to Southern Italy he protested against the conduct, not only of our regular diplomatic body, but of "that mongrel sort of monster--half nautical, half political--diplomatic vice-admirals, speculative ship captains, observers of rebellions, and sympathisers therewith;" the officers alluded to being Lord Napier, Sir William Parker, and Captain Codrington. The Earl of Carlisle, in reply to Lord Brougham, ably defended the conduct of our diplomatists and officers throughout the Sicilian contest, and repelled the sarcasms with which they were assailed. He vindicated the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, and called upon the House to reject "the illogical and unmeaning" resolutions of Lord Brougham. Lord Minto, also, at length defended the course he had taken. The Marquis of Lansdowne, while willing to rest the defence of the Government upon the able speech of Lord Carlisle, made some remarks in answer to the charge of partiality brought by the Earl of Aberdeen against Lord Minto, after which the House divided, when the resolutions of Lord Brougham were rejected by a majority of 12.
In the House of Commons, on the 21st of July, Mr. Bernal Osborne raised a discussion on the affairs of Hungary, and was followed by Mr. Roebuck, Colonel Thompson, and Lord Claud Hamilton: the latter denounced the conduct of Kossuth as "infamous." This debate is memorable chiefly on account of Lord Palmerston's great speech on the causes of the revolutions of 1848. In reply to the eulogiums upon the Austrian Government, the noble lord stated that Austria, in the opinion of a great part of the Continent, had been identified with obstruction to progress, resistance to improvement, political and social; and it was in that capacity she won the affections of the Tories. He regarded the conduct of such men as an example of "antiquated imbecility." He firmly believed that in the war between Austria and Hungary there were enlisted on the side of Hungary the hearts and souls of the whole people of that country. He took the question then being fought for on the plains of Hungary to be this, whether that country should maintain its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom with a constitution of its own, or be incorporated in the empire as an Austrian province. If Hungary succeeded, Austria would cease to be a first-rate European power. If Hungary were entirely crushed, Austria in that battle would have crushed her own right arm. Every field that was laid waste was an Austrian resource destroyed. Every Hungarian that perished upon the field was an Austrian soldier deducted from the defensive forces of the empire. "It is quite true," continued the noble lord, "that it may be said, 'Your opinions are but opinions; and you express them against our opinions, who have at our command large armies to back them--what are opinions against armies?' Sir, my answer is, opinions are stronger than armies. I say, then, that it is our duty not to remain passive spectators of events that in their immediate consequences affect other countries, but in their remote and certain consequences are sure to come back with disastrous effect upon ourselves; that so far as the courtesies of international intercourse will permit us to do so, it is our duty--especially when our opinion is asked, as it has been on many occasions on which we have been blamed for giving it--to state our opinions, founded on the experience of this country--an experience that might be, and ought to have been, an example to less fortunate countries. We are not entitled to interpose in any manner that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities. All we can justly do is to take advantage of any opportunities that may present themselves, in which the counsels of friendship and peace may be offered to the contending parties.... Sir, to suppose that any Government of England can wish to excite revolutionary movements in any part of the world--to suppose that England can have any other wish or desire than to confirm and maintain peace between nations, and tranquillity and harmony between Governments and subjects--shows really a degree of ignorance and folly which I never supposed any public man could have been guilty of--which may do very well for a newspaper article, but which it astonishes me to find is made the subject of a speech in Parliament." The noble lord sat down amidst much cheering. Lord Dudley Stuart said that he looked upon the speech which had been delivered by Mr. Osborne, followed up as it had been by Mr. Roebuck and Lord Palmerston, as one of the most important events of the Session.
XXI. REIGN OF VICTORIA (continued)
Our Relations with Scinde--Occupation of the Country--Napier in Scinde--Ellenborough's Instructions--A New Treaty--Capture of Emaum-Ghur--The Treaty signed--Attack on the Residency--Battle of Meeanee--Defeat of Shere Mahommed--Subjugation of Scinde--Napier's Government of the Province--Position of the Sikhs--Disorders in Gwalior--Battle of Maharajpore--Settlement of Gwalior--Recall of Lord Ellenborough--Sir Henry Hardinge--Power of the Sikhs--Disorders on the Death of Runjeet Singh--The Sikhs cross the Sutlej--Battle of Moodkee--Battle of Ferozeshah--The Victory won--Battle of Aliwal--Battle of Sobraon--Terms of Peace--Administration of the Lawrences--Murder of Vans Agnew and Anderson--Renewal of the War--Battles of Chillianwallah and of Goojerat--Capture of Mooltan--Annexation of the Punjab.
The conclusion of the Afghan war did not end the difficulties with the countries bordering on India. In the treaty with the Ameers of Scinde it was provided that Britain should have liberty to navigate the Indus for mercantile purposes, but that she should not bring into it any armed vessels or munitions of war, and that no British merchant should, on any account, settle in the country. Permission, however, was given to a British agent to reside at Kurrachee, and in 1836, when the country was threatened by Runjeet Singh, the British Government took advantage of the occasion to secure a footing in the country, one of the most fertile in the East. Kurrachee was only at the mouth of the river, but in 1838 a great step in advance was gained by getting a British agent to reside at Hyderabad, the capital, in order that he might be at hand to negotiate with Runjeet Singh. But the agent undertook to negotiate without consulting the Ameers, and awarded the payment of a large sum claimed by the Prince whom they dreaded, for which sum they produced a full discharge. This discharge was ignored by the British Government in India, acting in the interests of Shah Sujah, its royal protégé in Afghanistan. This was not all. A British army of 10,000 men, under Sir John Keane, marched, without permission, through Scinde, in order to support the same Prince against his competitors. Bolder encroachments were now made. The British Government determined on establishing a military force at Yatah, contrary to the wishes of the people, and compelled the Ameers to contribute to its support, in consideration of the advantages which it was alleged it would confer upon them. When the draft of a treaty to this effect was presented to the Ameers, one of them took the former treaties out of a box, and said, "What is to become of all these? Since the day that Scinde has been covenanted with the English there has been always something new. Your Government is never satisfied. We are anxious for your friendship; but we cannot be continually persecuted. We have given you and your troops a passage through our territories, and now you wish to remain." But remonstrance was in vain. The treaty must be signed; and the great Christian Power, which had its headquarters at Calcutta, insisted that the British force might be located anywhere in the country west of the Indus, and that the Ameers must pay for its support three lacs of rupees.
Pottinger was the first political agent at Hyderabad. He was succeeded by Major Outram, who could detect no hostility or treacherous purpose in the rulers of the country, though he admitted that during the reverses in Afghanistan they had intrigued freely with the enemy. But this favourable account did not suit the designs of Lord Ellenborough. He had issued a proclamation as hollow as it was high-sounding, condemning the "political system" that had led to the Afghan war. But he immediately began to act upon that system in Scinde, though with the evacuation of Afghanistan the solitary reason for the occupation had disappeared. In order to accomplish his objects more effectually, he superseded Outram, and sent Sir Charles Napier, with full civil and military authority, to get possession of the country any way; by fair means if possible, but if not, he was at all events to get possession. It was to be his first "political duty" to hear what Major Outram and the other political agents had to allege against the Ameers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore, tending to prove hostile designs against the British Government, or to act hostilely against the British army. Lord Ellenborough added, "that they may have had such hostile feelings there can be no doubt. It would be impossible to suppose that they could entertain friendly feelings; but we should not be justified in inflicting punishment upon these thoughts. Should any Ameer or chief with whom we have a treaty of friendship and alliance have evinced hostile designs against us during the late events, which may have induced them to doubt the continuance of our power, it is the present intention of the Governor-General to inflict upon the treachery of such ally or friend so signal a punishment as shall effectually deter others from similar conduct. But the Governor-General would not proceed in this course without the most ample and convincing evidence of the guilt of the person accused." Certain letters were speedily produced by Sir Charles Napier (which, no doubt, he considered authentic, though never proved to be so, and which might very easily have been fabricated by interested parties), showing a design among the chiefs to unite for the defence of their country. On the pretence of danger suggested by those documents, a new treaty was tendered to the Ameers for signature on the 6th of December, 1842, which required that around certain central positions the British Government should have portions of territory assigned to it, and another portion should be given to the Khan of Bhawlpore as a reward for his fidelity; that the Ameers were to supply fuel for the steamers navigating the Indus, and that failing to do so, the servants of the Company were to fell what wood they required within a hundred yards of the river on either side, and that the East India Company should coin money for Scinde, with the head of the Queen of Great Britain stamped on one side. This was a virtual assertion of sovereign rights; and if the people had any spirit at all, any patriotism, the casus belli so much desired was now forced upon them. The Ameers were so circumstanced that they pretended to accept the treaty; but it mattered little to Sir Charles Napier whether it was signed or not; for long before it was ratified he issued a proclamation in which he said, "The Governor-General of India has ordered me to take possession of the districts of Ledzeel Kote and of Banghara, and to reannex the said districts to the territory of his Highness the Nawab of Bhawlpore, to whom they will immediately be made over." This was done, and Sir Charles Napier forthwith marched into the country without any declaration of war; having by this time succeeded in blackening the character of the people, according to the custom of invaders, in order to make the seizure and confiscation of their country seem to be an act of righteous retribution. The following despatch from Sir Charles Napier would be worthy of a Norman invader of the twelfth century:--"I had discovered long ago that the Ameers put implicit faith in their deserts, and feel confident that we can never reach them there. Therefore, when negotiations and delays, and lying and intrigues of all kinds fail, they can at last declare their entire obedience, innocence, and humility, and retire beyond our reach to their deserts, and from thence launch their wild bands against us, so as to cut off all our communications and render Scinde more hot than Nature has already done. So circumstanced, and after drawing all I could from Ali Moorad, whom I saw last night at Khyrpore, I made up my mind that, although war was not declared, nor is it necessary to declare it, I would at once march upon Emaum-Ghur, and prove to the whole Talpoor family, both of Khyrpore and Hyderabad, that neither their deserts nor their negotiations could protect them from the British troops. While they imagine they can fly with security they never will."
The forces on which the Ameers relied numbered about 20,000 men, who had retired to a great stronghold, eight days' journey distant, in the dreary desert of Beloochistan. Thither, notwithstanding the difficulties of the march, Sir Charles Napier boldly determined to pursue them. The wells being all dry, water for the troops and their horses had to be carried on camels' backs. With 360 men of the Queen's Regiment, mounted on camels, and 200 irregular cavalry, followed by ten camels bearing provisions, and eighty loaded with water, the adventurous general directed his perilous course into the desert, commencing his march on the 5th of January, 1843. After three or four days' march over burning sands, the camels became too weak to draw the howitzers. Their place was supplied, or their failing strength aided, by the hardy and indomitable Irishmen who formed part of the expedition. "At length, on the evening of the 14th, the square tower of Emaum-Ghur was discerned, rising on the distant horizon in solitary grandeur, in that profound solitude." They found the place deserted; Mahommed Khan, the governor, having retired with his treasure the day before, leaving an immense quantity of ammunition behind. With this the fortress was blown up. No fewer than twenty-four mines were run under it in different parts. As Major Warburton, the engineer, was applying his fusee to the last one, his assistant cried, "The other mines are going to burst." "That may be," he replied; "but this must burst also." He then set fire to the fusee with his own hand, and quietly walked away. In a few minutes the stronghold of the Beloochees was blown into fragments. They had another, of equal strength, farther on in the desert; but to attack that with the forces now at his command was an impossibility; and so Sir Charles Napier returned, and rejoined his main army near Hyderabad, having sent Outram to negotiate the details of the treaty.
On the 12th of February, 1843, Outram persuaded the Ameers, who were in deadly fear of Napier, to sign the treaty. But the negotiator, who continued to place implicit confidence in the pacific professions of the Ameers--they being anxious to gain time till the hot weather should come, and give them an advantage against their enemies--was convinced of his mistake by a treacherous attack made on the British residency; the Ameers boasting that "every man, woman, and child belonging to the British army in Scinde should be collected on the field of battle, and have their throats cut, except the general, who should be led, chained, with a ring in his nose to the durbar." Outram's garrison consisted only of 100 soldiers, with forty rounds of ammunition each, with which he had to defend himself against 8,000 men with six guns. The British fired with effect from behind a wall till their ammunition was exhausted, when they slowly retired till they got safe on board the British steamers, protected by their guns, which swept the flank of the enemy. The war had now come in earnest, and so Sir Charles Napier resolved to show the Ameers what British troops could do. The odds were greatly against him, for he had but 8,600 men, of whom only 400 were Europeans, with which he was to engage an army 22,000 strong, with 5,000 horse, and fifteen guns, all well posted in a strong position at Meeanee. It required marvellous hardihood in the veteran warrior of the Peninsula to enter upon such an unequal contest. But it was the first time that the ambition of his life was realised--in being placed in a position of supreme command--and he longed to show the world how worthily he could have filled it long ago. The officers who fought under him in that memorable battle deserve to be mentioned. Major Lloyd commanded the Artillery, Captain Henderson the Sappers and Miners; next to them stood the 22nd, commanded by Colonel Pennefather; Colonel Teesdale led the 25th Sepoys; Colonel Read the 12th Native Infantry; Major Clibborne the Bengal Engineers; Colonel Pattle the 9th Bengal Horse; and Captain Tait the Poonah Horse. The plain between the two armies was about 1,000 yards in breadth. The space was rapidly passed over. Napier's men rushed forward, and crossing the bed of a river which intervened, they ran up the slope, while the artillery of the Beloochees fired over their heads. Reaching the summit, they beheld, for the first time, the camp of the enemy, which was carried by the 22nd. The Native Infantry also behaved well, and while the little army was doing terrible execution upon the enemy, the artillery swept their ranks with shot and shell. Nevertheless, they fought bravely, and held their ground for three hours in a hand to hand encounter with their assailants. The chasms which were repeatedly made by the guns in the living mass were quickly filled up by those behind rushing forward to the conflict. The pressure of numbers bearing down the hill seemed more than once on the point of overwhelming the British, and obliterating their "thin red lines." Nearly all the officers were killed or wounded. Everything now depended upon the cavalry, which were commanded by Colonel Pattle, who was ordered to charge instantly. They went at full gallop through the jungle: fifty were thrown off their horses, but the rest pressed on, ascended the ridge of the hill, dashed into the thick of the enemy's ranks, fiercely cutting their way with their swords right and left, trampling down the men under their horses' feet, never ceasing till they had traversed the whole camp. The confusion and wavering thus occasioned gave courage to the infantry. The Irish and the Sepoys, raising the cry of victory, pressed on with fury, drove the enemy back down the hill, and compelled them to retreat, abandoning their guns, their ammunition, and their baggage, leaving their dead on the field, and marking their course by a long train of killed and wounded. Their loss was estimated at 5,000--1,000 bodies being found in the bed of the river. The British loss was almost incredibly small: six officers and fifty-four privates killed, fourteen officers and 109 men wounded.
Next day the victorious general sent a message to Hyderabad, threatening to storm the city if it was not immediately surrendered. The walls were very strong, and might have been defended successfully; but the Ameers had lost heart, and six of them came out to the British camp, and laid their swords at the feet of the conqueror. But though the city was in his possession, conquest seemed only to increase his difficulties. He had to keep possession of a large hostile city, and to defend his own entrenched camp against 20,000 Beloochees, who were still in the field under Shere Mahommed, and to accomplish all this he had but 2,000 effective men under his command. Reinforcements, however, were quickly dispatched by Lord Ellenborough. They arrived safely and gave him an army of 5,000 veteran troops. In the meantime, Shere Mahommed had come within five miles of the British camp, and sent Sir Charles Napier a summons to surrender; he had an army of 20,000 men in an extremely strong position. Nothing daunted, Sir Charles Napier attacked the enemy. His plan of action was altered, on account of an unauthorised attack made by Colonel Stark with his cavalry, in consequence of the giving way of the centre before an onset of the Irish regiment. The cavalry charge, the result of a sudden inspiration, was brilliantly successful. The cavalry swept everything before them, and carried confusion and dismay into the rear of the enemy's centre. The British general instantly took advantage of this success, and, changing his plan, he led on the Irish infantry to storm the first nullah. After a fierce resistance, the scarp was mounted, and Lieutenant Coote fell wounded while in the act of waving the Beloochee standard in triumph on the summit. The Sepoys were equally successful in storming the second nullah, which was bravely defended, but ultimately carried with great loss to the enemy, who were routed in all directions, their retreating ranks being mowed down by the artillery, and pursued by the cavalry for a distance of several miles. The loss of the British in this great victory was only 270 men. Although the heat was then 110° in the shade, Sir Charles Napier rapidly pursued the enemy, so that his cavalry arrived at Meerpoor, a distance of forty miles, before Shere Mahommed could reach it. It was his capital--strongly fortified, filled with stores of all kinds--and it fell without resistance into the hands of the British general. Shere Mahommed had retreated to the stronghold of Omerkote, in the desert. Thither he was pursued by Captain Whitlie, at the head of the Light Horse. The Ameer fled with some horsemen into the desert. The garrison that remained, after a few shots, pulled down their colours, and, on the 4th of April, the British standard waved on the towers of Omerkote.
The remnant of the Beloochee forces were hunted for some weeks by flying columns. At length, Captain Roberts, at the head of one of them, captured the brother of Shere Mahommed and 1,000 of his followers. Another column was attacked by the Ameer himself; but his followers, after the first round of fire, dispersed. The whole military force of the Ameers was now annihilated, and the conquest of Scinde was complete. "I think," said Sir Charles Napier, "I may venture to say that Scinde is now subdued. The Scindian population everywhere express their satisfaction at the change of masters." No doubt the change from Mohammedan to British rule was an advantage to the poor Hindoos; and if it be allowable to do evil that good may come, Lord Ellenborough was justified in the means he had adopted for supplanting the Ameers.
The British public, thrilled by the news of his heroic achievements, fully sympathised with the victorious general. The thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to him and the army, and the Duke of Wellington expressed in the House of Lords the highest admiration of his generalship. Sir Charles Napier became the civil governor of the province which his sword had won for his Sovereign; and he showed by the excellence of his administration that his capacity as a statesman was equal to his genius as a general. He encouraged trade; he carried on extensive public works; he erected a pier at Kurrachee, extending two miles into the water, and forming a secure harbour; he organised a most efficient police; he raised a revenue sufficient to pay the whole expenses of the administration, giving a surplus of £90,000, which, added to the prize-money, brought half a million sterling into the Company's treasury in one year. The cultivators of the soil were protected in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry; artisans, no longer liable to be mutilated for demanding their wages, came back from the countries to which they had fled; beautiful girls were no longer torn from their families to fill the zenanas of Mohammedan lords, or to be sold into slavery. The Hindoo merchant and the Parsee trader pursued their business with confidence, and commerce added to the wealth of the new province. The effect of these reforms was conspicuous in the loyalty of the Scindians during the revolt of 1857.
No sooner was the conquest of Scinde completed than the Governor-General began to discern another cloud looming in the distance. In the Punjab, Runjeet Singh had organised a regular and well-disciplined army of 73,000 men. He died in 1839. His heir died the next year, it was supposed of poison. The next heir was killed a few days afterwards by accident. The third, who succeeded, was an effeminate prince, who left the government in the hands of his Minister, a wicked man, who, conspiring with others, caused to be murdered several members of the Royal Family. They were, in their turn, punished by having their heads cut off, and the only surviving son of Runjeet Singh, a boy only ten years of age, was proclaimed Maharajah. This was the work of the Sikh army, now virtually masters of the country. Lord Ellenborough and his Council suspected that this army, still 40,000 strong, and very brave, was unfriendly to the British, and might some day give trouble to the Indian Government--possibly invade its territories and cut off its communications. In order to guard against such contingencies, it was necessary, they thought, to take possession of Gwalior, a powerful Mahratta State in Central India. This country lay on the flank of our line of communications with Allahabad, Benares, and Calcutta. In this country also there were, fortunately for the British, a disputed succession, royal murders, civil dissensions, and military disorganisation. A boy, adopted by the queen, was proclaimed Sovereign by the chiefs, with a regency, over which the British Government extended its protecting wing. The young Sovereign died in 1843, leaving no child; but his widow, then thirteen years of age, adopted a boy of eight, who became king under another regency. The regent Nana Sahib was deposed, notwithstanding the support of the British Government. This was an offence which Lord Ellenborough would not allow to go unpunished; and besides, the disorganised army of Gwalior was said to be committing depredations along the British frontier. Here, then, in the estimation of the Governor-General, was a clear case for military intervention, to put down disorder, and secure a good position for future defence against the possible aggressions of the warlike Sikhs of the Punjab. Lord Ellenborough explained his policy to the Company, stating that the Indian Government could not descend from its high position as the paramount authority in India.
His arguments seemed to satisfy the Home Government, and a large force was sent from Agra to Gwalior, under Sir Hugh Gough, then Commander-in-Chief of India, as successor of Sir Jasper Nicholls. So much interest did Lord Ellenborough feel in this invading expedition that it was accompanied by him in person. The Mahrattas of course prepared to defend themselves. They were met at Maharajpore. After a severe struggle, in which the enemy were bayoneted at their guns, and a series of bloody conflicts had taken place in the streets, the British were victorious, and got possession of twenty-eight guns, with the key of the enemy's position. The battle, however, was not over when this vantage ground was gained; for though the enemy had fallen back, they were prepared for a desperate resistance in other less favourable positions. A general attack was then ordered. Brigadier Scott, at the head of the 10th Light Horse, and Captain Grant, with his Horse Artillery, had scattered their cavalry which covered the extreme right. General Vaillant then led on the 40th Queen's, and successively gained three strong positions, which the enemy defended with the utmost firmness and courage, not quitting their guns till they were cut down by their fierce assailants. In this attack they lost six regimental standards. The 2nd Native Infantry also acted bravely on this occasion. The 39th Queen's also made an impetuous attack, and the result was that the enemy were driven from all their entrenchments in utter confusion, with the loss of nine standards and sixty-four guns. Seven of our officers were killed on the spot or wounded mortally. Our total loss was 106 killed, and 684 wounded. The Commander-in-Chief wrote in his despatch:--"I regret to say that our loss has been very severe--infinitely beyond what I calculated upon. Indeed, I did not do justice to the gallantry of my opponents." It was a loss certainly almost unprecedented in Indian warfare, and it is remarkable that this misfortune repeatedly occurred while Lord Gough was Commander-in-Chief. Lord Ellenborough, with his suite, was rash enough to be under fire during part of the engagement. The loss of the enemy was estimated at 3,000. Major-General Gray, with only 2,000 men, on the same day won a victory over 12,000 of the Mahrattas, in the fortified village of Mangor, about twelve miles from Gwalior. Here, too, the loss of the victors was very heavy, more than a tenth of the little army having fallen.
After these victories an armistice was agreed upon, as a preliminary to negotiations. The result was submission on the part of the Mahrattas, and the occupation of Gwalior by British troops. The Governor-General then imposed the terms of peace, which did not include the seizure of any territory, but consisted solely in the usurpation of sovereignty. The Mahrattas were compelled to disband their army and abolish their government. The supreme authority was lodged in a Council of men devoted to the East India Company, whose President was to receive his instructions from the British Resident. A new army was organised as a contingent, which was to be at the service of the Indian Government when required. Until the majority of the reigning Prince, the administrators of the Government were to act on the British Resident's advice, not only generally or in important points, but in all matters wherein such advice should be offered.
The career of Lord Ellenborough as Governor-General of India was one of the most remarkable in its annals. He went out for the purpose of inaugurating a policy of peace, conciliation, and non-intervention. His course from that day was one of constant aggression and war. The conquests of Scinde and Gwalior were planned and prepared for deliberately and in good time; and when the Governments to be subdued were goaded into hostilities, he was ready to pounce upon them with overwhelming force. His friends defended this policy on the ground that, though it was aggressive it was self-defensive; to guard against a possible, but very remote contingency--an invasion of the Sikhs to drive the British out of India. The Governor-General, however, had become entirely too warlike; and since he had smelt powder and tasted blood at Gwalior, the Board of Control, who had already formally censured his Scinde policy, became so alarmed at his martial propensities that they determined on his immediate recall, and sent out Sir Henry Hardinge to rule in his stead.
Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Governor-General of India, whom Sir Robert Peel recommended to the Board of Control, had been in the army since he was thirteen years of age. He had followed Wellington through all the battles of the Peninsular war, and had won all the military glory that could be desired, so that he was not likely to follow the example of Lord Ellenborough in opening fresh fields for the gathering of laurels in India. The Chairman of the East India Company, giving him instructions on his departure, cautioned him against following the example of Lord Ellenborough in appointing military officers as administrators in preference to the civil servants of the Crown. He reminded him that the members of the Civil Service were educated with a special view to the important duties of civil administration, upon the upright and intelligent performance of which so much of the happiness of the people depended. He expressed a hope that he would appreciate justly the eminent qualities of the civil servants of India; and that he would act towards the Sepoys with every degree of consideration and indulgence, compatible with the maintenance of order and obedience. He urged that his policy should be essentially pacific, and should tend to the development of the internal resources of the country, while endeavouring to improve the condition of the finances.
Sir Henry arrived at Calcutta in September, 1844. He found that tranquillity prevailed throughout the empire, and applied his energies to the formation of railways. But he had soon to encounter the exigencies of war. Notwithstanding the stringent injunctions he had received to cultivate the most amicable spirit with the Sikhs, he was obliged to tax the resources of the empire in maintaining with them one of the most desperate conflicts recorded in Indian history. The Sikhs were a warlike race, distinguished not less by fanaticism than bravery. They were bound together and inspired by the most powerful religious convictions--a tall, muscular, and athletic race of men, full of patriotic ardour, elevated by an ancient faith. They were confederated in various provinces, to the number of about 7,000,000. They were accustomed to ride upon fleet horses, and had organised an effective cavalry, while their infantry had been disciplined by French and Italian officers. They could, if necessary, bring into the field 260,000 fighting men; but their regular army now consisted of 73,000 men with 200 pieces of artillery. Settled chiefly in the Punjab, a country of extraordinary fertility, they also abounded in Mooltan, Afghanistan, and Cashmere, celebrated from the most ancient times as the favoured abode of manufacturing industry, social order, wealth, and happiness. This warlike race had been governed by Runjeet Singh, a chief of extraordinary ability, energy, and determination. He had but one eye; he was deeply marked with the small-pox; his aspect was repulsive, and his manner rude; yet was he looked up to by this great people with respectful homage, and obeyed with implicit trust. While he lived he maintained an alliance with the British Government; but after his death the Sikhs were divided into two factions--one headed by Gholab Singh, and professing to be favourable to the British; the other by the Ranee, who yielded to the clamours of the unpaid soldiers to be led against the English. Accordingly the military forces of the Sikhs were ordered to march down to the Sutlej. But their intended attack was prevented by the astrologers, who declared that the auspicious day for marching had not yet arrived. Sir Henry Hardinge, however, in common with the most experienced officers of the Indian Government, did not think the Sikh army would cross the Sutlej with its infantry and artillery, or that they would have recourse to offensive operations on a large scale. Up to this period it had committed no act of aggression. In 1843 and 1844 it had moved down the river from Lahore, and after remaining there encamped a few weeks, had returned to the capital. These reasons, and, above all, his extreme anxiety to avoid hostilities, induced him not to make any hasty movement with his army, which, when the two armies came into each other's presence, might bring about a collision. This moderation, however, was misconstrued by the Sikhs. They supposed that the British were afraid to encounter them. Accordingly, on the night of the 9th of December, 1845, a portion of the Sikh army appeared within three miles of the Sutlej; and information was received by our garrison at Ferozepore that preparations were making on a large scale for the movement of infantry, artillery, and stores from the Sikh capital, Lahore. On the 12th of December the Sikh army crossed the Sutlej, and concentrated in great force on the British side of the river. The British reserves, meanwhile, were advancing to meet this formidable enemy; but they were still far off, and Ferozepore had but a garrison of 9,500 men to withstand an army of 60,000 with 100 guns! Sir Charles Napier wrote in his "Memoirs" that he did not think history would let off Sir Henry Hardinge for allowing such an army to cross the river unmolested, and entrench itself on the other side. It is quite certain that Sir Charles would not have given them such an advantage. But their generals did not know how to use it. Sir Henry Hardinge had hastened in person to assist General Gough in conducting the operations against the enemy, and both putting themselves at the head of the advanced guard, they were followed by the reserves, marching at the rate of twenty-six miles a day, full of excitement at the prospect of more fighting.
At length the Sikhs moved on to meet the British on the 18th of December. When they came in sight, the British bugles sounded, and the wearied soldiers, who had been lying on the ground, started up and stood to their arms. The Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief rode from regiment to regiment, cheering the spirits of their men, and rousing them to the needful pitch of valour by encouraging exhortations. About two miles from Moodkee, Gough, at the head of the advanced guard, found the enemy encamped behind sandy hillocks and jungle, 20,000 strong, with forty guns, which immediately opened fire as he approached. The battlefield was a sandy plain, on which the view was obstructed by small hills, which prevented the belligerents from seeing one another till they were quite near. For some time the contest was maintained on both sides by the artillery. Then General Gough ordered the advance of a column of cavalry--the 3rd Light Dragoons, the 5th Light Cavalry, and the 4th Lancers. The column was launched like an immense thunderbolt against a mass of Sikh cavalry, and proved so irresistible in its terrific onset that it broke them up into fragments, scattered them about, and swept along the whole line of the enemy, cutting down the gunners, and suspending for a time the roar of their artillery. Soon afterwards the infantry came into action, led on by Sir Harry Smith, General Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill. The Sikhs fought bravely and obstinately at every point; but when the steady incessant fire of the artillery had done its work, a general charge was made, with loud, exultant cheers, and the enemy were driven from their ground with tremendous loss. The day had closed upon the battlefield, but the routed enemy were pursued for a mile and a half by the light of the stars.
The British losses in the battle of Moodkee were very heavy--215 killed; among whom were Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'Caskill, and a number of young officers who had greatly distinguished themselves. The wounded amounted to 657. Meanwhile, the enemy, having left seventeen guns upon the field, retired in tolerably good order, within their entrenched camp, which they had formed at Ferozeshah, on the banks of the Sutlej, near Ferozepore. For two days both armies remained inactive, but ready to renew the conflict. The losses of the British had been made up by the arrival of the 29th Queen's and the 1st Bengal Light Infantry. A memorable event in the history of British warfare in India, was that Sir Henry Hardinge, the veteran commander, the hero of so many battles, the Governor-General of India, offered his services to Sir Hugh Gough as second in command. The offer was accepted, and the army marched forth to attack the enemy's camp. They started at daybreak on the 21st, and about midday a junction was effected with General Littler's division, which had marched out from Ferozepore, according to orders sent the night before. The British army was now raised to 19,000 effective men. The enemy were double that number, strongly entrenched, well provisioned, and fresh after two days' rest; while our troops were ill provided with food, and had marched ten miles that morning. To attack the Sikhs without waiting for some expected reinforcements was hazardous; to postpone the attack for another day seemed still more so--as there was a second Sikh army of equal force, which would then have reached the scene of action. An immediate attack was therefore determined upon--Gough leading the right wing, and Hardinge the left. The Sikh artillery was heavier than the British. The guns were protected behind embrasures, the gunners were sure in their aim; and so terrible was the effect that the 62nd Regiment, which led on the attack, was nearly cut away, and several Sepoy regiments broke and fled. The whole of the left wing, though led on gallantly by the Governor-General, were driven back, after carrying part of the works. The right wing, under General Gough, succeeded better, and held possession of several of the ramparts. But the Sikhs were still in possession of the fortified village of Ferozeshah, and remained so till night closed upon the scene; when the smoke and dust subsided, and the silence was broken only by an occasional shot from the guns, responded to in the darkness--the gunners seeing no enemy, but aiming at the flash of light.
The weary night at length passed. The dull sun of a December day (the 22nd) rose upon the ghastly scenes of that gory battlefield. The soldiers, many of whom were without food from the morning of the previous day, were again marshalled in order of battle. The artillery commenced the work, but with little effect. "But why waste time and ammunition thus?" said Gough. "We must try the bayonet once more." Then was made a tremendous charge for life. At first, part of the line reeled under the storm from the enemy's guns; but still the whole army pressed on with desperate shouts, the two wings closing in upon the village, driving everything before them, and still pressing onward till they captured the whole of the enemy's guns on the works. The two generals, waving the captured banners, rode in triumph before the victorious army, and were hailed with enthusiastic applause. The whole of the enemy's military stores and camp furniture, with seventy-three guns and seventeen standards, remained in possession of the British. One Sikh army was now defeated; but there was another to come on, 30,000 strong, most of whom were perfectly fresh. The spirit of the Commander-in-Chief seemed now to fail him, and he so despaired of the issue that he confessed in a letter to his friend, that for a moment he felt regret as each passing shot left him still on horseback. Most of our cavalry were hardly able to move from the exhaustion of the horses; our ammunition was nearly spent, while the fire from the enemy's guns was rapid. At this critical moment, owing to a misconception of orders, our cavalry and artillery moved off from the flanks, which they protected, taking the road towards Ferozepore. It was a blunder that seemed ordered by Providence to save our army from annihilation; for the Sikhs--not knowing our weakness, and conceiving that the design was to take possession of the fords, and prevent their crossing the river--immediately began to retreat. Our infantry pursued; and such was the consternation and confusion of the enemy, that they never stopped running till they got to the other side of the Sutlej. In these terrible battles the British lost, in killed and wounded, 2,415 men, being a sixth of the whole number engaged. Among the killed were Major Broadfoot, political agent in the North-West Provinces, Colonel Wallace, and Major Somerset.
It was apprehended that the enemy would return next day in greater force to renew the contest; but as they did not, the Commander-in-Chief seized the opportunity to summon the troops to join him in public thanksgiving to God for the victory. The year 1846 dawned upon the still undecided contest. The British gained most by the delay. The Governor-General had ordered up fresh troops from Meerut, Cawnpore, Delhi, and Agra. By the end of January Sir Hugh Gough had under his command 30,000 men of all arms. On every road leading to the scene of action, from Britain's Indian possessions, convoys were seen bearing provisions and stores of all sorts to the army; while reinforcements were pressing onward rapidly that they might share the glory by confronting the greatest danger. That danger was still grave. The Sikhs also were bringing up reinforcements, and strengthening their entrenched camp at the British side of the Sutlej, having constructed a bridge of boats for the conveyance of their troops and stores across the river. The enemy had established a considerable magazine at a fortified village some miles from the camp, and Sir Harry Smith proceeded at the head of a detachment to attack it. But Sirdar Runjeet Singh intercepted him, cut off and captured all his baggage; but being reinforced, he met the enemy again at a place on the Sutlej, called Aliwal. The Sikh army, which seemed in the best possible order and discipline, were drawn up in imposing array, 20,000 strong with 70 guns, while the British were 9,000 with 32. After a series of splendid charges the enemy were driven successively from every position, and fled in confusion across the river. Several of the British horsemen followed the guns into the river, and spiked them there. The loss of the Sikhs is said to have been 3,000, while that of the British was only 673 killed and wounded. The moral effect of this victory over such unequal forces was of the utmost advantage to the rest of the army (January 28th, 1846).
On the 8th of February was fought the great and decisive battle of Sobraon, the name of the tête du pont, at the entrenched camp of the Sikhs, where all the forces of the enemy were now concentrated. The camps extended along both sides of the river, and were defended by 130 pieces of artillery, of which nearly half were of heavy calibre, and which were all served by excellent gunners. The British troops formed a vast semicircle, each end of which touched the river, the village of Sobraon being in the centre, where the enemy were defended by a triple line of works, one within another, flanked by the most formidable redoubts. The battle commenced by the discharge of artillery on both sides, which played with terrific force for three hours. After this the British guns went up at a gallop till they came within 300 yards of the works, where it was intended the assault should be delivered. Halting there, they poured a concentrated fire upon the position for some time. After this the assault was made by the infantry, running. The regiment which led the way was the 10th, supported by the 53rd Queen's and the 43rd and 59th Native Infantry. They were repulsed with dreadful slaughter. The post of honour and of danger was now taken by the Ghoorkas. A desperate struggle with the bayonet ensued; the Sikhs were overpowered by the brigades of Stacey and Wilkinson; but, as the fire of the enemy was now concentrated upon this point, the brave assailants were in danger of being overwhelmed and destroyed. The British Commander-in-Chief seeing this, sent forward the brigades of Ashburnham, as well as Smith's division, against the right of the enemy, while his artillery played furiously upon their whole line. The Sikhs fought with no less valour and determination than the British. Not one of their gunners flinched till he was struck down at his post. Into every gap opened by the artillery they rushed with desperate resolution, repelling the assaulting columns of the British. At length the cavalry, which has so often decided the fate of the day in great battles, were instrumental in achieving the victory. The Sappers and Miners having succeeded in opening a passage through which the horses could enter in single file, the 3rd Queen's Dragoons, under Sir Joseph Thackwell, got inside the works, quickly formed, and galloping along in the rear of the batteries, cut down the gunners as they passed. General Gough promptly followed up this advantage by ordering forward the whole three divisions of the centre and the right. It was then that the fighting may be said to have commenced in earnest. The struggle was long, bloody, and relentless. No quarter was given or asked; the Sikhs fighting like men for whom death had no terrors, and for whom death in battle was the happiest as well as the most glorious exit from life. But they encountered men with hearts as stout and stronger muscle, and they were at length gradually forced back upon the river by the irresistible British bayonet. The bridge at length gave way under the enormous weight, and thousands were precipitated into the water and drowned. But even in the midst of this catastrophe the drowning fanatics would accept no mercy from the Feringhees. Our losses amounted to 320 killed and 2,063 wounded. Of the European officers, thirteen were killed and 101 wounded. The loss of the Sikhs in the battle of Sobraon was estimated at from 10,000 to 13,000 men, the greater number being shot down or drowned in the attempt to cross the bridge. They left in the hands of the victors sixty-seven guns, 200 camel swivels, nineteen standards, and a great quantity of ammunition.
The whole army now crossed the river at leisure, and marched towards Lahore. Lord Hardinge issued a proclamation, in which he stated that the war was the result of the wanton and unprovoked incursion of the Sikhs; that the British Government wanted no acquisition of territory, but only security for the future, indemnity for the expenses of the war, and the establishment of a government at Lahore, which should afford a guarantee against such aggressions in the time to come. The Ranee and her durbar, or council, now saw the necessity of prompt submission, which was tendered by plenipotentiaries sent to the British camp, who threw the whole blame of the war on the uncontrollable troops. They were well received by the Governor-General, and a treaty was without difficulty concluded on the 15th of February at a place called Kussoor. By the terms of the treaty, all the territory lying between the river Beas and the Sutlej was ceded to the British Government. The sum of one million sterling was to be paid for the expenses of the war; but the sum was found too heavy, and instead Gholab Singh was rewarded for his fidelity to the British by the grant of a large tract of territory between the Beas and the Indus. Peace having been thus concluded, the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, was received by the Governor-General at his camp with Oriental pomp; and on the 22nd of February Sir Henry Hardinge entered Lahore at the head of his victorious army, taking possession of the gates, the citadel, and the Royal palace.
These great victories, so hardly won with such heavy sacrifices of human life, and accompanied by such heroic achievements, excited the admiration of the British public. The principal actors were munificently rewarded. The Governor-General was created Viscount Hardinge of Lahore, the title being accompanied by a shower of honours from his Sovereign, and a large pension from the East India Company. Sir Hugh Gough was also raised to the peerage, and received from the Company an annual pension of £2,000, with the same amount from Parliament, for three lives. Many of the officers engaged in the Sikh war received promotion and military orders, and a gratuity of twelve months' pay was given to all the soldiers without exception engaged in the campaign.
But the conquered Sikhs did not very easily acquiesce in the terms proposed by the conquerors, in spite of the wise administration of the great brothers John and Henry Lawrence, who organised a thoroughly efficient government in the new territories. Gholab Singh was chased from the territory the British had given him, and it became necessary that British arms should reinstate him, and that a British force should permanently garrison Lahore, at a cost to the Sikh Government of £220,000 a year. The intriguing and restless Ranee was sent off from the capital to Sharpoora, where she was kept under surveillance. Sir Charles Napier was obliged to resign his government in Scinde from ill-health, and he returned home in 1847. The Governor-General, after making a progress through various parts of the empire, in order to inaugurate and encourage works of social improvement, was also obliged to retire from his post, in consequence of the failure of his health owing to the fatigues and hardships he had endured in the campaign, and Henry Lawrence accompanied him. On his return home Hardinge was made Master-General of the Ordnance and Commander-in-Chief, being succeeded in India by Lord Dalhousie, who arrived there on the 10th of January, 1848. He, too, found disturbances to be quelled and treachery to be punished among our allies and tributaries. Troubles occurred at Lahore, where the hostility of the inhabitants to the British broke out with terrible effect. Mr. Vans Agnew, the British Resident, and Lieutenant Anderson were treacherously murdered at Mooltan, apparently by the orders of Moolraj, who had been ordered to pay a large sum as succession duty to the Sikh Government. Their death was avenged by Lieutenant Edwardes and General Courtland, who, at the head of a small force, attacked and defeated the revolted Sikhs, 3,000 strong. At length 26,000 troops under General Whish invested the place. But his troops went over to the enemy, and he was compelled to raise the siege and retire. At the same time an insurrection broke out in the Punjab, headed by the governor of the North-West Provinces; in fact, there was a general revolt of the Sikhs against British rule.
On the 20th of October, 1848, Chuttur Singh and his son, Shere Singh, raised the standard of revolt in the Punjab, and soon appeared at the head of 30,000 men. In November Lord Gough encountered them with 20,000. At Ramnuggur, in attacking the position of the enemy, his men were led into an ambuscade, and were repulsed with tremendous loss. The contest was again renewed on the 13th of January, 1849, when the Sikhs were also very strongly posted in a jungle with 40,000 men and sixty-two guns. Near the village of Chillianwallah a desperate battle was fought, and had lasted for some time when the 14th Light Dragoons, on being ordered to charge, turned and fled through our Horse Artillery, upsetting several guns, and causing such confusion that the Sikh cavalry, promptly availing themselves of the advantage, made a charge, and cut down seventy of our gunners, capturing six guns and five colours. The result was a drawn battle, but the loss on our side was fearful--twenty-seven officers and 731 men killed, and sixty-six officers and 1,446 men wounded. This terrible reverse produced a profound sensation at home. It was ascribed to bad generalship, and there were loud cries for the recall of Lord Gough. The Duke of Wellington felt that the case was so desperate that he called upon Sir Charles Napier to go out and take the command, though suffering under a mortal disease, using the memorable expression, "If you don't go, I must." Sir Charles went immediately. But before he arrived, Lord Gough, on the 21st of February, had retrieved his reputation, and covered the British arms with fresh glory by winning, in magnificent style, the great battle of Goojerat, with the loss of only ninety-two killed and 682 wounded. Mooltan had been besieged again in December. During the bombardment the principal magazine was blown up. It contained 16,000 lbs. of powder: 800 persons were killed or wounded by the explosion, and many buildings destroyed. But Moolraj, though he saw ruined in a moment a work which it cost him five years to construct, still held out. On the 2nd of January the city was stormed, but the citadel remained. Though of immense strength, it yielded to artillery, and Moolraj, with his garrison of nearly 4,000 men, surrendered at discretion.
No small curiosity was experienced to see the man that had maintained a defence, obstinate and protracted beyond any related in the annals of modern war. Gorgeously attired in silks and splendid arms, he rode a magnificent Arab steed, with a rich saddle-cloth of scarlet. He but little exceeded the middle size, was powerfully but elegantly formed; his keen, dark, piercing, restless eyes surveyed at a glance everything around. He neither wore the face of defiance nor dejection; but moved along under the general gaze as one conscious of having bravely done his duty.
The result of these victories was that the Punjab was annexed to our Indian Empire, the reasons for this step being explained by the Governor-General in a proclamation, which announced favourable terms for the conquered people. Henry Lawrence, as is well known, was against the annexation, but his arguments were overridden by the strenuous Governor-General, and he became chief of the Commission, with his brother John as a member, for the administration of the Punjab. Moolraj was subsequently tried for the murder of Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson, and being found guilty, he was sentenced to death. The sentence was afterwards commuted to imprisonment for life.
XXII. REIGN OF VICTORIA (continued)
Events in England--The Budgets of 1848--Repeal of the Navigation Act--The Jewish Disabilities Bill--Election of Baron Rothschild by the City of London--He is refused the Oath--Election of Alderman Salomons--He takes his Seat in Spite of the Speaker--Action in the Court of the Exchequer--The Bill finally passed--Colonial Self-Government--Lord Palmerston's Foreign Policy censured by the House of Lords--The Don Pacifico Debate--Testimonial to Lord Palmerston--Peel's last Speech--His Death--Testimony as to his Worth--Honours to his Memory.
While stirring events were in progress on the Continent, public attention was naturally distracted from home politics; nor were these in themselves of a nature to command enthusiasm. The Russell Government was weak, but the Opposition was weaker. Sir Robert Peel with his little band gave, on the whole, his support to the Ministry, and Mr. Disraeli, on the retirement of Lord George Bentinck, had only just begun to rally the Conservatives, who had been utterly dispirited and crushed by the carrying of Free Trade. Finance was always a weak point with the Whigs, and that of 1848 was no exception to the rule. Urged by the Duke of Wellington's letter to Sir John Burgoyne on the state of the defences, the Chancellor of the Exchequer determined on increasing the naval and military establishments. The result was a deficit of three millions, and no less than three withdrawals and alterations of the Budget had to be made before his proposals could be so shaped as to be acceptable to the House. The next Session was mainly devoted to Irish affairs, the Rate in Aid producing a collision between the two Houses, which was decided in favour of the Lords. In the same year, however, the most important measure of the Russell Ministry became law; the repeal, namely, of the Navigation Act, by which the carrying monopoly was abolished after the retaliation of foreign nations had reduced the principle of reciprocity, upon which Mr. Huskisson's Act had been framed, to a dead letter. Supported by the Canadian demand for liberation from the restrictions of the Navigation Act, Ministers courageously faced the clamour raised by the Protectionists, and carried their Bill through the Commons by large majorities. In the Upper House, however, they snatched a bare majority of ten through the circumstance that they had more proxies than their opponents.
An effort was made to decide the long-agitated question of the emancipation of the Jews in the Session of 1849. On the 19th of February Lord John Russell moved that the House of Commons should go into committee for the purpose of considering the oaths taken by members of Parliament, excepting the Roman Catholic oath, settled in 1829. The oath of allegiance, he said, became a mockery when Cardinal York died, there being no descendants of James II. in existence; he therefore proposed to abolish it. The oath of abjuration, which was aimed against Papal aggression, had now no practical effect but to exclude the Jews from Parliament, which it did by the words "on the true faith of a Christian," which were never meant to exclude Jews, but only to give greater solemnity to the oath. He proposed, therefore, to omit these words when the oath was tendered to a Jew, and this he thought would complete the measure of religious liberty. The House resolved by a large majority--214 to 111--to go into committee on the subject. He then moved a resolution that it was expedient to alter the Parliamentary oaths so as "to make provision in respect of the said oaths for the relief of her Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion." A Bill founded on this resolution was brought in by Lord John Russell. The second reading was carried by a majority of 278 to 185. The third reading, after an important debate, was carried by a majority of 66. In the House of Lords the second reading was moved on the 26th of July, by the Earl of Carlisle, in an able speech, in which he observed that the Jews, though admitted to municipal privileges, were the only religious community debarred from political rights; but there was not, as far as he could see, a single valid objection upon which they could be refused. The Earl of Eglinton objected to their admission on religious grounds; so also did the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Exeter. The former argued that our national Christianity, to which we owed our greatness, would be grievously disparaged by the measure. The latter condemned it as a violation of the distinct contract between the Sovereign and the nation--that the Crown should maintain "to the utmost the laws of God and the true profession of the Gospel." The Archbishop of Dublin (Whately), always the powerful champion of religious freedom, contended on the other hand that it was inconsistent with the principles and repugnant to the genius of Christianity that civil disqualifications and penalties should be imposed on those who did not conform to it. Their lordships must either retrace their steps, and exclude from office all who did not belong to the Established Church, or they must, in consistency, consent to the abrogation of this last restriction. The Bill was rejected by a majority of 25--the numbers being, for the second reading, 70; against it, 95.
Before another attempt was made to open the portals of the Legislature the question was brought to a practical issue by an event similar to the Clare election, by which O'Connell forced on the decision with regard to Catholic Emancipation. The City of London had returned Baron Rothschild as one of its members; and at the morning sitting on the 26th of July, 1850, he presented himself at the table to take the oaths. When the clerk presented the New Testament, he said, "I desire to be sworn on the Old Testament." Sir Robert Inglis, in a voice tremulous with emotion, exclaimed--"I protest against that." The Speaker then ordered Baron Rothschild to withdraw. An animated debate followed as to whether the Baron could be sworn in that way, although he declared that that was the form of oath most binding upon his conscience. He presented himself a second time, when there was another long debate. Ultimately, on the 6th of August, to which the matter was adjourned, the Attorney-General moved two resolutions--first, that Baron Rothschild was not entitled to vote in the House till he took the oath in the form prescribed by law; and, second, that the House would take the earliest opportunity in the next Session to consider the oath of abjuration, with a view to the relief of the Jews. These resolutions were carried--the first, by a majority of 92 to 66; the second, by 142 to 106.
In pursuance of this resolution, Lord John Russell, soon after the meeting of Parliament in 1851, introduced his Jewish Emancipation Bill once more. The usual arguments were reiterated on both sides, and the second reading was carried by the reduced majority of 25. In the House of Lords the second reading was moved by the Lord Chancellor, on the 17th of July, when it was thrown out by a majority of 36. In the meantime Alderman Salomons had been returned as member for Greenwich, and, following the example of Baron Rothschild, he appeared at the bar, and offered to take the oath on the Old Testament, omitting the phrase, "on the true faith of a Christian." The Speaker then desired him to withdraw; but he took a seat, notwithstanding. The order of the Speaker was repeated in a more peremptory tone, and the honourable member retired to a bench behind the bar. The question of his right to sit was then debated. Sir Benjamin Hall asked the Ministers whether they were disposed to prosecute Mr. Salomons, if he persisted in taking his seat, in order to test his legal right. Lord John Russell having answered in the negative, Mr. Salomons entered the House, amidst loud cries of "Order!" "Chair!" the Speaker's imperative command, "Withdraw!" ringing above all. The Speaker then appealed to the House to enforce his order. Lord John Russell then moved a resolution that Mr. Salomons should withdraw. Mr. Bernal Osborne moved an amendment. The House became a scene of confusion; and in the midst of a storm of angry cries and counter-cries, Mr. Anstey moved the adjournment of the debate. The House divided and Mr. Salomons voted with the minority. The House again divided on Mr. Bernal Osborne's amendment, that the honourable gentleman was entitled to take his seat, which was negatived by 229 against 81. In defiance of this decision, Mr. Salomons again entered and took his seat. He then addressed the House, stating that it was far from his desire to do anything that might appear contumacious or presumptuous. Returned by a large constituency, he appeared in defence of their rights and privileges as well as his own; but whatever might be the decision of the House, he would not abide by it, unless there was just sufficient force used to make him feel that he was acting under coercion. Lord John Russell called upon the House to support the authority of the Speaker and its own dignity. Two divisions followed--one on a motion for adjourning the debate, and another on the right of Mr. Salomons to sit, in both of which he voted. The latter was carried by a large majority; when the Speaker renewed his order to withdraw, and the honourable gentleman not complying, the Serjeant-at-Arms touched him lightly on the shoulder, and led him below the bar. Another long debate ensued on the legal question; and the House divided on two motions, which had no result. The discussion of the question was adjourned to the 28th of July, when petitions from London and Greenwich, demanding the admission of their excluded representatives, came under consideration. The Speaker announced that he had received a letter from Alderman Salomons, stating that several notices of actions for penalties had been served upon him in consequence of his having sat and voted in the House. A motion that the petitioners should be heard at the bar of the House was rejected; and Lord John Russell's resolution, denying the right of Mr. Salomons to sit without taking the oath in the usual form, was carried by a majority of 55. And so the vexed question was placed in abeyance for another year so far as Parliament was concerned. But an action was brought in the Court of Exchequer, against Alderman Salomons, to recover the penalty of £500, for sitting and voting without taking the oath. The question was elaborately argued by the ablest counsel. Judgment was given for the plaintiff. There was an appeal from this judgment, by a writ of error, when the Lord Chief Justice Campbell, with Justices Coleridge, Cresswell, Wightman, Williams, and Crompton, heard the case again argued at great length. The Court unanimously decided that the words, "on the true faith of a Christian," formed an essential part of the oath; and that, according to the existing law, the Jews were excluded from sitting in either House of Parliament. This judgment was given in the sittings after Hilary Term, in 1852.
The history of this question of Jewish Emancipation gives proof, as striking as any upon record, of the obstinacy and tenacity of prejudice established by law, although no possible danger could arise to the British Constitution from the admission of the Jews; although Mr. Salomons had been elected Sheriff of London in 1835, and a Bill was passed to enable him to act; although the year after, Mr. Moses Montefiore was likewise elected Sheriff of London, and knighted by the Queen; although in 1846 Jews elected to municipal offices were relieved by Parliament from taking the oaths; although Baron Rothschild and Alderman Salomons had been repeatedly elected by immense majorities; although Bills for emancipating the Jews, the only class of her Majesty's subjects still labouring under political disabilities on account of their religion, were passed year after year by the House of Commons, but were indignantly rejected by the House of Lords. At length, in 1858, the Commons were obliged to admit the Jews by a resolution of their own House, but it was not till 1860 that an Act was passed permitting Jewish members of Parliament to omit from the oath the words "on the true faith of a Christian."
The Session of 1850 was creditably distinguished by the establishment of a policy of self-government for our colonies. They had become so numerous and so large as to be utterly unmanageable by the centralised system of the Colonial Office; while the liberal spirit that pervaded the Home Government, leading to the abolition of great monopolies, naturally reacted upon our fellow-subjects settled abroad, and made them discontented without constitutional rights. It was now felt that the time was come for a comprehensive measure of constitutional government for our American and Australian Colonies; and on the 8th of February, Lord John Russell, then Prime Minister, brought the subject before the House of Commons. It was very fully discussed, Sir William Molesworth, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Labouchere, and others who had taken an active part in colonial affairs, being the principal speakers. With regard to Canada, great progress had already been made in constitutional government. The same might be said of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, in which the practice of administration approximated to that observed in Great Britain. It was determined to introduce representative institutions of a similar kind in Cape Colony. In Australia it was proposed that there should be but one Council, two-thirds elected by the people and one-third nominated by the Governor. Mr. Roebuck objected strongly to the Government measure, because it left the colonists free, to a great extent, to gratify the strong desire almost universally felt among them to have power to choose a Constitution for themselves, instead of having a Constitution sent out to them, cut and dry. He wanted the House to plant at once liberal institutions there, which would spare the colonists the agony of working out a scheme of government for themselves. He declared that "of all the abortions of an incompetent Administration, this was the greatest." A ready-made Constitution had been sent out by the Government to South Africa; why, then, could not Parliament send out a ready-made Constitution to Australia? Lord John Russell replied to Mr. Roebuck's arguments, and after a lengthened debate the Bill was read a second time. There was a strong division of opinion in committee as to whether there should be two Chambers or one. Sir William Molesworth moved an amendment to the effect that there should be two, which was rejected by a majority of 218 against 150. The Bill passed the House of Commons on the 18th of May, and on the 31st was brought into the Lords, where also it was subjected to lengthened discussions and various amendments, which caused it to be sent back to the Commons for consideration on the 1st of August. On the motion of Lord John Russell the amendments were agreed to, and the Bill was passed. This was the principal legislative work of the Session and possessed undoubted merits.
The most interesting of all the debates that occurred in the House of Commons during the Session of 1850 was that which took place on the foreign policy of Great Britain, particularly with reference to Greece. The House of Lords had passed a vote of censure upon the Government, by a majority of thirty-seven, on a motion brought forward by Lord Stanley, and folk were anxious to see how the House of Commons would deal with that fact. On the 20th of June Lord John Russell read the resolution, and said, "We are not going in any respect to alter the course of conduct we have thought it right to pursue in respect of foreign Powers, in consequence of that resolution." He concluded his speech with the following bold defiance, which elicited general and protracted cheering:--"So long as we continue the Government of this country, I can answer for my noble friend [Lord Palmerston] that he will act not as a Minister of Austria, or of Russia, or of France, or of any other country, but as the Minister of England. The honour of England and the interests of England--such are the matters that are within our keeping; and it is to that honour and to those interests that our conduct will in future be, as it has hitherto been, directed."
Mr. Roebuck, the next day, moved a counter-resolution in the following terms:--"That the principles which have hitherto regulated the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government are such as were required to preserve untarnished the honour and dignity of this country, and, in times of unexampled difficulty, the best calculated to maintain peace between England and the various nations of the world." He supported this position in an able and lengthened speech. The chief ground of dispute was the demand of Palmerston for compensation to a person named Don Pacifico, a Jew, and by birth a British subject, who resided at Athens, and whose house had been attacked on a Sunday, his property destroyed, and his family beaten by a mob headed by young noblemen. The Greek Government refused him reparation, and he sought protection from England. There was also the case of Mr. Finlay, whose land was seized in order that it might be converted into a garden for the King of Greece, the owner being refused payment; Lord Aberdeen, when Foreign Secretary, having applied in vain for redress. There was also the case of H.M.S. Fantôme, whose boat's crew had been arrested by Greek soldiers; also other outrages equally serious. Lord Palmerston defended his policy with his wonted spirit and ability, and with triumphant success in a speech which, said Mr. Gladstone, lasted "from the dusk of one day to the dawn of another." Mr. Gladstone arraigned the conduct of the first Minister in sitting down contentedly under the censure of the House of Lords, by sheltering himself under precedents which were in fact no precedents at all. He charged Lord Palmerston with violating international law, by making reprisals upon Greek property to the extent of £80,000 to satisfy the exorbitant demands of Don Pacifico; the fruit of this policy being humiliation, in regard to France, and a lesson received without reply from the autocrat of all the Russia's. Mr. Cobden also assailed the policy of Lord Palmerston, and asked if there was no other way of settling such trifling matters than by sending fifteen ships of war into Greek waters, which had seized several gunboats, and more than forty merchantmen. Lord John Russell defended the policy of the Government, and concluded by declaring that by the verdict of that House and the people of England he was prepared to abide, fully convinced that the Government had preserved at the same time the honour of the country and the blessings of peace. Mr. Disraeli, on the other hand, maintained that the House of Lords had exercised a solemn duty in pronouncing a censure upon the policy which had led to such terrible results. This debate will be rendered for ever memorable in our annals by the speech of Sir Robert Peel. It was one of the best speeches he ever delivered in that House, and it was his last. He argued strongly against intermeddling with the affairs of foreign nations in order to procure for them free institutions, and concluded with the expression of his belief that the cause of constitutional liberty would only be encumbered by our help; whilst by intruding it we should involve Great Britain in incalculable difficulties. When the hour for the division came the House was very full--Ayes--310; Noes, 264; giving the Government a majority of 46.
On the day after this division a deputation of nearly ninety members of the House of Commons, headed by Lord James Stuart, waited upon Lady Palmerston, and presented her with a full-length portrait of her husband, representing him in evening dress and wearing the ribbon of the Order of the Bath. They requested her Ladyship to accept of that testimony of their high sense of Viscount Palmerston's public and private character, and of the independent policy by which he maintained the honour and interests of the country. What made this presentation singularly opportune was the fact that on the same day a telegraphic despatch had been received from Paris, announcing the settlement of the Greek question. The Government was undoubtedly strengthened by Lord Palmerston's display, at a moment when its fall seemed inevitable.
Only a week after Sir Robert Peel delivered his memorable speech on the foreign policy of the country, his career was suddenly terminated. On the 22nd of June her Majesty's third son, Arthur William Patrick Albert, had been baptised with the usual ceremonial pomp at Buckingham Palace, and on the 29th Sir Robert Peel had called there and entered his name in her Majesty's visiting-book. Proceeding thence up Constitution Hill, he had arrived nearly opposite the wicket gate leading into the Green Park, when he met Miss Ellis, one of Lady Dover's daughters, on horseback, attended by a groom. Sir Robert had scarcely exchanged salutes with this young lady when his horse became restive, swerved towards the railing of the Green Park, and threw him sideways on his left shoulder. He became unconscious, and remained so till he was placed in a carriage, when he revived and said, "I feel better." On being lifted out of the carriage at Whitehall Gardens, he walked with assistance into the house. The effect of meeting his family, however, caused a reaction. He swooned in the arms of Dr. Foucart, and was placed upon a sofa in the nearest apartment, the dining-room, from which he was never removed till his death. Sir Benjamin Brodie, Mr. Cæsar Hawkins, Dr. Seymour, and Mr. Hodgson held a consultation, and attempted to reduce the visible injury, but this caused such agony that, at the patient's earnest request, the attempt was abandoned. He passed a restless night on Saturday, and continued in a very precarious state on Sunday and Monday. On Tuesday morning he fell into a sound sleep, after which he felt easier, his mind being quite composed. But at two o'clock on that day symptoms appeared which caused the physicians to abandon all hope. The last rites of the Church were administered by the Bishop of Gibraltar, Dr. Tomlinson, a very old friend. Lady Peel and the members of the family joined in this melancholy communion, Sir Robert being scarcely able to recognise them. Lord Hardinge and Sir James Graham also joined the group of mourners; but the painfully excited feelings of Lady Peel rendered it absolutely necessary to remove her from the apartment. He ceased to breathe about midnight, his great spirit departing peacefully from the earthly tabernacle that had been so suddenly crushed (July 2, 1850). A post-mortem examination showed that the cause of death was a broken rib on the left side pressing upon the lung.
The death of no English statesman had ever produced a deeper feeling of grief throughout the nation, or more general expressions of lamentation at the irreparable loss which the country had sustained. Mr. Hume had a motion on the paper for the day following his death; but instead of proceeding with it, he moved the adjournment of the House, which was agreed to unanimously. Mr. Gladstone paid an eloquent and touching tribute to his memory, concluding with the lines--
"Now is the stately column broke, The beacon light is quenched in smoke, The trumpet's silvery sound is still, The warder silent on the hill."
The House of Lords did not sit on that day; but on the following day the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Stanley, Lord Brougham, and the Duke of Wellington gave earnest expression to the feelings of their lordships upon the subject of this national bereavement. The Duke of Wellington in particular, as might be expected, was deeply moved while expressing his great gratification at what had been said as to the character of Sir Robert Peel. He added his testimony as to what he believed to be its strongest feature--his truthfulness. "In all the course of my acquaintance with Sir Robert Peel," said the Duke, "I never knew a man in whose truth and justice I had a more lively confidence; or in whom I saw a more invariable desire to promote the public service. In the whole course of my communication with him, I never knew an instance in which he did not show the strongest attachment to truth; and I never saw in the whole course of my life the smallest reason for suspecting that he stated anything which he did not firmly believe to be the fact." Lord John Russell, who had been absent on the previous day, spoke in the warmest terms of admiration of the late statesman, and avowed his conviction that the harmony which had prevailed for the last two years, and the safety which Great Britain had enjoyed during a period when other nations were visited by the calamity of revolution, had been owing to the course which Sir Robert Peel had thought it his duty to adopt. He concluded by offering, in the name of the Crown, funeral honours similar to those accorded on the death of Pitt or Grattan. But Mr. Goulburn stated that Sir Robert had recorded his desire to be interred in a vault in the parish church of Drayton Bassett without funeral pomp. On the 12th of July, pursuant to a motion made by the Prime Minister, the House of Commons went into committee for the purpose of adopting an address to the Queen, praying her Majesty to order the erection of a monument in Westminster Abbey to the memory of Sir Robert Peel, which was unanimously voted. He stated that the Queen, anxious to show the sense which she entertained of the services rendered to the Crown, had directed him to inform Lady Peel that she desired to bestow upon her the same rank that was bestowed upon the widow of Mr. Canning. Lady Peel answered that her wish was to bear no other name than that by which her husband was known to the world.
INDEX.
Aberdeen, Lord, as Foreign Secretary, 524, condemns Palmerston's foreign policy, 588.
Abolition of slavery in West Indies, 366-368.
Abuses, Poor-law, 361-363.
Acts, Railway, number passed, temp. William IV., 420.
Adelaide, Queen of William IV., 312; unpopularity during Reform agitation, 350, 351.
Afghanistan, War in, 493.
Aggressive policy of Russia, Debate on the, 411.
Agrarian outrages in England, 325; in Ireland, 560-563.
Agricultural distress in England, 120, 224; in Ireland, 403-406; labourers and parish relief, 363.
Agriculture, State of, temp. George III., 187; state of, in Ireland, 535.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 138.
Albert Amadeus I. chosen king of Sicily, 583.
Albert, Prince, 467, 468.
Albuera, Battle of, 16.
Alexander, Mr., libel prosecution, 310.
Alexander of Russia and Bernadotte, 39; treaty with Prussia, 63.
Algiers, Storming of, 122.
Alien Act, The, 136.
Aliwal, Battle of, 599.
Allies, The, muster against Buonaparte, 67; preparations to crush him, 70; severe fighting, 78-82; enter Paris, 82; treaty of Paris, 85; treaty of Vienna, 87; new treaty of alliance, 89.
Almack's, 439.
Ameers of Scinde. (See Scinde.)
Amelia, Princess, Death of, 8.
America (U.S.), hostility to Britain, 32, 55; preparations for war, 34; invasion of Canada, 35, 105-110; naval victories, 37; British expedition against, 110-113; contributions from, for relief of Irish famine, 547.
Anglesey, Marquis of, Viceroy of Ireland, 268; on the Catholic question, 268-270; on the state of Ireland, 278-280, 290, 291; resignation, 292; second term of office, 326.
Anti-Corn Law League, 481, 508, 509, 514; literature, 483; banquet, 484.
Annuities and pensions, Vansittart's proposals, 224.
Apprenticeship, Negro, in the West Indies, 367.
Architecture, State of, temp. George III., 199-201; temp. William IV., 433.
Arms Bill (Ireland), passed, 527.
Army, Dress of, temp. George III., 203.
Art, Works of, captured by Buonaparte, restored, 118.
Arts and sciences, temp. George III., 199; temp. William IV., 430.
Articles, the Thirty-nine, Dissenters relieved from subscription to, 159-160.
Ashburton treaty, The, 492.
Ashley, Lord, and factory children, 454; on the Corn Laws, 519.
Astronomy, temp. George III., 198; temp. William IV., 430.
Auckland, Lord, Governor-General of India, 497.
Australia, Scheme for government of, 605.
Austria declares war against Buonaparte, 67; revolution in, and in her dominions, 578-582; flight of Metternich, 578; emperor abdicates, 579; Russia intervenes, 580; the Italians revolt, 582; quells the revolution in Italy, 585-587.
Babbage's calculating machines, 431.
Badajoz, Storming of, 226.
Bagration, Prince, command the Cossacks against Buonaparte, 42, 43.
Ballingarry, Battle of, 568.
Bank Charter Act, 524.
Bank notes, Circulation of, 238, 242, 244.
Bank of England, Run on, during passage of Reform Bill, 351.
Barclay de Tolly, opposed to Buonaparte in campaign of 1812, 41-46.
Batavia, Reduction of, 19.
Batthyány, Count, 580.
Bautzen, Battle of, 66.
Bean's attempt on Queen Victoria's life, 491.
Bedchamber question, The, 461.
Belfast, Queen's visit to, 573.
Belgium revolts from France, 319, 320.
Beloochistan, Napier's march across the desert of, 591.
Bentinck, Lord George, proposals for Irish relief, 543.
Bequests, Charitable, on behalf of education, 158.
Beresford, General, in the Peninsular Campaign, 15-18.
Beresina, Passage of the, 52.
Bernadotte elected Crown Prince of Sweden, 6; opposes Buonaparte, 38; plans the campaign against Buonaparte, 39.
Birmingham Political Union, 327.
Blanketeers, The, 124-127.
Blucher, Marshal, opposes Buonaparte, 63, 65, 69, 78-82; in London, 86; at Ligny, 95; at Waterloo, 100.
Bogue forts, Capture of, 474.
Bologna, Bombardment of, 586.
Bonner's Fields, Chartists at, 558.
Borodino, Battle of, 46.
Bottle riot, The, 247, 248.
Bounties on various industries, Abolition of, 240.
Bourbons return to France, 83; flight of Charles X., 318.
Bridge building, temp. George III., 192.
Brienne, Battle of, 78.
Bright, John, and Corn Laws, 482; eulogy on Sir Robert Peel, 523.
Bristol, Reform riots at, 340-342.
Britain, Great, subsidies to foreign Powers against Buonaparte, 62, 74, 89, 91; restores her conquests, 86.
Brougham, Lord, defends Queen Caroline, wife of George IV., 211; on the regency, 312-314; on the slavery question, 314; on the French Revolution, 318; becomes Lord Chancellor, 324; condemns Palmerston's foreign policy, 588.
Brunel, Sir Mark Isambard, 431.
Brunswick Clubs in Ireland, 283.
Budget, A popular, 238; Peel's Free Trade, 515.
Buonaparte, Joseph, King of Spain, flies from Madrid, 28; defeat at Vittoria, and flight, 58; appointed lieutenant of Paris, 76; flight from Paris, 82.
Buonaparte, Louis, Abdication of, 4.
Buonaparte, Napoleon, divorces Josephine, 2; marries Maria Louisa of Austria, 3; quarrels with his family, 4; birth of a son, 20; instability of his empire, 21; quarrels with the Church, 22; war preparations, 38; peace overtures to Britain, 40; the Russian campaign of 1812, 41-54; second campaign against Russia, 63; battles of Lützen and Bautzen, 65, 66; battles and flight from Leipsic, 68-71; returns to Paris, 72; subject kingdoms revolt, 72, 73; liberates the Pope, 73; Ferdinand of Spain, 75; the Allies, 76; battles at Brienne and La Rothière, 78; Chatillon conference, 79; surrender of Paris, 81; abdicates, 83; banished to Elba, 84; escapes, 87; reception in France, 89, 91; collects a fresh army, 92; battles of Ligny and Quatre Bras, 94; battle of Waterloo, 98-102; banished to St. Helena, death, 104.
Burdett, Sir Francis, presents a Catholic petition, 251; his motion on Catholic emancipation, 270; attack on Wellington, 308.
Burghs, Scottish, Reforms of, 146.
Burns, Robert, 185.
Butt, Mr., opposes O'Connell's Repeal motion, 525.
Cabul, Retreat from, 495; sack of, 503.
Calculating machines, Babbage's, 431.
Canada, Invasion of, by United States, 35, 105-110; disaffection in, 396-400; rebellion in Lower, 445-448.
Canals, Construction of, temp. George III., 190, 191.
Canning, Mr., on Catholic Emancipation, 223; becomes Foreign Secretary, 230; and the Spanish colonies, 236; Prime Minister, 257; death, 260.
Capital Punishment, Parliamentary inquiry, 145; abolition of for various offences, 426.
Captives, English, Rescue of, by Sale, 502.
Carlowitz bombarded, 578.
Caroline, Capture of the, 446.
Caroline, Queen, 205; arrival in England, 206; charges against, 207; inquiry ordered, 208; Brougham's defence, 211; claims to be crowned, 214, 215; illness and death, 216; funeral procession, 217, 218.
Cash payments, Resumption of, 143; and currency troubles, 237.
Castlereagh's Coercion Bill, 25.
Catholic Association, 248-251; effect on the elections, 252; as a military organisation, 283.
Catholic Emancipation, 12, 248, 251; Grattan's motions, 146, 166; efforts for, temp. George III., 165; Canning on, 223, 252; Anglesey on, 268, 270, 290; Burdett's motion, 270; Wellington's memorandum, 281; and letter, 290; excitement in Ireland, 283, 284; agitation in England, 288; opposed by king and bishops, 293; Peel's Bill and debate, 295-297; becomes law, 299.
Catholic Powers, Agreement between, for defence of Papal territory, 587.
Catholics, Number of, in Britain, 299; eminent, in Ireland, 428.
Cato Street conspiracy, 154, 155.
Census Commissioners of 1841, Report of the, 416.
Champions and opponents of Reform, 135.
Charitable bequests on behalf of education, 158.
Charles X. of France provokes a revolution, 315; the revolution of 1830, 316-318; flight of the king, 318.
Charlotte, Princess, death of, 131.
Chartists, Rise of, 455; riots, 457, 458; the monster petition, 555; the great demonstration, 557; the petition presented, 558; trials, 559.
Chatillon, Conference of, 79.
Cheetoo marauders in India, 138.
Chillianwallah, Battle of, 600.
China, War with, 472-475.
Cholera ravages in India, 139; appearance of in England, 344.
Church, State of, temp. George III., 158-164; in Scotland, 167; Wales, 170; Ireland, 171; cess, 355, 359; Temporalities Act (Ireland), 359-361; reform in England, 407; rates, 414; temp. William IV., 428.
Churches and Chapels, Statistics of, 42.
Ciudad Rodrigo, Capture of, 26.
Civil List, the Regent's, debate on, 22; George IV.'s, 205; Victoria's, 444.
Civil war or the Reform Bill, 351.
Clare election, The, 271-278, 303
Clarendon, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, 562, 566.
Clocks and watches, Improvements in the manufacture of, 198.
Coal-gas, Utilisation of, for lighting streets, etc., 198.
Coal mines, Development of, temp. George III., 196; produce of, temp. William IV., 419; operatives in, 490.
Coasting Trade, temp. William IV., 422.
Cobbett's Political Register and the Reform Bill, 121; flight of, 128.
Cobden, Richard, 482; scene with Peel, 506, 507; agitation against Corn Laws, 509, 510; Peel's tribute to, 523.
Coercion Bill, Irish, 373, 375.
Coinage, Improvement of, 198, 202.
Colonial self-government, 600.
Combination Acts (capital and labour), The, 242.
Commerce, temp. George III., 157; temp. William IV., 417.
Commons, House of, privileges, 468-470.
Conscience, Liberty of, various efforts for, 158-169.
Constables, Special, and Chartist riots, 556, 558.
Constitution, The New Prussian, 577.
Cookery, temp. William IV., 441.
Corn Law of 1815, 119.
Corn Laws, Agitation against, 147, 479-488; relaxed, 245; free trade in corn debates, 513-519; Times announcement, Peel's resolve, 519; debates on, 521-523; Corn Importation Bill becomes law, 523.
Coronation of George IV., 214-216; of William IV., 343; of Victoria, 451.
Corporations, Irish, Bill for the regulation of, 390.
Corporations, Municipal, inquiry into state of, 388.
Cotton spinners, Strike of, 138.
Court of George IV., Life at, 220.
Cracow, State of, annexed by Russia, 412.
Crime, Effect of Education on, 427.
Crime in Ireland, 560-562.
Criminal Laws, Amelioration of, 426.
Croatians invade Hungary, 578, 579.
Cumberland, Duke of, Grand Master of the Orange Societies, 394; proposal to prosecute, 395; becomes King of Hanover, 443.
Currency difficulties, 11; paper, and scarcity of gold, 237; bimetallic, 409.
Curtis, Dr., correspondence with Wellington on Catholic Emancipation, 289-290.
Customs duties, Effect on trade of abolition of, 522.
Custozza, Radetzky's victory at, 585.
Davoust's atrocities in Hamburg, 66.
Dead weight annuity, 224.
Defences of the country, Measures for improving the, 602.
Dennewitz, Ney defeated at, 70.
Disraeli, O'Connell's attack on, 387; attack on Peel's Government, 511, 514, 516, 522; leads the Conservative party, 602.
Dissenters, Restrictions on, 159, 160, 164; eminent, temp. George III., 169, 170; grievances and relief of, 264-267; statistics of, temp. William IV., 427.
Distress, Agricultural, 120, 224, 403-406; trade, 307, 308, 310.
Doyle, Dr., and Catholic Emancipation, 303.
Dramatists, temp. George III., 179-182; temp. William IV., 439.
Dresden, Buonaparte meets his vassal monarchs at, 40.
Dress and fashion, temp. George III., 203; temp. William IV., 442.
Drought, The, of 1826, 244.
Drummond, Mr., Assassination of, 506.
Dublin Custom House, Burning of, 376.
Dublin, Queen's visit to, 572.
Duffy, Gavan, Trial of, 570.
Dukes, Royal, Marriages of, 136.
Durham, Lord, mission to Canada, 447.
Earthquake at Jelalabad, The, 499.
Eastern question, 476.
Ecclesiastical Commissioners, Establishment of, 408.
Education, Charitable bequests on behalf of, 158; Brougham's speech on, 205; national (Ireland), 356, 359; temp. William IV., statistics, 424; effect on crime, 427; Government scheme for, 463.
Egypt, Affairs in, 475.
Elba, Buonaparte at, 83, 84; escapes from, 87.
Eldon, Lord, on Marriage Act, 226; on O'Connell, 270; on Clare election, 275; interview with George IV. on Catholic question, 299.
Ellenborough, Lord, Governor-General of India, the Somnauth proclamation, 504; annexes Scinde, 591; and Gwalior, 594; recalled, 595.
Elliott, Ebenezer, and Corn Laws, 483.
Emancipation Bill, Catholic, Peel introduces, 295. (See Catholic Emancipation.)
Emaum-Ghur, Destruction of the fortress of, 591.
Emigration to America, 245.
Encumbered Estates Act (Ireland), 570.
Engineering, temp. George III., 188-195.
England, Municipal relief in, 387-389.
Engraving, temp. George III., 202.
Episcopalians, Scottish, Relief of, 168.
Etruria, Queen of, Buonaparte's treatment of, 21.
Exmouth, Lord, bombards Algiers, 122.
Expenditure, royal, Debate on, 142.
Exports, temp. William IV., 418.
Factories, Employment of children in, 454.
Famine, The Irish, 536-547.
Fashions in dress, temp. George III., 203.
Ferdinand of Austria abdicates, 579.
Ferdinand VII. of Spain restored, 86.
Ferozeshah, Battle of, 597.
Fiction, temp. George III., 171-174; temp. William IV., 439.
Financial reforms, 224, 308.
Fire at Dublin Custom House, 376; at Houses of Parliament, 376.
Foreign Enlistment Act, 146.
Forty-shilling freeholders, 254; disfranchised, 301; increase of, 510.
Fouché's intrigues, 85; joins Buonaparte, 90.
Foundation schools in Ireland, Wyse's Report, 357.
France, relations with Spain, 232; annexes Society Islands, 524; interferes in Italian revolution, 586. (See Buonaparte, French Revolution.)
Francis attempts the Queen's life, 490, 491.
Francis Joseph appointed viceroy of Bohemia, 578; becomes Emperor of Austria, 579.
Frankfort Parliament offers the imperial crown of Germany the king of Prussia, 577.
Free Trade, effect on the imports, 423; enunciation of in the Royal Speech, 478; progress of, 507; literature, 508; principles triumph, 523.
French revolution of 1830, 315-318; effect in England, 318; of 1848, 550; effect in Britain, 554; in Ireland, 564; in Austria, 578.
Friends, Society of, and abolition of slavery, 366; and Irish famine, 538.
Fuentes d'Onoro, Battle of, 15.
Furniture, Household, temp. George III., 203.
Game Laws, Bill to amend, rejected, 305.
Garibaldi, General, and Italian revolution, 583; defeats Neapolitans, defence of Rome, 587.
Gas for street lighting, Introduction of, 198.
George III., Insanity of, 8, 22; jubilee, Regent appointed, 8; children of, 135; Duke of York, his guardian, 142; death of, 156; progress of the nation during his reign, 157-203.
George IV., Accession of, 202; treatment of Queen, 206; coronation, 214-216; visits Ireland, 216, 218-220; visits Scotland, 227-230; opposes Catholic Emancipation, 292; agrees to Peel's proposals, 294; alarm at Peel's Bill, 298; assents to the Bill, 299; illness, death, character, 310, 311. (See Regent.)
Germany, Revolution in, 575.
Gladstone, Mr., attacks Palmerston's foreign policy, 606.
Glasgow, Chartists in, 555, 558.
Glass manufacture, temp. George III., 196.
Goito, Radetzky defeated at, 584.
Goojerat, Battle of, 601.
Görgei, Hungarian patriot, 580, 597.
Gough, Sir Hugh, in India, 594.
Grattan, Henry, motions on Catholic Emancipation, 146, 166; death of, 205; his opinion of O'Connell, 271.
Greece, struggles for independence, 262; high-handed proceedings of, debate, 606.
Grey, Earl, 324; retires from public life, 373; character, 374.
Grey, Sir George, on state of Ireland, 560.
Guardians, Poor Law, 365.
Guerrière and Constitution, Naval battle between, 36.
Gwalior, Annexation of, 594.
Habeas Corpus Act suspended, 127.
Hampden Clubs, 120.
Hanover, Separation of, from England, Duke of Cumberland becomes king of, 443.
Hardinge, Sir Henry, Governor-General of India, 595, 597.
Haynau, General, 589.
Hill, Sir Rowland, and postal reform, 470.
Historians, temp. George III., 175-178; temp. William IV., 435.
Holland, The French driven from, 72.
Holy Alliance and Congress of Verona, 231-236.
Hone satirises the Government, 128, 152; trial of, 128-130.
Hôtel de Ville, Paris, Revolutionary attack on, 317.
Hume, Mr., his resolution on the Orange Societies, 394.
Hundred Days, the beginning, 87; end, 104; cost, 118.
Hungary, Revolution in, Kossuth appointed dictator, 579; Russian intervention, 580; debate on, 588.
Hunt, "Orator," 121, 147; trial of, 156.
Huskisson, Mr., at Board of Trade, 239; reforms, 239-242; resigns, 264; death, 319.
Hyde Park, temp. William IV., 441.
Hyderabad, Surrender of, 592.
Illegitimate children, Maintenance of, 364.
Imports, temp. William IV., 422.
Incendiarism in southern counties, 320.
India, Disturbances in, 138, 139; consolidation of empire, 141; affairs in Scinde, 589; Ellenborough's policy, 590; Napier's conquests, 590-594; affairs in the Punjab, 594, 601; Gwalior captured, 595; the Sikh war, 595-600.
Industrial progress, temp. William IV., 416, 417.
Industries, Manufacturing, temp. George III., 195-198.
Inhabited houses in Great Britain, temp. William IV., 424.
Ireland, George IV.'s visit to, 218-220; discontent and disturbances in, 222, 307; Lord Wellesley, Viceroy, 222, 246; social condition, 246, 535; Marquis of Anglesey, Viceroy, 268, 278-280, 326; the peasantry arming, 283; distress in, 326, 403-406, 484; Reform Bill for, 352, 353; tithe riots, 355; Clergy Relief Bill, 356; national education, 356, 359; church reform, 359, 372; O'Connell's repeal agitation, 370; tithe question, 371, 383; municipal reforms, 390; workhouse system, 405; registration of voters (Stanley's Bill), 476; threatened famine, 517; the Arms Bill, 529; the famine in, 536-547; after the famine, 560; rebellion in, 563-570; the Queen's visit to, 571-573.
Irish Church, Mr. Ward's motion, 372.
Irish Confederation, 564.
Irish corporations, Bill for the regulation of, 390.
Irish famine, The, 535-547.
Irish Parliament, O'Connell's proposal to restore, 530.
Irish Poor, Bill for the relief of, 448.
Iron, Improvements in manufacture of, 196-198; mines, 419.
Isas-zeg, Battle of, 580.
Italy, Revolution in, 582-586; debate on, 587.
Jamaica Bill, The, 460.
Jelalabad, Defence of, 498; relief of, 499.
Jellacic, Ban of Croatia, and Austrian revolution, 578; invades Hungary, 579
Jewish Emancipation Bill, 603-605.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 174.
Joseph Buonaparte. (See Buonaparte, Joseph.)
Jubilee of George III., 8.
Junot, Marshal, at Valoutina, 44.
Kennington Common, Chartist meeting on, 555.
Kent, Agricultural outrages in, 325.
Kent, Duke of, The marriage of, 136; the death of, 156.
Khan, Akbar, 495.
Khyber Pass, 495, 497.
Kossuth, Louis, appointed dictator of Hungary, 579; escapes to Turkey, 581; takes refuge in England, 583.
Kutusoff, Russian general, opposes Buonaparte, 46-53.
Labédoyère, Execution of, 115.
Lamartine and French revolution, 553; and Irish rebellion, 566.
Lamberg, Count, Assassination of, 579.
Landed Estates Court (Ireland), 570.
Lawless, Mr., a leader of the Irish rebellion, 283.
Lawrence, John and Henry, 600, 601.
Leinster declaration, The, 288.
Leipsic, Battle of, 71.
Liberators, The Order of, 286.
Lichfield House compact, 380.
Ligny, Battle of, 94, 95.
Literature, temp. George III., 171-187; temp. William IV., 434-439; of Anti-Corn Law League, 508; Free Trade, 508.
Liverpool, Lord, death and character, 256.
Locomotive steam-engine, The, 194.
London, Anti-Corn Law agitation in, 484; Chartist riots in, 558.
Londonderry, Lord, 227, 382.
Lords, House of, Petition for reform of, 392.
Louis XVIII. restored to France, 83; flight of, 90; returns, 104.
Louis-Philippe, King of France, 318; the Spanish marriages, 548; outbreak of the revolution, 550; abdication, flight, death, 551.
Luddite riots, 25.
Lützen, Battle of, 65.
Machinery destroyed by rioters, 25, 244.
Macnaghten, Sir William, Assassination of, 495.
Madison, President (U.S.), attempt on Canada, 35, 105; at capture of Washington, 110; anxiety for peace, 114.
Madrid, Wellington enters, 28.
Mabrattas, Power of the, broken, 141; conquest of Gwalior, 594, 595.
Malt Tax, Proposed abolition, 381, 382.
Manchester, Reform meetings at, 147-151; opening of railway, 319; Corn Law agitation at, 481-484.
Manin and the siege of Venice, 586.
Manners and customs, temp. George III., 202; temp. William IV., 439, 440.
Manufactures, temp. George III., 196-198; prosperous state of, 237; temp. William IV., 418.
Manufacturing districts, Depression in, 147.
Maria Louisa, of Austria, marries Buonaparte, 3; appointed regent, 64, 76; flies from Paris, 81.
Marmont in the Peninsular campaign, 26.
Marriage laws, Reforms in, 225; and Dissenters, 382; Act, 409.
Marriage of Queen Victoria, 471.
Massacre, The Peterloo, 151, 152.
Massena in the Peninsular Campaign, 12-16.
Mathematical Science, temp. William IV., 430.
Mathew, Father, and temperance reform in Ireland, 526; and the Irish famine, 537, 546.
Maynooth Grant, The, for educating Roman Catholic priests, 524.
Mazzini and Italian revolution, 582; one of the triumvirate, 583.
Meeanee, Battle of, 592.
Meerpoor, Capture of, 592.
Melbourne, Lord, Prime Minister, 373, 386, 444; and Queen Victoria, 478.
Messina bombarded, 583.
Metropolitan police, Establishment of, 323.
Metternich, Prince, and Buonaparte, 67; and Austrian revolution, 578.
Milan, Revolutionary fighting in, 582; Radetzky captures, 585.
Ministry, The Reform, 323. (See Reform Bill.)
Miscellaneous writers and literature, temp. George III., 178; temp. William IV., 435.
Monster meetings, O'Connell's, 526, 530.
Moodkee, Battle of, 597.
Moolraj, Defeat of, 60.
Mooltan, Capture of, 601.
Mortality during Irish famine, 541.
Moscow, Russians evacuate, 46; burning of, 47; French retreat from, 48-54.
Mulgrave, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, 395.
Municipal reform, 387-389; corporations, inquiry commission, 388; in Ireland, 390, 414, 450; in Scotland, 391; Reform Act, 444.
Murat, Marshal, at Moscow, 48; deserts Buonaparte, 63; revolutionary attempt at Naples, 105, 117; execution, 117.
Music and musicians, temp. George III., 199.
Napier, Sir Charles, conquest of Scinde, 591-593.
Napoleon, Louis, elected to National Assembly, 552; president of republic, 554; special constable in London during Chartist riots, 556.
National Gallery, Inception of, 240.
National wealth, Increase of, temp. William IV., 418.
National workshops, French, Failure of the, 553.
Nation, The, Irish Repeal newspaper, 563.
Naval supremacy of Britain, 19; battles during American war, 35-38.
Navarino, Battle of, 262.
Navigation Laws, Changes in, 239; repealed, 602.
Navy, State of the, 407.
Neapolitans defeated by Garibaldi, 587.
Negro slaves in the colonies, 366.
Newspaper stamp duty, 401.
Ney, Marshal, in the Russian campaign, 50, 51; deserts Louis Philippe, 90; at Waterloo, 99; Execution of, 115.
Nonconformists and Marriage Laws, 382; statistics of, 427.
Norbury, Lord, Assassination of, 458.
Normanby, Lord, on crime and outrage in Ireland, 459.
Northumberland, Duke of, Viceroy of Ireland, 292.
Notes, bank, Circulation of, 238, 242, 244.
Novara, Charles Albert defeated at, 586.
Novelists, temp. George III., 171-174; temp. William IV., 439.
Oaths, Parliamentary, Lord John Russell's Bill, 602, 603.
O'Brien. (See Smith O'Brien.)
O'Connell, Daniel, and Catholic Association, 249; as barrister, 270, 271; Grattan's opinion of, 271; the Clare election, 271-275, 303; influence on the Irish peasantry, 286, 287; refuses to take the oaths, 302; arrested for sedition, 327; agitates for Repeal, 370, 459, 525, 526, 530; his quarrels, 385, 387; crusade against House of Lords, 392; desires to revive the Irish Parliament, 530; trial, etc., 531, 532; rejoicings on his liberation, 532; parliamentary debate on the trial, 534; Young Ireland party secede from, 534; death and character, 561, 562.
O'Connor, Feargus, the Chartist, 455, 456, 482, 555.
Oliver the spy, and the rioters, 125.
Omerkote, Capture of, 592.
Operas, temp. George III., 199.
Opium war, The, 472-475.
Orange, Prince of, becomes King of Holland, 72.
Orange Societies in Ireland, 247; riots in Ireland, 307; lodges, 393, 394; Duke of Cumberland Grand Master of, 394; dissolution of the, 395.
Oregon boundary settled, 524.
Orleans dynasty, End of, 551.
Orleans, New, Pakenham's failure at, 111.
Orthez, Battle of, 75.
Outrages in Ireland, 458; debate on, 459.
Outram, General, 590.
Overland route to India, 421.
Over-trading and speculation, 410, 411.
Oxford's attempt on Queen's life, 471.
Pacifico, Don, Case of, 606.
Painters and painting, temp. George III., 201; temp. William IV., 432.
Palmerston, Lord, foreign policy, 374, 548; interference in Spain, 574; and Austrian revolution, 581; and Italian revolution, 585; debates on, 587, 589, 606; testimonial to, 607.
Papal States, Revolution in, 583, 586; Catholic powers restore the Pope, 587.
Paper, Reduction of duty on, 407.
Paris, Capture of, by the Allies, 81, 82; treaties of, 89, 119; the Allies enter, 103; rioting in, 554.
Parliament, changes made by Reform Bill in, 354; first reformed, 359; Houses of, burnt, 376; privilege of reports, 468-70.
Parliamentary Reform, Motions on, 148, 223, 320; popular excitement, 322. (See Reform Bill.)
Peel, Sir Robert, on Catholic Emancipation, 249; Clare election, 275-278; Catholic Emancipation Bill, 294, 295; general election, 378, 380; Bedchamber question, 462; Corn Laws, the sliding scale, 487; on Free Trade, 489, 507, 513; scene with Cobden, 506; Cabinet memorandum, 518; on state of Ireland, 529; his last speech, death, 607; Wellington's testimony to, 608. (See Anti-Corn Law League, Corn Laws.)
Peers, Roman Catholic, Canning's motion for admission of, to Parliament, 222.
Perceval, Mr., Assassination of, 23.
Periodical literature, temp. George III., 179; temp. William IV., 435.
Peterloo massacre, 151; debates, 152.
Petition, The Chartist, 558.
Picton, Sir Thomas, Death of, at Waterloo, 99.
Pindarrees, The, and the Mahratta wars, 138-141.
Pius IX., Pope, as reformer, 582; his reforms, flight, 583; restored by the Catholic powers, 587.
Plays and dramatists, temp. George III., 180; temp. William IV., 439.
Poets, temp. George III., 181-187; temp. William IV., 435.
Poland, Buonaparte promises to restore the kingdom of, 40; enthusiasm of the Poles, 42.
Police, Metropolitan, Establishment of, 323.
Political parties, Changes in, 359.
Political Register, Cobbett's, and the Reform Bill, 121.
Political Union, The Birmingham, 327.
Poniatowski, Fate of, 71.
Poor, Irish, Relief of the, 403; inquiry into state of, 404; Bill for, 414.
Poor Law abuses, 361-363; reform, 364-366; Irish, Bill, 448.
Poor Law Act, Operation of the, 410.
Population, Agricultural, State of, temp. George III., 158.
Population, Increase of, in the United Kingdom, 416.
Portugal, Revolution in, 306, 412, 549.
Portuguese expedition, 255.
Postage, Penny, Establishment of, 464.
Potato crop, signs of failure, 516, 520; precarious nature of, 536; failure of, 536, 537. (See Famine, The Irish.)
Pottery, temp. George III., 195, 196.
Pottinger, Eldred, 494, 495, 590.
Press, Growing power of, 121; liberty of the, 128; influence on Reform Bill, 334.
Prevost, Sir George, an incompetent commander, 105, 107, 108.
Printing and allied arts, Improvements in, 198.
Privileges of the House of Commons, 468-470.
Progress of the nation, temp. George III., 157-203; temp. William IV., 416-442.
Prosperity, Proofs of the national, temp. William IV., 418-424.
Protective duties, Abolition of, debate, 521.
Protestant schools in Ireland, 357.
Prussia declares war against Buonaparte, 63; revolution in, 575.
Punjab, Disturbances in, 593; annexation of, 601.
Pyrenees, Battle of the, 59.
Quadrilateral Alliance, 475.
Quakers, efforts to procure relief for, 163. (See Friends, Society of.)
Quatre Bras, Battle of, 95.
Radetzky, General, 579, 582, 586.
Railways, Commencement of, 194; the first, 319; progress of, 420.
Ramnuggur, British defeated at, 600.
Rate in aid, Ireland, 570.
Rebellion in Canada, 445-448; in Ireland, 563-568.
Reciprocity Acts, 239.
Reform, Demands for, 120; attempts at, 135.
Reform Bill, The, Ministry, 324; preparing the Bill, 328; introduced to Parliament, 330; excitement in the country, 331, 334; dissolution of Parliament, 333; influence of the press, 333; the new Parliament, 335; the Bill re-introduced, 336-338; rejected by the Lords, 339; riots, 339, 340; negotiations, 345; passed by the Commons, 347; threatened rejection by the Lords, 350; finally passed, 352.
Reform, Poor Law, 364, 365.
Regency, Appointment of, 8, 10, 22; question of, on accession of William IV., 312-314.
Regent, George, Prince of Wales appointed, 8; Brougham's philippic against the, 120; unpopularity of, 123; death of his daughter, Princess Charlotte, 131; royal expenditure, debates on, 142; succeeds as George IV., 204.
Registration of births, marriages, and deaths, 410.
Religion, Progress of, temp. George III., 158-171; temp. William IV., 427; in Ireland, 428.
Religious freedom, Efforts for, 158-169. (See Catholic emancipation.)
Repeal of the Union, Mr. Butt opposes, 525; Queen's Speech denounces, 529. (See O'Connell.)
Republic established in France, 552.
Retreat from Moscow, The French, 48-54.
Retrenching official salaries, 308.
Revenue and taxation, temp. William IV. 423, 424.
Revolution in Portugal, 306, 412, 549; France, 315, 550; Spain, 412; Germany, Prussia, 575; Austria, 578; Hungary, 579; Italy, 582.
Revolution of 1848, Palmerston on the causes of, 588.
Riots, Chartist, 457.
Roads, Construction of, temp. George III., 190; temp. William IV., 420.
Roebuck, Mr., opposes Colonial Government Bill, 605; on the Government's foreign policy, 606.
Rome, French capture, 587.
Rossi, Count, Murder of, 583.
Rothière, La, Battle of, 78.
Rothschild, Baron, and the abjuration oath, 603.
Runjeet Singh, 595.
Russell, Lord John, motion on Parliamentary Reform, 223; obtains repeal of Test and Corporation Acts, 264; introduces Reform Bill, 330, 336; on the Tithe Question, 383; on the Marriage Bill, 400; on the Corn Laws, 519; on the Jewish Emancipation Bill, 602, 604; on the Colonial Government Bill, 605.
Russia, war with France, 38, 40-48; heads the alliance against Buonaparte, 63; and the Eastern Question, 411; and the Hungarian revolution, 580, 583.
Sackett's Harbour, Attack on, 108.
Safety lamp, Miner's, 196.
Salamanca, Battle of, 27.
Sale, Sir Robert, rescues English captives, 502.
Salomans, Alderman, and the abjuration oath, 603.
San Sebastian, Storming of, 60.
Savings banks, Depositors in, 417; as a proof of progress, 424.
Saw-mills introduced into Great Britain, 198.
Schools, temp. George III., 158; temp. William IV., 425, 426.
Science, Progress of, temp. George III., 199; temp. William IV., 430.
Scinde, Annexation of, 590-593.
Scotland, Attempt at insurrection, 155; lay patronage in, 167; relief of Episcopalians in, 168; George IV.'s visit to, 227-230; Reform Bill for, 353; municipal relief in, 391; famine in the north of, 540.
Scott, Sir Walter, 175, 436; and George IV.'s visit to Scotland, 227.
Scottish burgh reforms, 146; Reform Bill, 353.
Scottish Churches, eminent members of the, temp. William IV., 428.
Sculpture, temp. George III., 202.
Search, The right of, 33, 492.
Self-government, Colonial, 600.
Settlement, The Act of, 362; changes in the law of, 364.
Shakespeare forgeries, The, 184.
Shere Mahommed defeated by Sir Charles Napier, 592.
Shipping, Progress of, temp. George III., 157; steam vessels, temp. William IV., 417, 421.
Sicilian expedition to Spain, 29.
Sicily, Revolution in, 583.
Sikh War, The, 597-600.
Silk duties, Reduction of the, 241; trade riots, 304; state of trade, temp. William IV., 418.
Six Acts, The, 151, 152.
Slavery in the Colonies, debate, 314; abolition of, in the West Indies, 366-368; and the right of search, 492.
Sliding scale, Peel's (corn duties), 487.
Smith O'Brien on the state of Ireland, 527; joins the Repeal Association, 533; the Irish rebellion, 564; capture of, 569; trial, 570.
Smolensk, Storming of, 44.
Sobraon, Battle of, 599.
Social reforms, 145.
Society Islands annexed by France, 524.
Society of Friends and Irish famine, 474.
Somnauth proclamation, Ellenborough, 504.
Soult, Marshal, in the Peninsular Campaign, 12, 26, 30, 59, 75.
Sovereigns, Allied in London, 86.
Spain, Wellington's campaign in, 55-60, 75; and her revolted colonies, 231, 236; relations with France, 232; revolution in, 412; Palmerston's interference with, 574.
Spanish legion, The, 452-454.
Spanish marriages, The, 548.
Speculation, over-trading, etc., 242-244, 410, 411; Parliamentary inquiry into, 254.
Spencean philanthropists, The, 121.
Stamp duty, Newspaper, 401; revision of the stamp duties, 401, 402.
Stanhope, Earl, and religious freedom, 160-163.
Stanley, Mr., secretary to Irish Viceroy, 332; his character, 354; plan for national education (Ireland), 356, 359; on abolition of slavery, 366; on the Corn Laws, 518.
Steam, Application of, to travelling and to machinery, 194-196; applied to vessels, temp. William IV., 421.
Steamboats, The first, in Great Britain, 195.
Street fighting in Milan, 582.
Subsidies to Continental Powers against Buonaparte, 62, 74, 89, 91.
Sugar duties, The, 512.
Sunday schools, temp. William IV., 424.
"Surrender" banquet at Derry, The, 288.
Suspension Act, Repeal of the, 132.
Switzerland, The French driven from, 73.
Syrian dispute, The, 475.
Taxation and Revenue, temp. William IV., 423, 424.
Taxes, Large reductions of, 488.
Temperance reform in Ireland, 526; and the Repeal agitation, 527, 530; and the Irish famine, 537.
Test and Corporation Acts, Lord John Russell's motion for repeal of, 264; debate on, 266; repeal of, celebrated, 267. (See University.)
Thames Tunnel, Construction of the, 431.
Theological literature, temp. George III., 178.
Thistlewood and the Cato Street conspiracy, 154.
Tithe Commissioners, Establishment of, 409.
Tithe Commutation Act, 248; riots in Ireland, 355; the tithe question, debates on, etc., 371, 382, 409; Bill (Irish), 450.
Toulouse, Battle of, 75, 76.
Trade, State of, 396; depression of, 455, 485.
Trades unions and strikes, 368-370.
Turner, J. M. W., 431.
Tuscany, End of the revolution in, 586.
Ulster, the Orangemen in, 396.
Union of Great Britain and Ireland, Repeal of. (See O'Connell.)
Union of parishes for poor-law relief, 364, 365.
United Irishman, The, advocates rebellion, 564.
United States of America. (See America.)
University tests, debate in Parliament, 375, 382.
Unlawful Societies in Ireland Bill, 250.
Valoutina, Battle of, 44.
Venice, Revolution in, 582; siege and capitulation of, 586.
Verona, Congress of, 231-236.
Vessels, Steam, temp. William IV., 421.
Viceroy of Ireland, Qualifications necessary for a, 245.
Victoria, Princess, Birth of, 156; youth of, 310.
Victoria, Queen, Accession of, 443; Lord Melbourne her mentor, 444; the Civil List, her first Parliament, 444, 445; her coronation, 451-452; Melbourne Ministry resign, 459; the Bedchamber question, 461; disloyalty of the Tories, loyalty of O'Connell, 466; approaching marriage announced, 467; Bill for naturalising Prince Albert, debate, 467, 468; Prince Albert's income, 468; the marriage, 471; attempts on the Queen's life, 471, 490, 491; letter to the French queen on the Spanish marriages, 548; visit to Ireland, 571-573.
Vienna, Congress at, 87, 117; the bombardment of, 579.
Villiers, Mr., motions on the Corn Laws, 479, 484, 511, 523.
Vittoria, Battle of, 58.
Wales, Princess of, regent, 9.
Washington, U.S., captured by British, 110.
Waterloo, Field of, 96; battle of, 98-102.
Wealth of the nation temp. George III., 157; temp. William IV., 418.
Wedgwood, Josiah, and improvements in pottery, 196.
Wellesley, Marquis of, Viceroy of Ireland, 222, 246.
Wellington, Duke of, Peninsular campaign, 12-75; prepares for Buonaparte, 98; battle of Waterloo, 98-102; plenipotentiary at Verona congress, 231-236; Prime Minister, 262; on the Catholic question, 281; duel with Earl of Winchilsea, 300; financial reforms, 309; declares against Parliamentary Reform, 320, 321; his Ministry defeated, 324; on the state of Ireland, 527; his testimony to Peel's character, 608.
West Indies, Abolition of slavery in, 366-368; and sugar duties, 512.
Wetherell, Sir Charles, and the Bristol rioters, 340, 341.
William III., his statue blown up, 396.
William IV., Accession, 312; popularity, 312, 314; question of regency, 313; and the Reform Bill, 340; coronation, 343; unpopularity, 350; on the Irish Church, 372; death and character, 414, 415; progress of the nation during reign of, 416-442.
William IV. of Prussia and the revolution, 576; a new constitution, 577; declines imperial crown of Germany, 578.
Windischgrätz, General, 579.
Wool, Reduction of duties on, 241; state of the trade, temp. William IV., 418.
Workhouses in England, 362-365; in Ireland, 405.
Working classes, temp. George III., 157.
Wyse, Mr., Report on Foundation schools in Ireland, 357.
York, Duke of, Commander-in-Chief, 111; becomes guardian of George III., 142; declares against Catholic Emancipation, 251; death, 254.
Young Ireland party, 533; secede from O'Connell, 534; history of, 563.
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+--------------------------------------------------------------+ | | | Transcriber Notes: | | | | P. 79. 'Lichstenstein' changed to 'Liechtenstein' P. 107. | | 'Ooracoke' changed to 'Ocracoke'. P. 610. 'Neaoplitans' in | | index of Garibaldi changed to 'Neapolitans'. Fixed various | | punctuation. | | | +--------------------------------------------------------------+