II. The Middle Ages and the Reformation. A.D. 1381-1593 (part 3 of 4)

MENSĀRĬI, MENSŬLĀRĬI, or NŪMŬLĀRĬI, a kind of public bankers at Rome who were appointed by the state; they were distinct from the argentarii, who were common bankers, and did business on their own account. [ARGENTARII.] The mensarii had their tables or banks (mensae) like ordinary bankers, in the forum, and in the name of the aerarium they offered ready money to debtors who could give security to the state for it. Such an expediency was devised by the state only in times of great distress. The first time that mensarii (quinqueviri mensarii) were appointed was in B.C. 352, at the time when the plebeians were so deeply involved in debt, that they were obliged to borrow money from new creditors in order to pay the old ones, and thus ruined themselves completely. On this occasion they were also authorised to ordain that cattle or land should be received as payment at a fair valuation. With the exception of this first time, they appear during the time of the republic to have always been triumviri mensarii. One class of mensarii, however (perhaps an inferior order), the mensularii or numularii, seem to have been permanently employed by the state, and these must be meant when we read, that not only the aerarium, but also private individuals, deposited in their hands sums of money which they had to dispose of.

MENSIS. [CALENDARIUM.]

MĔRENDA. [COENA.]

MĔTAE. [CIRCUS.]

MĔTALLUM (μέταλλον), a mine and metal. The metals which have been known from the earliest period of which we have any information are those which were long distinguished as the seven principal metals, namely, gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, lead, and mercury. If to this list we add the compound of gold and silver called electrum, the compound of copper and tin called χαλκός and aes (bronze), and steel, we have, in all probability, a complete list of the metals known to the Greeks and Romans, with the exception of zinc, which they do not seem to have known as a metal, but only in its ores, and of brass, which, they regarded as a sort of bronze. The early Greeks were no doubt chiefly indebted for a supply of the various metals to the commerce of the Phoenicians, who procured them principally from Arabia and Spain, and tin from our own island and the East. They were perfectly acquainted with the processes of smelting the metal from the ore, and of forging heated masses into the required shapes, by the aid of the hammer and tongs. The smith’s instruments were the anvil (ἄκμων) with the block on which it rested (ἀκμόθετον), the tongs (πυράγρη) and the hammer (ῥαιστήρ, σφῦρα). The advances made in the art of metallurgy in subsequent times are chiefly connected with the improvements in the art of statuary. The method of working, as described in Homer, seems to have long prevailed, namely by beating out lumps of the material into the form proposed, and afterwards fitting the pieces together by means of pins or keys. It was called σφυρήλατον, from σφῦρα, a hammer. The next mode, among the Greeks, of executing metal works seems to have been by plating upon a nucleus, or general form, of wood--a practice which was employed also by the Egyptians. It is extremely difficult to determine at what date the casting of metal was introduced. According to the statements of Pausanias and Pliny, the art of casting in bronze and in iron was invented by Rhoecus and Theodorus of Samos, who probably lived in the sixth and fifth centuries before our era.

MĔTOICI (μέτοικοι), the name by which, at Athens and in other Greek states, the resident aliens were designated. They must be distinguished from such strangers as made only a transitory stay in a place, for it was a characteristic of a metoicus, that he resided permanently in the city. No city of Greece perhaps had such a number of resident aliens as Athens, since none afforded to strangers so many facilities for carrying on mercantile business, or a more agreeable mode of living. In the census instituted by Demetrius Phalereus (B.C. 309), the number of resident aliens at Athens was 10,000, in which number women and children were probably not included. The jealousy with which the citizens of the ancient Greek republics kept their body clear of intruders, is also manifest in their regulations concerning aliens. However long they might have resided in Athens, they were always regarded as strangers, whence they are sometimes called ξένοι, and to remind them of their position, they had on some occasions to perform certain degrading services for the Athenian citizens [HYDRIAPHORIA]. These services were, however, in all probability not intended to hurt the feelings of the aliens, but were simply acts symbolical of their relation to the citizens. Aliens were not allowed to acquire landed property in the state they had chosen for their residence, and were consequently obliged to live in hired houses or apartments. As they did not constitute a part of the state, and were yet in constant intercourse and commerce with its members, every alien was obliged to select a citizen for his patron (προστάτης), who was not only the mediator between them and the state, through whom alone they could transact any legal business, whether private or public, but was at the same time answerable (ἐγγυητής) to the state for the conduct of his client. On the other hand, however, the state allowed the aliens to carry on all kinds of industry and commerce under the protection of the law; in fact, at Athens nearly all business was in the hands of aliens, who on this account lived for the most part in the Peiraeeus. Each family of aliens, whether they availed themselves of the privilege of carrying on any mercantile business or not, had to pay an annual tax (μετοίκιον or ξενικά) of twelve drachmae, or if the head of the family was a widow, of only six drachmae. If aliens did not pay this tax, or if they assumed the right of citizens, and probably also in case they refused to select a patron, they not only forfeited the protection of the state, but were sold as slaves. Extraordinary taxes and liturgies (εἰσφοραί and λειτουργίαι) devolved upon aliens no less than upon citizens. The aliens were also obliged, like citizens, to serve in the regular armies and in the fleet, both abroad and at home, for the defence of the city. Those aliens who were exempt from the burthens peculiar to their class were called isoteles (ἰσοτελεῖς). They had not to pay the μετοίκιον (ἀτέλια μετοικίου), were not obliged to choose a προστάτης, and in fact enjoyed all the rights of citizens, except those of a political nature. Their condition was termed ἰσοτέλεια and ἰσοπολιτεία.

MĔTOPA or MĔTŎPE (μετόπη), the name applied to each of the spaces between the triglyphs in the frieze of the Doric order, and by metonymy to the sculptured ornament with which those spaces were filled up. In the original significance of the parts the triglyphs represent the ends of the cross-beams or joists which rested on the architrave; the beds of these beams were called ὀπαί, and hence the spaces between them μετόπαι. Originally they were left open; next they were filled up with plain slabs, as in the propylaea at Eleusis, and many other buildings, and lastly, but still at an early period, they were adorned with sculptures either in low or high relief. The metopes from the Parthenon in the British Museum are adorned with sculptures in high relief.

MĔTRĒTES (μετρητής), the principal Greek liquid measure. The Attic metretes was equal in capacity to the amphora, containing 8 galls. 7·365 pints, English. See the Tables. [CHOUS; CHOENIX; XESTES; COTYLA.]

MĒTRŎPŎLIS. [COLONIA.]

MĬLIĀRE, MILLĬĀRĬUM, or MILLE PASSUUM (μίλιον), the Roman mile, consisted of 1000 paces (passus) of 5 feet each, and was therefore = 5000 feet. Taking the Roman foot at 11·6496 English inches [PES], the Roman mile would be 1618 English yards, or 142 yards less than the English statute mile. The most common term for the mile is mille passuum, or only the initials M. P.; sometimes the word passuum is omitted. The Roman mile contained 8 Greek stadia. The mile-stones along the Roman roads were called milliaria. They were also called lapides; thus we have ad tertium lapidem (or without the word lapidem) for 3 miles from Rome. Augustus erected a gilt pillar in the Forum, where the principal roads terminated, which was called milliarium aureum; but the miles were not reckoned from it, but from the gates of the city. Such central marks appear to have been common in the principal cities of the Roman empire. The “London-stone” in Cannon-street is supposed to have marked the centre of the Roman roads in Britain.

MĪMUS (μῖμος), the name by which, in Greece and at Rome, a species of the drama was designated, though the Roman mimus differed essentially from the Greek. The Greek mimus seems to have originated among the Greeks of Sicily and southern Italy, and to have consisted originally of extemporary representations or imitations of ridiculous occurrences of common life at certain festivals. At a later period these rude representations acquired a more artistic form, which was brought to a high degree of perfection by Sophron of Syracuse (about B.C. 420). He wrote his pieces in the popular dialect of the Dorians and a kind of rhythmical prose. Among the Romans the word mimus was applied to a species of dramatic plays as well as to the persons who acted in them. It is certain that the Romans did not derive their mimus from the Greeks in southern Italy, but that it was of native growth. The Greek mimes were written in prose, and the name μῖμος was never applied to an actor, but if used of a person it signified one who made grimaces. The Roman mimes were imitations of foolish and mostly indecent occurrences, and scarcely differed from comedy except in consisting more of gestures and mimicry than of spoken dialogue. At Rome such mimes seem originally to have been exhibited at funerals, where one or more persons (mimi) represented in a burlesque manner the life of the deceased. If there were several mimi, one of them, or their leader, was called archimimus. These coarse and indecent performances had greater charms for the Romans than the regular drama. They were performed on the stage as farces after tragedies, and during the empire they gradually supplanted the place of the Atellanae. It was peculiar to the actors in these mimes, to wear neither masks, the cothurnus, nor the soccus, whence they are sometimes called planipedes.

MĬNA. [TALENTUM.]

MIRMILLŌNES. [GLADIATORES.]

MISSĬO. [EXERCITUS.]

MISSĬO. [GLADIATORES.]

MITRA (μίτρα), in general a band of any kind, and specifically, (1) A belt or girdle worn by warriors round the waist. [ZONA.]--(2) A broad band of cloth worn round the head, to which the name of anadema was sometimes given. [COMA.]

MODĬUS, the principal dry measure of the Romans, was equal to one-third of the amphora, and therefore contained nearly two gallons English. (See the Tables.) The modius was one-sixth of the medimnus.

MŎLA (μύλος), a mill. All mills were anciently made of stone, the kind used being a volcanic trachyte or porous lava (pyrites, silices, pumiceas). Every mill consisted of two essential parts, the upper mill-stone, which was moveable (catillus, ὄνος, τὸ ἐπιμύλιον), and the lower, which was fixed and by much the larger of the two. Hence a mill is sometimes called molae in the plural. The principal mills mentioned by ancient authors are the following:--I. The hand-mill, or quern, called mola manuaria, versatilis, or trusatilis. The hand-mills were worked among the Greeks and Romans by slaves. Their pistrinum was consequently proverbial as a place of painful and degrading labour; and this toil was imposed principally on women. II. The cattle-mill, mola asinaria, in which human labour was supplied by the use of an ass or some other animal. III. The water-mill (mola aquaria, ὑδραλέτης). A cogged wheel, attached to the axis of the water wheel, turned another which was attached to the axis of the upper mill-stone: the corn to be ground fell between the stones out of a hopper (infundibulum), which was fixed above them. IV. The floating-mill. V. The saw-mill. VI. The pepper-mill.

MŎNARCHĬA (μοναρχία), a general name for any form of government in which the supreme functions of political administration are in the hands of a single person. The term μοναρχία is applied to such governments, whether they are hereditary or elective, legal or usurped. In its commonest application, it is equivalent to βασιλεία, whether absolute or limited. But the rule of an aesymnetes or a tyrant would equally be called a μοναρχία. Hence Plutarch uses it to express the Latin dictatura. It is by a somewhat rhetorical use of the word that it is applied now and then to the δῆμος.

MŎNĒTA, the mint, or the place where money was coined. The mint of Rome was a building on the Capitoline, and attached to the temple of Juno Moneta, as the aerarium was to the temple of Saturn. The officers who had the superintendence of the mint were the Triumviri Monetales, who were perhaps first appointed about B.C. 269. Under the republic, the coining of money was not a privilege which belonged exclusively to the state. The coins struck in the time of the republic mostly bear the names of private individuals; and it would seem that every Roman citizen had the right of having his own gold and silver coined in the public mint, and under the superintendence of its officers. Still no one till the time of the empire had the right of putting his own image upon a coin; Julius Caesar was the first to whom this privilege was granted.

MŎNĪLE (ὅρμος), a necklace. Necklaces were worn by both sexes among the most polished of those nations which the Greeks called barbarous, especially the Indians, the Egyptians, and the Persians. Greek and Roman females adopted them more particularly as a bridal ornament. They were of various forms, as may be seen by the following specimens:--

MŎNŬMENTUM. [FUNUS.]

MŎRA. [EXERCITUS.]

MORTĀRIUM, also called PĪLA and PILUM (ὄλμος, ἴγδη, ἴγδις), a mortar. Before the invention of mills [MOLA] corn was pounded and rubbed in mortars (pistum), and hence the place for making bread, or the bake-house, was called pistrinum. Also long after the introduction of mills this was an indispensable article of domestic furniture. Those used in pharmacy were sometimes made of Egyptian alabaster. The mortar was also employed in pounding charcoal, rubbing it with glue, in order to make black paint (atramentum), in making plaster for the walls of apartments, in mixing spices and fragrant herbs and flowers for the use of the kitchen, and in metallurgy, as in triturating cinnabar to obtain mercury from it by sublimation.

MULSUM. [VINUM.]

MŪNĔRĀTOR. [GLADIATORES.]

MŪNĬCEPS, MŪNĬCĬPĬUM. [COLONIA; FOEDERATAE CIVITATES.]

MŪNUS. [HONORES.]

MŪNUS. [GLADIATORES.]

MŪRĀLIS CŎRŌNA. [CORONA.]

MURRHĬNA VĀSA, or MURRĔA VĀSA, were first introduced into Rome by Pompey, who dedicated cups of this kind to Jupiter Capitolinus. Their value was very great. Nero gave 300 talents for a capis or drinking cup. These murrhine vessels came from the East, principally from places within the Parthian empire, and chiefly from Caramania. They were made of a substance formed by a moisture thickened in the earth by heat, and were chiefly valued on account of the variety of their colours. Modern writers differ much respecting the material of which they were composed, and some think they may have been true Chinese porcelain.

MŪRUS, MOENĬA (τεῖχος), the wall of a city, in contradistinction to PARIES (τοῖχος), the wall of a house, and Maceria, a boundary wall. We find cities surrounded by massive walls at the earliest periods of Greek and Roman history. Homer speaks of the chief cities of the Argive kingdom as “the walled Tiryns,” and “Mycenae the well-built city,” attesting the great antiquity of those identical gigantic walls which still stand at Tiryns and Mycenae, and which have been frequently attributed to the Cyclopes and Pelasgians. Three principal species can be clearly distinguished:--1. That in which the masses of stone are of irregular shape and are put together without any attempt to fit them into one another, the interstices being loosely filled in with smaller stones. An example is given in the annexed engraving.

2. In other cases we find the blocks still of irregular polygonal shapes, but their sides are sufficiently smoothed to make each fit accurately into the angles between the others, and their faces are cut so as to give the whole wall a tolerably smooth surface. An example is given in the annexed engraving.

3. In the third species, the blocks are laid in horizontal courses, more or less regular (sometimes indeed so irregular, that none of the horizontal joints are continuous), and with vertical joints either perpendicular or oblique, and with all the joints more or less accurately fitted. The walls of Mycenae present one of the ruder examples of this sort of structure; and the following engraving of the “Lion Gate” of that fortress (so called from the rudely sculptured figures of lions) shows also the manner in which the gates of these three species of walls were built, by supporting an immense block of stone, for the lintel, upon two others, for jambs, the latter inclining inwards, so as to give more space than if they were upright.--

The materials employed in walls about the time of Pericles were various sorts of stone, and, in some of the most magnificent temples, marble. The practice of putting a facing of marble over a wall of a commoner material was introduced in the next period of architectural history. For buildings of a common sort, the materials employed were smaller stones, rough or squared, or flints, as well as bricks. These were bound together with various kinds of mortar or cement, composed of lime mixed with different sands and volcanic earths. The history of Roman masonry is not very different from that of the Greek.--The most ancient works at Rome, such as the Carcer Mamertinus, the Cloaca Maxima, and the Servian Walls, were constructed of massive quadrangular hewn stones, placed together without cement. [CLOACA.] Five species of Roman masonry may be distinguished; namely, 1. when the blocks of stone are laid in alternate courses, lengthwise in one course, and crosswise in the next; this is the most common; 2. when the stones in each course are laid alternately along and across; this construction was usual when the walls were to be faced with slabs of marble; 3. when they are laid entirely lengthwise; 4. entirely crosswise; and 5. when the courses are alternately higher and lower than each other. As by the Greeks, so by the Romans, walls of a commoner sort were built of smaller quarried stones (caementa) or of bricks. The excellence of the cement which the Romans used enabled them to construct walls of very small rough stones, not laid in courses, but held together by the mortar; this structure was called opus incertum. Another structure of which the Romans made great use, and which was one of the most durable of all, was that composed of courses of flat tiles. Such courses were also introduced in the other kinds of stone and brick walls, in which they both served as bond-courses, and, in the lower part of the wall, kept the damp from rising from the ground. Brick walls covered with stucco were exceedingly common with the Romans: even columns were made of brick covered with stucco.

MUSCŬLUS was a kind of vinea, one of the smaller military machines, by which the besiegers of a town were protected.

MŪSĒUM (μουσεῖον), the name of an institution founded by Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B.C. 280, for the promotion of learning and the support of learned men. The museum formed part of the palace, and contained cloisters or porticoes (περίπατος), a public theatre or lecture-room (ἐξέδρα), and a large hall (οἶκος μέγας), where the learned men dined together. The museum was supported by a common fund, supplied apparently from the public treasury; and the whole institution was under the superintendence of a priest, who was appointed by the king, and after Egypt became a province of the Roman empire, by the Caesar. Botanical and zoological gardens appear to have been attached to the museum.

MȲRĬI (μυρίοι), the name given to the popular assembly of the Arcadians, which was established after the overthrow of the Spartan supremacy by the battle of Leuctra, and which used to meet at Megalopolis in order to determine upon matters affecting the whole people.

MYSĬA (μύσια), a festival celebrated by the inhabitants of Pellene in Achaia in honour of Demeter Mysia, which lasted for 7 days.

MYSTĒRĬA. The names by which mysteries or mystic festivals were designated in Greece, are μυστήρια, τελεταί, and ὄργια. The name ὄργια (from ἔοργα) originally signified only sacrifices accompanied by certain ceremonies, but it was afterwards applied especially to the ceremonies observed in the worship of Dionysus, and at a still later period to mysteries in general. Τελετή signifies, in general, a religious festival, but more particularly a lustration or ceremony performed in order to avert some calamity, either public or private. Μυστήριον signifies, properly speaking, the secret part of the worship, but was also used in the same sense as τελετή, and for mystic worship in general. Mysteries in general may be defined as sacrifices and ceremonies which took place at night or in secret within some sanctuary, which the uninitiated were not allowed to enter. What was essential to them, were objects of worship, sacred utensils, and traditions with their interpretation, which were withheld from all persons not initiated. The most celebrated mysteries in Greece were those of Samothrace and Eleusis, which are described in separate articles. [CABEIRIA; ELEUSINIA.]

NAENĬA. [FUNUS.]

NĂTĀTĬO, NĂTĀTŌRĬUM. [BALNEUM.]

NĀVĀLIA, docks at Rome where ships were built, laid up, and refitted. They were attached to the emporium outside of the Porta Trigemina, and were connected with the Tiber. The emporium and navalia were first included within the walls of the city by Aurelian.--The docks (νεώσοικοι or νεώρια) in the Peiraeeus at Athens cost 1000 talents, and having been destroyed in the anarchy were again restored and finally completed by Lycurgus, the contemporary of Demosthenes. They were under the superintendence of regular officers, called ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων.

NĀVĀLIS CŎRŌNA. [CORONA.]

NĀVARCHUS (ναύαρχος), the name by which the Greeks designated both the captain of a single ship, and the admiral of a fleet. The office itself was called ναυαρχία. The admiral of the Athenian fleet was always one of the ten generals (στρατηγοί) elected every year, and he had either the whole or the chief command of the fleet. The chief officers who served under him were the trierarchs and the pentecontarchs, each of whom commanded one vessel; the inferior officers in the vessels were the κυβερνῆται or helmsmen, the κελευσταί or commanders of the rowers, and the πρωρᾶται, who must have been employed at the prow of the vessels. Other Greek states who kept a navy had likewise their navarchs. The chief admiral of the Spartan fleet was called navarchus, and the second in command epistoleus (ἐπιστολεύς). The same person was not allowed to hold the office of navarchus two successive years at Sparta. [EPISTOLEUS.]

NAUCRĀRĬA (ναυκραρία), the name of a division of the inhabitants of Attica. The four ancient phylae were each divided into three phratries, and each of these twelve phratries into four naucraries, of which there were thus forty-eight. What the naucraries were previous to the legislation of Solon is not stated anywhere, but it is not improbable that they were political divisions similar to the demes in the constitution of Cleisthenes, and were made perhaps at the time of the institution of the nine archons, for the purpose of regulating the liturgies, taxes, or financial and military affairs in general. At any rate, however, the naucraries before the time of Solon can have had no connection with the navy, for the Athenians then had no navy; the word ναύκραρος therefore cannot be derived from ναῦς, ship, but must come from ναιω, and ναύκραρος is thus only another form for ναύκληρος in the sense of a householder, as ναῦλον was used for the rent of a house. Solon in his legislation retained the old institution of the naucraries, and charged each of them with the equipment of one trireme and with the mounting of two horsemen. All military affairs, as far as regards the defraying of expenses, probably continued as before to be regulated according to naucraries. Cleisthenes, in his change of the Solonian constitution, retained the division into naucraries for military and financial purposes; but he increased their number to fifty, making five for each of his ten tribes; so that now the number of their ships was increased from forty-eight to fifty, and that of horsemen from ninety-six to one hundred. The statement of Herodotus, that the Athenians in their war against Aegina had only fifty ships of their own, is thus perfectly in accordance with the fifty naucraries of Cleisthenes. The functions of the former ναύκραροι, or the heads of their respective naucraries, were now transferred to the demarchs. [DEMARCHI.] The obligation of each naucrary to equip a ship of war for the service of the republic may be regarded as the first form of trierarchy. As the system of trierarchy became developed and established, this obligation of the naucraries appears to have gradually ceased, and to have fallen into disuse. [TRIERARCHIA.]

NAUCRĀRUS. [NAUCRARIA.]

NĀVIS, NĀVĬGIUM (ναῦς, πλοῖον), a ship. The numerous fleet, with which the Greeks are said to have sailed to the coast of Asia Minor, must on the whole be regarded as sufficient evidence of the extent to which navigation was carried on in those times, however much of the detail in the Homeric description may have arisen from the poet’s own imagination. In the Homeric catalogue it is stated that each of the fifty Boeotian ships carried 120 warriors, and a ship which carried so many cannot have been of very small dimensions. What Homer states of the Boeotian vessels applies more or less to the ships of other Greeks. These boats were provided with a mast (ἱστός) which was fastened by two ropes (πρότονοι) to the two ends of the ship, so that when the rope connecting it with the prow broke, the mast would fall towards the stern, where it might kill the helmsman. The mast could be erected or taken down as necessity required. They also had sails (ἱστία), but no deck; each vessel however appears to have had only one sail, which was used in favourable winds; and the principal means of propelling the vessel lay in the rowers, who sat upon benches (κληΐδες). The oars were fastened to the side of the ship with leathern thongs (τροποὶ δερμάτινοι), in which they were turned as a key in its hole. The ships in Homer are mostly called black (μέλαιναι), probably because they were painted or covered with a black substance, such as pitch, to protect the wood against the influence of the water and the air; sometimes other colours, such as μίλτος, minium (a red colour), were used to adorn the sides of the ships near the prow, whence Homer occasionally calls ships μιλτοπάρῃοι, i.e. red-cheeked; they were also painted occasionally with a purple colour (φοινικοπάρῃοι). When the Greeks had landed on the coast of Troy, the ships were drawn on land, and fastened at the poop to large stones with a rope which served as anchors. The Greeks then surrounded the fleet with a fortification to secure it against the attacks of the enemy. This custom of drawing the ships upon the shore, when they were not used, was followed in later times also, as every one will remember from the accounts in Caesar’s Commentaries. In the Odyssey (v. 243, &c.) the building of a boat (σχεδία) is described, though not with the minuteness which an actual ship-builder might wish for. Ulysses first cuts down with his axe twenty trees, and prepares the wood for his purpose by cutting it smooth and giving it the proper shape. He then bores the holes for nails and hooks, and fits the planks together and fastens them with nails. He rounds the bottom of the ship like that of a broad transport vessel, and raises the bulwark (ἴκρια), fitting it upon the numerous ribs of the ship. He afterwards covers the whole of the outside with planks, which are laid across the ribs from the keel upwards to the bulwark: next the mast is made, and the sail-yard attached to it, and lastly the rudder. When the ship is thus far completed, he raises the bulwark still higher by a wicker-work which goes all around the vessel, as a protection against the waves. This raised bulwark of wicker-work and the like was used in later times also. For ballast Ulysses throws into the ship ὕλη, which according to the Scholiast consisted of wood, stones, and sand. Calypso then brings him materials to make a sail of, and he fastens the ὑπέραι or ropes which run from the top of the mast to the two ends of the yard, and also the κάλοι with which the sail is drawn up or let down. The πόδες mentioned in this passage were undoubtedly, as in the later times, the ropes attached to the two lower corners of the square sail. The ship of which the building is thus described was a small boat, a σχεδία, as Homer calls it; but it had like all the Homeric ships a round or flat bottom. Greater ships must have been of a more complicated structure, as ship-builders are praised as artists. Below (p. 266), a representation of two boats is given which appear to bear great resemblance to the one of which the building is described in the Odyssey.--The Corinthians were the first who brought the art of ship-building nearest to the point at which we find it in the time of Thucydides, and they were the first who introduced ships with three ranks of rowers (τριήρεις, Triremes). About B.C. 700, Ameinocles the Corinthian, to whom this invention is ascribed, made the Samians acquainted with it; but it must have been preceded by that of the Biremes, that is, ships with two ranks of rowers, which Pliny attributes to the Erythraeans.[3] These innovations however do not seem to have been generally adopted for a long time; for we read that about the time of Cyrus the Phocaeans introduced long sharp-keeled ships called πεντηκόντοροι. These belonged to the class of long war-ships (νῆες μακραί), and had fifty rowers, twenty-five on each side of the ship, who sat in one row. It is further stated that before this time vessels called στρογγύλαι, with large round or rather flat bottoms, had been used exclusively by all the Ionians in Asia. At this period most Greeks seem to have adopted the long ships with only one rank of rowers on each side (Moneris).

Their name varied accordingly as they had fifty (πεντηκόντοροι), or thirty (τριακόντοροι), or even a smaller number of rowers. A ship of war of this class is represented in the preceding woodcut. The following cut contains a beautiful fragment of a Biremis with a complete deck. Another specimen of a small Biremis is given further on.--

The first Greek people whom we know to have acquired a navy of importance were the Corinthians, Samians, and Phocaeans. About the time of Cyrus and Cambyses the Corinthian Triremes were generally adopted by the Sicilian tyrants and by the Corcyraeans, who soon acquired the most powerful navies among the Greeks. In other parts of Greece and even at Athens and in Aegina the most common vessels about this time were long ships with only one rank of rowers on each side. Athens, although the foundation of its maritime power had been laid by Solon [NAUCRARIA], did not obtain a fleet of any importance until the time of Themistocles, who persuaded the Athenians to build 200 Triremes for the purpose of carrying on the war against Aegina. But even then ships were not provided with complete decks (καταστρώματα) covering the whole of the vessel. Ships with only a partial deck or with no deck at all, were called ἄφρακτοι νῆες, and in Latin naves apertae. Even at the time of the Persian war, the Athenian ships were without a complete deck. Ships which had a complete deck were called κατάφρακτοι, and the deck itself κατάστρωμα. At the time when Themistocles induced the Athenians to build a fleet of 200 sail he also carried a decree, that every year twenty new Triremes should be built from the produce of the mines of Laurium. After the time of Themistocles as many as twenty Triremes must have been built every year both in times of war and of peace, as the average number of Triremes which was always ready amounted to between three and four hundred. Such an annual addition was the more necessary, as the vessels were of a light structure and did not last long. The whole superintendence of the building of new Triremes was in the hands of the senate of the Five Hundred, but the actual business was entrusted to a committee called the τριηροποιοί, one of whom acted as their treasurer, and had in his keeping the money set apart for the purpose. Under the Macedonian supremacy the Rhodians became the greatest maritime power in Greece. The navy of Sparta was never of great importance. Navigation remained for the most part what it had been before; the Greeks seldom ventured out into the open sea, and it was generally considered necessary to remain in sight of the coast or of some island, which also served as guides in daytime: in the night the position, rising and setting of the different stars answered the same purpose. In winter navigation generally ceased altogether. In cases where it would have been necessary to coast around a considerable extent of country, which was connected with the main land by a narrow neck, the ships were sometimes drawn across the neck of land from one sea to the other, by machines called ὁλκοί. This was done most frequently across the isthmus of Corinth.--The various kinds of ships used by the Greeks might be divided, according to the number of ranks of rowers employed in them, into Moneres, Biremes, Triremes, Quadriremes, Quinqueremes, &c., up to the enormous ship with forty ranks of rowers, built by Ptolemaeus Philopator. But all these appear to have been constructed on the same principle, and it is more convenient to divide them into ships of war and ships of burden (φορτικὰ, φορτηγοὶ, ὁλκάδες, πλοῖα, στρογγύλαι, naves onerariae, naves actuariae). Ships of the latter kind were not calculated for quick movement or rapid sailing, but to carry the greatest possible quantity of goods. Hence their structure was bulky, their bottom round, and although they were not without rowers, yet the chief means by which they were propelled were their sails. The most common ships of war in the earlier times were the pentecontori (πεντηκόντοροι), but afterwards they were chiefly Triremes, and the latter are frequently designated only by the name νῆες, while all the others are called by the name indicating their peculiar character. Triremes however were again divided into two classes: the one consisting of real men-of-war, which were quick-sailing vessels (ταχεῖαι), and the other of transports either for soldiers (στρατιώτιδες or ὁπλιταγωγοί) or for horses (ἱππηγοί, ἱππαγωγοί). Ships of this class were more heavy and awkward, and were therefore not used in battle except in cases of necessity. The ordinary size of a war galley may be inferred from the fact that the average number of men engaged in it, including the crew and marines, was two hundred, to whom on some occasions as many as thirty epibatae were added. [EPIBATAE.]--Vessels with more than three ranks of rowers on each side were not constructed in Greece till about the year 400 B.C., when Dionysius I., tyrant of Syracuse, who bestowed great care upon his navy, built the first Quadriremes (τετρήρεις), and Quinqueremes (πεντήρεις). In the reign of Dionysius II., Hexeres (ἑξήρεις) are also mentioned. After the time of Alexander the Great the use of vessels with four, five, and more ranks of rowers became very general, and it is well known that the first Punic war was chiefly carried on with Quinqueremes. Ships with twelve, thirty, or even forty ranks of rowers, such as they were built by Alexander and the Ptolemies, appear to have been mere curiosities, and did not come into common use. The Athenians at first did not adopt vessels larger than Triremes, probably because they thought that with rapidity and skill they could do more than with large and unwieldy ships. In the year B.C. 356 they continued to use nothing but Triremes; but in B.C. 330 the republic had already a number of Quadriremes, which was afterwards increased. The first Quinqueremes at Athens are mentioned in a document belonging to the year B.C. 325.--Among the smaller vessels we may mention the ἄκατος or ἀκάτιον, which seems to have been sometimes used as a ship of burden. The name Scapha (σκάφη) denotes a small skiff or life-boat, which was commonly attached to merchantmen for the purpose of saving the crew in danger.--Liburna, or Liburnica, in Greek λιβυρνίς or λιβυρνόν, is a name given apparently to every war-ship, from a bireme up to those with six lines of rowers on each side, but in the time of Augustus, liburnae even with six lines of rowers were considered small and swift in comparison with the unwieldy ships of Antony at Actium. They were usually provided with a beak, whence a navis rostrata is generally the same as a Liburna. They were first constructed by the Liburnians (whence they derived their name), and formed the main part of the fleet of Augustus in the battle of Actium.--Every vessel at Athens, as in modern times, had a name given to it, which was generally of the feminine gender. The Romans sometimes gave to their ships masculine names. The Greek names were either taken from ancient heroines such as Nausicaa, or they were abstract words such as Forethought, Safety, Guidance, &c. In many cases the name of the builder also was added.--The Romans appear to have first become aware of the importance of a fleet during the second Samnite war, in the year B.C. 311: when duumviri navales were for the first time appointed by the people. The ships which the Romans now built were undoubtedly Triremes. This fleet, however insignificant it may have been, continued to be kept up until the time when Rome became a real maritime power. In the year B.C. 260, when the Romans saw that without a navy they could not carry on the war against Carthage with any advantage, the senate ordained that a fleet should be built. Triremes would now have been of no avail against the high-bulwarked vessels (Quinqueremes) of the Carthaginians. But the Romans would have been unable to build others had not fortunately a Carthaginian Quinquereme been wrecked on the coast of Bruttium, and fallen into their hands. This wreck the Romans took as their model, and after it built 120, or according to others 130 ships. From this time forward the Romans continued to keep up a powerful navy. Towards the end of the Republic they also increased the size of their ships, and built war vessels of from six to ten ranks of rowers. The construction of their ships, however, scarcely differed from that of Greek vessels; the only great difference was that the Roman galleys were provided with a greater variety of destructive engines of war than those of the Greeks. They even erected turres and tabulata upon the decks of their great men-of-war (naves turritae), and fought upon them as if they were standing upon the walls of a fortress (see cut, p. 260).

We now proceed to describe the parts of ancient vessels.--1. The prow (πρώρα or μέτωπον, prora) was generally ornamented on both sides with figures, which were either painted upon the sides or laid in. It seems to have been very common to represent an eye on each side of the prow. Upon the prow or fore-deck there was always some emblem (παράσημον, insigne, figura) by which the ship was distinguished from others. At the head of the prow there projected the στόλος, and its extremity was termed ἀκροστόλιον, which was frequently made in the shape of an animal or a helmet. It appears to have been sometimes covered with brass and to have served as an embole (ἐμβολή) against the enemy’s vessels. The ἀκροστόλιον is sometimes designated by the name of χηνίσκος(from χήν, a goose), because it was formed in the shape of the head or neck of a goose or swan, as in the accompanying woodcut.

The cheniscus was often gilt and made of bronze. Just below the prow and projecting a little above the keel was the Rostrum (ἔμβολος, ἔμβολον) or beak, which consisted of a beam, to which were attached sharp and pointed irons, or the head of a ram and the like. This ἔμβολος was used for the purpose of attacking another vessel and of breaking its sides. These beaks were at first always above the water and visible; afterwards they were attached lower, so that they were invisible, and thus became still more dangerous to other ships. The annexed woodcuts represent three different beaks of ships.

The command in the prow of a vessel was exercised by an officer called πρωρεύς, who seems to have been next in rank to the steersman, and to have had the care of the gear, and the command over the rowers.--2. The stern (πρύμνη, puppis) was generally above the other parts of the deck, and in it the helmsman had his elevated seat. It is seen in the representations of ancient vessels to be rounder than the prow, though its extremity is likewise sharp. The stern was, like the prow, adorned in various ways, but especially with the image of the tutelary deity of the vessel (tutela). In some representations a kind of roof is formed over the head of the steersman, and the upper part of the stern frequently has an elegant ornament called aplustre, and in Greek ἄφλαστον, which constituted the highest part of the poop. It formed a corresponding ornament to the ἀκροστόλιον at the prow. At the junction of the aplustre with the stern on which it was based, we commonly observe an ornament resembling a circular shield: this was called ἀσπιδεῖον or ἀσπιδίσκη. It is seen on the two aplustria here represented. The aplustre rose immediately behind the gubernator, and served in some degree to protect him from wind and rain. Sometimes there appears, beside the aplustre, a pole, to which a fillet or pennon (ταινία) was attached, which served both to distinguish and adorn the vessel, and also to show the direction of the wind.--3. The τράφηξ is the bulwark of the vessel, or rather the uppermost edge of it. In small boats the pegs (σκαλμοί, scalmi) between which the oars move, and to which they are fastened by a thong (τροπωτήρ), were upon the τράφηξ. In all other vessels the oars passed through holes in the side of the vessel (ὀφθαλμοί, τρήματα, or τρυπήματα).--

4. The middle part of the deck in most ships of war appears to have been raised above the bulwark, or at least to a level with its upper edge, and thus enabled the soldiers to occupy a position from which they could see far around and hurl their darts against the enemy. Such an elevated deck appears in the annexed woodcut representing a Moneris.

In this instance the flag is standing upon the hind-deck.--5. One of the most interesting, as well as important parts in the arrangements of the Biremes, Triremes, &c., is the position of the ranks of rowers, from which the ships themselves derive their names. Various opinions have been entertained by those who have written upon this subject. Thus much is certain, that the different ranks of rowers, who sat along the sides of a vessel, were placed one above the other. In ordinary vessels, from the Moneris up to the Quinqueremis, each oar was managed by one man. The rowers sat upon little benches attached to the ribs of the vessel, and called ἑδώλια, and in Latin fori and transtra. The lowest row of rowers was called θαλάμος, the rowers themselves, θαλαμῖται or θαλάμιοι. The uppermost ordo of rowers was called θράνος, and the rowers themselves θρανῖται. The middle ordo or ordines of rowers were called ζυγὰ, ζύγιοι or ζυγῖται. Each of this last class of rowers had likewise his own seat, and did not, as some have supposed, sit upon benches running across the vessel. The gear of a vessel was divided into wooden and hanging gear (σκεύη ξύλινα, and σκεύη κρεμαστά).

I. WOODEN GEAR.--1. Oars (κώπαι, remi). The collective term for oars is ταῤῥός, which properly signified only the blade or flat part of the oar, but was afterwards used as a collective expression for all the oars, with the exception of the rudder. The oars varied in size accordingly as they were used by a lower or higher ordo of rowers, and from the name of the ordo by which they were used, they also received their special names, viz., κώπαι θαλάμιαι, ζύγιαι, and θρανίτιδες. Each Trireme had on an average 170 rowers. In a Roman Quinquereme during the first Punic war, the average number of rowers was 300; in later times we even find as many as 400. The lower part of the holes through which the oars passed appears to have been covered with leather (ἄσκωμα), which also extended a little way outside the hole.--2. The rudder (πηδάλιον, gubernaculum).

Before the invention of the rudder, vessels must have been propelled and guided by the oars alone. This circumstance may account for the form of the ancient rudder, as well as for the mode of using it. It was like an oar with a very broad blade, and was commonly placed on each side of the stern, not at its extremity. The annexed woodcut presents examples of its appearance as it is frequently exhibited on gems, coins, and other works of art. The figure in the centre shows a Triton blowing the buccina, and holding a rudder over his shoulder. The left-hand figure represents a rudder with its helm or tiller crossed by the cornucopia. In the third figure Venus leans with her left arm upon a rudder to indicate her origin from the sea. The rudder was managed by the gubernator (κυβερνήτης), who is also called the rector navis as distinguished from the magister. A ship had sometimes one, but more commonly two rudders; but they were managed by the steersman to prevent confusion. In larger ships the two rudders were joined by a pole, which was moved by the gubernator, and kept the rudders parallel. The contrivances for attaching the two rudders to one another and to the sides of the ship, are called ζεῦγλαι or ζευκτηρίαι.--3. Ladders (κλιμακίδες, scalae). Each Trireme had two wooden ladders, and the same seems to have been the case in τριακόντοροι.--4. Poles or punt poles (κοντοί, conti). Three of these, of different lengths, belonged to every Trireme.--5. Παραστάται or supports for the masts. They seem to have been a kind of props placed at the foot of the masts.--6. The mast (ἱστός, malus). The ancients had vessels with one, two, or three masts. The fore-mast was called ἀκάτειος, the mainmast, ἱστὸς μέγας. A triaconter, or a vessel with 30 rowers, had likewise two masts, and the smaller mast here, as well as in a trireme, was near the prow. In three-masted vessels the largest mast was nearest the stern. The masts as well as the yards were usually of fir. The part of the mast immediately above the yard (antenna), formed a structure similar to a drinking-cup, and bore the name of carchesium (καρχήσιον). Into it the mariners ascended in order to manage the sail, to obtain a distant view, or to discharge missiles. Breastworks (θωράκια) were fixed to these structures, so as to supply the place of defensive armour; and pulleys (τροχηλίαι, trochleae) for hoisting up stones and weapons from below. The continuation of the mast above the carchesium was called the “distaff” (ἠλακάτη), corresponding to our top-mast or top-gallant mast.--7. The yards (κέρα, κεραίαι, antennae).

The mainyard was fastened to the top of the mast by ropes termed ceruchi, as seen in the preceding woodcut. To the mainyard was attached the mainsail, which was hoisted or let down as the occasion might require. In the two extremities of the yard (cornua, ἀκροκέραιαι), ropes (ceruchi, κηροῦχοι) were attached, which passed to the top of the mast; and by means of these ropes and the pulleys connected with them, the yard and sail, guided by the hoop, were hoisted to the height required. There are numerous representations of ancient ships in which the antenna is seen, as in the two woodcuts here appended. In the second of them there are ropes hanging down from the antenna, the object of which was to enable the sailors to turn the antenna and the sail according to the wind.

II. HANGING GEAR.--1. Hypozomata (Ὑποζώματα), thick and broad ropes running in a horizontal direction around the ship from the stern to the prow, and intended to keep the whole fabric together. They ran round the vessel in several circles, and at certain distances from one another. The Latin name for ὑπόζωμα is tormentum. Sometimes they were taken on board when a vessel sailed, and not put on till it was thought necessary. The act of putting them on was called ὑποζωννύναι, or διαζωννύναι, or ζῶσαι. A Trireme required four ὑποζώματα.--2. The sail (Ἱστίον, velum). Most ancient ships had only one sail, which was attached with the yard to the great mast. In a Trireme also one sail might be sufficient, but the trierarch might nevertheless add a second. As each of the two masts of a Trireme had two sail-yards, it further follows that each mast might have two sails, one of which was placed lower than the other. The two belonging to the mainmast were called ἱστία μεγάλα, and those of the fore-mast ἱστία ἀκάτεια. The former were used on ordinary occasions, but the latter probably only in cases when it was necessary to sail with extraordinary speed. The sails of the Attic war-galleys, and of most ancient ships in general, were of a square form. Whether triangular sails were ever used by the Greeks, as has been frequently supposed, is very doubtful. The Romans, however, used triangular sails, which they called Suppara, and which had the shape of an inverted Greek Δ (⛛), the upper side of which was attached to the yard.--3. Cordage (τοπεῖα) differed from the σχοινία or κάλοι. The σχοινία (funes) are the strong ropes to which the anchors were attached, and by which a ship was fastened to the land; while the τοπεῖα were a lighter kind of ropes and made with greater care, which were attached to the masts, yards, and sails. Each rope of this kind was made for a distinct purpose and place (τόπος, whence the name τοπεῖα). The following kinds are most worthy of notice:--a. καλῴδια or κάλοι, were probably the ropes by which the mast was fastened to both sides of the ship, so that the πρότονοι in the Homeric ships were only an especial kind of καλῴδια, or the καλῴδια themselves differently placed. In later times the πρότονος was the rope which went from the top of the mainmast (καρχήσιον) to the prow of the ship, and thus was what is now called the main-stay. b. Ceruchi (κεροῦχοι, ἱμάντες), ropes which ran from the two ends of the sail-yard to the top of the mast. In more ancient vessels the ἱμὰς consisted of only one rope; in later times it consisted of two, and sometimes four, which uniting at the top of the mast, and there passing through a ring, descended on the other side, where it formed the ἐπίτονος, by means of which the sail was drawn up or let down. c. ἄγκοινα, Latin anquina, was the rope which went from the middle of a yard to the top of the mast, and was intended to facilitate the drawing up and letting down of the sail. d. Πόδες (pedes) were in later times, as in the poems of Homer, the ropes attached to the two lower corners of a square sail. These πόδες ran from the ends of the sail to the sides of the vessel towards the stern, where they were fastened with rings attached to the outer side of the bulwark. e. Ὑπέραι were the two ropes attached to the two ends of the sail-yard, and thence came down to a part of the ship near the stern. Their object was to move the yard according to the wind. In Latin they are called opifera, which is, perhaps, only a corruption of hypera.--4. Παραῤῥύματα. The ancients as early as the time of Homer had various preparations raised above the edge of a vessel, which were made of skins and wicker-work, and which were intended as a protection against high waves, and also to serve as a kind of breast-work behind which the men might be safe against the darts of the enemy. These elevations of the bulwark are called παραῤῥύματα. They were probably fixed upon the edge on both sides of the vessel, and were taken off when not wanted. Each galley appears to have had several παραῤῥύματα, two made of hair and two white ones, these four being regularly mentioned as belonging to one ship.--5. Σχοινία are the stronger and heavier kinds of ropes. There were two kinds of these, viz. the σχοινία ἀγκύρεια, to which the anchor was attached, and σχοινία ἐπίγυα or ἐπίγεια (retinacula), by which the ship was fastened to the shore or drawn upon the shore.--6. The anchor (ἀγκύρα, ancora). We have already remarked that in the Homeric age anchors were not known, and large stones (εὐναὶ, sleepers) used in their stead. When anchors came to be used, they were generally made of iron, and their form resembled that of a modern anchor. Such an anchor was often termed bidens, διπλῆ, ἀμφίβολος or ἀμφίστομος, because it had two teeth or flukes; but sometimes it had only one, and was then called ἑτεροστόμος. The technical expressions in the use of the anchor are: ancoram solvere, ἀγκύραν χαλᾷν, to loose the anchor; ancoram jacere, ἀγκύραν βάλλειν or ῥίπτειν, to cast anchor; and ancoram tollere, ἀγκύραν αἴρειν or ἀναίρεσθαι, to weigh anchor, whence αἴρειν by itself means “to set sail,” ἀγκύραν being understood. The following figure shows the cable (funis), passing through a hole in the prow (oculus). Each ship of course had several anchors. The last or most powerful anchor, “the last hope,” was called ἱερά, sacra, and persons trying their last hope were said sacram solvere.--The preceding account of the different parts of the ship will be rendered still clearer by the drawing on p. 263.

FOOTNOTE:

[3] Biremes are sometimes called by the Greeks δίκροτα. The name biremis is also applied to a little boat managed by only two oars.

NAUMĂCHIA, the name given to the representation of a sea-fight among the Romans, and also to the place where such engagements were exhibited. These fights sometimes took place in the circus or amphitheatre, sufficient water being introduced to float ships, but more generally in buildings especially devoted to this purpose. The combatants in these sea-fights, called Naumachiarii, were usually captives, or criminals condemned to death, who fought as in gladiatorial combats, until one party was killed, unless preserved by the clemency of the emperor. The ships engaged in the sea fights were divided into two parties, called respectively by the names of different maritime nations, as Tyrians and Egyptians, Rhodians and Sicilians, Persians and Athenians, Corcyraeans and Corinthians, Athenians and Syracusans, &c. These sea-fights were exhibited with the same magnificence and lavish expenditure of human life as characterised the gladiatorial combats and other public games of the Romans. In Nero’s naumachia there were sea-monsters swimming about in the artificial lake. In the sea-fight exhibited by Titus there were 3000 men engaged, and in that exhibited by Domitian the ships were almost equal in number to two real fleets.

NAUTŎDĬCAE (ναυτόδικαι), magistrates at Athens, who had jurisdiction in matters belonging to navigation and commerce, and in matters concerning such persons as had entered their names as members of a phratria without both their parents being citizens of Athens, or in other words, in the δίκαι ἐμπόρων and δίκαι ξενίας. The time when nautodicae were first instituted is not mentioned, but it must have been previous to Pericles, and perhaps as early as the time of Cleisthenes. The nautodicae were appointed every year by lot in the month of Gamelion, and probably attended to the δίκαι ἐμπόρων only during the winter, when navigation ceased, whereas the δίκαι ξενίας might be brought before them all the year round.

NĔFASTI DIES. [DIES.]

NĔGŌTĬĀTŌRES, signified specially during the later times of the republic Roman citizens settled in the provinces, who lent money upon interest or bought up corn on speculation, which they sent to Rome as well as to other places. Their chief business however was lending money upon interest, and hence we find the words negotia, negotiatio, and negotiari used in this sense. The negotiatores are distinguished from the publicani, and from the mercatores. The negotiatores in the provinces corresponded to the argentarii and feneratores at Rome.

NĔMEA (νέμεα, νεμεῖα, or νεμαῖα), the Nemean games, one of the four great national festivals of the Greeks. It was held at Nemea, a place near Cleonae in Argolis, and is said to have been originally instituted by the Seven against Thebes in commemoration of the death of Opheltes, afterwards called Archemorus. The games were revived by Hercules, after he had slain the Nemean lion; and were from this time celebrated in honour of Zeus. They were at first of a warlike character, and only warriors and their sons were allowed to take part in them; subsequently, however, they were thrown open to all the Greeks. The various games were horse-racing, running in armour in the stadium, wrestling, chariot-racing and the discus, boxing, throwing the spear and shooting with the bow, to which we may add musical contests. The prize given to the victors was at first a chaplet of olive-branches, but afterwards a chaplet of green parsley. The presidency of these games, and the management of them, belonged at different times to Cleonae, Corinth, and Argos. They were celebrated twice in every Olympiad, viz. at the commencement of every second Olympic year, in the winter, and soon after the commencement of every fourth Olympic year, in the summer.

NĒNIA. [FUNUS, p. 188, a.]

NĔŌCŎRI (νεωκόροι), signified originally temple-sweepers, but was applied even in early times to priestly officers of high rank, who had the supreme superintendence of temples and their treasures. Under the Roman emperors the word was especially applied to those cities in Asia, which erected temples to the Roman emperors, since the whole city in every such case was regarded as the guardian of the worship of the emperor. Accordingly we frequently find on the coins of Ephesus, Smyrna, and other cities, the epithet Νεωκόρος, which also occurs on the inscriptions of these cities.

NEPTŪNĀLĬA, a festival of Neptune, celebrated at Rome, of which very little is known. The day on which it was held was probably the 23rd of July. In the ancient calendaria this day is marked as Nept. ludi et feriae, or Nept. ludi, from which we see that the festival was celebrated with games.

NEXUM, was either the transfer of the ownership of a thing, or the transfer of a thing to a creditor as a security; accordingly in one sense Nexum included Mancipium [MANCIPIUM]; in another sense, Mancipium and Nexum are opposed in the same way in which Sale and Mortgage or Pledge are opposed. The formal part of both transactions consisted in a transfer per aes et libram. The person who became nexus by the effect of a nexum or nexus (for this form of the word also is used) was said nexum inire. The phrases nexi datio, nexi liberatio, respectively express the contracting and the release from the obligation. The Roman law as to the payment of borrowed money was very strict. By a law of the Twelve Tables, if the debtor admitted the debt, or had been condemned in the amount of the debt by a judex, he had thirty days allowed him for payment. At the expiration of this time, he was liable to be assigned over to the creditor (addictus) by the sentence of the praetor. The creditor was required to keep him for sixty days in chains, during which time he publicly exposed the debtor on three nundinae, and proclaimed the amount of his debt. If no person released the prisoner by paying the debt, the creditor might sell him as a slave or put him to death. If there were several creditors, the letter of the law allowed them to cut the debtor in pieces, and to take their share of his body in proportion to their debt. There is no instance of a creditor ever having adopted this extreme mode of satisfying his debt. But the creditor might treat the debtor, who was addictus, as a slave, and compel him to work out his debt; and the treatment was often very severe. The Lex Poetilia (B.C. 326) alleviated the condition of the nexi. So far as we can understand its provisions, it set all the nexi free, or made them soluti, and it enacted that for the future there should be no nexum, and that no debtor should for the future be put in chains.

NŌBILES, NŌBĬLĬTAS. In the early periods of the Roman state the Patricians were the Nobles as opposed to the Plebs. In B.C. 366, the plebeians obtained the right of being eligible to the consulship, and finally they obtained access to all the curule magistracies. Thus the two classes were put on the same footing as to political capacity; but now a new order of nobility arose. The descendants of plebeians who had filled curule magistracies, formed a class called Nobiles or men “known,” who were so called by way of distinction from “Ignobiles” or people who were not known. The Nobiles had no legal privileges as such; but they were bound together by a common distinction derived from a legal title and by a common interest; and their common interest was to endeavour to confine the election to all the high magistracies to the members of their body, to the Nobilitas. Thus the descendants of those Plebeians who had won their way to distinction combined to exclude other Plebeians from the distinction which their own ancestors had transmitted to them. The external distinction of the Nobiles was the Jus Imaginum, a right or privilege which was apparently established on usage only, and not on any positive enactments. These Imagines were figures with painted masks of wax, made to resemble the person whom they represented; and they were placed in the Atrium of the house, apparently in small wooden receptacles or cases somewhat in the form of temples. The Imagines were accompanied with the tituli or names of distinction which the deceased had acquired; and the tituli were connected in some way by lines or branches so as to exhibit the pedigree (stemma) of the family. These Imagines were generally enclosed in their cases, but they were opened on festival days and other great ceremonials, and crowned with bay (laureatae): they also formed part of a solemn funeral procession. It seems probable that the Roman Nobilitas, in the strict sense of that term, and the Jus Imaginum, originated with the admission of the Plebeians to the consulship B.C. 366. A plebeian who first attained a Curule office was the founder of his family’s Nobilitas (princeps nobilitatis; auctor generis). Such a person could have no imagines of his ancestors; and he could have none of his own, for such imagines of a man were not made till after he was dead. Such a person then was not nobilis in the full sense of the term, nor yet was he ignobilis. He was called by the Romans a “novus homo” or a new man; and his status or condition was called Novitas. The term novus homo was never applied to a Patrician. The two most distinguished “novi homines” were C. Marius and M. Tullius Cicero, both natives of an Italian municipium. The Patricians would of course be jealous of the new nobility; but this new nobility once formed would easily unite with the old aristocracy of Rome to keep the political power in their hands, and to prevent more novi homines from polluting this exclusive class. As early as the second Punic war this new class, compounded of Patricians or original aristocrats, and Nobiles or newly-engrafted aristocrats, was able to exclude novi homines from the consulship. They maintained this power to the end of the republican period, and the consulship continued almost in the exclusive possession of the Nobilitas. The Optimates were the Nobilitas and the chief part of the Equites, a rich middle class, and also all others whose support the Nobilitas and Equites could command, in fact all who were opposed to change that might affect the power of the Nobilitas and the interests of those whom the Nobilitas allied with themselves. Optimates in this sense are opposed to Plebs, to the mass of the people; and Optimates is a wider term than Nobilitas, inasmuch as it would comprehend the Nobilitas and all who adhered to them.

NŌMEN (ὄνομα), a name. The Greeks bore only one name, and it was one of the especial rights of a father to choose the names for his children, and to alter them if he pleased. It was customary to give to the eldest son the name of the grandfather on his father’s side; and children usually received their names on the tenth day after their birth.--Originally every Roman citizen belonged to a gens, and derived his name (nomen or nomen gentilicium) from his gens, which nomen gentilicium generally terminated in ius. Besides this, every Roman had a name, called praenomen, which preceded the nomen gentilicium, and which was peculiar to him as an individual, e.g. Caius, Lucius, Marcus, Cneius, Sextus, &c. This praenomen was at a later time given to boys on the ninth day after their birth, and to girls on the eighth day. This day was called dies lustricus, dies nominum, or nominalia. The praenomen given to a boy was in most cases that of the father, but sometimes that of the grandfather or great-grandfather. These two names, a praenomen and a nomen gentilicium, or simply nomen, were indispensable to a Roman, and they were at the same time sufficient to designate him; hence the numerous instances of Romans being designated only by these two names, even in cases where a third or fourth name was possessed by the person. Every Roman citizen, besides belonging to a gens, was also frequently a member of a familia, contained in a gens, and accordingly might have a third name or cognomen. Such cognomina were derived by the Romans from a variety of mental or bodily peculiarities, or from some remarkable event in the life of the person who was the founder of the familia. Such cognomina are, Asper, Imperiosus, Magnus, Maximus, Publicola, Brutus, Capito, Cato, Naso, Labeo, Caecus, Cicero, Scipio, Sulla, Torquatus, &c. These names were in most cases hereditary, and descended to the latest members of a familia; in some cases they ceased with the death of the person to whom they were given for special reasons. Many Romans had a second cognomen (cognomen secundum or agnomen), which was given to them as an honorary distinction, and in commemoration of some memorable deed or event of their life, e.g. Africanus, Asiaticus, Hispallus, Cretensis, Macedonicus, Allobrogicus, &c. Such agnomina were sometimes given by one general to another, sometimes by the army and confirmed by the chief-general, sometimes by the people in the comitia, and sometimes they were assumed by the person himself, as in the case of L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus. The regular order in which these names followed one another was:--1. praenomen; 2. nomen gentilicium; 3. cognomen primum; 4. cognomen secundum or agnomen. Sometimes the name of the tribe to which a person belonged, was added to his name, in the ablative case, as Q. Verres Romilia, C. Claudius Palatina. If a person by adoption passed from one gens into another, he assumed the praenomen, nomen, and cognomen of his adoptive father, and added to these the name of his former gens, with the termination anus. Thus C. Octavius, after being adopted by his uncle C. Julius Caesar, was called C. Julius Caesar Octavianus, and the son of L. Aemilius Paullus, when adopted by P. Cornelius Scipio, was called P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus. [ADOPTIO.] Slaves had only one name, and usually retained that which they had borne before they came into slavery. If a slave was restored to freedom, he received the praenomen and nomen gentilicium of his former master, and to these was added the name which he had had as a slave. Instances of such freedmen are, T. Ampius Menander, a freedman of T. Ampius Balbus, L. Cornelius Chrysogonus, a freedman of L. Cornelius Sulla, and M. Tullius Tiro, freedman of M. Tullius Cicero.

NŎMŎPHỸLĂCES (νομοφύλακες), certain magistrates or official persons of high authority, who exercised a control over other magistrates, and indeed over the whole body of the people, it being their duty to see that the laws were duly administered and obeyed. Mention is made of such officers at Sparta and elsewhere, but no such body existed at Athens, for they must have had a power too great for the existence of a democracy. The Senate of 500, or the Areopagitic council, performed in some measure the office of law-guardians; but the only persons designated by this name appear to have been inferior functionaries (a sort of police), whose business it was to prevent irregularities and disturbances in the public assemblies.

NŎMOS (νόμος). This word comprehends the notion not only of established or statute law, but likewise of all customs and opinions to which long prescription or natural feeling gives the force of law. Before any written codes appeared, law was promulgated by the poets or wise men, who sang the great deeds of their ancestors, and delivered their moral and political lessons in verse. As civilisation advanced, laws were reduced to writing, in the shape either of regular codes or distinct ordinances, and afterwards publicly exhibited, engraved on tablets, or hewn on columns. The first written laws we hear of are those of Zaleucus. The first at Athens were those of Draco, called θεσμοὶ, and by that name distinguished from the νόμοι of Solon. The laws of Lycurgus were not written. He enjoined that they should never be inscribed on any other tablet than the hearts of his countrymen. Those of Solon were inscribed on wooden tablets, arranged in pyramidal blocks, turning on an axis, called ἄξονες and κύρβεις. They were first hung in the Acropolis, but afterwards brought down to the Prytaneum.

NŎMŎTHĔTAE (νομόθεται), movers or proposers of laws, the name of a legislative committee at Athens, which, by an institution of Solon, was appointed to amend and revise the laws. At the first κυρία ἐκκλησία in every year, any person was at liberty to point out defects in the existing code or propose alterations. If his motion was deemed worthy of attention, the third assembly might refer the matter to the Nomothetae. They were selected by lot from the Heliastic body; it being the intention of Solon to limit the power of the popular assembly by means of a superior board emanating from itself, composed of citizens of mature age, bound by a stricter oath, and accustomed to weigh legal principles by the exercise of their judicial functions. The number of the committee so appointed varied according to the exigency of the occasion. The people appointed five advocates (σύνδικοι) to attend before the board and maintain the policy of the existing institution. If the proposed measure met the approval of the committee, it passed into law forthwith. Besides this, the Thesmothetae were officially authorised to review the whole code, and to refer to the Nomothetae all statutes which they considered unworthy of being retained. Hence appears the difference between Psephisma (ψήφισμα) and Nomos (νόμος). The mere resolution of the people in assembly was a psephisma, and only remained in force a year, like a decree of the senate. Nothing was a law that did not pass the ordeal of the Nomothetae.

NŌNAE. [CALENDARIUM.]

NŎTA, which signified a mark or sign of any kind, was also employed for an abbreviation. Hence notae signified the marks or signs used in taking down the words of a speaker, and was equivalent to our short-hand writing, or stenography; and notarii signified short-hand writers. It must be borne in mind, however, that notae also signified writing in cipher; and many passages in the ancient reciters which are supposed to refer to short-hand, refer in reality to writing in cipher. Among the Greeks it is said to have been invented by Xenophon, and their short-hand writers were called ταχυγράφοι, ὀξυγράφοι and σημειογράφοι. The first introduction of the art among the Romans is ascribed to Cicero. He is said to have caused the debate in the senate on the punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators to be taken down in short-hand. Eusebius ascribes it to Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, and hence the system of abbreviated writing, in which some manuscripts are written, has received the name of Notae Tironianae; but there is no evidence to show whether this species of short-hand was really the invention of Tiro. The system of short-hand employed in the time of the Roman empire must have been of a much simpler and more expeditious kind than the Notae Tironianae, which were merely abbreviations of the words. Many of the wealthy Romans kept slaves, who were trained in the art. It was also learnt even by the Roman nobles, and the emperor Titus was a great proficient in it. At a later time, it seems to have been generally taught in the schools. There were, moreover, short-hand writers (notarii) by profession, who were chiefly employed in taking down (notare, excipere) the proceedings in the courts of justice. At a later period, they were called exceptores. These short-hand writers were also employed on some occasions to take down a person’s will.

NOTĀRĬI, short-hand writers, spoken of under NOTA. They were likewise called Actuarii. They were also employed by the emperors, and in course of time the title of Notarii was exclusively applied to the private secretaries of the emperors, who, of course, were no longer slaves, but persons of high rank. The short-hand writers were now called exceptores, as is remarked under NOTA.

NŎTA CENSŌRĬA. [CENSOR.]

NŎVENDĬĀLE (sc. sacrum).--(1) A festival lasting nine days, which was celebrated as often as stones rained from heaven. It was originally instituted by Tullus Hostilius, when there was a shower of stones upon the Mons Albanus, and was frequently celebrated in later times.--(2) This name was also given to the sacrifice performed nine days after a funeral. [FUNUS.]

NŎVI HŎMĬNES. [NOBILES.]

NŪDUS (γυμνός). These words, besides denoting absolute nakedness, were applied to any one who, being without an AMICTUS, wore only his tunic or indutus. In this state of nudity the ancients performed the operations of ploughing, sowing, and reaping. This term applied to the warrior expressed the absence of some part of his armour. Hence the light-armed were called γυμνῆτες. [ARMA.]

NUMMŬLĀRĬI or NŪMŬLĀRII. [MENSARII.]

NUMMUS or NŪMUS. [SESTERTIUS.]

NUNDĬNAE is derived by all the ancient writers from novem and dies, so that it literally signifies the ninth day. Every eighth day, according to our mode of speaking, was a nundinae, and there were thus always seven ordinary days between two nundinae. The Romans in their peculiar mode of reckoning added these two nundinae to the seven ordinary days, and consequently said that the nundinae recurred every ninth day, and called them nundinae, as it were novemdinae. The number of nundinae in the ancient year of ten months was 38. They were originally market-days for the country folk, on which they came to Rome to sell the produce of their labour, and on which the king settled the legal disputes among them. When, therefore, we read that the nundinae were feriae, or dies nefasti, and that no comitia were allowed to be held, we have to understand this of the populus or patricians, and not of the plebes; and while for the populus the nundinae were feriae, they were real days of business (dies fasti or comitiales) for the plebeians, who on these occasions pleaded their causes with members of their own order, and held their public meetings (the ancient comitia of the plebeians). Afterwards the nundinae became fasti for both orders, and this innovation facilitated the attendance of the plebeians at the comitia centuriata. The subjects to be laid before the comitia, whether they were proposals for new laws, or the appointment of officers, were announced to the people three nundinae beforehand (trinundino die proponere). Instead of nundinae the form nundinum is sometimes used, but only when it is preceded by a numeral, as in trinundinum, or trinum nundinum.

NUPTĬAE. [MATRIMONIUM.]

ŎBOLUS. [DRACHMA.]

OCRĔA (κνημίς), a greave, a leggin. A pair of greaves (κνημῖδες) was one of the six articles of armour which formed the complete equipment of a Greek warrior [ARMA], and likewise of a Roman soldier as fixed by Servius Tullius. They were made of various metals, with a lining probably of leather, felt, or cloth. Their form is shown in the accompanying cut. The figure is that of a fallen warrior, and in consequence of the bending of the knees, the greaves are seen to project a little above them. This statue also shows the ankle-rings (ἐπισφύρια), which were used to fasten the greaves immediately above the feet.

ŌDĒUM (ᾠδεῖον), a species of public building for contests in vocal and instrumental music. In its general form and arrangements it was very similar to the theatre; and it is sometimes called θέατρον. There were, however, some characteristic differences: the Odeum was much smaller than the theatre; and it was roofed over, in order to retain the sound. The earliest building of this kind was that erected by Pericles at Athens, for the purpose of celebrating the musical contests at the Panathenaea. Its proximity to the theatre suggested some of the uses made of it, namely, as a refuge for the audience when driven out of the theatre by rain, and also as a place in which the chorus could be prepared. Another Odeum was built at Athens by Herodes Atticus, and was the most magnificent edifice of the sort in the whole empire. The length of its largest diameter was 248 feet, and it is calculated to have furnished accommodation for about 8000 persons. There were also Odea in other Greek towns. The first Odeum, properly so called, at Rome, was built by Domitian, and the second by Trajan. There are ruins of such buildings in the villa of Hadrian at Tivoli, at Pompeii, and at Catana.

ŎLĔA, ŎLĪVA (ἐλαία); ŎLĔUM, OLĪVUM (ἔλαιον). The importance of the olive was recognised from the most remote period of antiquity in all civilised countries where the temperature admitted of its cultivation: and it was widely adopted as an emblem of industry and peace. Hence the honour paid to it at Athens, and hence the title of “prima omnium arborum,” bestowed upon it by Columella. The fruit (bacca) of the olive was for the most part employed for one of two purposes. 1. It was eaten as a fruit, either fresh, pickled, or preserved in various ways. 2. It was pressed so as to yield the oil and other juices which it contained. And again, the oil was employed for a variety of purposes, but chiefly 1. As an article of food. 2. For anointing the body, and in this case was frequently made a vehicle for perfumes (unguenta). 3. For burning in lamps.

OLĬGARCHĬA (ὀλιγαρχια), the government of a few: a term applied to that perversion (παρέκβασις) of an Aristocratia into which the latter passed, when, owing to the rise of the demus [DEMOCRATIA], and the vanishing of those substantial grounds of pre-eminence which rendered an Aristocratia not unjust, the rule of the dominant portion of the community became the ascendancy of a faction, whose efforts were directed chiefly towards their own aggrandisement. The preservation of power under such circumstances of course depended chiefly upon the possession of superior wealth and the other appliances of wealth which were its concomitants. Thus it came to be regarded as essentially characteristic of an oligarchy, that the main distinction between the dominant faction and the subject portion of the community was the possession of greater wealth on the part of the former. Hence the term Oligarchia would not have been applied, if a small section of the community, consisting of poor persons, by any means got the reins of government into their hands.

OLLA (λέβης, χύτρος), a vessel of any material, round and plain, and having a wide mouth; a pot; a jar.

ŎLYMPĬA (ὀλύμπια), the Olympic games, the greatest of the national festivals of the Greeks. It was celebrated at Olympia in Elis, the name given to a small plain to the west of Pisa, which was bounded on the north and north-east by the mountains Cronius and Olympus, on the south by the river Alpheus, and on the west by the Cladeus, which flows into the Alpheus. Olympia does not appear to have been a town, but rather a collection of temples and public buildings. The origin of the Olympic games is buried in obscurity, but the festival was of very great antiquity. The first historical fact connected with this festival is its revival by Iphitus, king of Elis, who is said to have accomplished it with the assistance of Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, and Cleosthenes of Pisa. The date of this event is given by some writers as B.C. 884, and by others as B.C. 828. The interval of four years between each celebration of the festival was called an Olympiad; but the Olympiads were not employed as a chronological aera till the victory of Coroebus in the foot-race, B.C. 776. [OLYMPIAS.] The most important point in the renewal of the festival by Iphitus was the establishment of the Ececheiria (ἐκεχειρία), or sacred armistice. The proclamation was made by peace-heralds (σπονδοφόροι), first in Elis and afterwards in the other parts of Greece; it put a stop to all warfare for the month in which the games were celebrated, and which was called the sacred month (ἱερομηνία). The territory of Elis itself was considered especially sacred during the games, and no armed force could enter it without incurring the guilt of sacrilege. The Olympic festival was probably confined at first to the Peloponnesians; but as its celebrity extended, the other Greeks took part in it, till at length it became a festival for the whole nation. No one was allowed to contend in the games but persons of pure Hellenic blood: barbarians might be spectators, but slaves were entirely excluded. After the conquest of Greece by the Romans, the latter were permitted to take part in the games. No women were allowed to be present or even to cross the Alpheus during the celebration of the games, under penalty of being hurled down from the Typaean rock, but women could send chariots to the races. The number of spectators at the festival was very great; and these were drawn together not merely by the desire of seeing the games, but partly through the opportunity it afforded them of carrying on commercial transactions with persons from distant places, as is the case with the Mohammedan festivals at Mecca and Medina. Many of the persons present were also deputies (θεωροί) sent to represent the various states of Greece; and we find that these embassies vied with one another in the number of their offerings, and the splendour of their general appearance, in order to support the honour of their native cities. The Olympic festival was a Pentaëteris (πενταετηρίς), that is, according to the ancient mode of reckoning, a space of four years elapsed between each festival, in the same way as there was only a space of two years between a Trieteris. It was celebrated on the first full moon after the summer solstice. It lasted, after all the contests had been introduced, five days, from the 11th to the 15th days of the month inclusive. The fourth day of the festival was the 14th of the month, which was the day of the full moon, and which divided the month into two equal parts. The festival was under the immediate superintendence of the Olympian Zeus, whose temple at Olympia, adorned with the statue of the god made by Phidias, was one of the most splendid works of art in Greece. There were also temples and altars to most of the other gods. The festival itself may be divided into two parts, the games or contests (ἀγὼν Ολυμπιακός), and the festive rites (ἑορτή) connected with the sacrifices, with the processions, and with the public banquets in honour of the conquerors.--The contests consisted of various trials of strength and skill, which were increased in number from time to time. There were in all twenty-four contests, eighteen in which men took part, and six in which boys engaged, though they were never all exhibited at one festival, since some were abolished almost immediately after their institution, and others after they had been in use only a short time. We subjoin a list of these from Pausanias, with the date of the introduction of each, commencing from the Olympiad of Coroebus:--1. The foot-race (δρόμος), which was the only contest during the first 13 Olympiads. 2. The δίαυλος, or foot-race, in which the stadium was traversed twice, first introduced in Ol. 14. 3. The δόλιχος, a still longer foot-race than the δίαυλος, introduced in Ol. 15. For a more particular account of the δίαυλος and δόλιχος, see STADIUM. 4. Wrestling (πάλη), and, 5. The Pentathlum (πένταθλον), which consisted of five exercises [PENTATHLUM], both introduced in Ol. 18. 6. Boxing (πυγμή) introduced in Ol. 23. [PUGILATUS.] 7. The chariot-race, with four full-grown horses (ἵππων τελείων δρόμος, ἅρμα), introduced in Ol. 25. 8. The Pancratium (παγκράτιον) [PANCRATIUM], and 9. The horse-race (ἵππος κέλης), both introduced in Ol. 33. 10 and 11. The foot-race and wrestling for boys, both introduced in Ol. 37. 12. The Pentathlum for boys, introduced in Ol. 38., but immediately afterwards abolished. 13. Boxing for boys, introduced in Ol. 41. 14. The foot-race, in which men ran with the equipments of heavy-armed soldiers (τῶν ὁπλιτῶν δρόμος), introduced in Ol. 65., on account of its training men for actual service in war. 15. The chariot-race with mules (ἀπήνη), introduced in Ol. 70.; and 16. The horse-race with mares (κάλπη), introduced in Ol. 71., both of which were abolished in Ol. 84. 17. The chariot-race with two full-grown horses (ἵππων τελείων συνωρίς), introduced in Ol. 93. 18, 19. The contest of heralds (κήρυκες) and trumpeters (σαλπιγκταί), introduced in Ol. 96. 20. The chariot-race with four foals (πώλων ἅρμασιν), introduced in Ol. 99. 21. The chariot-race with two foals (πώλων συνωρίς), introduced in Ol. 128. 22. The horse-race with foals (πῶλος κέλης), introduced in Ol. 131. 23. The Pancratium for boys, introduced in Ol. 145. 24. There was also a horse-race (ἵππος κέλης) in which boys rode, but we do not know the time of its introduction.--The judges in the Olympic Games, called Hellanodicae (Ἑλλανοδίκαι), were appointed by the Eleans, who had the regulation of the whole festival. It appears to have been originally under the superintendence of Pisa, in the neighbourhood of which Olympia was situated, but after the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians on the return of the Heraclidae, the Aetolians, who had been of great assistance to the Heraclidae, settled in Elis, and from this time the Aetolian Eleans obtained the regulation of the festival, and appointed the presiding officers. The Hellanodicae were chosen by lot from the whole body of the Eleans. Their number varied at different periods, but at a later time there were eight Hellanodicae. Their office probably lasted for only one festival. They had to see that all the laws relating to the games were observed by the competitors and others, to determine the prizes, and to give them to the conquerors. An appeal lay from their decision to the Elean senate. Under the direction of the Hellanodicae was a certain number of Alytae (ἀλύται) with an Alytarches (ἀλυτάρχης) at their head, who formed a kind of police, and carried into execution the commands of the Hellanodicae. There were also various other minor officers under the control of the Hellanodicae.--All free Greeks were allowed to contend in the games, who had complied with the rules prescribed to candidates. The equestrian contests were necessarily confined to the wealthy; but the poorest citizens could contend in the athletic games. This, however, was far from degrading the games in public opinion; and some of the noblest as well as meanest citizens of the state took part in these contests. The owners of the chariots and horses were not obliged to contend in person; and the wealthy vied with one another in the number and magnificence of the chariots and horses which they sent to the games. All persons, who were about to contend, had to prove to the Hellanodicae that they were freemen, and of pure Hellenic blood, that they had not been branded with atimia, nor guilty of any sacrilegious act. They further had to prove that they had undergone the preparatory training (προγυμνάσματα) for ten months previous. All competitors were obliged, thirty days before the festival, to undergo certain exercises in the Gymnasium at Elis, under the superintendence of the Hellanodicae. The competitors took their places by lot. The herald then proclaimed the name and country of each competitor. When they were all ready to begin the contest, the judges exhorted them to acquit themselves nobly, and then gave the signal to commence.--The only prize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild olive (κότινος), cut from a sacred olive tree, which grew in the sacred grove of Altis in Olympia. The victor was originally crowned upon a tripod covered over with bronze, but afterwards upon a table made of ivory and gold. Palm branches, the common tokens of victory on other occasions, were placed in his hands. The name of the victor, and that of his father and of his country, were then proclaimed by a herald before the representatives of assembled Greece. The festival ended with processions and sacrifices, and with a public banquet given by the Eleans to the conquerors in the Prytaneium. The most powerful states considered an Olympic victory, gained by one of their citizens, to confer honour upon the state to which he belonged; and a conqueror usually had immunities and privileges conferred upon him by the gratitude of his fellow-citizens. On his return home the victor entered the city in a triumphal procession, in which his praises were celebrated, frequently in the loftiest strains of poetry. [ATHLETAE.] As persons from all parts of the Hellenic world were assembled together at the Olympic Games, it was the best opportunity which the artist and the writer possessed of making their works known. It answered, to some extent, the same purpose as the press does in modern times. Before the invention of printing, the reading of an author’s works to as large an assembly as could be obtained, was one of the easiest and surest modes of publishing them; and this was a favourite practice of the Greeks and Romans. Accordingly we find many instances of literary works thus published at the Olympic festival. Herodotus is said to have read his history at this festival; but though there are some reasons for doubting the correctness of this statement, there are numerous other writers who thus published their works, as the sophist Hippias, Prodicus of Ceos, Anaximenes, the orator Lysias, Dion Chrysostom, &c. It must be borne in mind that these recitations were not contests, and that they formed properly no part of the festival. In the same way painters and other artists exhibited their works at Olympia.

OLYMPĬAS (ὀλυμπιάς), an Olympiad, the most celebrated chronological aera among the Greeks, was the period of four years which elapsed between each celebration of the Olympic Games. The Olympiads began to be reckoned from the victory of Coroebus in the foot-race, which happened in the year B.C. 776. Timaeus of Sicily, however, who flourished B.C. 264, was the first writer who regularly arranged events according to the conquerors in each Olympiad. His practice of recording events by Olympiads was followed by Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, &c. The writers who make use of the aera of the Olympiads, usually give the number of the Olympiad (the first corresponding to B.C. 776), and then the name of the conqueror in the foot-race. Some writers also speak of events as happening in the first, second, third, or fourth year, as the case may be, of a certain Olympiad; but others do not give the separate years of each Olympiad. The rules for converting Olympiads into the year B.C., and vice versa, are given under CHRONOLOGIA; but as this is troublesome, the student will find at the end of the book a list of the Olympiads, with the years of the Christian aera corresponding to them from the beginning of the Olympiads to A.D. 301. To save space, the separate years of each Olympiad, with the corresponding years B.C., are only given from the 47th to the 126th Olympiad, as this is the most important period of Grecian history; in the other Olympiads the first year only is given. In consulting the table it must be borne in mind that the Olympic Games were celebrated about midsummer, and that the Attic year commenced at about the same time. If, therefore, an event happened in the second half of the Attic year, the year B.C. must be reduced by 1. Thus Socrates was put to death in the 1st year of the 95th Olympiad, which corresponds in the table to B.C. 400; but as his death happened in Thargelion, the 11th month of the Attic year, the year B.C. must be reduced by 1, which gives us B.C. 399, the true date of his death.

ŎPĀLĬA, a Roman festival in honour of Opis, celebrated on the 19th of December, being the third day of the Saturnalia. It was believed that Opis was the wife of Saturnus, and for this reason the festivals were celebrated at the same time.

OPSŌNĬUM, or OBSŌNĬUM (ὄψον, dim. ὀψάριον; ὀψήμα), denoted everything which was eaten with bread, the principal substance of every meal. Those numerous articles of diet called opsonia or pulmentaria were designed to give nutriment, but still more to add a relish to food. Some of these articles were taken from the vegetable kingdom, but were much more pungent and savoury than bread, such as olives, either fresh or pickled, radishes, and sesamum. Of animal food by much the most common kind was fish, whence the terms under explanation were in the course of time used in a confined and special sense to denote fish only, but fish variously prepared, and more especially salt fish, which was most extensively employed to give a relish to the vegetable diet. The Athenians were in the habit of going to markets (εἰς τοῦψον) themselves in order to purchase their opsonia (ὀψωνεῖν, opsonare). But the opulent, Romans had a slave, called opsonator (ὀψώνης), whose office it was to purchase for his master.

OPTĬO. [CENTURIO.]

OPTĬMĀTES. [NOBILES.]

ŌRĀCŬLUM (μαντεῖον, χρηστήριον) was used by the ancients to designate both the revelations made by the deity to man, as well as the place in which such revelations were made. The deity was in none of these places believed to appear in person to man, and to communicate to him his will or knowledge of the future, but all oracular revelations were made through some kind of medium, which was different in the different places where oracles existed. It may, at first sight, seem strange that there were, comparatively speaking, so few oracles of Zeus, the father and ruler of gods and men. But although, according to the belief of the ancients, Zeus himself was the first source of all oracular revelations, yet he was too far above men to enter with them into any close relation; other gods therefore, especially Apollo, and even heroes, acted as mediators between Zeus and men, and were, as it were, the organs through which he communicated his will. The ancients consulted the will of the gods on all important occasions of public and private life, since they were unwilling to undertake anything of importance without their sanction.--The most celebrated oracle was that of Apollo at Delphi. Its ancient name was Pytho. In the centre of the temple there was a small opening (χάσμα) in the ground, from which, from time to time, an intoxicating smoke arose, which was believed to come from the well of Cassotis, which vanished into the ground close by the sanctuary. Over this chasm there stood a high tripod, on which the Pythia, led into the temple by the prophetes (προφήτης), took her seat whenever the oracle was to be consulted. The smoke rising from under the tripod affected her brain in such a manner that she fell into a state of delirious intoxication, and the sounds which she uttered in this state were believed to contain the revelations of Apollo. These sounds were carefully written down by the prophetes, and afterwards communicated to the persons who had come to consult the oracle. The Pythia (the προφῆτις) was always a native of Delphi, and when she had once entered the service of the god she never left it, and was never allowed to marry. In early times she was always a young girl, but subsequently no one was elected as prophetess who had not attained the age of fifty years. The Delphians, or, more properly speaking, the noble families of Delphi, had the superintendence of the oracle. Among the Delphian aristocracy, however, there were five families which traced their origin to Deucalion, and from each of these one of the five priests, called Hosioi (ὅσιοι), was taken. The Hosioi, together with the high-priest or prophetes, held their offices for life, and had the control of all the affairs of the sanctuary and of the sacrifices. That these noble families had an immense influence upon the oracle is manifest from numerous instances, and it is not improbable that they were its very soul, and that it was they who dictated the pretended revelations of the god. Most of the oracular answers which are extant are in hexameters, and in the Ionic dialect. Sometimes, however, Doric forms also were used.--No religious institution in all antiquity obtained such a paramount influence in Greece as the oracle of Delphi. When consulted on a subject of a religious nature, the answer was invariably of a kind calculated not only to protect and preserve religious institutions, but to command new ones to be established, so that it was the preserver and promoter of religion throughout the ancient world. Colonies were seldom or never founded without having obtained the advice and the directions of the Delphic god. The Delphic oracle had at all times a leaning in favour of the Greeks of the Doric race, but the time when it began to lose its influence must be dated from the period when Athens and Sparta entered upon their struggle for the supremacy in Greece; for at this time the partiality for Sparta became so manifest that the Athenians and their party began to lose all reverence and esteem for it, and the oracle became a mere instrument in the hands of a political party. Of the other oracles, the most celebrated were that of Apollo at Didyma, usually called the oracle of the Branchidae, in the territory of Miletus; that of Zeus, at Dodona, where the oracle was given from sounds produced by the wind; that of Zeus Ammon, in an oasis in Libya, not far from the boundaries of Egypt; that of Amphiaraus, between Potniae and Thebes, where the hero was said to have been swallowed up by the earth; and that of Trophonius, at Lebadeia in Boeotia.

ŌRĀRĬUM was a small handkerchief used for wiping the face, and appears to have been employed for much the same purposes as our pocket-handkerchief. It was made of silk or linen. Aurelian introduced the practice of giving Oraria to the Roman people to use ad favorem, which appears to mean for the purpose of waving in the public games in token of applause.

ŌRĀTOR. The profession of the Roman orator, who with reference to his undertaking a client’s case is also called patronus, was quite distinct from that of the Jurisconsultus [JURISCONSULTI], and also from that of the Advocatus, at least in the time of Cicero, and even later. An orator who possessed a competent knowledge of the Jus Civile would, however, have an advantage. Some requisites of oratory, such as voice and gesture, could only be acquired by discipline, whereas a competent knowledge of the law of a case (juris utilitas) could be got at any time from the jurisconsulti (periti) or from books. Oratory was a serious study among the Romans. Cicero tells us by what painful labour he attained to excellence. Roman oratory reached its perfection in the century which preceded the Christian aera. Its decline dates from the establishment of the Imperial power. The old orators learned their art by constant attendance on some eminent orator and by actual experience of business: the orators of Messala’s time were formed in the schools of Rhetoric, and their powers were developed in exercises on fictitious matters. But the immediate causes of the former nourishing condition of eloquence were the political power which oratory conferred on the orator under the Republic, and the party struggles and even the violence that are incident to such a state of society.

ORCHESTRA. [THEATRUM.]

ORCĪNUS SĔNĀTOR. [SENATUS.]

ORDO is applied to any body of men who form a distinct class in the community, either by possessing distinct privileges, pursuing certain trades or professions, or in any other way. Thus the whole body of sacerdotes at Rome is spoken of as an ordo, and separate ecclesiastical corporations are called by the same title. The libertini and scribae also formed separate ordines. The senate and the equites are also spoken of respectively as the ordo senatorius and ordo equestris, but this name is never applied to the plebes. Accordingly we find the expression, uterque ordo, used without any further explanation to designate the senatorial and equestrian ordines. The senatorial ordo, as the highest, is sometimes distinguished as amplissimus ordo.--The senate in colonies and municipia was called ordo decurionum [COLONIA], and sometimes simply ordo.--The term ordo is also applied to a company or troop of soldiers, and is used as equivalent to centuria: thus centurions are sometimes called qui ordines duxerunt, and the first centuries in a legion primi ordines. Even the centurions of the first centuries are occasionally called primi ordines.

ORGIA. [MYSTERIA.]

ORGYIA (ὀργυιά), a Greek measure of length, derived from the human body, was the distance from extremity to extremity of the outstretched arms, whence the name, from ὀρέγω. It was equal to 6 feet or to 4 cubits, and was 1-100th of the stadium.

ŎRĬCHALCUM, a metallic compound, akin to copper and bronze, which was highly prized by the ancients. It probably denotes brass, with which the ancients became acquainted by fusing zinc ore (cadmium, calamine) with copper, although they appear to have had scarcely any knowledge of zinc as a metal. The word is derived from ὄρος and χαλκός, that is, mountain-bronze.

OSCHOPHŎRIA (ὠσχοφόρια, ὀσχοφόρια), an Attic festival, which, according to some writers, was celebrated in honour of Athena and Dionysus, and according to others in honour of Dionysus and Ariadne. It is said to have been instituted by Theseus. It was a vintage festival, and its name is derived from ὦσχος, ὄσχος, or ὄσχη, a branch of vines with grapes.

OSCILLUM, a diminutive through osculum from os, meaning “a little face,” was the term applied to faces or heads of Bacchus, which were suspended in the vineyards to be turned in every direction by the wind. Whichsoever way they looked, they were supposed to make the vines in that quarter fruitful. The first cut represents the countenance of Bacchus with a beautiful, mild, and propitious expression. The other cut represents a tree with four oscilla hung upon its branches. A syrinx and a pedum are placed at the root of the tree.

OSTĬĀRĬUM, a tax upon the doors of houses, which appears to have been sometimes levied in the provinces. There was a similar tax, called columnarium, imposed upon every pillar that supported a house.

OSTĬUM. [JANUA.]

ŎVĀTĬO, a lesser triumph. The circumstances by which it was distinguished from the more imposing solemnity [TRIUMPHUS] were the following:--The general did not enter the city in a chariot drawn by four horses, but on foot: he was not arrayed in the gorgeous gold-embroidered robe, but in the simple toga praetexta of a magistrate; his brows were encircled with a wreath, not of laurel but of myrtle; he bore no sceptre in his hand; the procession was not heralded by trumpets, headed by the senate, and thronged with victorious troops, but was enlivened by a crowd of flute players, attended chiefly by knights and plebeians, frequently without soldiers: the ceremonies were concluded by the sacrifice, not of a bull but of a sheep. The word ovatio seems clearly to be derived from the kind of victim offered. An ovation was granted when the advantage gained, although considerable, was not sufficient to constitute a legitimate claim to the higher distinction of a triumph, or when the victory had been achieved with little bloodshed; or when hostilities had not been regularly proclaimed; or when the war had not been completely terminated; or when the contest had been carried on against base and unworthy foes; and hence when the servile bands of Athenion and Spartacus were destroyed by Perperna and Crassus, these leaders celebrated ovations only.

ŎVĪLE. [COMITIA.]

PAEAN (παιήων, παιάν, παιών), a hymn or song, which was originally sung in honour of Apollo. It was always of a joyous nature, and its tune and sounds expressed hope and confidence. It was a song of thanksgiving, when danger was passed, and also a hymn to propitiate the god. It was sung at the solemn festivals of Apollo, and especially at the Hyacinthia. The paean was also sung as a battle-song, both before an attack on the enemy and after the battle was finished. It is certain that the paean was in later times sung to the honour of other gods besides Apollo. Thus Xenophon relates that the Greek army in Asia sung a paean to Zeus.

PAEDĂGŌGUS (παιδαγωγός), a tutor. The office of tutor in a Grecian family of rank and opulence was assigned to one of the most trustworthy of the slaves. The sons of his master were committed to his care on attaining their sixth or seventh year, their previous education having been conducted by females. They remained with the tutor until they attained the age of puberty. His duty was rather to guard them from evil, both physical and moral, than to communicate instruction. He went with them to and from the school or the GYMNASIUM; he accompanied them out of doors on all occasions; he was responsible for their personal safety, and for their avoidance of bad company. In the Roman empire the name paedagogi or paedagogia was given to beautiful young slaves, who discharged in the imperial palace the duties of the modern page, which is in fact a corruption of the ancient name.

PAEDŎNŎMUS (παιδονόμος), a magistrate at Sparta, who had the general superintendence of the education of the boys.

PAENŬLA, a thick cloak, chiefly used by the Romans in travelling, instead of the toga, as a protection against the cold and rain. It appears to have had no sleeves, and only an opening for the head, as shown in the following figure.

PĀGĀNĀLĬA. [PAGI.]

PĀGĀNI. [PAGI.]

PĀGI were fortified places in the neighbourhood of Rome, to which the country-people might retreat in case of a hostile inroad. Each of the country tribes is said to have been divided by Numa into a certain number of pagi; which name was given to the country adjoining the fortified village, as well as to the village itself. There was a magistrate at the head of each pagus, who kept a register of the names and of the property of all persons in the pagus, raised the taxes, and summoned the people, when necessary, to war. Each pagus had its own sacred rites, and an annual festival called Paganalia. The pagani, or inhabitants of the pagi, had their regular meetings, at which they passed resolutions. The division of the country-people into pagi continued to the latest times of the Roman empire. The term Pagani is often used in opposition to milites, and is applied to all who were not soldiers, even though they did not live in the country. The Christian writers gave the name of pagani to those persons who adhered to the old Roman religion, because the latter continued to be generally believed by the country-people, after Christianity became the prevailing religion of the inhabitants of the towns.

PĂLAESTRA (παλαίστρα), properly means a place for wrestling (παλαίειν, πάλη), and appears to have originally formed a part of the gymnasium. At Athens, however, there was a considerable number of palaestrae, quite distinct from the gymnasia. It appears most probable that the palaestrae were chiefly appropriated to the exercises of wrestling and of the pancratium, and were principally intended for the athletae, who, it must be recollected, were persons that contended in the public games, and therefore needed special training. The Romans had originally no places corresponding to the Greek gymnasia and palaestrae; and when towards the close of the republic wealthy Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, began to build places for exercise in their villas, they called them indifferently gymnasia and palaestrae.

PĂLĪLIA, a festival celebrated at Rome every year on the 21st of April, in honour of Pales, the tutelary divinity of shepherds. The 21st of April was the day on which, according to the early traditions of Rome, Romulus had commenced the building of the city, so that the festival was at the same time solemnised as the dies natalitius of Rome. It was originally a shepherd-festival, and continued to be so among country people till the latest times, but in the city it lost its original character, and was only regarded as the dies natalitius of Rome. The first part of the solemnities was a public purification by fire and smoke. The things burnt in order to produce this purifying smoke were the blood of the October-horse, the ashes of the calves sacrificed at the festival of Ceres, and the shells of beans. The people were also sprinkled with water, they washed their hands in spring-water, and drank milk mixed with must. As regards the October-horse (equus October) it must be observed that in early times no bloody sacrifice was allowed to be offered at the palilia, and the blood of the October-horse mentioned above, was the blood which had dropped from the tail of the horse sacrificed in the month of October to Mars in the Campus Martius. This blood was preserved by the vestal virgins in the temple of Vesta for the purpose of being used at the palilia. The sacrifices consisted of cakes, millet, milk, and other kinds of eatables. The shepherds then offered a prayer to Pales. After these solemn rites were over, the cheerful part of the festival began: bonfires were made of heaps of hay and straw, and the festival was concluded by a feast in the open air, at which the people sat or lay upon benches of turf, and drank plentifully.

PALLĬUM, dim. PALLIŎLUM, poet. PALLA (ἱμάτιον, dim. ἱματίδιον; Ion. and poet. φᾶρος), an outer garment. The English cloak, though commonly adopted as the translation of these terms, conveys no accurate conception of the form, material, or use of that which they denoted. The article designated by them was always a rectangular piece of cloth, exactly, or at least nearly square. It was indeed used in the very form in which it was taken from the loom, being made entirely by the weaver, without any aid from the tailor, except to repair the injuries which it sustained by time. Whatever additional richness and beauty it received from the art of the dyer, was bestowed upon it before its materials were woven into cloth or even spun into thread. Most commonly it was used without having undergone any process of this kind. The raw material, such as wool, flax, or cotton, was manufactured in its natural state, and hence pallia were commonly white, although from the same cause brown, drab, and grey were also prevailing colours. As the pallium was the most common outer garment, we find it continually mentioned in conjunction with the tunica, which constituted the indutus. Such phrases as “coat and waistcoat,” or “shoes and stockings,” are not more common with us than the following expressions, which constantly occur in ancient authors: tunica palliumque, ἱμάτιον καὶ χιτών, τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ ὁ χιτωνίσκος, φᾶρος ἠδὲ χιτών, &c. To wear the pallium without the underclothing indicated poverty or severity of manners, as in the case of Socrates. One of the most common modes of wearing the pallium was to fasten it with a brooch over the right shoulder, leaving the right arm at liberty, and to pass the middle of it either under the left arm so as to leave that arm at liberty also, or over the left shoulder so as to cover the left arm. The figure in the preceding cut is attired in the last-mentioned fashion.

PALMA. [PES.]

PALMĬPES, a Roman measure of length, equal to a foot and a palm.

PALMUS, properly the width of the open hand, or, more exactly, of the four fingers, was used by the Romans for two different measures of length, namely, as the translation of the Greek παλαιστή, or δῶρον in old Greek, and σπιθαμή respectively. In the former sense it is equal to 4 digits, or 3 inches, or 1-4th of a foot, or 1-6th of the cubit. The larger palm of 9 inches only occurs in later Roman writers. From this large palmus the modern Roman palmo is derived.

PĂLŪDĀMENTUM, the cloak worn by a Roman general commanding an army, his principal officers and personal attendants, in contradistinction to the sagum of the common soldiers, and the toga or garb of peace. It was the practice for a Roman magistrate, after he had received the imperium from the comitia curiata and offered up his vows in the Capitol, to march out of the city arrayed in the paludamentum (exire paludatus), attended by his lictors in similar attire (paludatis lictoribus), nor could he again enter the gates until he had formally divested himself of this emblem of military power. The paludamentum was open in front, reached down to the knees or a little lower, and hung loosely over the shoulders, being fastened across the chest by a clasp. The colour of the paludamentum was commonly white or purple, and hence it was marked and remembered that Crassus on the morning of the fatal battle of Carrhae went forth in a dark-coloured mantle. In the cut below, representing the head of a warrior, we see the paludamentum flying back in the charge, and the clasp nearly in front.

PAMBOEŌTĬA (παμβοιώτια), a festive panegyris of all the Boeotians, like the Panathenaea of the Atticans, and the Panionia of the Ionians. The principal object of the meeting was the common worship of Athena Itonia, who had a temple in the neighbourhood of Coronea, near which the panegyris was held.

PĂNĂTHĒNAEA (παναθήναια), the greatest and most splendid of the festivals celebrated in Attica in honour of Athena, in the character of Athena Polias, or the protectress of the city. It was said to have been instituted by Erichthonius, and its original name, down to the time of Theseus, was believed to have been Athenaea; but when Theseus united all the Atticans into one body, this festival, which then became the common festival of all the Attic tribes, was called Panathenaea. There were two kinds of Panathenaea, the greater and the lesser; the former were held every fourth year (πενταετηρίς), the latter every year. The lesser Panathenaea were probably celebrated on the 17th of the month Hecatombaeon; the great Panathenaea in the third year of every Olympiad, and probably commenced on the same day as the lesser Panathenaea. The principal difference between the two festivals was, that the greater one was more solemn, and that on this occasion the peplus of Athena was carried to her temple in a most magnificent procession, which was not held at the lesser Panathenaea. The solemnities, games, and amusements of the Panathenaea were, rich sacrifices of bulls, foot, horse, and chariot races, gymnastic and musical contests, and the lampadephoria; rhapsodists recited the poems of Homer and other epic poets, philosophers disputed, cock-fights were exhibited, and the people indulged in a variety of other amusements and entertainments. The prize in these contests was a vase filled with oil from the ancient and sacred olive tree of Athena on the Acropolis. A great many of such vases, called Panathenaic vases, have in late years been found in Etruria, southern Italy, Sicily, and Greece. They represent on one side the figure of Athena, and on the other the various contests and games in which these vases were given as prizes to the victors. Of the discussions of philosophers and orators at the Panathenaea we still possess two specimens, the λόγος Παναθηναικός of Isocrates, and that of Aristeides. Herodotus is said to have recited his history to the Athenians at the Panathenaea. The management of the games and contests was entrusted to persons called Athlothetae (ἀθλοθέται), whose number was ten, one being taken from every tribe. Their office lasted from one great Panathenaic festival to the other. The chief solemnity of the great Panathenaea was the magnificent procession to the temple of Athena Polias, which probably took place on the last day of the festive season. The whole of the procession is represented in the frieze of the Parthenon, the work of Phidias and his disciples, now deposited in the British Museum. The chief object of the procession was to carry the peplus of the goddess to her temple. This peplus was a crocus-coloured garment for the goddess, and made by maidens, called ἐργαστῖναι. In it were woven Enceladus and the giants, as they were conquered by the goddess. The peplus was not carried to the temple by men, but suspended from the mast of a ship. The procession proceeded from the Ceramicus, near a monument called Leocorium, to the temple of Demeter at Eleusis, and thence along the Pelasgic wall and the temple of Apollo Pythius to the Pnyx, and thence to the Acropolis, where the statue of Minerva Polias was adorned with the peplus. In this procession nearly the whole population of Attica appears to have taken part, either on foot, on horseback, or in chariots, as may be seen in the frieze of the Parthenon. Aged men carried olive branches, and were called Thallophori (θαλλοφόροι); young men attended, at least in earlier times, in armour, and maidens who belonged to the noblest families of Athens carried baskets, containing offerings for the goddess, whence they were called Canephori (κανηφόροι). Respecting the part which aliens took in this procession, and the duties they had to perform, see HYDRIAPHORIA. Men who had deserved well of the republic were rewarded with a gold crown at the great Panathenaea, and the herald had to announce the event during the gymnastic contests.

PANCRĂTĬUM (παγκράτιον), is derived from πάν and κράτος, and accordingly signifies an athletic game, in which all the powers of the fighter were called into action. The pancratium was one of the games or gymnastic contests which were exhibited at all the great festivals of Greece; it consisted of boxing and wrestling (πυγμή and πάλη), and was reckoned to be one of the heavy or hard exercises (ἀγωνίσματα βαρέα or βαρύτερα), on account of the violent exertions it required, and for this reason it was not much practised in the gymnasia. In Homer we find neither the game nor the name of the pancratium mentioned, and as it was not introduced at the Olympic games until Ol. 33, we may presume that the game, though it may have existed long before in a rude state, was not brought to any degree of perfection until a short time before that event. The name of the combatants was Pancratiastae (παγκρατιασταί) or Pammachi (πάμμαχοι). They fought naked, and had their bodies anointed and covered with sand, by which they were enabled to take hold of one another. When the contest began, each of the fighters might commence by boxing or by wrestling, accordingly as he thought he should be more successful in the one than in the other. The victory was not decided until one of the parties was killed, or lifted up a finger, thereby declaring that he was unable to continue the contest either from pain or fatigue.

PĂNĒGỸRIS (πανήγυρις), signifies a meeting or assembly of a whole people for the purpose of worshipping at a common sanctuary. The word is used in three significations:--1. For a meeting of the inhabitants of one particular town and its vicinity; 2. For a meeting of the inhabitants of a whole district, a province, or of the whole body of people belonging to a particular tribe [DELIA; PANIONIA]; and 3. For great national meetings, as the Olympic, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games. Although in all panegyreis which we know, the religious character forms the most prominent feature, other subjects, political discussions and resolutions, as well as a variety of amusements, were not excluded, though they were perhaps more a consequence of the presence of many persons than objects of the meeting. Every panegyris, moreover, was made by tradespeople a source of gain, and it may be presumed that such a meeting was never held without a fair, at which all sorts of things were exhibited for sale.

PĂNIŌNĬA (πανιώνια), the great national panegyris of the Ionians on mount Mycalé, where the national god Poseidon Heliconius had his sanctuary called the Panionium. One of the principal objects of this national meeting was the common worship of Poseidon, to whom splendid sacrifices were offered on the occasion. But religious worship was not the only object for which they assembled at the Panionium; on certain emergencies, especially in case of any danger threatening their country, the Ionians discussed at their meetings political questions, and passed resolutions which were binding upon all.

PĂNOPLĬA (πανοπλία), a panoply or suit of armour. The articles of which it consisted both in the Greek and in the Roman army, are enumerated under ARMA.

PANTŎMĪMUS, the name of a kind of actors peculiar to the Romans, who very nearly resembled in their mode of acting the modern dancers in the ballet. They did not speak on the stage, but merely acted by gestures, movements, and attitudes. All movements, however, were rhythmical like those in the ballet, whence the general term for them is saltatio, saltare; the whole art was called musica muta; and to represent Niobe or Leda was expressed by saltare Nioben and saltare Ledam. During the time of the republic the name pantomimus does not occur, though the art itself was known to the Romans at an early period; for the first histriones said to have been introduced from Etruria were in fact nothing but pantomimic dancers [HISTRIO], whence we find that under the empire the names histrio and pantomimus were used as synonymous. The pantomimic art, however, was not carried to any degree of perfection until the time of Augustus. The greatest pantomimes of this time were Bathyllus, a freedman and favourite of Maecenas, and Pylades and Hylas. Mythological love-stories were from the first the favourite subjects of the pantomimes, which were disgraced by the most licentious scenes. In Sicily pantomimic dances were called ballismi (βαλλισμοί), whence perhaps the modern words ball and ballet.

PĂPȲRUS. [LIBER.]

PĂRĂDĪSUS (παράδεισος), the name given by the Greeks to the parks or pleasure-grounds, which surrounded the country residences of the Persian kings and satraps. They were generally stocked with animals for the chase, were full of all kinds of trees, watered by numerous streams, and enclosed with walls.

PĂRĂGRĂPHĒ (παραγραφή). This word does not exactly correspond with any term in our language, but may without much impropriety be called a plea. It is an objection raised by the defendant to the admissibility of the plaintiff’s action. The paragraphé, like every other answer (ἀντιγραφή) made by the defendant to the plaintiff’s charge, was given in writing; as the word itself implies. If the defendant merely denied the plaintiff’s allegations, a court was at once held for the trial of the cause. If, however, he put in a paragraphé, a court was to be held to try the preliminary question, whether the cause could be brought into court or not. Upon this previous trial the defendant was considered the actor. If he succeeded, the whole cause was at an end; unless the objection was only to the form of action, or some other such technicality, in which case it might be recommenced in the proper manner. If, however, the plaintiff succeeded, the original action, which in the mean time had been suspended, was proceeded with.

PĂRĂLUS (πάραλος), and SĂLAMĪNĬA (σαλαμινία). The Athenians from very early times kept for public purposes two sacred or state vessels, the one of which was called Paralus and the other Salaminia: the crew of the one bore the name of παραλῖται or πάραλοι, and that of the other σαλαμίνιοι. The Salaminia was also called Δηλία or Θεωρίς, because it was used to convey the θεωροὶ to Delos, on which occasion the ship was adorned with garlands by the priest of Apollo. Both these vessels were quick-sailing triremes, and were used for a variety of state purposes: they conveyed theories, despatches, &c. from Athens, carried treasures from subject countries to Athens, fetched state criminals from foreign parts to Athens, and the like. In battles they were frequently used as the ships in which the admirals sailed. These vessels and their crews were always kept in readiness to act, in case of any necessity arising; and the crew, although they could not for the greater part of the year be in actual service, received their regular pay of four oboli per day all the year round. The names of the two ships seem to point to a very early period of the history of Attica, when there was no navigation except between Attica and Salamis, for which the Salaminia was used, and around the coast of Attica, for which purpose the Paralus was destined. In later times the names were retained, although the destination of the ships was principally to serve the purposes of religion, whence they are frequently called the sacred ships.

PĂRĂNOIĀS GRĂPHĒ (παρανοίας γραφή). This proceeding may be compared to our commission of lunacy, or writ de lunatico inquirendo. It was a suit at Athens that might be instituted by a son or other relation against one who, by reason of madness or mental imbecility, had become incapable of managing his own affairs. If the complaint was well grounded, the court decreed that the next heir should take possession of the lunatic’s property, and probably also made some provision for his being put in confinement, or under proper care and guardianship. The celebrated tale of Iophon, the son of Sophocles, accusing his father of lunacy, is related in the life of Sophocles in the Classical Dictionary.

PĂRĂNŎMŌN GRĂPHĒ (παρανόμων γραφή), an indictment at Athens for propounding an illegal, or rather unconstitutional measure or law. In order to check rash and hasty legislation, the mover of any law or decree, though he succeeded in causing it to be passed, was still amenable to criminal justice, if his enactment was found to be inconsistent with other laws that remained in force, or with the public interest. Any person might institute against him the γραφὴ παρανόμων within a year from the passing of the law. If he was convicted, not only did the law become void, but any punishment might be inflicted on him, at the discretion of the judges before whom he was tried. A person thrice so convicted lost the right of proposing laws in future. The cognizance of the cause belonged to the Thesmothetae.

PĂRAPRESBEIA (παραπρεσβεία), signifies any corrupt conduct, misfeasance, or neglect of duty on the part of an ambassador; for which he was liable to be called to account and prosecuted on his return home. Demosthenes accused Aeschines of Parapresbeia on account of his conduct in the embassy to Philip.

PĂRĂPHERNA. [DOS.]

PĂRĂSANGA (ὁ παρασάγγης), a Persian measure of length, frequently mentioned by the Greek writers. It is still used by the Persians, who call it ferseng. According to Herodotus the parasang was equal to 30 Greek stadia. Xenophon must also have calculated it at the same, as he says that 16,050 stadia are equal to 535 parasangs. (16,050 ÷ 535 = 30.) Other ancient writers give a different length for the parasang. Modern English travellers estimate it variously at from 3½ to 4 English miles, which nearly agrees with the calculation of Herodotus.

PĂRĂSĪTI (παράσιτοι) properly denotes persons who dine with others. In the early history of Greece the name had a very different meaning, being given to distinguished persons, who were appointed as assistants to certain priests and to the highest magistrates. Their services appear to have been rewarded with a third of the victims sacrificed to their respective gods. Such officers existed down to a late period of Greek history. Solon in his legislation called the act of giving public meals to certain magistrates and foreign ambassadors in the prytaneum παρασιτεῖν, and it may be that the parasites were connected with this institution. The class of persons whom we call parasites was very numerous in ancient Greece, and appears to have existed from early times. The characteristic features common to all parasites are importunity, love of sensual pleasures, and above all the desire of getting a good dinner without paying for it. During the time of the Roman emperors a parasite seems to have been a constant guest at the tables of the wealthy.

PĂRĔDRI (πάρεδροι). Each of the three superior archons was at liberty to have two assessors (πάρεδροι) chosen by himself, to assist him by advice and otherwise in the performance of his various duties. The assessor, like the magistrate himself, had to undergo a docimasia (δοκιμασία) in the Senate of Five Hundred and before a judicial tribunal, before he could be permitted to enter upon his labours. He was also to render an account (εὐθύνη) at the end of the year. The duties of the archons, magisterial and judicial, were so numerous, that one of the principal objects of having assessors must have been to enable them to get through their business. From the paredri of the archons we must distinguish those who assisted the euthyni in examining and auditing magistrates’ accounts.

PĂRENTĀLĬA. [FUNUS.]

PĂRĬES. [DOMUS.]

PARMA, dim. PARMŬLA, a round shield, three feet in diameter, carried by the velites in the Roman army. Though small, compared with the CLIPEUS, it was so strongly made as to be a very effectual protection. This was probably owing to the use of iron in its frame-work. The parma was also worn by the cavalry. We find the term parma often applied to the target [CETRA], which was also a small round shield, and therefore very similar to the parma.

PĂROCHI, certain people paid by the state to supply the Roman magistrates, ambassadors, and other official persons, when travelling, with those necessaries which they could not conveniently carry with them. They existed on all the principal stations on the Roman roads in Italy and the provinces, where persons were accustomed to pass the night. Of the things which the parochi were bound to supply, hay, fire-wood, salt, and a certain number of beds appear to have been the most important.

PĂROPSIS (παροψίς), any food eaten with the ὅψον as the μάζα, a kind of frumenty or soft cake, broth, or any kind of condiment or sauce. It was, likewise, the name of the dish or plate, on which such food was served up, and it is in this latter signification that the Roman writers use the word.

PARRĬCĪDA, PARRĬCĪDĬUM. A parricida signified originally a murderer generally, and is hence defined to be a person who kills another dolo malo. It afterwards signified the murderer of a parent, and by an ancient law such a parricide was sewed up in a sack (culleus), and thrown into a river. A law of the dictator Sulla contained some provisions against parricide, and probably fixed the same punishment for the parricide, as the Lex Pompeia de Parricidiis, passed in the time of Cn. Pompeius. This law extended the crime of parricide to the killing of a brother, sister, uncle, aunt, and many other relations, and enacted that he who killed a father or mother, grandfather or grandmother, should be punished (more majorum) by being whipped till he bled, sewed up in a sack with a dog, cock, viper, and ape, and thrown into the sea. Other parricides were simply put to death.

PASSUS, a measure of length, which consisted of five Roman feet. [PES.] The passus was not the step, or distance from heel to heel, when the feet were at their utmost ordinary extension, but the distance from the point which the heel leaves to that in which it is set down. The mille passuum, or thousand paces, was the common name of the Roman mile. [MILLIARE.]

PĂTER FĂMĬLIAE. [FAMILIA; MATRIMONIUM.]

PĂTER PĂTRĀTUS. [FETIALES.]

PĂTĔRA, dim. PĂTELLA (φιάλη), a round plate or dish. The paterae of the most common kind were small plates of the common red earthenware, on which an ornamental pattern was drawn, and which were sometimes entirely black. The more valuable paterae were metallic, being chiefly of bronze; but every family, raised above poverty, possessed one of silver, together with a silver salt-cellar. The accompanying cut exhibits a highly ornamented patera, made of bronze. The view of the upper surface is accompanied by a side-view, showing the form and depth of the vessel.

PĂTĬBŬLUM. [FURCA.]

PĂTĬNA (λεκάνη), a basin or bowl of earthenware, rarely of bronze or silver. The patina was of a form intermediate between the patera and the olla, not so flat as the former, nor so deep as the latter. The most frequent use of the patina was in cookery.

PATRES. [PATRICII.]

PĂTRĬA POTESTAS. Potestas signifies generally a power or faculty of any kind by which we do anything. “Potestas,” says Paulus, a Roman jurist, “has several significations: when applied to magistrates, it is Imperium; in the case of children, it is the patria potestas; in the case of slaves, it is Dominium.” According to Paulus then, potestas, as applied to magistrates, is equivalent to imperium. Thus we find potestas associated with the adjectives praetoria, consularis. But potestas is applied to magistrates who had not the imperium, as for instance to quaestors and tribuni plebis; and potestas and imperium are often opposed in Cicero. [IMPERIUM.] Thus it seems that this word potestas, like many other Roman terms, had both a wider signification and a narrower one. In its wider signification it might mean all the power that was delegated to any person by the state, whatever might be the extent of that power. In its narrower significations, it was on the one hand equivalent to imperium; and on the other, it expressed the power of those functionaries who had not the imperium. Sometimes it was used to express a magistratus, as a person; and hence in the Italian language the word podestà signifies a magistrate. Potestas is also one of the words by which is expressed the power that one private person has over another, the other two being manus and mancipium. The potestas is either dominica, that is, ownership as exhibited in the relation of master and slave [SERVUS]; or patria as exhibited in the relation of father and child. The mancipium was framed after the analogy of the potestas dominica. [MANCIPIUM.] Patria potestas then signifies the power which a Roman father had over the persons of his children, grandchildren, and other descendants (filii-familias, filiae-familias), and generally all the rights which he had by virtue of his paternity. The foundation of the patria potestas was a legal marriage, and the birth of a child gave it full effect. [MATRIMONIUM.] It does not seem that the patria potestas was ever viewed among the Romans as absolutely equivalent to the dominica potestas, or as involving ownership of the child; and yet the original notion of the patria came very near to that of the dominica potestas. Originally the father had the power of life and death over his son as a member of his familia; and he could sell him, and so bring him into the mancipii causa. He could also give his daughter in marriage, or give a wife to his son, divorce his child, give him in adoption, and emancipate him at his pleasure.

PATRĬCĬI. This word is evidently a derivative from pater, which frequently occurs in the Roman writers as equivalent to senator. Patricii therefore signifies those who belonged to the patres, but it is a mistake to suppose that the patricii were only the offspring of the patres in the sense of senators. On the contrary, the patricians were, in the early history of Rome, the whole body of Roman citizens, the populus Romanus, and there were no real citizens besides them. The other parts of the Roman population, namely clients and slaves, did not belong to the populus Romanus, and were not burghers or patricians. The senators or patres (in the narrower sense of the word) were a select body of the populus or patricians, which acted as their representatives. The burghers or patricians consisted originally of three distinct tribes, which afterwards became united into the sovereign populus. These tribes had founded settlements upon several of the hills which were subsequently included within the precincts of the city of Rome. Their names were Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, or Ramnenses, Titienses, and Lucerenses. Each of these tribes consisted of ten curiae, and each curia of ten gentes, and of the same number of decuries, which were established for representative and military purposes. [SENATUS.] The first tribe, or the Ramnes, were a Latin colony on the Palatine hill, said to have been founded by Romulus. As long as it stood alone, it contained only one hundred gentes, and had a senate of one hundred members. When the Tities, or Sabine settlers on the Quirinal and Viminal hills, under king Tatius, became united with the Ramnes, the number of gentes, as well as that of senators, was increased to 200. These two tribes after their union continued probably for a considerable time to be the patricians of Rome, until the third tribe, the Luceres, which chiefly consisted of Etruscans, who had settled on the Caelian hill, also became united with the other two as a third tribe. The amalgamation of these three tribes did not take place at once: the union between Latins and Sabines is ascribed to the reign of Romulus, though it does not appear to have been quite perfect, since the Latins on some occasions claimed a superiority over the Sabines. The Luceres existed for a long time as a separate tribe without enjoying the same rights as the two other tribes, until Tarquinius Priscus, himself an Etruscan, caused them to be placed on a footing of equality with the others. For this reason he is said to have increased the number of senators to 300. The Luceres, however, are, notwithstanding this equalisation, sometimes distinguished from the other tribes by the name patres or patricii minorum gentium. During the time of the republic, distinguished strangers and wealthy plebeians were occasionally made Roman patricians; for instance, Appius Claudius and his gens, and Domitius Ahenobarbus. When the plebeians became a distinct class of citizens [PLEBES], the patricians, of course, ceased to be the only class of citizens, but they still retained the exclusive possession of all the power in the state. All civil and religious offices were in their possession, and they continued as before to be the populus, the nation now consisting of the populus and the plebes. In their relation to the plebeians or the commonalty, the patricians were a real aristocracy of birth. A person born of a patrician family was and remained a patrician, whether he was rich or poor, whether he was a member of the senate, or an eques, or held any of the great offices of the state, or not: there was no power that could make a patrician a plebeian. As regards the census, he might indeed not belong to the wealthy classes, but his rank remained the same. The only way in which a patrician might become a plebeian was when of his own accord he left his gens and curia, gave up the sacra, &c. A plebeian, on the other hand, or even a stranger, might be made a patrician by a lex curiata. But this appears to have been done very seldom; and the consequence was, that in the course of a few centuries the number of patrician families became so rapidly diminished, that towards the close of the republic there were not more than fifty such families. Although the patricians throughout this whole period had the character of an aristocracy of birth, yet their political rights were not the same at all times. During the first centuries of the republic there was an almost uninterrupted struggle between patricians and plebeians, in which the former exerted every means to retain their exclusive rights, but which ended in the establishment of the political equality of the two orders. [PLEBES.] Only a few insignificant priestly offices, and the performance of certain ancient religious rites and ceremonies, remained the exclusive privilege of the patricians; of which they were the prouder, as in former days their religious power and significance were the basis of their political superiority. At the time when the struggle between patricians and plebeians ceased, a new kind of aristocracy began to arise at Rome, which was partly based upon wealth, and partly upon the great offices of the republic, and the term nobiles was given to all persons whose ancestors had held any of the curule offices. (Compare NOBILES.) This aristocracy of nobiles threw the old patricians as a body still more into the shade, though both classes of aristocrats united as far as was possible to monopolise all the great offices of the state. In their dress and appearance the patricians were scarcely distinguished from the rest of the citizens, unless they were senators, curule magistrates, or equites, in which case they wore like others the ensigns peculiar to these classes. The only thing by which they seem to have been distinguished in their appearance from other citizens was a peculiar kind of shoe, which covered the whole foot and part of the leg, though it was not as high as the shoes of senators and curule magistrates. These shoes were fastened with four strings (corrigiae or lora patricia) and adorned with a lunula on the top.

PĂTRĪMI ET MĀTRĪMI were children born of parents, who had been married by the religious ceremony called confarreatio: they are almost always mentioned in connection with religious rites and ceremonies.

PĂTRŎNŎMI (πατρονόμοι), magistrates at Sparta, who exercised, as it were, a paternal power over the whole state. They did not exist till a late period, and they succeeded to the powers which the ephori formerly possessed.

PĂTRŌNUS. The act of manumission created a new relation between the manumissor and the slave, which was analogous to that between father and son. The manumissor became with respect to the manumitted person his patronus, and the manumitted person became the libertus of the manumissor. The word patronus (from pater) indicates the nature of the relation. If the manumissor was a woman, she became patrona. The libertus adopted the gentile name of the manumissor. Cicero’s freedman Tiro was called M. Tullius Tiro. The libertus owed respect and gratitude to his patron, and in ancient times the patron might punish him in a summary way for neglecting those duties. This obligation extended to the children of the libertus, and the duty was due to the children of the patron. It was the duty of the patron to support his freedman in case of necessity, and if he did not, he lost his patronal rights; the consequence was the same if he brought a capital charge against him. The most important of the patronal rights related to the property of liberti, as in certain cases the patronus had a right to the whole or a part of the property of a libertus.

PAUPĔRĬES, the legal term for mischief done by an animal (quadrupes) contrary to the nature of the animal, as if a man’s ox gored another man. In such cases the law of the Twelve Tables gave the injured person an action against the owner of the animal for the amount of the damage sustained. The owner was bound either to pay the full amount of damages or to give up the animal to the injured person (noxae dare).

PĂVĪMENTUM. [DOMUS, p. 144, b.]

PECTEN (κτείς), a comb. The Greeks and Romans used combs made of box-wood. The Egyptians had ivory combs, which also came into use by degrees among the Romans. The wooden combs, found in Egyptian tombs, are toothed on one side only; but the Greeks used them with teeth on both sides. The principal use of the comb was for dressing the hair, in doing which the Greeks of both sexes were remarkably careful and diligent. To go with uncombed hair was a sign of affliction.

PĔCŬLĀTUS, is properly the misappropriation or theft of public property. The person guilty of this offence was peculator. The origin of the word appears to be pecus, a term which originally denoted that kind of moveable property which was the chief sign of wealth. Originally trials for peculatus were before the populus or the senate. In the time of Cicero matters of peculatus had become one of the quaestiones perpetuae.

PĔCŪLĬUM. [SERVUS.]

PĔCŪNĬA. [AES; ARGENTUM; AURUM.]

PĔDĀRĬI. [SENATUS.]

PĔDĬSĔQUI, a class of slaves, whose duty was to follow their master when he went out of his house. There was a similar class of female slaves, called Pedisequae.

PĔDUM (κορώνη), a shepherd’s crook. On account of its connection with pastoral life, the crook is often seen in works of ancient art, in the hands of Pan, Satyrs, Fauns, and shepherds. It was also the usual attribute of Thalia, as the muse of pastoral poetry.

PEGMA (πῆγμα), a pageant, i.e. an edifice of wood, consisting of two or more stages (tabulata), which were raised or depressed at pleasure by means of balance weights. These great machines were used in the Roman amphitheatres, the gladiators who fought upon them being called pegmares. They were supported upon wheels so as to be drawn into the circus, glittering with silver and a profusion of wealth. When Vespasian and Titus celebrated their triumph over the Jews, the procession included pageants of extraordinary magnitude and splendour, consisting of three or four stages above one another, hung with rich tapestry, and inlaid with ivory and gold. By the aid of various contrivances they represented battles and their numerous incidents, and the attack and defence of the cities of Judaea. The pegma was also used in sacrifices. A bull having been slain in one of the stages, the high priest placed himself below in a cavern, so as to receive the blood upon his person and his garments, and in this state he was produced by the flamines before the worshippers.

PĔLĂTAE (πελάται), were free labourers working for hire, like the thetes, in contra-distinction to the helots and penestae, who were bondsmen or serfs. In the later Greek writers, such as Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Plutarch, the word is used for the Latin cliens, though the relations expressed by the two terms are by no means similar.

PELTA (πέλτη), a small shield. Iphicrates, observing that the ancient CLIPEUS was cumbrous and inconvenient, introduced among the Greeks a much smaller and lighter shield, from which those who bore it took the name of peltastae. It consisted principally of a frame of wood or wicker-work, covered with skin or leather.

PĔNESTAE (πενέσται), a class of serfs in Thessaly, who stood in nearly the same relation to their Thessalian lords as the helots of Laconia did to the Dorian Spartans, although their condition seems to have been on the whole superior. They were the descendants of the old Pelasgic or Aeolian inhabitants of Thessaly Proper. They occupied an intermediate position between freemen and purchased slaves, and they cultivated the land for their masters, paying by way of rent a portion of the produce of it. The Penestae sometimes accompanied their masters to battle, and fought on horseback as their vassals: a circumstance which need not excite surprise, as Thessaly was so famous for cavalry. There were Penestae among the Macedonians also.

PĔNĔTRĀLE. [TEMPLUM.]

PĒNĬCILLUS. [PICTURA, p. 295 a.]

PENTĂCOSĬŎMĔDIMNI. [CENSUS.]

PENTATHLON (πένταθλον, quinquertium), was next to the pancratium the most beautiful of all athletic performances. The persons engaged in it were called Pentathli (πένταθλοι). The pentathlon consisted of five distinct kinds of games, viz. leaping (ἅλμα), the foot-race (δρόμος), the throwing of the discus (δίσκος), the throwing of the spear (σίγυννος or ἀκόντιον), and wrestling (πάλη), which were all performed in one day and in a certain order, one after the other, by the same athletae. The pentathlon was introduced in the Olympic games in Ol. 18.

PENTĒCOSTĒ (πεντηκοστή), a duty of two per cent, levied upon all exports and imports at Athens. The money was collected by persons called πεντηκοστολόγοι. The merchant who paid the duty was said πεντηκοντεύεσθαι. All the customs appear to have been let to farm, and probably from year to year. They were let to the highest bidders by the ten Poletae, acting under the authority of the senate. The farmers were called τελῶναι, and were said ὠνεῖσθαι τὴν πεντηκοστήν.

PEPLUM or PEPLUS (πέπλος), an outer garment or shawl, strictly worn by females, and thus corresponding to the himation or pallium, the outer garment worn by men. Like all other pieces of cloth used for the AMICTUS, it was often fastened by means of a brooch. It was, however, frequently worn without a brooch. The shawl was also often worn so as to cover the head while it enveloped the body, and more especially on occasion of a funeral or of a marriage, when a very splendid shawl (παστός) was worn by the bride. The following woodcut may be supposed to represent the moment when the bride, so veiled, is delivered to her husband at the door of the nuptial chamber. He wears the PALLIUM only; she has a long shift beneath her shawl, and is supported by the pronuba. Of all the productions of the loom, pepli were those on which the greatest skill and labour were bestowed. So various and tasteful were the subjects which they represented, that poets delighted to describe them. The art of weaving them was entirely oriental; and those of the most splendid dyes and curious workmanship were imported from Tyre and Sidon. They often constituted a very important part of the treasures of a temple, having been presented to the divinity by suppliants and devotees.

PĒRA (πήρα), a wallet, made of leather, worn suspended at the side by rustics and by travellers to carry their provisions, and adopted in imitation of them by the Cynic philosophers.

PERDŬELLĬO was in the ancient times of the republic nearly the same as the Majestas of the later times. [MAJESTAS.] Perduellis originally signified hostis, and thus the offence was equivalent to making war on the Roman state. Offenders were tried by two judges called Perduellionis Duumviri. In the time of the kings the duumviri perduellionis and the quaestores parricidii appear to have been the same persons; but after the establishment of the republic, the offices were distinct, for the quaestores were appointed regularly every year, whereas the duumviri were appointed very rarely, as had been the case during the kingly period. Livy represents the duumviri perduellionis as being appointed by the kings, but they were really proposed by the king and appointed by the populus. During the early part of the republic they were appointed by the comitia curiata, and afterwards by the comitia centuriata, on the proposal of the consuls. In the case of Rabirius (B.C. 63), however, this custom was violated, as the duumviri were appointed by the praetor instead of by the comitia centuriata. The punishment for those who were found guilty of perduellio was death; they were either hanged on the arbor infelix, or thrown from the Tarpeian rock. But when the duumviri found a person guilty, he might appeal to the people (in early times the populus, afterwards the comitia centuriata), as was done in the first case which is on record, that of Horatius, and in the last, which is that of Rabirius, whom Cicero defended before the people in the oration still extant.

PĔRĔGRĪNUS, a stranger or foreigner. In ancient times the word peregrinus was used as synonymous with hostis; but in the times of which we have historical records, a peregrinus was any person who was not a Roman citizen. In B.C. 247, a second praetor (praetor peregrinus) was appointed for the purpose of administering justice in matters between Romans and peregrini, and in matters between such peregrini as had taken up their abode at Rome. [PRAETOR.] The number of peregrini who lived in the city of Rome appears to have had an injurious influence upon the poorer classes of Roman citizens, whence on some occasions they were driven out of the city. The first example of this kind was set in B.C. 127, by the tribune M. Junius Pennus. They were expelled a second time by the tribune C. Papius, in B.C. 66. During the last period of the republic and the first centuries of the empire, all the free inhabitants of the Roman world were, in regard to their political rights, either Roman citizens, or Latins, or peregrini, and the latter had, as before, neither commercium nor connubium with the Romans. They were either free provincials, or citizens who had forfeited their civitas, and were degraded to the rank of peregrini, or a certain class of freedmen, called peregrini dediticii.

PĔRĬOECI (περίοικοι). This word properly denotes the inhabitants of a district lying around some particular locality, but is generally used to describe a dependent population, living without the walls or in the country provinces of a dominant city, and although personally free, deprived of the enjoyment of citizenship, and the political rights conferred by it. A political condition such as that of the perioeci of Greece, and like the vassalage of the Germanic nations, could hardly have originated in anything else than foreign conquest, and the perioeci of Laconia furnish a striking illustration of this. Their origin dates from the Dorian conquest of the Peloponnesus, when the old inhabitants of the country, the Achaeans, submitted to their conquerors on certain conditions, by which they were left in possession of their private rights of citizenship. They suffered indeed a partial deprivation of their lands, and were obliged to submit to a king of foreign race, but still they remained equal in law to their conquerors, and were eligible to all offices of state except the sovereignty. But this state of things did not last long: in the next generation after the conquest the relation between the two parties was changed. The Achaeans were reduced from citizens to vassals; they were made tributary to Sparta; their lands were subjected to a tax; and they lost their rights of citizenship, the right of voting in the general assembly, and their eligibility to important offices in the state, such as that of a senator, &c. It does not, however, appear that the perioeci were generally an oppressed people, though kept in a state of political inferiority to their conquerors. On the contrary, the most distinguished among them were admitted to offices of trust, and they sometimes served as heavy-armed soldiers; as, for instance, at the battle of Plataea. The Norman conquest of England presents a striking parallel to the Dorian conquest of Laconia, both in its achievement and consequences. The Saxons, like the old Achaeans, were deprived of their lands, excluded from all offices of trust and dignity, and reduced, though personally free, to a state of political slavery. The Normans, on the contrary, of whatever rank in their own country, were all nobles and warriors, compared with the conquered Saxons, and for a long time enjoyed exclusively the civil and ecclesiastical administration of the land.

PĔRISCĔLIS (περισκελίς), an anklet or bangle, worn by the Orientals, the Greeks, and the Roman ladies also. It decorated the leg in the same manner as the bracelet adorns the wrist and the necklace the throat. The word, however, is sometimes used in the same sense as the Latin feminalia, that is, drawers reaching from the navel to the knees.

PĔRISTRŌMA, a coverlet large enough to hang round the sides of the bed or couch.

PĔRISTȲLĬUM. [DOMUS.]

PĒRO (ἀρβύλη), a low boot of untanned hide worn by ploughmen (peronatus arator), shepherds, and others employed in rural occupations. The term ἀρβύλη is applied to an appendage to the Greek chariot. It seems to have been a shoe fastened to the bottom of the chariot, into which the driver inserted his foot, to assist him in driving, and to prevent him from being thrown out.

PERSŌNA (larva, πρόσωπον or προσωπεῖον), a mask. Masks were worn by Greek and Roman actors in nearly all dramatic representations. This custom arose undoubtedly from the practice of smearing the face with certain juices and colours, and of appearing in disguise, at the festivals of Dionysus. [DIONYSIA.] Now, as the Greek drama arose out of these festivals, it is highly probable that some mode of disguising the face was as old as the drama itself. Choerilus of Samos, however, (about B.C. 500) is said to have been the first who introduced regular masks. Other writers attribute the invention of masks to Thespis or Aeschylus, though the latter had probably only the merit of perfecting and completing the whole theatrical apparatus and costume. Some masks covered, like the masks of modern times, only the face, but they appear more generally to have covered the whole head down to the shoulders, for we always find the hair belonging to a mask described as being a part of it; and this must have been the case in tragedy more especially, as it was necessary to make the head correspond to the stature of an actor, which was heightened by the cothurnus.

PES (ποῦς), a foot, the standard measure of length among the Greeks and Romans, as well as among nearly all other nations, both ancient and modern. The Romans applied the uncial division [AS] to the foot, which thus contained 12 unciae, whence our inches; and many of the words used to express certain numbers of unciae are applied to the parts of the foot. It was also divided into 16 digiti (finger-breadths): this mode of division was used especially by architects and land-surveyors, and is found on all the foot-measures that have come down to us. From the analogy of the as, we have also dupondium for 2 feet, and pes sestertius for 2½ feet. The probable value of the Roman foot is 11.6496 inches English. (See Tables at the end.)

PESSI. [LATRUNCULI.]

PESSŬLUS. [JANUA.]

PĔTĂLISMUS. [EXSILIUM.]

PĔTĂSUS. [PILEUS.]

PĔTĪTOR. [ACTOR.]

PĔTAURISTAE. [PETAURUM.]

PĔTAURUM (πέταυρον, πέτευρον), used in the Roman games, seems to have been a board moving up and down, with a person at each end, and supported in the middle, something like our see-saw; only it appears to have been much longer, and consequently went to a greater height than is common amongst us. The persons who took part in this game, were called Petauristae or Petauristarii.

PĔTORRĬTUM, a four-wheeled carriage, which, like the ESSEDUM, was adopted by the Romans in imitation of the Gauls. It differed from the HARMAMAXA in being uncovered. Its name is compounded of petor, four, and rit, a wheel.

PHĂLANX. [EXERCITUS.]

PHĂLĂRĬCA. [HASTA.]

PHĂLĔRAE (φάλαρον), a boss, disc, or crescent of metal, in many cases of gold, and beautifully wrought so as to be highly prized. They were usually worn in pairs; and we most commonly read of them as ornaments attached to the harness of horses, especially about the head, and often worn as pendants (pensilia), so as to produce a terrific effect when shaken by the rapid motions of the horse. These ornaments were often bestowed upon horsemen by the Roman generals, in the same manner as the ARMILLA, the TORQUES, the hasta pura [HASTA], and the crown of gold [CORONA], in order to make a public and permanent acknowledgment of bravery and merit.

PHĂRETRA (φαρέτρα), a quiver, was principally made of hide or leather, and was adorned with gold, painting, and braiding. It had a lid (πῶμα), and was suspended from the right shoulder by a belt passing over the breast and behind the back. Its most common position was on the left hip, and is so seen in the annexed figures, the right-hand one representing an Amazon, and the left-hand an Asiatic archer.

PHARMĂCŌN GRĂPHĒ (φαρμάκων or φαρμακείας γραφή), an indictment at Athens against one who caused the death of another by poison, whether given with intent to kill or to obtain undue influence. It was tried by the court of Areiopagus.

PHĂROS or PHĂRUS (φάρος), a light-house. The most celebrated light-house of antiquity was that situated at the entrance to the port of Alexandria, on an island which bore the name of Pharos. It contained many stories, and the upper stories had windows looking seawards, and torches or fires were kept burning in them by night in order to guide vessels into the harbour. The name of Pharos was given to other light-houses, in allusion to that at Alexandria, which was the model for their construction.

PHĂSĒLUS (φάσηλος), a vessel rather long and narrow, apparently so called from its resemblance to the shape of a phaselus or kidney-bean. It was chiefly used by the Egyptians, and was of various sizes, from a mere boat to a vessel adapted for long voyages. The phaselus was built for speed, to which more attention seems to have been paid than to its strength: whence the epithet fragilis is given to it by Horace. These vessels were sometimes made of clay, to which the epithet of Horace may perhaps also refer.

PHASIS (φάσις, from φαίνω), one of the various methods by which public offenders at Athens might be prosecuted; but the word is often used to denote any kind of information; and we do not know in what respects the Phasis was distinguished from other methods of prosecution. The word sycophantes (συκοφάντης) is derived from the practice of laying information against those who exported figs. [SYCOPHANTES.]

PHORMINX. [LYRA.]

PHRATRĬA. [TRIBUS.]

PHỸLARCHI (φύλαρχοι) were at Athens after the age of Cleisthenes ten officers, one for each of the tribes, and were specially charged with the command and superintendence of the cavalry. There can be but little doubt that each of the phylarchs commanded the cavalry of his own tribe, and they were themselves collectively and individually under the control of the two hipparchs, just as the taxiarchs were subject to the two strategi. Herodotus informs us that when Cleisthenes increased the number of the tribes from four to ten, he also made ten phylarchs instead of four. It has been thought, however, that the historian should have said ten phylarchs in the place of the old phylobasileis, who were four in number, one for each of the old tribes.

PHỸLŎBĂSĬLEIS (φυλοβασιλεῖς) were four in number, representing each one of the four ancient Athenian tribes, and probably elected (but not for life) from and by them. They were nominated from the Eupatridae, and during the continuance of royalty at Athens these “kings of the tribes” were the constant assessors of the sovereign, and rather as his colleagues than counsellors. Though they were originally connected with the four ancient tribes, still they were not abolished by Cleisthenes when he increased the number of tribes, probably because their duties were mainly of a religious character. They appear to have existed even after his time, and acted as judges, but in unimportant or merely formal matters.

PICTŪRA (γραφή, γραφική, ζωγραφία), painting. I. History of the Art. It is singular that the poems of Homer do not contain any mention of painting as an imitative art. This is the more remarkable, since Homer speaks of rich and elaborate embroidery as a thing not uncommon. This embroidery is actual painting in principle, and is a species of painting in practice, and it was considered such by the Romans, who termed it “pictura textilis.” The various allusions also to other arts, similar in nature to painting, are sufficient to prove that painting must have existed in some degree in Homer’s time, although the only kind of painting he notices is the “red-cheeked” and “purple-cheeked ships,” and an ivory ornament for the faces of horses, which a Maeonian or Carian woman colours with purple. Painting seems to have made considerable progress in Asia Minor while it was still in its infancy in Greece, for Candaules, king of Lydia (B.C. 716), is said to have purchased at a high price a painting of Bularchus, which represented a battle of the Magnetes. The old Ionic painting probably flourished at the same time with the Ionian architecture, and continued as an independent school until the sixth century B.C., when the Ionians lost their liberty, and with their liberty their art. Herodotus (i. 164) mentions that when Harpagus besieged the town of Phocaea (B.C. 544), the inhabitants collected all their valuables, their statues and votive offerings from the temples, leaving only their paintings, and such works in metal or of stone as could not easily be removed, and fled with them to the island of Chios; from which we may conclude that paintings were not only valued by the Phocaeans, but also common among them. Herodotus (iv. 88) also informs us that Mandrocles of Samos, who constructed for Darius Hystaspis the bridge of boats across the Bosporus (B.C. 508), had a picture painted, representing the passage of Darius’s army, and the king seated on a throne reviewing the troops as they passed, which he dedicated in the temple of Hera at Samos. After the conquest of Ionia, Samos became the seat of the arts. The Heraeum at Samos, in which the picture of Mandrocles was placed, was a general depository for works of art, and in the time of Strabo appears to have been particularly rich in paintings, for he terms it a “picture-gallery” (πινακοθήκη). The first painter in Greece itself, whose name is recorded, is Cimon of Cleonae. His exact period is uncertain, but he was probably a contemporary of Solon, and lived at least a century before Polygnotus. It was with Polygnotus of Thasos that painting reached its full development (about B.C. 463). Previous to this time the only cities that had paid any considerable attention to painting were Aegina, Sicyon, Corinth, and Athens. Sicyon and Corinth had long been famous for their paintings upon vases and upon articles of furniture; the school of Athens had attained no celebrity whatever until the arrival of Polygnotus from Thasos raised it to that pre-eminence which it continued to maintain for more than two centuries, although very few of the great painters of Greece were natives of Athens. The principal contemporaries of Polygnotus were Dionysius of Colophon, Plistaenetus and Panaenus of Athens, brothers (or the latter perhaps a nephew) of Phidias, and Micon, also of Athens. The works of Polygnotus and his contemporaries were conspicuous for expression, character, and design; the more minute discriminations of tone and local colour, united with dramatic composition and effect, were accomplished in the succeeding generation, about 420 B.C., through the efforts of Apollodorus of Athens and Zeuxis of Heraclea. The contemporaries of Apollodorus and Zeuxis, and those who carried out their principles, were Parrhasius of Ephesus, Eupompus of Sicyon, and Timanthes of Cythnus, all painters of the greatest fame. Athens and Sicyon were the principal seats of the art at this period. Eupompus of Sicyon was the founder of the celebrated Sicyonian school of painting which was afterwards established by Pamphilus. The Alexandrian period was the last of progression or acquisition; but it only added variety of effect to the tones it could not improve, and was principally characterised by the diversity of the styles of so many contemporary artists. The most eminent painters of this period were Protogenes, Pamphilus, Melanthius, Antiphilus, Theon of Samos, Apelles, Euphranor, Pausias, Nicias, Nicomachus, and his brother Aristides. Of all these Apelles was the greatest. The quality in which he surpassed all other painters will scarcely bear a definition; it has been termed grace, elegance, beauty, χάρις, venustas. His greatest work was perhaps his Venus Anadyomene, Venus rising out of the waters. He excelled in portrait, and indeed all his works appear to have been portraits in an extended sense; for his pictures, both historical and allegorical, consisted nearly all of single figures. He enjoyed the exclusive privilege of painting the portraits of Alexander.--The works of Greek art brought from Sicily by Marcellus were the first to inspire the Romans with the desire of adorning their public edifices with statues and paintings, which taste was converted into a passion when they became acquainted with the great treasures and almost inexhaustible resources of Greece, and their rapacity knew no bounds. Mummius, after the destruction of Corinth, B.C. 146, carried off or destroyed more works of art than all his predecessors put together. Scaurus, in his aedileship, B.C. 58, had all the public pictures still remaining in Sicyon transported to Rome, on account of the debts of the former city, and he adorned the great temporary theatre which he erected upon that occasion with 3000 bronze statues. Verres ransacked Asia and Achaia, and plundered almost every temple and public edifice in Sicily of whatever was valuable in it. Amongst the numerous robberies of Verres, Cicero mentions particularly twenty-seven beautiful pictures taken from the temple of Minerva at Syracuse, consisting of portraits of the kings and tyrants of Sicily. Yet Rome was, about the end of the republic, full of painters, who appear, however, to have been chiefly occupied in portrait, or decorative and arabesque painting. Among the Romans the earliest painter mentioned is a member of the noble house of the Fabii, who received the surname of Pictor through some paintings which he executed in the temple of Salus at Rome, B.C. 304, which lasted till the time of the emperor Claudius, when they were destroyed by the fire that consumed that temple. Pacuvius also, the tragic poet, and nephew of Ennius, distinguished himself by some paintings in the temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium, about 180 B.C. But generally speaking the artists at Rome were Greeks. Julius Caesar, Agrippa, and Augustus were among the earliest great patrons of artists. Caesar expended great sums in the purchase of pictures by the old masters. He gave as much as 80 talents for two pictures by his contemporary Timomachus of Byzantium, one an Ajax, and the other a Medea meditating the murder of her children. These pictures, which were painted in encaustic, were very celebrated works; they are alluded to by Ovid (Trist. ii. 525), and are mentioned by many other ancient writers.--There are three distinct periods observable in the history of painting in Rome. The first or great period of Graeco-Roman art may be dated from the conquest of Greece until the time of Augustus, when the artists were chiefly Greeks. The second, from the time of Augustus to the so-called Thirty Tyrants and Diocletian, or from the beginning of the Christian era until about the latter end of the third century, during which time the great majority of Roman works of art were produced. The third comprehends the state of the arts during the exarchate, when Rome, in consequence of the foundation of Constantinople, and the changes it involved, suffered similar spoliations to those which it had previously inflicted upon Greece. This was the period of the total decay of the imitative arts amongst the ancients. About the beginning of the second period is the earliest age in which we have any notice of portrait painters (imaginum pictores) as a distinct class. Portraits must have been exceedingly numerous amongst the Romans; Varro made a collection of the portraits of 700 eminent men. The portraits or statues of men who had performed any public service were placed in the temples and other public places; and several edicts were passed by the emperors of Rome respecting the placing of them. The portraits of authors also were placed in the public libraries; they were apparently fixed above the cases which contained their writings, below which chairs were placed for the convenience of readers. They were painted also at the beginning of manuscripts. Several of the most celebrated ancient artists were both sculptors and painters; Phidias and Euphranor were both; Zeuxis and Protogenes were both modellers; Polygnotus devoted some attention to statuary; and Lysippus consulted Eupompus upon style in sculpture. Moreover scene-painting shows that the Greeks were acquainted with perspective at a very early period; for when Aeschylus was exhibiting tragedies at Athens, Agatharchus made a scene, and left a treatise upon it.--II. Methods of Painting. There were two distinct classes of painting practised by the ancients--in water colours, and in wax, both of which were practised in various ways. Of the former the principal were fresco, al fresco; and the various kinds of distemper (a tempera), with glue, with the white of egg, or with gums (a guazzo); and with wax or resins when these were rendered by any means vehicles that could be worked with water. Of the latter the principal was through fire (διὰ πυρὸς), termed encaustic (ἐγκαυστική, encaustica). The painting in wax (κηρογραφία), or ship painting (inceramenta navium), was distinct from encaustic. It does not appear that the Greeks or Romans ever painted in oil; the only mention of oil in ancient writers in connection with painting is the small quantity which entered into the composition of encaustic varnish to temper it. They painted upon wood, clay, plaster, stone, parchment, and canvas. The use of canvas must have been of late introduction, as there is no mention of it having been employed by the Greek painters of the best periods. They generally painted upon panels or tablets (πίνακες, πινόκια, tabulae, tabellae), which when finished were fixed into frames of various descriptions and materials, and encased in walls. The style or cestrum used in drawing, and for spreading the wax colours, pointed at one end and broad and flat at the other, was termed γραφίς by the Greeks and cestrum by the Romans; it was generally made of metal. The hair pencil (penicillus, penicillum) was termed ὑπογραφίς, and apparently also ῥαβδίον. The ancients used also a palette very similar to that used by the moderns. Encaustic was a method very frequently practised by the Roman and later Greek painters; but it was in very little use by the earlier painters, and was not generally adopted until after the time of Alexander. Pliny defines the term thus: “ceris pingere ac picturam inurere,” to paint with wax or wax colours, and to burn in the picture afterwards with the cauterium; it appears therefore to have been the simple addition of the process of burning in to the ordinary method of painting with wax colours. Cerae (waxes) was the ordinary term for painters’ colours amongst the Romans, but more especially encaustic colours, and they kept them in partitioned boxes, as painters do at present.--III. Polychromy. Ancient statues were often painted, and what is now termed polychrome sculpture was very common in Greece. The practice of colouring statues is undoubtedly as ancient as the art of statuary itself; although they were perhaps originally coloured more from a love of colour than from any design of improving the resemblance of the representation. The Jupiter of the Capitol, placed by Tarquinius Priscus, was coloured with minium. In later times the custom seems to have been reduced to a system, and was practised with more reserve. The practice also of colouring architecture seems to have been universal amongst the Greeks, and very general amongst the Romans.--IV. Vase Painting. The fictile-vase painting of the Greeks was an art of itself, and was practised by a distinct class of artists. The designs upon these vases (which the Greeks termed λήκυθοι) have been variously interpreted, but they have been generally considered to be in some way connected with the initiation into the Eleusinian and other mysteries. They were given as prizes to the victors at the Panathenaea and other games, and seem to have been always buried with their owners at their death, for they have been discovered only in tombs. Even in the time of the Roman empire painted vases were termed “operis antiqui,” and were then sought for in the ancient tombs of Campania and other parts of Magna Graecia. We may form some idea of their immense value from the statement of Pliny, that they were more valuable than the Murrhine vases. [MURRHINA VASA.] The paintings on the vases, considered as works of art, vary exceedingly in the detail of the execution, although in style of design they may be arranged in two principal classes, the black and the yellow; for those which do not come strictly under either of these heads are either too few or vary too slightly to require a distinct classification. The black are the most ancient, the yellow the most common.--V. Mosaic, or pictura de musivo, opus musivum, was very general in Rome in the time of the early emperors. It was also common in Greece and Asia Minor at an earlier period, but at the time of the Roman empire it began to a great extent even to supersede painting. It was used chiefly for floors, but walls and also ceilings were sometimes ornamented in the same way. There are still many great mosaics of the ancients extant. The most valuable is the one discovered in Pompeii a few years ago, which is supposed to represent the battle of Issus. The composition is simple, forcible, and beautiful, and the design exhibits in many respects merits of the highest order.

PĪLA (σφαῖρα), a ball. The game at ball (σφαιριστική) was one of the most favourite gymnastic exercises of the Greeks and Romans, from the earliest times to the fall of the Roman empire. It is mentioned in the Odyssey, where it is played by the Phaeacian damsels to the sound of music, and also by two celebrated performers at the court of Alcinous in a most artistic manner accompanied with dancing. The various movements of the body required in the game of ball gave elasticity and grace to the figure; whence it was highly esteemed by the Greeks. The Athenians set so high a value on it, that they conferred upon Aristonicus of Carystus the right of citizenship on account of his skill in this game. It was equally esteemed by the other states of Greece; the young Spartans, when they were leaving the condition of ephebi, were called σφαιρεῖς, probably because their chief exercise was the game at ball. Every complete gymnasium had a room (σφαιριστήριον, σφαίριστρα) devoted to this exercise [GYMNASIUM], where a special teacher (σφαιριστικός) gave instruction in the art. Among the Romans the game at ball was generally played at by persons before taking the bath, in a room (sphaeristerium) attached to the baths for the purpose. Pila was used in a general sense for any kind of ball: but the balls among the Romans seem to have been of three kinds; the pila in its narrower sense, a small ball; the follis, a great ball filled with air; and the paganica, of which we know scarcely anything, but which appears to have been smaller than the follis and larger than the pila. The Harpastum (from ἁρπάζω) seems to have been the name of a ball, which was thrown among the players, each of whom endeavoured to catch it.

PĪLĀNI. [EXERCITUS, p. 168 b.]

PĪLENTUM, a splendid four-wheeled carriage, furnished with soft cushions, which conveyed the Roman matrons in sacred processions and in going to the Circensian and other games. The pilentum was probably very like the HARMAMAXA and CARPENTUM, but open at the sides, so that those who sat in it might both see and be seen.

PĪLĔUS or PĪLĔUM (πϊλος, πίλημα, πιλωτόν), any piece of felt; more especially a skull-cap of felt, a hat. There seems no reason to doubt that felting is a more ancient invention than weaving [TELA], nor that both of these arts came into Europe from Asia. From the Greeks, who were acquainted with this article as early as the age of Homer, the use of felt passed together with its name to the Romans. Its principal use was to make coverings of the head for the male sex, and the most common one was a simple skull-cap.--Among the Romans the cap of felt was the emblem of liberty. When a slave obtained his freedom he had his head shaven, and wore instead of his hair an undyed pileus. This change of attire took place in the temple of Feronia, who was the goddess of freedmen. Hence the phrase servos ad pileum vocare is a summons to liberty, by which slaves were frequently called upon to take up arms with a promise of liberty. The figure of Liberty on some of the coins of Antoninus Pius, struck A.D. 145, holds this cap in the right hand. The Petasus (πέτασος) differed from the pileus or simple skull-cap in having a wide brim: the etymology of the word, from πετάννυμι, expresses the distinctive shape of these hats. It was preferred to the skull-cap as a protection from the sun.

PĪLUM. [HASTA.]

PISCĪNA. [BALNEUM.]

PISTOR (ἀρτοποιός), a baker, from pinsere, to pound, since corn was pounded in mortars before the invention of mills. At Rome bread was originally made at home by the women of the house; and there were no persons at Rome who made baking a trade, or any slaves specially kept for this purpose in private houses, till B.C. 173. The name was also given to pastry-cooks and confectioners, in which case they were usually called pistores dulciarii or candidarii. Bread was often baked in moulds called artoptae, and the loaves thus baked were termed ARTOPTICII. Bread was not generally made at home at Athens, but was sold in the market-place, chiefly by women, called ἀρτοπώλιδες. These women seem to have been what the fish-women of London are at present; they excelled in abuse.

PLĂGĬĀRĬUS. [PLAGIUM.]

PLĂGĬUM, the offence of kidnapping, concealing, and selling freemen and other persons’ slaves was the subject of a Fabia Lex (B.C. 183). The penalty of the lex was pecuniary; but this fell into disuse, and persons who offended against the lex were punished according to the nature of their offence; under the empire they were generally condemned to the mines. The word Plagium is said to come from the Greek πλάγιος, oblique, indirect, dolosus. He who committed plagium was plagiarius, a word which Martial applies to a person who falsely gave himself out as the author of a book; and in this sense the word has come into common use in our language.

PLAUSTRUM or PLOSTRUM (ἅμαξα), a cart or waggon. It had commonly two wheels, but sometimes four, and it was then called the plaustrum majus. Besides the wheels and axle the plaustrum consisted of a strong pole (temo), to the hinder part of which was fastened a table of wooden planks. The blocks of stone, or other things to be carried, were either laid upon this table without any other support, or an additional security was obtained by the use either of boards at the sides, or of a large wicker basket tied upon the cart. The annexed cut exhibits a cart, the body of which is supplied by a basket. The commonest kind of cart-wheel was that called tympanum, “the drum,” from its resemblance to the musical instrument of the same name. It was nearly a foot in thickness, and was made either by sawing the trunk of a tree across in a horizontal direction, or by nailing together boards of the requisite shape and size. (See the cut.) These wheels advanced slowly, and made a loud creaking, which was heard to a great distance.

PLĒBES or PLEBS. PLĒBĒII. This word contains the same root as im-pleo, com-pleo, &c., and is therefore etymologically connected with πλῆθος, a term which was applied to the plebeians by the more correct Greek writers on Roman history, while others wrongly called them δῆμος or οἱ δημοτικοί. The plebeians were the body of commons or the commonalty of Rome, and thus constituted one of the two great elements of which the Roman nation consisted, and which has given to the earlier periods of Roman history its peculiar character and interest. The time when the plebeians first appear as a distinct class of Roman citizens in contradistinction to the patricians, is in the reign of Tullus Hostilius. Alba, the head of the Latin confederacy, was in his reign taken by the Romans and razed to the ground. The most distinguished of its inhabitants were transplanted to Rome and received among the patricians; but the great bulk of Alban citizens, who were likewise transferred to Rome, received settlements on the Caelian hill, and were kept in a state of submission to the populus Romanus or the patricians. This new population of Rome, which in number is said to have been equal to the old inhabitants of the city or the patricians, were the plebeians. They were Latins, and consequently of the same blood as the Ramnes, the noblest of the three patrician tribes. After the conquest of Alba, Rome, in the reign of Ancus Martius, acquired possession of a considerable extent of country, containing a number of dependent Latin towns, as Medullia, Fidenae, Politorium, Tellenae, and Ficana. Great numbers of the inhabitants of these towns were again transplanted to Rome, and incorporated with the plebeians already settled there, and the Aventine was assigned to them as their habitation. Some portions of the land which these new citizens had possessed were given back to them by the Romans, so that they remained free land-owners as much as the conquerors themselves, and thus were distinct from the clients.--The plebeians were citizens, but not optimo jure; they were perfectly distinct from the patricians, and were neither contained in the three tribes, nor in the curiae, nor in the patrician gentes. The only point of contact between the two estates was the army. The plebeians were obliged to fight and shed their blood in the defence of their new fellow-citizens, without being allowed to share any of their rights or privileges, and without even the right of intermarriage (connubium). In all judicial matters they were entirely at the mercy of the patricians, and had no right of appeal against any unjust sentence, though they were not, like the clients, bound to have a patronus. They continued to have their own sacra, which they had had before the conquest, but these were regulated by the patrician pontiffs. Lastly, they were free land-owners, and had their own gentes.--The population of the Roman state thus consisted of two opposite elements; a ruling class or an aristocracy, and the commonalty, which, though of the same stock as the noblest among the rulers, and exceeding them in numbers, yet enjoyed none of the rights which might enable them to take a part in the management of public affairs, religious or civil. Their citizenship resembled the relation of aliens to a state, in which they are merely tolerated on condition of performing certain services, and they are, in fact, sometimes called peregrini. That such a state of things could not last, is a truth which must have been felt by every one who was not blinded by his own selfishness and love of dominion. Tarquinius Priscus was the first who conceived the idea of placing the plebeians on a footing of equality with the old burghers, by dividing them into three tribes, which he intended to call after his own name and those of his friends. But this noble plan was frustrated by the opposition of the augur Attus Navius, who probably acted the part of a representative of the patricians. All that Tarquinius could do was to effect the admission of the noblest plebeian families into the three old tribes, who were distinguished from the old patrician families by the names of Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres secundi, and their gentes are sometimes distinguished by the epithet minores, as they entered into the same relation in which the Luceres had been to the first two tribes, before the time of Tarquinius. It was reserved to his successor, Servius Tullius, to give to the commonalty a regular internal organisation, and to determine their relations to the patricians. He first divided the city into four, and then the subject country around, which was inhabited by plebeians, into twenty-six regions or local tribes, and in these regions he assigned lots of land to those plebeians who were yet without landed property. [TRIBUS.] Each tribe had its praefect, called tribunus. The tribes had also their own sacra, festivals, and meetings (comitia tributa), which were convoked by their tribunes. This division into tribes with tribunes at their heads was no more than an internal organisation of the plebeians, analogous to the division of the patricians into thirty curiae, without conferring upon them the right to interfere in any way in the management of public affairs, or in the elections, which were left entirely to the senate and the curiae. These rights, however, they obtained by another regulation of Servius Tullius, which was made wholly independent of the thirty tribes. For this purpose he instituted a census, and divided the whole body of Roman citizens, plebeians as well as patricians, into five classes, according to the amount of their property. Taxation and the military duties were arranged according to these classes in such a manner, that the heavier burdens fell upon the wealthier classes. The whole body of citizens thus divided was formed into a great national assembly called comitiatus maximus, or comitia centuriata. [COMITIA.] In this assembly the plebeians now met the patricians apparently on a footing of equality, but the votes were distributed in such a way that it was always in the power of the wealthiest classes, to which the patricians naturally belonged, to decide a question before it was put to the vote of the poorer classes. A great number of such noble plebeian families, as after the subjugation of the Latin towns had not been admitted into the curies by Tarquinius Priscus, were now constituted by Servius into a number of equites, with twelve suffragia in the comitia centuriata. [EQUITES.] In this constitution, the plebeians, as such, did not obtain admission to the senate, nor to the highest magistracy, nor to any of the priestly offices. To all these offices the patricians alone thought themselves entitled by divine right. The plebeians also continued to be excluded from occupying any portion of the public land, which as yet was possessed only by the patricians, and they were only allowed to keep their cattle upon the common pasture.--In the early times of the republic there was a constant struggle between the two orders, the history of which belongs to a history of Rome, and cannot be given here. Eventually the plebeians gained access to all the civil and religious offices, until at last the two hostile elements became united into one great body of Roman citizens with equal rights, and a state of things arose, totally different from what had existed before. After the first secession, in B.C. 494, the plebeians gained several great advantages. First, a law was passed to prevent the patricians from taking usurious interest of money, which they frequently lent to impoverished plebeians; secondly, tribunes were appointed for the protection of the plebeians [TRIBUNI]; and lastly, plebeian aediles were appointed. [AEDILES.] Shortly after, they gained the right to summon before their own comitia tributa any one who had violated the rights of their order, and to make decrees (plebiscita), which, however, did not become binding upon the whole nation, free from the control of the curies, until the year B.C. 286. In B.C. 445, the tribune Canuleius established, by his rogations, the connubium between patricians and plebeians. He also attempted to divide the consulship between the two orders, but the patricians frustrated the realisation of this plan by the appointment of six military tribunes, who were to be elected from both orders. [TRIBUNI.] But that the plebeians might have no share in the censorial power, with which the consuls had been invested, the military tribunes did not obtain that power, and a new curule dignity, the censorship, was established, with which patricians alone were to be invested. [CENSOR.] In B.C. 421 the plebeians were admitted to the quaestorship, which opened to them the way into the senate, where henceforth their number continued to increase. [QUAESTOR; SENATUS.] In B.C. 367 the tribunes L. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius placed themselves at the head of the commonalty, and resumed the contest against the patricians. After a fierce struggle, which lasted for several years, they at length carried a rogation, according to which decemvirs were to be appointed for keeping the Sibylline books instead of duumvirs, of whom half were to be plebeians. The next great step was the restoration of the consulship, on condition that one consul should always be a plebeian. A third rogation of Licinius, which was only intended to afford momentary relief to the poor plebeians, regulated the rate of interest. From this time forward the plebeians also appear in the possession of the right to occupy parts of the ager publicus. In B.C. 366, L. Sextius Lateranus was the first plebeian consul. The patricians, however, who always contrived to yield no more than what it was absolutely impossible for them to retain, stripped the consulship of a considerable part of its power, and transferred it to two new curule offices, viz. that of praetor and of curule aedile. [AEDILES; PRAETOR.] But after such great advantages had been once gained by the plebeians, it was impossible to stop them in their progress towards a perfect equality of political rights with the patricians. In B.C. 356, C. Marcius Rutilus was the first plebeian dictator; in B.C. 351 the censorship was thrown open to the plebeians, and in B.C. 336 the praetorship. The Ogulnian law, in B.C. 300, also opened to them the offices of pontifex and augur. These advantages were, as might be supposed, not gained without the fiercest opposition of the patricians, and even after they were gained and sanctioned by law, the patricians exerted every means to obstruct the operation of the law. Such fraudulent attempts led, in B.C. 286, to the last secession of the plebeians, after which, however, the dictator Q. Hortensius successfully and permanently reconciled the two orders, secured to the plebeians all the rights they had acquired until then, and procured for their plebiscita the full power of leges binding upon the whole nation. After the passing of the Hortensian law, the political distinction between patricians and plebeians ceased, and, with a few unimportant exceptions, both orders were placed on a footing of perfect equality. Henceforth the name populus is sometimes applied to the plebeians alone, and sometimes to the whole body of Roman citizens, as assembled in the comitia centuriata or tributa. The term plebs or plebecula, on the other hand, was applied, in a loose manner of speaking, to the multitude or populace, in opposition to the nobiles or the senatorial party.--A person who was born a plebeian could only be raised to the rank of a patrician by a lex curiata, as was sometimes done during the kingly period, and in the early times of the republic. It frequently occurs in the history of Rome that one and the same gens contains plebeian as well as patrician families. In the gens Cornelia, for instance, we find the plebeian families of the Balbi, Mammulae, Merulae, &c., along with the patrician Scipiones, Sullae, Lentuli, &c. The occurrence of this phenomenon may be accounted for in different ways. It may have been, that one branch of a plebeian family was made patrician while the others remained plebeians. It may also have happened that two families had the same nomen gentilicium without being actual members of the same gens. Again, a patrician family might go over to the plebeians, and as such a family continued to bear the name of its patrician gens, this gens apparently contained a plebeian family. When a peregrinus obtained the civitas through the influence of a patrician, or when a slave was emancipated by his patrician master, they generally adopted the nomen gentilicium of their benefactor, and thus appear to belong to the same gens with him.

PLĒBISCĪTUM, a name properly applied to a law passed at the comitia tributa on the rogation of a tribune. Originally, a plebiscitum required confirmation by the comitia curiata and the senate; but a Lex Hortensia was passed B.C. 286, to the effect that plebiscita should bind all the populus (universus populus), and this lex rendered confirmation unnecessary. The Lex Hortensia is always referred to as the lex which put plebiscita as to their binding force exactly on the same footing as leges. The principal plebiscita are mentioned under the article LEX.

PLECTRUM. [LYRA.]

PLETHRON (πλέθρον), the fundamental land measure in the Greek system, being the square of 100 feet, that is, 10,000 square feet. The later Greek writers use it as the translation of the Roman jugerum, probably because the latter was the standard land measure in the Roman system; but, in size, the plethron answered more nearly to the Roman actus, or half-jugerum, which was the older unit of land measures. As frequently happened with the ancient land measures, the side of the plethron was taken as a measure of length, with the same name. This plethron was equal to 100 feet (or about 101 English feet) = 66⅔ πήχεις = 10 ἄκαιναι or κάλαμοι. It was also introduced into the system of itinerary measures, being 1-6th of the stadium.

PLŬTĔUS, was applied in military affairs to two different objects. (1) A kind of shed made of hurdles, and covered with raw hides, which could be moved forward by small wheels attached to it, and under which the besiegers of a town made their approaches. (2) Boards or planks placed on the vallum of a camp, on moveable towers or other military engines, as a kind of roof or covering for the protection of the soldiers.

PLYNTĒRĬA (πλυντήρια, from πλύνειν, to wash), a festival celebrated at Athens every year, on the 25th of Thargelion, in honour of Athena, surnamed Aglauros, whose temple stood on the Acropolis. The day of this festival was at Athens among the ἀποφράδες or dies nefasti; for the temple of the goddess was surrounded by a rope to preclude all communication with it; her statue was stripped of its garments and ornaments for the purpose of cleaning them, and was in the meanwhile covered over, to conceal it from the sight of man. The city was therefore, so to speak, on this day without its protecting divinity, and any undertaking commenced on it was believed to be necessarily unsuccessful.

PNYX. [ECCLESIA.]

PŌCŬLUM, any kind of drinking-cup, to be distinguished from the Crater or vessel in which the wine was mixed [CRATER], and from the Cyathus, a kind of ladle or small cup, used to convey the wine from the Crater to the Poculum or drinking-cup.

PŎDĬUM. [AMPHITHEATRUM.]

POENA (ποινή), a general name for any punishment of any offence. Multa is the penalty of a particular offence. A Poena was only inflicted when it was imposed by some lex or some other legal authority (quo alio jure). When no poena was imposed, then a multa or penalty might be inflicted.

PŎLĔMARCHUS (πολέμαρχος). Respecting the polemarchus at Athens, see ARCHON. We read also of polemarchs at Sparta, and in various cities of Boeotia. As their name denotes, they were originally and properly connected with military affairs, being entrusted either with the command of armies abroad, or the superintendence of the war department at home; sometimes with both. The polemarchs of Sparta appear to have ranked next to the king, when on actual service abroad, and were generally of the royal kindred or house (γένος). They commanded single morae, so that they would appear to have been six in number, and sometimes whole armies. They also formed part of the king’s council in war, and of the royal escort called damosia. At Thebes there appear to have been two polemarchs, perhaps elected, annually; and in times of peace they seem to have been invested with the chief executive power of the state, and the command of the city, having its military force under their orders. They are not, however, to be confounded with the Boeotarchs.

PŌLĒTAE (πωλῆται), a board of ten officers, or magistrates, whose duty it was to grant leases of the public lands and mines, and also to let the revenues arising from the customs, taxes, confiscations, and forfeitures. Of such letting the word πωλεῖν (not μισθοῦν) was generally used, and also the correlative words ὠνεῖσθαι and πρίασθαι. One was chosen from each tribe. In the letting of the revenue they were assisted by the managers of the theoric fund (τὸ θεωρικόν), and they acted under the authority of the senate of Five Hundred, who exercised a general control over the financial department of the administration. Resident aliens, who did not pay their residence tax (μετοίκιον), were summoned before them, and, if found to have committed default, were sold.

POLLINCTŌRES. [FUNUS.]

PŌMOĒRĬUM. This word is compounded of post and moerium (murus), in the same manner as pomeridiem of post and meridiem, and thus signifies a line running by the walls of a town (pone or post muros). But the walls of a town here spoken of are not its actual walls or fortifications, but symbolical walls, and the course of the pomoerium itself was marked by stone pillars, erected at certain intervals. The sacred line of the Roman pomoerium did not prevent the inhabitants from building upon or taking into use any place beyond it, but it was necessary to leave a certain space on each side of it unoccupied, so as not to unhallow it by profane use. Thus we find that the Aventine, although inhabited from early times, was for many centuries not included within the pomoerium. The pomoerium was not the same at all times; as the city increased the pomoerium also was extended; but this extension could, according to ancient usage, only be made by such men as had by their victories over foreign nations increased the boundaries of the empire, and neither could a pomoerium be formed nor altered without the augurs previously consulting the will of the gods by augury: hence the jus pomoerii of the augurs.

POMPA (πομπή), a solemn procession, as on the occasion of a funeral, triumph, &c. It is, however, more particularly applied to the grand procession with which the games of the circus commenced (Pompa Circensis). [CIRCUS.]

PONS (γέφυρα), a bridge. As the rivers of Greece were small, and the use of the arch known to them only to a limited extent, it is probable that the Greek bridges were built entirely of wood, or, at best, were nothing more than a wooden platform supported upon stone piers at each extremity. Pliny mentions a bridge over the Acheron 1000 feet in length; we also know that the island Euboea was joined to Boeotia by a bridge; but the only existing specimen of a Greek bridge is the one over a tributary of the Eurotas. The Romans regularly applied the arch to the construction of bridges, by which they were enabled to erect structures of great beauty and solidity, as well as utility. The width of the passage-way in a Roman bridge was commonly narrow, as compared with modern structures of the same kind, and corresponded with the road (via) leading to and from it. It was divided into three parts. The centre one, for horses and carriages, was denominated agger or iter; and the raised footpaths on each side decursoria, which were enclosed by parapet walls similar in use and appearance to the pluteus in the basilica. There were eight bridges across the Tiber. I. Of these the most celebrated, as well as the most ancient, was the PONS SUBLICIUS, so called because it was built of wood; sublices, in the language of the Formiani, meaning wooden beams. It was built by Ancus Martius, when he united the Janiculum to the city, and was situated at the foot of the Aventine.--II. PONS PALATINUS formed the communication between the Palatine and its vicinities and the Janiculum.--III. IV. Pons Fabricius and PONS CESTIUS were the two which connected the Insula Tiberina with the opposite sides of the river; the first with the city, and the latter with the Janiculum.

Both are still remaining. They are represented in the preceding woodcut: that on the right hand is the pons Fabricius, and that on the left the pons Cestius.--V. PONS JANICULENSIS, which led direct to the Janiculum.--VI. PONS VATICANUS, so called because it formed the communication between the Campus Martius and Campus Vaticanus.--

VII. PONS AELIUS, built by Hadrian, which led from the city to the mausoleum of that emperor, now the bridge and castle of St. Angelo.--VIII. PONS MILVIUS, on the Via Flaminia, now Ponte Molle, was built by Aemilius Scaurus the censor.--The Roman bridges without the city were too many to be enumerated here.

They formed one of the chief embellishments in all the public roads; and their frequent and stupendous remains, still existing in Italy, Portugal, and Spain, attest, even to the present day, the scale of grandeur with which the Roman works of national utility were always carried on.--When the comitia were held, the voters, in order to reach the enclosure called septum and ovile, passed over a wooden platform, elevated above the ground, which was called pons suffragiorum, in order that they might be able to give their votes without confusion or collusion. [COMITIA.] Pons is also used to signify the platform (ἐπιβάθρα, ἀποβάθρα), used for embarking in, or disembarking from, a ship.

PONTĬFEX (ἱεροδιδάσκαλος, ἱερονόμος, ἱεροφύλαξ, ἱεροφάντης). The origin of this word is explained in various ways; but it is probably formed from pons and facere (in the signification of the Greek ῥέζειν, to perform a sacrifice), and consequently signifies the priests who offered sacrifices upon the bridge. The ancient sacrifice to which the name thus alludes, is that of the Argei on the sacred or sublician bridge. [ARGEI.] The Roman pontiffs formed the most illustrious among the great colleges of priests. Their institution, like that of all important matters of religion, was ascribed to Numa. The number of pontiffs appointed by this king was four, and at their head was the pontifex maximus, who is generally not included when the number of pontiffs is mentioned. It is probable that the original number of four pontiffs (not including the pontifex maximus) had reference to the two earliest tribes of the Romans, the Ramnes and Tities, so that each tribe was represented by two pontiffs. In the year B.C. 300 the Ogulnian law raised the number of pontiffs to eight, or, including the pontifex maximus, to nine, and four of them were to be plebeians. The pontifex maximus, however, continued to be a patrician down to the year B.C. 254, when Tib. Coruncanius was the first plebeian who was invested with this dignity. This number of pontiffs remained for a long time unaltered, until in B.C. 81 the dictator Sulla increased it to fifteen, and J. Caesar to sixteen. In both these changes the pontifex maximus is included in the number. During the empire the number varied, though on the whole fifteen appears to have been the regular number. The mode of appointing the pontiffs was also different at different times. It appears that after their institution by Numa, the college had the right of co-optation, that is, if a member of the college died (for all the pontiffs held their office for life), the members met and elected a successor, who, after his election, was inaugurated by the augurs. This election was sometimes called captio. In B.C. 104 a Lex Domitia was passed, which transferred the right of electing the members of the great colleges of priests to the people (probably in the comitia tributa); that is, the people elected a candidate, who was then made a member of the college by the co-optatio of the priests themselves, so that the co-optatio, although still necessary, became a mere matter of form. The Lex Domitia was repealed by Sulla in a Lex Cornelia de Sacerdotiis (B.C. 81), which restored to the great priestly colleges their full right of co-optatio. In B.C. 63 the law of Sulla was abolished, and the Domitian law was restored, but not in its full extent; for it was now determined, that in case of a vacancy the college itself should nominate two candidates, and the people elect one of them. M. Antonius again restored the right of co-optatio to the college. The college of pontiffs had the supreme superintendence of all matters of religion, and of things and persons connected with public as well as private worship. They had the judicial decision in all matters of religion, whether private persons, magistrates, or priests were concerned, and in cases where the existing laws or customs were found defective or insufficient, they made new laws and regulations (decreta pontificum), in which they always followed their own judgment as to what was consistent with the existing customs and usages. The details of these duties and functions were contained in books called libri pontificii or pontificales, commentarii sacrorum or sacrorum pontificalium, which they were said to have received from Numa, and which were sanctioned by Ancus Martius. As to the rights and duties of the pontiffs, it must first of all be borne in mind, that the pontiffs were not priests of any particular divinity, but a college which stood above all other priests, and superintended the whole external worship of the gods. One of their principal duties was the regulation of the sacra, both publica and privata, and to watch that they were observed at the proper times (for which purpose the pontiffs had the whole regulation of the calendar, see CALENDARIUM), and in their proper form. In the management of the sacra publica they were in later times assisted in certain duties by the Triumviri Epulones. [EPULONES.] The pontiffs convoked the assembly of the curies (comitia calata or curiata) in cases where priests were to be appointed, and flamines or a rex sacrorum were to be inaugurated; also when wills were to be received, and when a detestatio sacrorum and adoption by adrogatio took place. [ADOPTIO.] In most cases the sentence of the pontiffs only inflicted a fine upon the offenders; but the person fined had the right of appealing to the people, who might release him from the fine. In regard to the vestal virgins, and the persons who committed incest with them, the pontiffs had criminal jurisdiction, and might pronounce sentence of death. A man who had violated a vestal virgin was, according to an ancient law, scourged to death by the pontifex maximus in the comitium, and it appears that originally neither the vestal virgins nor the male offenders in such a case had any right of appeal. In later times we find that, even when the pontiffs had passed sentence upon vestal virgins, a tribune interfered, and induced the people to appoint a quaestor for the purpose of making a fresh inquiry into the case; and it sometimes happened that after this new trial the sentence of the pontiffs was modified or annulled. Such cases, however, seem to have been mere irregularities, founded upon an abuse of the tribunitian power. In the early times the pontiffs were in the exclusive possession of the civil as well as religious law, until the former was made public by Cn. Flavius. The regulations which served as a guide to the pontiffs in their judicial proceedings, formed a large collection of laws, which was called the jus pontificium, and formed part of the Libri Pontificii. The meetings of the college of pontiffs, to which in some instances the famines and the rex sacrorum were summoned, were held in the curia regia on the Via Sacra, to which was attached the residence of the pontifex maximus and of the rex sacrorum. As the chief pontiff was obliged to live in a domus publica, Augustus, when he assumed this dignity, changed part of his own house into a domus publica. All the pontiffs were in their appearance distinguished by the conic cap, called tutulus or galerus, with an apex upon it, and the toga praetexta. The pontifex maximus was the president of the college, and acted in its name, whence he alone is frequently mentioned in cases in which he must be considered only as the organ of the college. He was generally chosen from among the most distinguished persons, and such as had held a curule magistracy, or were already members of the college. Two of his especial duties were to appoint (capere) the vestal virgins and the flamines [VESTALES; FLAMEN], and to be present at every marriage by confarreatio. When festive games were vowed, or a dedication made, the chief pontiff had to repeat over, before the persons who made the vow or the dedication, the formula in which it was to be performed (praeire verba). During the period of the republic, when the people exercised sovereign power in every respect, we find that if the pontiff, on constitutional or religious grounds, refused to perform this solemnity, he might be compelled by the people. The pontifex maximus wrote down what occurred in his year on tablets, which were hung up in his dwelling for the information of the people, and called Annales Maximi. A pontifex might, like all the members of the great priestly colleges, hold any other military, civil, or priestly office, provided the different offices did not interfere with one another. Thus we find one and the same person being pontiff, augur, and decemvir sacrorum; instances of a pontifex maximus being at the same time consul are very numerous. But whatever might be the civil or military office which a pontifex maximus held beside his pontificate, he was not allowed originally to leave Italy. The college of pontiffs continued to exist until the overthrow of paganism. The emperors themselves were always chief pontiffs, and as such the presidents of the college; hence the title of pontifex maximus (P. M. or PON. M.) appears on several coins of the emperors. If there were several emperors at a time, only one bore the title of pontifex maximus; but in the year A.D. 238 we find that each of the two emperors Maximus and Balbinus assumed this dignity. From the time of Theodosius the emperors no longer appear with the dignity of pontiff; but at last the title was assumed by the Christian bishop of Rome.--There were other pontiffs at Rome, who were distinguished by the epithet Minores. They appear to have been originally only the secretaries of the pontiffs; and when the real pontiffs began to neglect their duties, and to leave the principal business to be done by their secretaries, it became customary to designate these scribes by the name of Pontifices Minores. The number of these secretaries is uncertain.

PŎPA. [SACRIFICIUM.]

PŎPĪNA. [CAUPONA.]

POPŬLĀRĬA. [AMPHITHEATRUM.]

PŎPŬLUS. [PATRICII.]

PŎPŬLĬFŬGĬA or POPLĬFŬGĬA, the day of the people’s flight, was celebrated on the nones of July, according to an ancient tradition, in commemoration of the flight of the people, when the inhabitants of Ficulae, Fidenae, and other places round about, appeared in arms against Rome shortly after the departure of the Gauls, and produced such a panic that the Romans suddenly fled before them. Other writers say that the Populifugia was celebrated in commemoration of the flight of the people before the Tuscans; while others again refer its origin to the flight of the people on the death of Romulus.

PŎRISTAE (πορισταί), magistrates at Athens, who probably levied the extraordinary supplies.

PORTA (πύλη, dim. πυλίς), the gate of a city, citadel, or other open space inclosed by a wall, in contradistinction to JANUA, which was the door of a house or any covered edifice. The terms porta and πύλη are often found in the plural, even when applied to a single gate, because it consisted of two leaves. The gates of a city were of course various in their number and position. Thus Megara had 5 gates; Thebes, in Boeotia, had 7; Athens had 8; and Rome 20, or perhaps even more. The jambs of the gate were surmounted, 1. by a lintel, which was large and strong in proportion to the width of the gate. 2. By an arch, as we see exemplified at Pompeii, Paestum, Sepianum, Volterra, Suza, Autun, Besançon, and Treves. 3. At Arpinum, one of the gates now remaining is arched, whilst another is constructed with the stones projecting one beyond another. Gates sometimes had two passages close together, the one designed for carriages entering, and the other for carriages leaving the city. In other instances we find only one gate for carriages, but a smaller one on each side of it (παραπυλίς) for foot-passengers. When there were no sideways, one of the valves of the large gate sometimes contained a wicket (portula, πυλίς: ῥινοπύλη), large enough to admit a single person. The gateway had commonly a chamber (called πυλών) either on one side or on both, which served as the residence of the porter or guard. Statues of the gods were often placed near the gate, or even within it in the barbican, so as to be ready to receive the adoration of those who entered the city.

PORTĬCUS (στοά), a walk covered with a roof, and supported by columns, at least on one side. Such shaded walks and places of resort are almost indispensable in the southern countries of Europe, where people live much in the open air, as a protection from the heat of the sun and from rain. The porticoes attached to the temples were either constructed only in front of them, or went round the whole building, as is the case in the so-called Temple of Theseus at Athens. They were originally intended as places for those persons to assemble and converse in who visited the temple for various purposes. As such temple-porticoes, however, were found too small, or not suited for the various purposes of private and public life, most Grecian towns had independent porticoes, some of which were very extensive; and in most of these stoae, seats (exedrae) were placed, that those who were tired might sit down. They were frequented not only by idle loungers, but also by philosophers, rhetoricians, and other persons fond of intellectual conversation. The Stoic school of philosophy derived its name from the circumstance, that the founder of it used to converse with his disciples in a stoa. The Romans derived their great fondness for such covered walks from the Greeks; and as luxuries among them were carried in everything to a greater extent than in Greece, wealthy Romans had their private porticoes, sometimes in the city itself, and sometimes in their country-seats. In the public porticoes of Rome, which were exceedingly numerous and very extensive (as those around the Forum and the Campus Martius), a variety of business was occasionally transacted: we find that law-suits were conducted here, meetings of the senate held, goods exhibited for sale, &c.

PORTISCŬLUS (κελευστής), an officer in a ship, who gave the signal to the rowers, that they might keep time in rowing. This officer is sometimes called Hortator or Pausarius.

PORTĬTŌRES. [PUBLICANI.]

PORTŌRĬUM, a branch of the regular revenues of the Roman state, consisting of the duties paid on imported and exported goods. A portorium, or duty upon imported goods, appears to have been paid at a very early period, for it is said that Valerius Publicola exempted the plebes from the portoria at the time when the republic was threatened with an invasion by Porsena. The time of its introduction is uncertain; but the abolition of it, ascribed to Publicola, can only have been a temporary measure; and as the expenditure of the republic increased, new portoria must have been introduced. In conquered places, and in the provinces, the import and export duties, which had been paid there before, were generally not only retained, but increased, and appropriated to the aerarium. Sicily, and above all, Asia, furnished to the Roman treasury large sums, which were raised as portoria. In B.C. 60 all the portoria in the ports of Italy were done away with by a Lex Caecilia, but were restored by Julius Caesar and the subsequent emperors. Respecting the amount of the import or export duties we have but little information. In the time of Cicero the portorium in the ports of Sicily was one-twentieth (vicesima) of the value of taxable articles; and it is probable that this was the average sum raised in all the other provinces. In the times of the emperors the ordinary rate of the portorium appears to have been the fortieth part (quadragesima) of the value of imported goods; and at a later period the exorbitant sum of one-eighth (octava) is mentioned. The portorium was, like all other vectigalia, farmed out by the censors to the publicani, who collected it through the portitores. [VECTIGALIA; PUBLICANI.]

POSSESSĬO. [AGER PUBLICUS.]

POSTĪCUM. [JANUA.]

POSTLĪMĬNĬUM, POSTLĪMĬNII JUS. If a Roman citizen during war came into the possession of an enemy, he sustained a diminutio capitis maxima [CAPUT], and all his civil rights were in abeyance. Being captured by the enemy, he became a slave; but his rights over his children, if he had any, were not destroyed, but were said to be in abeyance (pendere) by virtue of the Jus Postliminii: when he returned, his children were again in his power; and if he died in captivity, they became sui juris. Sometimes by an act of the state a man was given up bound to an enemy, and if the enemy would not receive him, it was a question whether he had the Jus Postliminii. This was the case with Sp. Postumius, who was given up to the Samnites, and with C. Hostilius Mancinus, who was given up to the Numantines; but the better opinion was, that they had no Jus Postliminii, and Mancinus was restored to his civic rights by a lex. It appears that the Jus Postliminii was founded on the fiction of the captive having never been absent from home; a fiction which was of easy application, for, as the captive during his absence could not do any legal act, the interval of captivity was a period of legal non-activity, which was terminated by his showing himself again.

PŎTESTAS. [PATRIA POTESTAS.]

PRACTŎRES (πράκτορες), subordinate officers at Athens, who collected the fines and penalties (ἐπιβολάς and τιμήματα) imposed by magistrates and courts of justice, and payable to the state.

PRAECINCTĬO. [AMPHITHEATRUM.]

PRAECŌNES, criers, were employed for various purposes: 1. In sales by auction, they frequently advertised the time, place, and conditions of sale: they seem also to have acted the part of the modern auctioneer, so far as calling out the biddings and amusing the company, though the property was knocked down by the magister auctionis. [AUCTIO.] 2. In all public assemblies they ordered silence. 3. In the comitia they called the centuries one by one to give their votes, pronounced the vote of each century, and called out the names of those who were elected. They also recited the laws that were to be passed. 4. In trials, they summoned the accuser and the accused, the plaintiff and defendant. 5. In the public games, they invited the people to attend, and proclaimed the victors. 6. In solemn funerals they also invited people to attend by a certain form; hence these funerals were called funera indictiva. 7. When things were lost, they cried them and searched for them. 8. In the infliction of capital punishment, they sometimes conveyed the commands of the magistrates to the lictors. Their office, called Praeconium, appears to have been regarded as rather disreputable: in the time of Cicero a law was passed preventing all persons who had been praecones from becoming decuriones in the municipia. Under the early emperors, however, it became very profitable, which was no doubt partly owing to fees, to which they were entitled in the courts of justice, and partly to the bribes which they received from the suitors, &c.

PRAEDA signifies moveable things taken by an enemy in war. Such things were either distributed by the Imperator among the soldiers or sold by the quaestors, and the produce was brought into the Aerarium. The difference between Praeda and Manubiae is this:--Praeda is the things themselves that are taken in war, and Manubiae is the money realized by their sale. It was the practice to set up a spear at such sales, which was afterwards used at all sales of things by a magistrates in the name of the people. [SECTIO.]

PRAEFECTŪRA. [COLONIA.]

PRAEFECTUS AERĀRĬI. [AERARIUM.]

PRAEFECTUS ANNŌNAE, the praefect of the provisions, especially of the corn-market, was not a regular magistrate under the republic, but was only appointed in cases of extraordinary scarcity, when he seems to have regulated the prices at which corn was to be sold. Augustus created an officer under the title of Praefectus Annonae, who had jurisdiction over all matters appertaining to the corn-market, and, like the Praefectus Vigilum, was chosen from the equites, and was not reckoned among the ordinary magistrates.

PRAEFECTUS ĂQUĀRUM. [AQUAE DUCTUS.]

PRAEFECTUS CASTRŌRUM, praefect of the camp, is first mentioned in the reign of Augustus. There was one to each legion.

PRAEFECTUS CLASSIS, the commander of a fleet. This title was frequently given in the times of the republic to the commander of a fleet; but Augustus appointed two permanent officers with this title, one of whom was stationed at Ravenna on the Adriatic, and the other at Misenum on the Tuscan sea, each having the command of a fleet.

PRAEFECTUS FABRUM. [FABRI.]

PRAEFECTUS JŪRI DĪCUNDO. [COLONIA.]

PRAEFECTUS LĔGĬŌNIS. [EXERCITUS.]

PRAEFECTUS PRAETŌRĬO, was the commander of the troops who guarded the emperor’s person. [PRAETORIANI.] This office was instituted by Augustus, and was at first only military, and had comparatively small power attached to it; but under Tiberius, who made Sejanus commander of the praetorian troops, it became of much greater importance, till at length the power of these praefects became only second to that of the emperors. From the reign of Severus to that of Diocletian, the praefects, like the vizirs of the east, had the superintendence of all departments of the state, the palace, the army, the finances, and the law: they also had a court in which they decided cases. The office of praefect of the praetorium was not confined to military officers; it was filled by Ulpian and Papinian, and other distinguished jurists. Originally there were two praefects; afterwards sometimes one and sometimes two; from the time of Commodus sometimes three, and even four. They were, as a regular rule, chosen only from the equites; but from the time of Alexander Severus the dignity of senator was always joined with their office.

PRAEFECTUS VĬGĬLUM. [EXERCITUS, p. 171, a.]

PRAEFECTUS URBI, praefect or warden of the city, was originally called Custos Urbis. The name praefectus urbi does not seem to have been used till after the time of the decemvirs. The dignity of custos urbis, being combined with that of princeps senatus, was conferred by the king, as he had to appoint one of the decem primi as princeps senatus. The functions of the custos urbis, however, were not exercised except in the absence of the king from Rome; and then he acted as the representative of the king: he convoked the senate, held the comitia, if necessary, and on any emergency, might take such measures as he thought proper; in short, he had the imperium in the city. During the kingly period, the office of custos urbis was probably for life. Under the republic, the office, and its name of custos urbis, remained unaltered; but in B.C. 487 it was elevated into a magistracy, to be bestowed by election. The custos urbis was, in all probability, elected by the curiae. Persons of consular rank were alone eligible. In the early period of the republic the custos urbis exercised within the city all the powers of the consuls, if they were absent: he convoked the senate, held the comitia, and, in times of war, even levied civic legions, which were commanded by him. When the office of praetor urbanus was instituted, the wardenship of the city was swallowed up in it; but as the Romans were at all times averse to dropping altogether any of their old institutions, a praefectus urbi, though a mere shadow of the former office, was henceforth appointed every year, only for the time that the consuls were absent from Rome for the purpose of celebrating the Feriae Latinae. This praefectus had neither the power of convoking the senate nor the right of speaking in it; in most cases he was a person below the senatorial age, and was not appointed by the people, but by the consuls. An office very different from this, though bearing the same name, was instituted by Augustus on the suggestion of Maecenas. This new praefectus urbi was a regular and permanent magistrate, whom Augustus invested with all the powers necessary to maintain peace and order in the city. He had the superintendence of butchers, bankers, guardians, theatres, &c.; and to enable him to exercise his power, he had distributed throughout the city a number of milites stationarii, whom we may compare to a modern police. His jurisdiction, however, became gradually extended; and as the powers of the ancient republican praefectus urbi had been swallowed up by the office of the praetor urbanus, so now the power of the praetor urbanus was gradually absorbed by that of the praefectus urbi; and at last there was no appeal from his sentence, except to the person of the princeps himself, while any body might appeal from the sentence of any other city magistrate, and, at a later period, even from that of a governor of a province, to the tribunal of the praefectus urbi.

PRAEFĬCAE. [FUNUS.]

PRAEJŪDĬCĬUM is used both in the sense of a precedent, in which case it is rather exemplum than praejudicium (res ex paribus causis judicatae); and also in the sense of a preliminary inquiry and determination about something which belongs to the matter in dispute (judiciis ad ipsam causam pertinentibus), from whence also comes the name Praejudicium.

PRAELŪSĬO. [GLADIATORES.]

PRAENŌMEN. [NOMEN.]

PRAERŎGĀTĪVA TRIBUS. [COMITIA, p. 109.]

PRAES, is a surety for one who buys of the state. The goods of a Praes were called Praedia. The Praediator was a person who bought a praedium, that is, a thing given to the state as a security by a praes.

PRAESCRIPTĬO, or rather TEMPŎRIS PRAESCRIPTĬO, signifies the Exceptio or answer which a defendant has to the demand of a plaintiff, founded on the circumstance of the lapse of time. The word has properly no reference to the plaintiff’s loss of right, but to the defendant’s acquisition of a right by which he excludes the plaintiff from prosecuting his suit. This right of a defendant did not exist in the old Roman law.

PRAESES. [PROVINCIA.]

PRAESUL. [SALII.]

PRAETEXTA. [TOGA.]

PRAETOR (στρατηγός), was originally a title which designated the consuls as the leaders of the armies of the state. The period and office of the command of the consuls might appropriately be called Praetorium. Praetor was also a title of office among the Latins. The first praetor specially so called was appointed in B.C. 366, and he was chosen only from the patricians, who had this new office created as a kind of indemnification to themselves for being compelled to share the consulship with the plebeians. No plebeian praetor was appointed till the year B.C. 337. The praetor was called collega consulibus, and was elected with the same auspices at the comitia centuriata. The praetorship was originally a kind of third consulship, and the chief functions of the praetor (jus in urbe dicere, jura reddere) were a portion of the functions of the consuls. The praetor sometimes commanded the armies of the state; and while the consuls were absent with the armies, he exercised their functions within the city. He was a magistratus curulis, and he had the imperium, and consequently was one of the magistratus majores: but he owed respect and obedience to the consuls. His insignia of office were six lictors; but at a later period he had only two lictors in Rome. The praetorship was at first given to a consul of the preceding year.--In B.C. 246 another praetor was appointed, whose business was to administer justice in matters in dispute between peregrini, or peregrini and Roman citizens; and accordingly he was called praetor peregrinus. The other praetor was then called praetor urbanus, qui jus inter cives dicit, and sometimes simply praetor urbanus and praetor urbis. The two praetors determined by lot which functions they should respectively exercise. If either of them was at the head of the army, the other performed all the duties of both within the city. Sometimes the military imperium of a praetor was prolonged for a second year. When the territories of the state were extended beyond the limits of Italy, new praetors were made. Thus, two praetors were created B.C. 227, for the administration of Sicily and Sardinia, and two more were added when the two Spanish provinces were formed, B.C. 197. When there were six praetors, two stayed in the city, and the other four went abroad. The senate determined their provinces, which were distributed among them by lot. After the discharge of his judicial functions in the city, a praetor often had the administration of a province, with the title of propraetor. Sulla increased the number of praetors to eight, which Julius Caesar raised successively to ten, twelve, fourteen, and sixteen. Augustus, after several changes, fixed the number at twelve. Under Tiberius there were sixteen. Two praetors were appointed by Claudius for matters relating to fideicommissa, when the business in this department of the law had become considerable, but Titus reduced the number to one; and Nerva added a praetor for the decision of matters between the fiscus and individuals. Thus there were eventually eighteen praetors, who administered justice in the state.--The praetor urbanus was specially named praetor, and he was the first in rank. His duties confined him to Rome, as is implied by the name, and he could only leave the city for ten days at a time. It was part of his duty to superintend the Ludi Apollinares. He was also the chief magistrate for the administration of justice; and to the edicta of the successive praetors the Roman law owes in a great degree its development and improvement. Both the praetor urbanus and the praetor peregrinus had the jus edicendi, and their functions in this respect do not appear to have been limited on the establishment of the imperial power, though it must have been gradually restricted, as the practice of imperial constitutions and rescripts became common. [EDICTUM.] The chief judicial functions of the praetor in civil matters consisted in giving a judex. [JUDEX.] It was only in the case of interdicts that he decided in a summary way. [INTERDICTUM.] Proceedings before the praetor were technically said to be in jure. The praetors also presided at trials of criminal matters. These were the quaestiones perpetuae, or the trials for repetundae, ambitus, majestas, and peculatus, which, when there were six praetors, were assigned to four out of the number. Sulla added to these quaestiones those of falsum, de sicariis et veneficis, and de parricidis, and for this purpose he added two, or, according to some accounts, four praetors. On these occasions the praetor presided, but a body of judices determined by a majority of votes the condemnation or acquittal of the accused. [JUDEX.] The praetor, when he administered justice, sat on a sella curulis in a tribunal, which was that part of the court which was appropriated to the praetor and his assessors and friends, and is opposed to the subsellia, or part occupied by the judices, and others who were present.

PRAETŌRĬA CŎHORS. [PRAETORIANI.]

PRAETŌRĬĀNI, sc. milites, or praetoriae cohortes, a body of troops instituted by Augustus to protect his person and his power, and called by that name in imitation of the praetoria cohors, or select troops which attended the person of the praetor or general of the Roman army. They originally consisted of nine or ten cohorts, each comprising a thousand men, horse and foot. Augustus, in accordance with his general policy of avoiding the appearance of despotism, stationed only three of these cohorts in the capital, and dispersed the remainder in the adjacent towns of Italy. Tiberius, however, under pretence of introducing a stricter discipline among them, assembled them all at Rome in a permanent camp, which was strongly fortified. Their number was increased by Vitellius to sixteen cohorts, or 16,000 men. The praetorians were distinguished by double pay and especial privileges. Their term of service was originally fixed by Augustus at twelve years, but was afterwards increased to sixteen years; and when they had served their time, each soldier received 20,000 sesterces. They soon became the most powerful body in the state, and, like the janissaries at Constantinople, frequently deposed and elevated emperors according to their pleasure. Even the most powerful of the emperors were obliged to court their favour; and they always obtained a liberal donation upon the accession of each sovereign. After the death of Pertinax (A.D. 193) they even offered the empire for sale, which was purchased by Didius Julianus; but upon the accession of Severus in the same year they were disbanded, on account of the part they had taken in the death of Pertinax, and banished from the city. The emperors, however, could not dispense with guards, and accordingly the praetorians were restored on a new model by Severus, and increased to four times their ancient number. Diocletian reduced their numbers and abolished their privileges; they were still allowed to remain at Rome, but had no longer the guard of the emperor’s person, as he never resided in the capital. Their numbers were again increased by Maxentius; but after his defeat by Constantine, A.D. 312, they were entirely suppressed by the latter, their fortified camp destroyed, and those who had not perished in the battle between Constantine and Maxentius were dispersed among the legions. The commander of the praetorians was called PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.

PRAETŌRĬUM, the name of the general’s tent in the camp, and so called because the name of the chief Roman magistrate was originally praetor, and not consul. [CASTRA.] The officers who attended on the general in the praetorium, and formed his council of war, were called by the same name. The word was also used in several other significations, which were derived from the original one. Thus the residence of a governor of a province was called the praetorium; and the same name was also given to any large house or palace. The camp of the praetorian troops at Rome, and frequently the praetorian troops themselves, were called by this name. [PRAETORIANI.]

PRANDĬUM. [COENA, p. 96, b.]

PRĒLUM. [VINUM.]

PRĪMĬPĪLUS. [CENTURIO.]

PRINCEPS JŬVENTŪTIS. [EQUITES.]

PRINCEPS SĔNĀTUS. [SENATUS.]

PRINCĬPES. [EXERCITUS, p. 168, b.]

PRINCĬPĬA, PRINCĬPĀLIS VIA. [CASTRA.]

PRĪVĬLĒGĬUM. [LEX.]

PRŎBŎLĒ (προβολή), an accusation of a criminal nature, preferred before the people of Athens in assembly, with a view to obtain their sanction for bringing the charge before a judicial tribunal. The probolé was reserved for those cases where the public had sustained an injury, or where, from the station, power, or influence of the delinquent, the prosecutor might deem it hazardous to proceed in the ordinary way without being authorised by a vote of the sovereign assembly. In this point it differed from the eisangelia, that in the latter the people were called upon either to pronounce final judgment, or to direct some peculiar method of trial; whereas, in the probolé after the judgment of the assembly, the parties proceeded to trial in the usual manner. The cases to which the probolé was applied were, complaints against magistrates for official misconduct of oppression; against those public informers and mischief-makers who were called sycophantae (συκοφάνται); against those who outraged public decency at the religious festivals; and against all such as by evil practices exhibited disaffection to the state.

PRŎBOULEUMA. [BOULE.]

PRŎBOULI (πρόβουλοι), a name applicable to any persons who are appointed to consult or take measures for the benefit of the people. Ten probouli were appointed at Athens, after the end of the Sicilian war, to act as a committee of public safety. Their authority did not last much longer than a year; for a year and a half afterwards Pisander and his colleagues established the council of Four Hundred, by which the democracy was overthrown.

PRŌCONSUL (ἀνθύπατος), an officer who acted in the place of a consul, without holding the office of consul itself. The proconsul, however, was generally one who had held the office of consul, so that the proconsulship was a continuation, though a modified one, of the consulship. The first time when the imperium of a consul was prolonged, was in B.C. 327, in the case of Q. Publilius Philo, whose return to Rome would have been followed by the loss of most of the advantages that had been gained in his campaign. The power of proconsul was conferred by a senatusconsultum and plebiscitum, and was nearly equal to that of a regular consul, for he had the imperium and jurisdictio, but it differed inasmuch as it did not extend over the city and its immediate vicinity, and was conferred, without the auspicia, by a mere decree of the senate and people, and not in the comitia for elections. When the number of Roman provinces had become great, it was customary for the consuls, who during the latter period of the republic spent the year of their consulship at Rome, to undertake at its close the conduct of a war in a province, or its peaceful administration, with the title of proconsuls. There are some extraordinary cases on record in which a man obtained a province with the title of proconsul without having held the consulship before. The first case of this kind occurred in B.C. 211, when young P. Cornelius Scipio was created proconsul of Spain in the comitia centuriata.

PRŌCŪRĀTOR, a person who has the management of any business committed to him by another. Thus it is applied to a person who maintains or defends an action on behalf of another, or, as we should say, an attorney [ACTIO]: to a steward in a family [CALCULATOR]: to an officer in the provinces belonging to the Caesar, who attended to the duties discharged by the quaestor in the other provinces [PROVINCIA]: to an officer engaged in the administration of the fiscus [FISCUS]: and to various other officers under the empire.

PRŌDĬGĬUM, in its widest acceptation, denotes any sign by which the gods indicated to men a future event, whether good or evil, and thus includes omens and auguries of every description. It is, however, generally employed in a more restricted sense, to signify some strange incident or wonderful appearance which was supposed to herald the approach of misfortune, and happened under such circumstances as to announce that the calamity was impending over a whole community or nation rather than over private individuals. The word may be considered synonymous with ostentum, monstrum, portentum. Since prodigies were viewed as direct manifestations of the wrath of heaven, it was believed that this wrath might be appeased by prayers and sacrifices duly offered to the offended powers. This being a matter which deeply concerned the public welfare, the necessary rites were in ancient times regularly performed, under the direction of the pontifices, by the consuls before they left the city, the solemnities being called procuratio prodigiorum.

PRODŎSĬA (προδοσία) included not only every species of treason, but also every such crime as (in the opinion of the Greeks) would amount to a betraying or desertion of the interest of a man’s country. The highest sort of treason was the attempt to establish a despotism (τυραννίς), or to subvert the constitution (καταλύειν τὴν πολιτείαν), and in democracies καταλύειν τὸν δῆμον or τὸ πλῆθος. Other kinds of treason were a secret correspondence with a foreign enemy; a betraying of an important trust, such, as a fleet, army, or fortress, a desertion of post, a disobedience of orders, or any other act of treachery, or breach of duty in the public service. But not only would overt acts of disobedience or treachery amount to the crime of προδοσία, but also the neglect to perform those active duties which the Greeks in general expected of every good citizen. Cowardice in battle (δειλία) would be an instance of this kind; so would any breach of the oath taken by the ἔφηβοι at Athens; or any line of conduct for which a charge of disaffection to the people (μισοδημία) might be successfully maintained. The regular punishment appointed by the law for most kinds of treason appears to have been death, which, no doubt, might be mitigated by decree of the people, as in the case of Miltiades and many others. The goods of traitors, who suffered death, were confiscated, and their houses razed to the ground; nor were they permitted to be buried in the country, but had their bodies cast out in some place on the confines of Attica and Megara. Therefore it was that the bones of Themistocles, who had been condemned for treason, were brought over and buried secretly by his friends. The posterity of a traitor became ἄτιμοι, and those of a tyrant were liable to share the fate of their ancestor.

PRŎĔDRI. [BOULE.]

PRŌFESTI DĬES. [DIES.]

PRŌLĒTĀRĬI. [CAPUT.]

PRŎMĒTHEIA (προμήθεια), a festival celebrated at Athens in honour of Prometheus. It was one of the five Attic festivals, which were held with a torch-race in the Ceramicus [comp. LAMPADEPHORIA], for which the gymnasiarchs had to supply the youths from the gymnasia. Prometheus himself was believed to have instituted this torch-race, whence he was called the torch-bearer.

PRŌMULSIS. [COENA, p. 96, b.]

PRŌNŬBAE, PRŌNŬBI. [MATRIMONIUM.]

PROPRAETOR. [PRAETOR.]

PRŎPỸLAEA (προπύλαια), the entrance to a temple, or sacred enclosure, consisted of a gateway flanked by buildings, whence the plural form of the word. The Egyptian temples generally had magnificent propylaea, consisting of a pair of oblong truncated pyramids of solid masonry, the faces of which were sculptured with hieroglyphics. In Greek, except when the Egyptian temples are spoken of, the word is generally used to signify the entrance to the Acropolis of Athens, which was executed under the administration of Pericles.

PRŌQUAESTOR. [QUAESTOR.]

PRŌRA. [NAVIS, p. 263.]

PRŌSCĒNĬUM. [THEATRUM.]

PRŌSCRIPTĬO. The verb proscribere properly signifies to exhibit a thing for sale by means of a bill or advertisement. But in the time of Sulla it assumed a very different meaning, for he applied it to a measure of his own invention (B.C. 82), namely, the sale of the property of those who were put to death at his command, and who were themselves called proscripti. After this example of a proscription had once been set, it was readily adopted by those in power during the civil commotions of subsequent years. In the proscription of Antonius, Caesar, and Lepidus (B.C. 43), Cicero and some of the most distinguished Romans were put to death.

PRŎSTĂTĒS (προστάτης). [LIBERTUS.]

PRŎSTĂTĒS TOU DĒMOU (προστάτης τοῦ δήμου), a leader of the people, denoted at Athens and in other democratical states, a person who by his character and eloquence placed himself at the head of the people, and whose opinion had the greatest sway amongst them: such was Pericles. It appears, however, that προστάτης τοῦ δήμου was also the title of a public officer in those Dorian states in which the government was democratical.

PRŎTHESMĬA (προθεσμία), the term limited for bringing actions and prosecutions at Athens. The Athenian expression προθεσμίας νόμος corresponds to our statute of limitations. The time for commencing actions to recover debts, or compensation for injuries, appears to have been limited to five years at Athens.

PRŌVINCĬA. This word is merely a shortened form of providentia, and was frequently used in the sense of “a duty” or “matter entrusted to a person.” But it is ordinarily employed to denote a part of the Roman dominion beyond Italy, which had a regular organisation, and was under Roman administration. Livy likewise uses the word to denote a district or enemy’s country, which was assigned to a general as the field of his operations, before the establishment of any provincial governments.--The Roman state in its complete development consisted of two parts with a distinct organisation, Italia and the Provinciae. There were no Provinciae in this sense of the word till the Romans had extended their conquests beyond Italy; and Sicily was the first country that was made a Roman province: Sardinia was made a province B.C. 235. The Roman province of Gallia Ulterior in the time of Caesar was sometimes designated simply by the term Provincia, a name which has been perpetuated in the modern Provence. A conquered country received its provincial organisation either from the Roman commander, whose acts required the approval of the senate; or the government was organised by the commander and a body of commissioners appointed by the senate out of their own number. The mode of dealing with a conquered country was not uniform. When constituted a provincia, it did not become to all purposes an integral part of the Roman state; it retained its national existence, though it lost its sovereignty. The organisation of Sicily was completed by P. Rupilius with the aid of ten legates. The island was formed into two districts, with Syracuse for the chief town of the eastern and Lilybaeum of the western district: the whole island was administered by a governor annually sent from Rome. He was assisted by two quaestors, and was accompanied by a train of praecones, scribae, haruspices, and other persons, who formed his cohors. The quaestors received from the Roman aerarium the necessary sums for the administration of the island, and they also collected the taxes, except those which were farmed by the censors at Rome. One quaestor resided at Lilybaeum, and the other with the governor or praetor at Syracuse. For the administration of justice the island was divided into Fora or Conventus, which were territorial divisions. [CONVENTUS.] The island was bound to furnish and maintain soldiers and sailors for the service of Rome, and to pay tributum for the carrying on of wars. The governor could take provisions for the use of himself and his cohors on condition of paying for them. The Roman state had also the portoria which were let to farm to Romans at Rome. The governor had complete jurisdictio in the island, with the imperium and potestas. He could delegate these powers to his quaestors, but there was always an appeal to him, and for this and other purposes he made circuits through the different conventus.--Such was the organisation of Sicilia as a province, which may be taken as a sample of the general character of Roman provincial government. The governor, upon entering on his duties, published an edict, which was often framed upon the Edictum Urbanum. Cicero, when proconsul of Cilicia, says that on some matters he framed an edict of his own, and that as to others he referred to the Edicta Urbana. There was one great distinction between Italy and the provinces as to the nature of property in land. Provincial land could not be an object of Quiritarian ownership, and it was accordingly appropriately called Possessio. Provincial land could be transferred without the forms required in the case of Italian land, but it was subject to the payment of a land-tax (vectigal).--The Roman provinces up to the battle of Actium are: Sicilia, Sardinia et Corsica; Hispania Citerior et Ulterior; Gallia Citerior; Gallia Narbonensis et Comata; Illyricum; Macedonia; Achaia; Asia; Cilicia; Syria; Bithynia et Pontus; Cyprus; Africa; Cyrenaica et Creta; Numidia; Mauritania. Those of a subsequent date, which were either new or arose from division, are: Rhaetia; Noricum; Pannonia; Moesia; Dacia; Britannia; Mauritania Caesariensis and Tingitana; Aegyptus; Cappadocia; Galatia; Rhodus; Lycia; Commagene; Judaea; Arabia; Mesopotamia; Armenia; Assyria.--At first praetors were appointed as governors of provinces, but afterwards they were appointed to the government of provinces, upon the expiration of their year of office at Rome, and with the title of propraetores. In the later times of the republic, the consuls also, after the expiration of their year of office, received the government of a province, with the title of proconsules: such provinces were called consulares. The provinces were generally distributed by lot, but the distribution was sometimes arranged by agreement among the persons entitled to them. By a Sempronian Lex the proconsular provinces were annually determined before the election of the consuls, the object of which was to prevent all disputes. A senatus consultum of the year 55 B.C. provided that no consul or praetor should have a province till after the expiration of five years from the time of his consulship or praetorship. A province was generally held for a year, but the time was often prolonged. When a new governor arrived in his province, his predecessor was required to leave it within thirty days. The governor of a province had originally to account at Rome (ad urbem) for his administration, from his own books and those of his quaestors; but after the passing of a Lex Julia, B.C. 61, he was bound to deposit two copies of his accounts (rationes) in the two chief cities of his province, and to forward one (totidem verbis) to the aerarium. If the governor misconducted himself in the administration of the province, the provincials applied to the Roman senate, and to the powerful Romans who were their patroni. The offences of repetundae and peculatus were the usual grounds of complaint by the provincials; and if a governor had betrayed the interests of the state, he was also liable to the penalties attached to majestas. Quaestiones were established for inquiries into these offences; yet it was not always an easy matter to bring a guilty governor to the punishment that he deserved.--With the establishment of the imperial power under Augustus, a considerable change was made in the administration of the provinces. Augustus took the charge of those provinces where a large military force was required; the rest were left to the care of the senate and the Roman people. Accordingly we find in the older jurists the division of provinciae into those which were propriae populi Romani, and those which were propriae Caesaris; and this division, with some modifications, continued to the third century. The senatorian provinces were distributed among consulares and those who had filled the office of praetor, two provinces being given to the consulares and the rest to the praetorii: these governors were called proconsules, or praesides, which latter is the usual term employed by the old jurists for a provincial governor. The praesides had the jurisdictio of the praetor urbanus and the praetor peregrinus: and their quaestors had the same jurisdiction that the curule aediles had at Rome. The imperial provinces were governed by legati Caesaris, with praetorian power, the proconsular power being in the Caesar himself, and the legati being his deputies and representatives. The legati were selected from those who had been consuls or praetors, or from the senators. They held their office and their power at the pleasure of the emperor; and he delegated to them both military command and jurisdictio, just as a proconsul in the republican period delegated these powers to his legati. These legati had also legati under them. No quaestors were sent to the provinces of the Caesar. In place of the quaestors, there were procuratores Caesaris, who were either equites or freedmen of the Caesar. Egypt was governed by an eques with the title of praefectus. The procuratores looked after the taxes, paid the troops, and generally were intrusted with the interests of the fiscus. Judaea, which was a part of the province of Syria, was governed by a procurator, who had the powers of a legatus. It appears that there were also procuratores Caesaris in the senatorian provinces, who collected certain dues of the fiscus, which were independent of what was due to the aerarium. The regular taxes, as in the republican period, were the poll-tax and land-tax. The taxation was founded on a census of persons and property, which was established by Augustus. The portoria and other dues were farmed by the publicani, as in the republican period.

PRŌVŎCĀTĬO. [APPELLATIO.]

PRŌVŎCĀTŌRES. [GLADIATORES.]

PROXĔNUS (πρόξενος). [HOSPITIUM.]

PRỸTĂNEIUM (πρυτανεῖον), the public hall or town-hall in a Greek state. The prytaneia of the ancient Greek states and cities were to the communities living around them, what private houses were to the families which occupied them. Just as the house of each family was its home, so was the prytaneium of every state or city the common home of its members or inhabitants. This correspondence between the prytaneium or home of the city, and the private home of a man’s family, was at Athens very remarkable. A perpetual fire was kept burning on the public altar of the city in the prytaneium, just as in private houses a fire was kept up on the domestic altar in the inner court of the house. Moreover, the city of Athens exercised in its prytaneium the duties of hospitality, both to its own citizens and to strangers. Thus foreign ambassadors were entertained here, as well as Athenian envoys, on their return home from a successful or well-conducted mission. Here, too, were entertained from day to day the successive prytanes or presidents of the senate, together with those citizens who, whether from personal or ancestral services to the state, were honoured with what was called the σίτησις ἐν πρυτανείῳ, or the privilege of taking their meals there at the public cost. This was granted sometimes for a limited period, sometimes for life, in which latter case the parties enjoying it were called ἀείσιτοι. Moreover, from the ever-burning fire of the prytaneium, or home of a mother state, was carried the sacred fire which was to be kept burning in the prytaneia of her colonies; and if it happened that this was ever extinguished, the flame was rekindled from the prytaneium of the parent city. Lastly, a prytaneium was also a distinguishing mark of an independent state. The prytaneium of Athens lay under the Acropolis on its northern side (near the ἀγορά), and was, as its name denotes, originally the place of assembly of the prytanes; in the earliest times it probably stood on the Acropolis. Officers called prytanes (πρυτανεῖς) were entrusted with the chief magistracy in several states of Greece, as Corcyra, Corinth, Miletus. At Athens they were in early times probably a magistracy of the second rank in the state (next to the archon), acting as judges in various cases (perhaps in conjunction with him), and sitting in the prytaneium. That this was the case is rendered probable by the fact, that even in after-times the fees paid into court by plaintiff and defendant, before they could proceed to trial, and received by the dicasts, were called prytaneia.

PRỸTĂNES. [PRYTANEIUM; BOULE.]

PSĒPHISMA. [BOULE; NOMOTHETES.]

PSĒPHUS (ψῆφος), a ball of stone, used by the Athenian dicasts in giving their verdict. [CADISCUS.] Hence ψηφίζεσθαι and its various derivatives are used so often to signify voting, determining, &c.

PSEUDENGRĂPHĒS GRĂPHĒ (ψευδεγγραφῆς γραφή). The name of every state debtor at Athens was entered in a register by the praetores, whose duty it was to collect the debts, and erase the name of the party when he had paid it. If they made a false entry, either wilfully, or upon the suggestion of another person, the aggrieved party might institute a prosecution against them, or against the person upon whose suggestion it was made. Such prosecution was called γραφὴ ψευδεγγραφῆς. It would lie also, where a man was registered as debtor for more than was really due from him.

PSEUDŎCLĒTEIAS GRĂPHĒ (ψευδοκλητείας γραφή), a prosecution against one, who had appeared as a witness (κλητήρ or κλήτωρ) to prove that a defendant had been duly summoned, and thereby enabled the plaintiff to get a judgment by default. The false witness (κλητήρ) was liable to be criminally prosecuted, and punished at the discretion of the court. The γραφὴ ψευδοκλητείας came before the Thesmothetae, and the question at the trial simply was, whether the defendant in the former cause had been summoned or not.

PSĪLI (ψιλοί). [ARMA.]

PSYCTĒR (ψυκτήρ, dim. ψυκτηρίδιον), a wine-cooler, was sometimes made of bronze or silver. One of earthenware is preserved in the Museum of Antiquities at Copenhagen. It consists of one deep vessel for holding ice, which is fixed within another for holding wine. The wine was poured in at the top. It thus surrounded the vessel of ice and was cooled by the contact. It was drawn off so as to fill the drinking-cups by means of a cock at the bottom.

PŪBES, PŪBERTAS. [IMPUBES; INFANS.]

PUBLĬCĀNI, farmers of the public revenues of the Roman state (vectigalia). Their name is formed from publicum, which signifies all that belongs to the state, and is sometimes used by Roman writers as synonymous with vectigal. The revenues which Rome derived from conquered countries, consisting chiefly of tolls, tithes, harbour duties, the scriptura, or the tax which was paid for the use of the public pasture lands, and the duties paid for the use of mines and salt-works (salinae), were let out, or, as the Romans expressed it, were sold by the censors in Rome itself to the highest bidder. This sale generally took place in the month of Quinctilis, and was made for a lustrum. The terms on which the revenues were let, were fixed by the censors in the so-called leges censoriae. The people or the senate, however, sometimes modified the terms fixed by the censors, in order to raise the credit of the publicani; and in some cases even the tribunes of the people interfered in this branch of the administration. The tithes raised in the province of Sicily alone, with the exception of those of wine, oil, and garden produce, were not sold at Rome, but in the districts of Sicily itself, according to a practice established by Hiero. The persons who undertook the farming of the public revenue of course belonged to the wealthiest Romans, and during the latter period of the republic they belonged almost exclusively to the equestrian order. Their wealth and consequent influence may be seen from the fact, that as early as the second Punic war, after the battle of Cannae, when the aerarium was entirely exhausted, the publicani advanced large sums of money to the state, on condition of repayment after the end of the war. The words equites and publicani are sometimes used as synonymous. The publicani had to give security to the state for the sum at which they bought one or more branches of the revenue in a province; but as for this reason the property of even the wealthiest individual must have been inadequate, a number of equites generally united together, and formed a company (socii, societas, or corpus), which was recognised by the state, and by which they were enabled to carry on their undertakings upon a large scale. Such companies appear as early as the second Punic war. The shares which each partner of such a company took in the business were called partes, and if they were small, particulae. The responsible person in each company, and the one who contracted with the state, was called manceps [MANCEPS]; but there was also a magister to manage the business of each society, who resided at Rome, and kept an extensive correspondence with the agents in the provinces. He seems to have held his office only for one year; his representative in the provinces was called sub magistro, who had to travel about, and superintend the actual business of collecting the revenues. Nobody but a Roman citizen was allowed to become a member of a company of publicani; freedmen and slaves were excluded. No Roman magistrate, however, or governor of a province, was allowed to take any share whatever in a company of publicani, a regulation which was chiefly intended as a protection against the oppression of the provincials. The collection of the taxes in the provinces was performed by an inferior class of men, who were said operas publicanis dare, or esse in operis societatis. They were engaged by the publicani, and consisted of freemen as well as slaves, Romans as well as provincials. The separate branches of the public revenue in the provinces (decumae, portoria, scriptura, and the revenues from the mines and salt-works) were mostly leased to separate companies of publicani; whence they were distinguished by names derived from that particular branch which they had taken in farm; e.g. decumani, pecuarii or scripturarii, salinarii or mancipes salinarum, &c. [DECUMAE; PORTORIUM; SALINAS; SCRIPTURA.] The portitores were not publicani properly so called, but only their servants engaged in examining the goods imported or exported, and levying the custom-duties upon them. They belonged to the same class as the publicans of the New Testament.

PUBLĬCUM. [PUBLICANI.]

PŬGĬLĀTUS (πύξ, πυγμή, πυγμαχία, πυγμοσύνη), boxing, was one of the earliest athletic games among the Greeks, and is frequently mentioned in Homer. In the earliest times boxers (pugiles, πύκται) fought naked, with the exception of a girdle (ζῶμα) round their loins; but this was not used when boxing was introduced at Olympia, as the contests in wrestling and racing had been carried on there by persons entirely naked ever since Ol. 15. Respecting the leathern thongs with which pugilists surrounded their fists, see Cestus, where its various forms are illustrated by woodcuts. The Ionians, especially those of Samos, were at all times more distinguished pugilists than the Dorians, and at Sparta boxing is said to have been forbidden by the laws of Lycurgus. But the ancients generally considered boxing as a useful training for military purposes, and a part of education no less important than any other gymnastic exercise.

PŬGILLĀRES. [TABULAE.]

PŬGĬO (μάχαιρα), a dagger; a two-edged knife, commonly of bronze, with the hand in many cases variously ornamented or enriched.

PULLĀRĬUS. [AUSPICIUM.]

PULPĬTUM. [THEATRUM.]

PULVĪNAR, a couch provided with cushions or pillows (pulvini), on which the Romans placed the statues of the gods at the Lectisternia. [EPULONES; LECTISTERNIUM.] There was also a pulvinar, on which the images of the gods were laid, in the Circus.

PŪPILLA, PŪPILLUS, the name given to every impubes not in the power of their father, but subject to a guardian. [IMPUBES; TUTELA.]

PUPPIS. [NAVIS.]

PŬTĔAL, properly means the enclosure surrounding the opening of a well, to protect persons from falling into it. It was either round or square, and seems usually to have been of the height of three or four feet from the ground. It was the practice in some cases to surround a sacred place with an enclosure open at the top, and such enclosures, from the great similarity they bore to putealia, were called by this name. There were two such places in the Roman forum; one of these was called Puteal Libonis or Scribonianum, because a chapel (sacellum) in that place had been struck by lightning, and Scribonius Libo expiated it by proper ceremonies, and erected a puteal around it, open at the top, to preserve the memory of the place. The form of this puteal is preserved on several coins of the Scribonian gens. This puteal seems to have been near the atrium of Vesta, and was a common place of meeting for usurers. The other puteal was in the comitium, on the left side of the senate-house, and in it were deposited the whetstone and razor of ATTUS NAVIUS.

PUTĬCŬLI. [FUNUS.]

PỸANEPSIA (πυανέψια), a festival celebrated at Athens every year on the seventh of Pyanepsion, in honour of Apollo, said to have been instituted by Theseus after his return from Crete. The festival, as well as the month in which it took place, are said to have derived their names from πύαμος, another form for κύαμος, i.e. pulse or beans, which were cooked at this season and carried about.

PỸLĂGŎRAE. [AMPHICTYONES.]

PỸRA. [FUNUS.]

PYRRHĬCA. [SALTATIO.]

PȲTHĬA (πύθια), one of the four great national festivals of the Greeks. It was celebrated in the neighbourhood of Delphi, anciently called Pytho, in honour of Apollo, Artemis, and Leto. The place of this solemnity was the Crissaean plain, which for this purpose contained a hippodromus or race-course, a stadium of 1000 feet in length, and a theatre, in which the musical contests took place. The Pythian games were, according to most legends, instituted by Apollo himself. They were originally perhaps nothing more than a religious panegyris, occasioned by the oracle of Delphi, and the sacred games are said to have been at first only a musical contest, which consisted in singing a hymn to the honour of the Pythian god, with the accompaniment of the cithara. They must, on account of the celebrity of the Delphic oracle, have become a national festival for all the Greeks at a very early period, and gradually all the various contests were introduced which occur in the Olympic games. [OLYMPIA.] Down to Ol. 48. the Delphians had been the agonothetae at the Pythian games; but in the third year of this Olympiad, after the Crissaean war, the Amphictyons took the management under their care, and appointed certain persons, called Epimeletae (ἐπιμεληταί), to conduct them. Some of the ancients date the institution of the Pythian games from this time. Previous to Ol. 48. the Pythian games had been an ἐνναετηρίς, that is, they had been celebrated at the end of every eighth year; but in Ol. 48. 3. they became, like the Olympia, a πενταετηρίς, i.e. they were held at the end of every fourth year; and a Pythiad, therefore, from the time that it was used as an aera, comprehended a space of four years, commencing with the third year of every Olympiad. They were in all probability held in the spring, and took place in the month of Bucatius, which corresponded to the Attic Munychion.

PȲTHĬI (πύθιοι), four persons appointed by the Spartan kings, two by each, as messengers to the temple of Delphi. Their office was highly honourable and important; they were always the messmates of the Spartan kings.

PYXIS, dim. PYXĬDŬLA (πύξις, dim. πυξίδιον), a casket; a jewel-box. The caskets in which the ladies of ancient times kept their jewels and other ornaments, were made of gold, silver, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, &c. They were also much enriched with sculpture. The annexed woodcut represents a very plain jewel-box, out of which a dove is extracting a riband or fillet.

QUADRĀGĒSĬMA, the fortieth part of the imported goods, was the ordinary rate of the Portorium under the empire. [PORTORIUM.]

QUADRANS. [AS.]

QUADRANTAL, or AMPHŎRA QUADRANTAL, or AMPHŎRA only, was the principal Roman measure of capacity for fluids. A standard model of the Amphora was kept with great care in the temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, and was called amphora Capitolina. It contained 5·77 imperial gallons, or a little more than 5¾ gallons, or than 5 gallons and 6 pints.

QUADRĪGA. [CURRUS.]

QUADRĪGĀTUS. [DENARIUS.]

QUADRŬPLĀTŌRES: public informers or accusers were so called, either because they received a fourth part of the criminal’s property, or because those who were convicted were condemned to pay fourfold (quadrupli damnari), as in cases of violation of the laws respecting gambling, usury, &c.

QUAESTIŌNES, QUAESTIŌNES PERPĔTUAE. [JUDEX: PRAETOR.]

QUAESTOR (ταμίας), a name given to two distinct classes of Roman officers. It is derived from quaero, and Varro gives a definition which embraces the principal functions of both classes of officers: Quaestores a quaerendo, qui conquirerent publicas pecunias et maleficia. The one class, therefore, had to do with the collecting and keeping of the public revenues, and the others were a kind of public accusers. The former bore the name of Quaestores Classici, the latter of Quaestores Parricidii.--The Quaestores Parricidii were public accusers, two in number, who conducted the accusation of persons guilty of murder or any other capital offence, and carried the sentence into execution. In the early period of the republic the quaestores parricidii appear to have become a standing office, which, like others, was held only for one year. They were appointed by the populus or the curies on the presentation of the consuls. When these quaestores discovered that a capital offence had been committed, they had to bring the charge before the comitia for trial. When the sentence had been pronounced by the people, the quaestores parricidii executed it; thus they threw Spurius Cassius from the Tarpeian rock. They were mentioned in the laws of the Twelve Tables, and after the time of the decemvirate they still continued to be appointed, though probably no longer by the curies, but either in the comitia centuriata or tribute, which they therefore must have had the right of assembling in cases of emergency. From the year B.C. 366 they are no longer mentioned in Roman history, as their functions were gradually transferred to the triumviri capitales. [TRIUMVIRI CAPITALES.]--The Quaestores Classici, usually called Quaestores simply, were officers entrusted with the care of the public money. They were elected by the centuries, and the office is said to have been first instituted by Valerius Publicola. They were at first only two in number, and of course taken only from the patricians. As the senate had the supreme administration of the finances, the quaestors were in some measure only its agents or paymasters, for they could not dispose of any part of the public money without being directed by the senate. Their duties consequently consisted in making the necessary payments from the aerarium, and receiving the public revenues. Of both they had to keep correct accounts in their tabulae publicae. Demands which any one might have on the aerarium, and outstanding debts, were likewise registered by them. Fines to be paid to the public treasury were registered and exacted by them. Another branch of their duties, which, however, was likewise connected with the treasury, was to provide the proper accommodation for foreign ambassadors, and such persons as were connected with the republic by ties of public hospitality.--In B.C. 421 the number of quaestors was doubled, and the tribunes tried to effect, by an amendment of the law, that a part (probably two) of the quaestores should be plebeians. This attempt was indeed frustrated, but the interrex L. Papirius effected a compromise, that the election should not be restricted to either order. After this law was carried, eleven years passed without any plebeian being elected to the office: at last, in B.C. 409, three of the four quaestors were plebeians. A person who had held the office of quaestor had undoubtedly, as in later times, the right to take his seat in the senate, unless he was excluded as unworthy by the next censors. And this was probably the reason why the patricians so resolutely opposed the admission of plebeians to this office. Henceforth the consuls, whenever they took the field against an enemy, were accompanied by one quaestor each, who at first had only to superintend the sale of the booty, the produce of which was either divided among the legion, or was transferred to the aerarium. Subsequently, however, we find that these quaestors also kept the funds of the army, which they had received from the treasury at Rome, and gave the soldiers their pay; they were in fact the paymasters of the army. The two other quaestors, who remained at Rome, continued to discharge the same duties as before, and were distinguished from those who accompanied the consuls by the epithet urbani. In B.C. 265, after the Romans had made themselves masters of Italy, and when, in consequence, the administration of the treasury and the raising of the revenues became more laborious and important, the number of quaestors was again doubled to eight; and it is probable that henceforth their number continued to be increased in proportion as the empire became extended. One of the eight quaestors was appointed by lot to the Quaestura Ostiensis, a most laborious and important post, as he had to provide Rome with corn. Besides the quaestor Ostiensis, who resided at Ostia, three other quaestors were distributed in Italy, to raise those parts of the revenue which were not farmed by the publicani, and to control the latter. One of them resided at Cales, and the two others probably in towns on the Upper Sea. The two remaining quaestors were sent to Sicily.--Sulla, in his dictatorship, raised the number of quaestors to twenty, that he might have a large number of candidates for the senate, and J. Caesar even to forty. In the year B.C. 49 no quaestors were elected, and Caesar transferred the keeping of the aerarium to the aediles. From this time forward the treasury was sometimes entrusted to the praetors, sometimes to the praetorii, and sometimes again to quaestors. [AERARIUM.] Quaestors, however, both in the city and in the provinces, occur down to the latest period of the empire. The proconsul or praetor, who had the administration of a province, was attended by a quaestor. This quaestor had undoubtedly to perform the same functions as those who accompanied the armies into the field; they were in fact the same officers, with the exception that the former were stationary in their province during the time of their office, and had consequently rights and duties which those who accompanied the armies could not have. In the provinces the quaestors had the same jurisdiction as the curule aediles at Rome. The relation existing between a praetor or proconsul of a province and his quaestor was, according to ancient custom, regarded as resembling that between a father and his son. When a quaestor died in his province, the praetors had the right of appointing a proquaestor in his stead; and when the praetor was absent, the quaestor supplied his place, and was then attended by lictors. In what manner the provinces were assigned to the quaestors after their election at Rome, is not mentioned, though it was probably by lot, as in the case of the quaestor Ostiensis.

QUAESTŌRĬUM. [CASTRA.]

QUĀLUS. [CALATHUS.]

QUARTĀRĬUS. [SEXTARIUS.]

QUĂSILLĀRĬAE. [CALATHUS.]

QUĂSILLUM. [CALATHUS.]

QUĂTŬORVĬRI JŪRI DĪCUNDO. [COLONIA.]

QUĂTŬORVĬRI VĬĀRUM CŪRANDĀRUM, four officers who had the superintendence of the roads (viae), were first appointed after the war with Pyrrhus, when so many public roads were made by the Romans.

QUĪNĀRĬUS. [DENARIUS.]

QUINCUNX. [AS.]

QUINDĔCIMVĬRI. [DECIMVIRI.]

QUINQUATRUS or QUINQUATRĬA, a festival sacred to Minerva, which was celebrated on the 19th of March. Ovid says that it was celebrated for five days, that on the first day no blood was shed, but that on the last four there were contests of gladiators. It would appear, however, that only the first day was the festival properly so called, and that the last four were merely an addition made perhaps in the time of Caesar, to gratify the people, who became so passionately fond of gladiatorial combats. On the fifth day of the festival, according to Ovid, the trumpets used in sacred rites were purified; but this seems to have been originally a separate festival called Tubilustrium, which was celebrated, as we know from the ancient calendars, on the 23rd of March, and would of course, when the Quinquatrus was extended to five days, fall on the last day of that festival. There was also another festival of this name, called Quinquatrus Minusculae or Quinquatrus Minores, celebrated on the Ides of June, on which the tibicines went through the city in procession to the temple of Minerva.

QUINQUENNĀLĬA, were games instituted by Nero, A.D. 60, in imitation of the Greek festivals, and celebrated like the Greek πενταετηρίδες, at the end of every four years: they consisted of musical, gymnastic, and equestrian contests.

QUINQUENNĀLIS. [COLONIA, p. 101, a.]

QUINQUĔRĒMIS. [NAVIS.]

QUINQUERTĬUM. [PENTATHLON.]

QUINQUĔVĬRI, or five commissioners, were frequently appointed under the republic as extraordinary magistrates to carry any measure into effect.

QUINTĀNA. [CASTRA.]

QUĬRĪNĀLĬA, a festival sacred to Quirinus, which was celebrated on the 17th of February, on which day Romulus (Quirinus) was said to have been carried up to heaven. This festival was also called Stultorum feriae, respecting the meaning of which see FORNACALIA.

QUĬRĪTĬUM JUS. [JUS.]

RAMNES. [PATRICII.]

RĂPĪNA. [FURTUM.]

RĔCŬPĔRĀTŌRES. [JUDEX.]

RĔDEMPTOR, the general name for a contractor, who undertook the building and repairing of public works, private houses, &c., and in fact of any kind of work. The farmers of the public taxes were also called Redemptores.

RĔDĬMĪCULUM (καθετήρ), a fillet attached to the calautica, diadema, mitra, or other head-dress at the occiput, and passed over the shoulders, so as to hang on each side over the breast. Redimicula were properly female ornaments.

RĒGĬFŬGĬUM or FŬGĀLIA, the king’s flight, a festival which was held by the Romans every year on the 24th of February, and, according to some ancient writers, in commemoration of the flight of king Tarquinius Superbus from Rome. The day is marked in the Fasti as nefastus. In some ancient calendars the 24th of May is likewise called Regifugium. It is doubtful whether either of these days had anything to do with the flight of king Tarquinius: they may have derived their name from the symbolical flight of the Rex Sacrorum from the comitium; for this king-priest was generally not allowed to appear in the comitium, which was destined for the transaction of political matters in which he could not take part. But on certain days in the year, and certainly on the two days mentioned above, he had to go to the comitium for the purpose of offering certain sacrifices, and immediately after he had performed his functions there, he hastily fled from it; and this symbolical flight was called Regifugium.

RĔLĒGĀTĬO. [EXSILIUM.]

RĔMANCĬPĀTIO. [EMANCIPATIO.]

RĔMULCUM (ῥυμουλκηῖν τὰς ναῦς), a rope for towing a ship, and likewise a tow-barge.

RĔMŪRĬA. [LEMURIA.]

RĒMUS. [NAVIS.]

RĔPĔTUNDAE, or PĔCŪNĬAE RĔPĔTUNDAE, was the term used to designate such sums of money as the socii of the Roman state or individuals claimed to recover from magistratus, judices, or publici curatores, which they had improperly taken or received in the Provinciae, or in the Urbs Roma, either in the discharge of their jurisdictio, or in their capacity of judices, or in respect of any other public function. Sometimes the word Repetundae was used to express the illegal act for which compensation was sought, as in the phrase repetundarum insimulari, damnari; and Pecuniae meant not only money, but anything that had value. The first lex on the subject was the Calpurnia, which was proposed and carried by the tribunus plebis L. Calpurnius Piso (B.C. 149). By this lex a praetor was appointed for trying persons charged with this crime. It seems that the penalties of the Lex Calpurnia were merely pecuniary, and at least did not comprise exsilium. Various leges de repetundis were passed after the Lex Calpurnia, and the penalties were continually made heavier. The Lex Junia was passed probably about B.C. 126, on the proposal of M. Junius Pennus, tribunus plebis. The Lex Servilia Glaucia was proposed and carried by C. Servilius Glaucia, praetor, in the sixth consulship of Marius, B.C. 100. This lex applied to any magistratus who had improperly taken or received money from any private person; but a magistratus could not be accused during the term of office. The lex enacted that the praetor peregrinus should annually appoint 450 judices for the trial of this offence: the judices were not to be senators. The penalties of the lex were pecuniary and exsilium; the law allowed a comperendinatio. [JUDEX.] Before the Lex Servilia, the pecuniary penalty was simply restitution of what had been wrongfully taken; this lex seems to have raised the penalty to double the amount of what had been wrongfully taken; and subsequently it was made quadruple. Exsilium was only the punishment in case a man did not abide his trial, but withdrew from Rome. The lex gave the civitas to any person on whose complaint a person was convicted of repetundae. The Lex Acilia, which seems to be of uncertain date, was proposed and carried by M’. Acilius Glabrio, a tribune of the plebs, and enacted that there should be neither ampliatio nor comperendinatio. The Lex Cornelia was passed in the dictatorship of Sulla, and continued in force to the time of C. Julius Caesar. It extended the penalties of repetundae to other illegal acts committed in the provinces, and to judices who received bribes, to those to whose hands the money came, and to those who did not give into the aerarium their proconsular accounts (proconsulares rationes). The praetor who presided over this quaestio chose the judges by lot from the senators, whence it appears that the Servilia Lex was repealed by this lex, at least so far as related to the constitution of the court. This lex also allowed ampliatio and comperendinatio. The penalties were pecuniary (litis aestimatio) and the aquae et ignis interdictio. Under this lex were tried L. Dolabella, Cn. Piso, C. Verres, C. Macer, M. Fonteius, and L. Flaccus, the two last of whom were defended by Cicero. In the Verrine Orations Cicero complains of the comperendinatio or double hearing of the cause, which the Lex Cornelia allowed, and refers to the practice under the Lex Acilia, according to which the case for the prosecution, the defence, and the evidence were only heard once, and so the matter was decided. The last lex de repetundis was the Lex Julia, passed in the first consulship of C. Julius Caesar, B.C. 59. This lex repealed the penalty of exsilium, but in addition to the litis aestimatio, it enacted that persons convicted under this lex should lose their rank, and be disqualified from being witnesses, judices, or senators. The lex had been passed when Cicero made his oration against Piso, B.C. 55. A. Gabinius was convicted under this lex. Under the empire the offence was punishable with exile.

RĔPŌTĬA. [MATRIMONIUM.]

RĔPŬDĬUM. [DIVORTIUM.]

RĒTĬĀRĬI. [GLADIATORES.]

RĒTĬCŬLUM. [COMA.]

RĒTIS and RĒTE; dim. RĒTĬCŬLUM (δίκτυον), a net. Nets were made most commonly of flax or hemp, whence they are sometimes called lina (λίνα). The meshes (maculae, βρόχοι, dim. βροχίδες) were great or small according to the purposes intended. By far the most important application of net-work was to the three kindred arts of fowling, hunting, and fishing. In fowling the use of nets was comparatively limited. In hunting it was usual to extend nets in a curved line of considerable length, so as in part to surround a space into which the beasts of chace, such as the hare, the boar, the deer, the lion, and the bear, were driven through the opening left on one side. This range of nets was flanked by cords, to which feathers dyed scarlet and of other bright colours were tied, so as to flare and flutter in the wind. The hunters then sallied forth with their dogs, dislodged the animals from their coverts, and by shouts and barking drove them first within the formido, as the apparatus of string and feathers was called, and then, as they were scared with this appearance, within the circuit of the nets. In the drawing below three servants with staves carry on their shoulders a large net, which is intended to be set up as already described. In the lower figure the net is set up. At each end of it stands a watchman holding a staff. Being intended to take such large quadrupeds as boars and deer (which are seen within it), the meshes are very wide (retia rara). The net is supported by three stakes (στάλικες, ancones, vari). To dispose the nets in this manner was called retia ponere, or retia tendere. Comparing it with the stature of the attendants, we perceive the net to be between five and six feet high. The upper border of the net consists of a strong rope, which was called σαρδών. Fishing-nets (ἁλιευτικὰ δίκτυα) were of different kinds. Of these the most common were the ἀμφίβληστρον, or casting-net (funda, jaculum, retinaculum) and the σαγήνη, i.e. the drag-net, or sean (tragum, tragula, verriculum).

RĔUS. [ACTOR.]

REX (βασιλεύς, ἄναξ), king.--(1) GREEK. In the heroic age, as depicted in the poems of Homer, the kingly form of government was universal. The authority of these kings and its limitations were derived not from any definite scheme, or written code, but from the force of traditionary usage, and the natural influence of the circumstances in which the kings were placed, surrounded as they were by a body of chiefs or nobles, whose power was but little inferior to that of the kings themselves. Even the title βασιλῆες is applied to them as well as to the king. The maintenance of regal authority doubtless depended greatly on the possession of personal superiority in bravery, military prowess, wisdom in council and eloquence in debate. When old age had blunted his powers and activity, a king ran a great chance of losing his influence. There was, however, an undefined notion of a sort of divine right connected with the kingly office, whence the epithet διοτρεφής, so commonly applied to kings in Homer. The characteristic emblem of the kingly office was the σκῆπτρον. [SCEPTRUM.] Our information respecting the Grecian kings in the more historical age is not ample or minute enough to enable us to draw out a detailed scheme of their functions. Respecting the kings of Sparta the reader is referred to the article EPHORI. As an illustration of the gradual limitation of the prerogatives of the king or chief magistrate, the reader may consult the article ARCHON. The title Basileus was sometimes applied to an officer who discharged the priestly functions of the more ancient kings, as in Athens. [ARCHON.]--(2) ROMAN. Rome was originally governed by kings. All the ancient writers agree in representing the king as elected by the people for life, and as voluntarily entrusted by them with the supreme power in the state. No reference is made to the hereditary principle in the election of the first four kings; and it is not until the fifth king Tarquinius Priscus obtained the sovereignty, that anything is said about the children of the deceased king. Since the people had conferred the regal power, it returned to them upon the death of the king. But as a new king could not be immediately appointed, an Interrex forthwith stepped into his place. The necessity for an immediate successor to the king arose from the circumstance that he alone had had the power of taking the auspicia on behalf of the state; and as the auspicia devolved upon the people at his death, it was imperative upon them to create a magistrate, to whom they could delegate the auspicia, and who would thus possess the power of mediating between the gods and the state. Originally the people consisted only of the patres or patricii; and accordingly on the death of the king, we read res ad patres redit, or, what is nearly the same thing, auspicia ad patres redeunt. [AUGUR.] The interrex was elected by the whole body of the patricians, and he appointed (prodebat) his successor, as it was a rule that the first interrex could not hold the comitia for the election; but it frequently happened that the second interrex appointed a third, the third a fourth, and so on, till the election took place. The Interrex presided over the comitia curiata, which were assembled for the election of the king. The person whom the senate had selected was proposed by the interrex to the people in a regular rogatio, which the people could only accept or reject, for they had not the initiative and could not themselves propose any name. If the people voted in favour of the rogation, they were said creare regem, and their acceptance of him was called jussus populi. But the king did not immediately enter upon his office. Two other acts had still to take place before he was invested with the full regal authority and power. First, his inauguratio had to be performed, as it was necessary to obtain the divine will respecting his appointment by means of the auspices, since he was the high priest of the people. This ceremony was performed by an augur, who conducted the newly-elected king to the arx, or citadel, and there placed him on a stone seat with his face turned to the south, while the people waited below in anxious suspense until the augur announced that the gods had sent the favourable tokens confirming the king in his priestly character. The inauguratio did not confer upon him the auspicia; for these he obtained by his election to the royalty, as the comitia were held auspicato. The second act which had to be performed was the conferring of the imperium upon the king. The curiae had only determined by their previous vote who was to be king, and had not by that act bestowed the necessary power upon him; they had, therefore, to grant him the imperium by a distinct vote. Accordingly the king himself proposed to the curiae a lex curiata de imperio, and the curiae by voting in favour of it gave him the imperium. Livy in his first book makes no mention of the lex curiata de imperio, but he uses the expressions patres auctores fierent, patres auctores facti; but these expressions are equivalent to the lex curiata de imperio in the kingly period.--The king possessed the supreme power in the earliest times, and the senate and the comitia of the curiae were very slight checks upon its exercise. In the first place, the king alone possessed the right of taking the auspices on behalf of the state; and as no public business of any kind could be performed without the approbation of the gods expressed by the auspices, the king stood as mediator between the gods and the people, and in an early stage of society must necessarily have been regarded with religious awe. [AUGUR.] Secondly, the people surrendered to the king the supreme military and judicial authority by conferring the imperium upon him. The king was not only the commander in war, but the supreme judge in peace. Seated on his throne in the comitium, he administered justice to all comers, and decided in all cases which were brought before him, civil as well as criminal. Again, all the magistrates in the kingly period appear to have been appointed by the king and not elected by the curiae. Further, the king was not dependent upon the people for his support; but a large portion of the ager publicus belonged to him, which was cultivated at the expense of the state on his behalf. He had also the absolute disposal of the booty taken in war and of the conquered lands. It must not, however, be supposed that the authority of the king was absolute. The senate and the assembly of the people must have formed some check upon his power. But these were not independent bodies possessing the right of meeting at certain times and discussing questions of state. They could only be called together when the king chose, and further could only determine upon matters which the king submitted to them. The only public matter in which the king could not dispense with the co-operation of the senate and the curiae was in declarations of war. There is no trace of the people having had anything to do with the conclusion of treaties of peace.--The insignia of the king were the fasces with the axes (secures), which twelve lictors carried before him as often as he appeared in public, the trabea, the sella curulis, and the toga praetexta and picta. The trabea appears to have been the most ancient official dress, and is assigned especially to Romulus: it was of Latin origin, and is therefore represented by Virgil as worn by the Latin kings. The toga praetexta and picta were borrowed, together with the sella curulis, from the Etruscans, and their introduction is variously ascribed to Tullus Hostilius or Tarquinius Priscus.

REX SACRĬFĬCŬLUS, REX SACRĬFĬCUS, or REX SACRORUM. When the civil and military powers of the king were transferred to two praetors or consuls, upon the establishment of the republican government at Rome, these magistrates were not invested with that part of the royal dignity by virtue of which the king had been the high priest of his nation and had conducted several of the sacra publica, but this priestly part of his office was transferred to a priest called Rex Sacrificulus or Rex Sacrorum. The first rex sacrorum was designated, at the command of the consuls, by the college of pontiffs, and inaugurated by the augurs. He was always elected and inaugurated in the comitia curiata under the presidency of the pontiffs, and as long as a rex sacrificulus was appointed at Rome, he was always a patrician, for as he had no influence upon the management of political affairs, the plebeians never coveted this dignity. Considering that this priest was the religious representative of the kings, he ranked indeed higher than all other priests, and even higher than the pontifex maximus, but in power and influence he was far inferior to him. He held his office for life, was not allowed to hold any civil or military dignity, and was at the same time exempted from all military and civil duties. His principal functions were: 1. To perform those sacra publica which had before been performed by the kings; and his wife, who bore the title of regina sacrorum, had also, like the queens of former days, to perform certain priestly functions. These sacra publica he or his wife had to perform on all the Calends, Ides, and the Nundines; he to Jupiter, and she to Juno in the regia. 2. On the days called regifugium he had to offer a sacrifice in the comitium. [REGIFUGIUM.] 3. When extraordinary portenta seemed to announce some general calamity, it was his duty to try to propitiate the anger of the gods. 4. On the nundines, when the people assembled in the city, the rex sacrorum announced (edicebat) to them the succession of the festivals for the month. This part of his functions, however, must have ceased after the time of Cn. Flavius. He lived in a domus publica on the via sacra, near the regia and the house of the vestal virgins.

RHĒDA or RĒDA, a travelling carriage with four wheels. Like the COVINUS and the ESSEDUM it was of Gallic origin, and may perhaps contain the same root as the German reiten and our ride. It was the common carriage used by the Romans for travelling, and was frequently made large enough not only to contain many persons, but also baggage and utensils of various kinds. The word Epirhedium, which was formed by the Romans from the Greek preposition ἐπι and the Gallic rheda, is explained by the Scholiast on Juvenal as “Ornamentum rhedarum aut plaustrum.”

RHĒTRAE (ῥῆτραι), specially the name of the ordinances of Lycurgus. The word Rhetra means a solemn compact, either originally emanating from, or subsequently sanctioned by the gods, who are always parties to such agreements. The Rhetra of Lycurgus emanated from the Delphian god: but the kings, senators, and people all bound themselves, both to each other and to the gods, to obey it.

RHYTON (ῥυτόν), a drinking-horn (κέρας). Its original form was probably the horn of the ox, but one end of it was afterwards ornamented with the heads of various animals and birds. The rhyton had a small opening at the bottom, which the person who drank put into his mouth, and allowed the wine to run in: hence it derived its name.

RĪCA. [FLAMEN.]

RĪCĪNĬUM, an article of female dress, appears to have been a kind of mantle, with a sort of cowl attached to it, in order to cover the head. The mavortium, mavorte, or mavors of later times was thought to be only another name for what had formerly been called ricinium.

RŌBĪGĀLĬA, a public festival in honour of the god Robigus, to preserve the fields from mildew, is said to have been instituted by Numa, and was celebrated April 25th. The sacrifices offered on this occasion consisted of the entrails of a dog and a sheep, accompanied with frankincense and wine: a prayer was presented by a flamen in the grove of the ancient deity, whom Ovid and Columella make a goddess. A god Robigus or a goddess Robigo is a mere invention from the name of this festival, for the Romans paid no divine honours to evil deities.

RŎGĀTĬO. [LEX, p. 225.]

RŎGĀTŌRES. [COMITIA, p. 107.]

RŎGUS. [FUNUS, p. 188, b.]

ROMPHEA. [HASTA.]

RŌRĀRĬI. [EXERCITUS, p. 165.]

ROSTRA, or The Beaks, was the name applied to the stage (suggestus) in the Forum, from which the orators addressed the people. This stage was originally called templum, because it was consecrated by the augurs, but obtained its name of Rostra at the conclusion of the great Latin war, when it was adorned with the beaks (rostra) of the ships of the Antiates. The Greeks also mutilated galleys in the same way for the purpose of trophies: this was called by them ἀκρωτηριάζειν. [ACROTERIUM.] The rostra lay between the Comitium or place of meeting for the curies, and the Forum or place of meeting for the tribes, so that the speaker might turn either to the one or the other; but down to the time of C. Gracchus, even the tribunes in speaking used to front the Comitium; he first turned his back to it and spoke with his face towards the forum. The rostra was a circular building, raised on arches, with a stand or platform on the top, bordered by a parapet, the access to it being by two flights of steps, one on each side. It fronted towards the comitium, and the rostra were affixed to the front of it, just under the arches. Its form has been in all the main points preserved in the ambones or circular pulpits of the most ancient churches, which also had two flights of steps leading up to them, one on the east side, by which the preacher ascended, and another on the west side, for his descent. The speaker was thus enabled to walk to and fro, while addressing his audience. The suggestus or rostra was transferred by Julius Caesar to a corner of the Forum, but the spot where the ancient rostra had stood still continued to be called Rostra Vetera, while the other was called Rostra Nova or Rostra Julia. Both the rostra contained statues of illustrious men.

ROSTRUM. [NAVIS.]

RŎTA. [CURRUS.]

RŬDĬĀRĬI. [GLADIATORES.]

RŬDIS. [GLADIATORES.]

SACCUS (σάκκος) signified in general any kind of sack or bag made of hair, cloth, or other materials. We have only to notice here its meaning as--(1) A head-dress. [COMA.]--(2) A sieve for straining wine. [COLUM.]--(3) A purse for holding money. Hence the phrase in Plautus ire ad saccum, “to go a begging.”

SĂCELLUM is a diminutive of sacer, and signifies a small place consecrated to a god, containing an altar, and sometimes also a statue of the god to whom it was dedicated, but it was without a roof. It was therefore a sacred inclosure surrounded by a fence or wall, and thus answered to the Greek περίβολος.

SĂCERDOS, SĂCERDŌTĬUM. As all the different kinds of priests are treated of separately in this work, it is only necessary here to make some general remarks. In comparison with the civil magistrates, all priests at Rome were regarded as homines privati, though all of them, as priests, were sacerdotes publici, in as far as their office (sacerdotium) was connected with any worship recognised by the state. The appellation of sacerdos publicus was, however, given principally to the chief pontiff and the flamen dialis, who were at the same time the only priests who were members of the senate by virtue of their office. All priestly offices or sacerdotia were held for life, without responsibility to any civil magistrate. A priest was generally allowed to hold any other civil or military office besides his priestly dignity; some priests, however, formed an exception, for the duumviri, the rex sacrorum, and the flamen dialis were not allowed to hold any state office, and were also exempt from service in the armies. Their priestly character was, generally speaking, inseparable from their person as long as they lived: hence the augurs and fratres arvales retained their character even when sent into exile, or when they were taken prisoners. It also occurs that one and the same person held two or three priestly offices at a time. Thus we find the three dignities of pontifex maximus, augur, and decemvir sacrorum united in one individual. Bodily defects incapacitated a person at Rome, as among all ancient nations, from holding any priestly office. All priests were originally patricians, but from the year B.C. 367 the plebeians also began to take part in the sacerdotia [PLEBES]; and those priestly offices which down to the latest times remained in the hands of the patricians alone, such as that of the rex sacrorum, the flamines, salii, and others, had no influence upon the affairs of the state. As regards the appointment of priests, the ancients unanimously state, that at first they were appointed by the kings, but after the sacerdotia were once instituted, each college of priests--for nearly all priests constituted certain corporations called collegia--had the right of filling up, by cooptatio, the vacancies which occurred. [PONTIFEX.] Other priests, on the contrary, such as the vestal virgins and the flamines, were appointed (capiebantur) by the pontifex maximus, a rule which appears to have been observed down to the latest times; others again, such as the duumviri sacrorum, were elected by the people, or by the curiae, as the curiones. But in whatever manner they were appointed, all priests after their appointment required to be inaugurated by the pontiffs and the augurs, or by the latter alone. Those priests who formed colleges had originally, as we have already observed, the right of cooptatio; but in the course of time they were deprived of this right, or at least the cooptatio was reduced to a mere form, by several leges, called leges de sacerdotiis, such as the Lex Domitia, Cornelia, and Julia; their nature is described in the article PONTIFEX, and what is there said in regard to the appointment of pontiffs applies equally to all the other colleges. All priests had some external distinction, as the apex, tutulus, or galerus, the toga praetexta, as well as honorary seats in the theatres, circuses, and amphitheatres. Most of the priestly colleges possessed landed property, and some priests had also a regular annual salary (stipendium), which was paid to them from the public treasury. This is expressly stated in regard to the vestal virgins, the augurs, and the curiones, and may therefore be supposed to have been the case with other priests also. The pontifex maximus, the rex sacrorum, and the vestal virgins had moreover a domus publica as their place of residence.

SACRA. This word, in its widest sense, expresses what we call divine worship. In ancient times, the state, as well as all its subdivisions, had their own peculiar forms of worship, whence at Rome we find sacra of the whole Roman people, of the curies, gentes, families, and even of private individuals. All these sacra, however, were divided into two great classes, the public and private sacra (sacra publica et privata), that is, they were performed either on behalf of the whole nation, and at the expense of the state, or on behalf of individuals, families, or gentes, which had also to defray their expenses. This division is ascribed to Numa. All sacra, publica as well as privata, were superintended and regulated by the pontiffs.

SACRĀMENTUM, the military oath, which was administered in the following manner:--Each tribunus militum assembled his legion, and picked out one of the men, to whom he put the oath, that he would obey the commands of his generals, and execute them punctually. The other men then came forward, one after another, and repeated the same oath, saying that they would do like the first.

SACRĀRĬUM was any place in which sacred things were deposited and kept, whether this place was a part of a temple or of a private house.

SACRIFĬCĬUM (ἱερεῖον), a sacrifice. Sacrifices or offerings formed the chief part of the worship of the ancients. They were partly signs of gratitude, partly a means of propitiating the gods, and partly also intended to induce the deity to bestow some favour upon the sacrificer, or upon those on whose behalf the sacrifice was offered. Sacrifices in a wider sense would also embrace the DONARIA; in a narrower sense sacrificia were things offered to the gods, which merely afforded momentary gratification, and which were burnt upon their altars, or were believed to be consumed by the gods. All sacrifices may be divided into bloody sacrifices and unbloody sacrifices.--Bloody sacrifices. In the early times of Greece we find mention of human sacrifices, but with a few exceptions these had ceased in the historical ages. Owing to the influence of civilisation, in many cases animals were substituted for human beings; in others, a few drops of human blood were thought sufficient to propitiate the gods. The custom of sacrificing human life to the gods arose from the belief that the nobler the sacrifice and the dearer to its possessor, the more pleasing it would be to the gods. Hence the frequent instances in Grecian story of persons sacrificing their own children, or of persons devoting themselves to the gods of the lower world. That the Romans also believed human sacrifices to be pleasing to the gods, might be inferred from the story of Curtius and from the self-sacrifice of the Decii. The symbolic sacrifice of human figures made of rushes at the Lemuralia [LEMURALIA] also shows that in the early history of Italy human sacrifices were not uncommon. For another proof of this practice, see VER SACRUM. A second kind of bloody sacrifices were those of animals of various kinds, according to the nature and character of the divinity. The sacrifices of animals were the most common among the Greeks and Romans. The victim was called ἱερεῖον, and in Latin hostia or victima. In the early times it appears to have been the general custom to burn the whole victim (ὁλοκαυτεῖν) upon the altars of the gods, and the same was in some cases also observed in later times. But as early as the time of Homer it was the almost general practice to burn only the legs (μηροί, μηρία, μῆρα) enclosed in fat, and certain parts of the intestines, while the remaining parts of the victim were consumed by men at a festive meal. The gods delighted chiefly in the smoke arising from the burning victims, and the greater the number of victims, the more pleasing was the sacrifice. Hence it was not uncommon to offer a sacrifice of one hundred bulls (ἑκατόμβη) at once, though it must not be supposed that a hecatomb always signifies a sacrifice of a hundred bulls, for the name was used in a general way to designate any great sacrifice. Such great sacrifices were not less pleasing to men than to the gods, for in regard to the former they were in reality a donation of meat. Hence at Athens the partiality for such sacrifices rose to the highest degree. The animals which were sacrificed were mostly of the domestic kind, as bulls, cows, sheep, rams, lambs, goats, pigs, dogs, and horses; and each god had his favourite animals which he liked best as sacrifices. The head of the victim, before it was killed, was in most cases strewed with roasted barley meal (οὐλόχυτα or οὐλοχύται) mixed with salt (mola salsa). The persons who offered the sacrifice wore generally garlands round their heads, and sometimes also carried them in their hands, and before they touched anything belonging to the sacrifice they washed their hands in water. The victim itself was likewise adorned with garlands, and its horns were sometimes gilt. Before the animal was killed, a bunch of hair was cut from its forehead, and thrown into the fire as primitiae (κατάρχεσθαι). In the heroic ages the princes, as the high priests of their people, killed the victim; in later times this was done by the priests themselves. When the sacrifice was to be offered to the Olympic gods, the head of the animal was drawn heavenward; when to the gods of the lower world, to heroes, or to the dead, it was drawn downwards. While the flesh was burning upon the altar, wine and incense were thrown upon it, and prayers and music accompanied the solemnity. The most common animal sacrifices at Rome were the suovetaurilia or solitaurilia, consisting of a pig, a sheep, and an ox. They were performed in all cases of a lustration, and the victims were carried around the thing to be lustrated, whether it was a city, a people, or a piece of land. [LUSTRATIO.] The Greek trittya (τριττύα), which likewise consisted of an ox, a sheep, and a pig, was the same sacrifice as the Roman suovetaurilia. The customs observed before and during the sacrifice of an animal were on the whole the same as those observed in Greece. But the victim was in most cases not killed by the priests who conducted the sacrifice, but by a person called popa, who struck the animal with a hammer before the knife was used. The better parts of the intestines (exta) were strewed with barley meal, wine, and incense, and were burnt upon the altar. Those parts of the animal which were burnt were called prosecta, prosiciae, or ablegmina. When a sacrifice was offered to gods of rivers, or of the sea, these parts were not burnt, but thrown into the water. Respecting the use which the ancients made of sacrifices to learn the will of the gods, see HARUSPEX and DIVINATIO.--Unbloody sacrifices. Among these we may first mention the libations (libationes, λοιβαί or σπονδαί). Bloody sacrifices were usually accompanied by libations, as wine was poured upon them. The wine was usually poured out in three separate streams. Libations always accompanied a sacrifice which was offered in concluding a treaty with a foreign nation, and that here they formed a prominent part of the solemnity, is clear from the fact that the treaty itself was called σπονδαί. But libations were also made independent of any other sacrifice, as in solemn prayers, and on many other occasions of public and private life, as before drinking at meals, and the like. Libations usually consisted of unmixed wine (ἔνσπονδος, merum), but sometimes also of milk, honey, and other fluids, either pure or diluted with water. The libations offered to the Furies were always without wine. Incense was likewise an offering which usually accompanied bloody sacrifices, but it was also burned as an offering for itself. A third class of unbloody sacrifices consisted of fruit and cakes. The former were mostly offered to the gods as primitiae or tithes of the harvest, and as a sign of gratitude. They were sometimes offered in their natural state, sometimes also adorned or prepared in various ways. Cakes were peculiar to the worship of certain deities, as to that of Apollo. They were either simple cakes of flour, sometimes also of wax, or they were made in the shape of some animal, and were then offered as symbolical sacrifices in the place of real animals, either because they could not easily be procured, or were too expensive for the sacrificer.

SACRĬLĔGĬUM, the crime of stealing things consecrated to the gods, or things deposited in a consecrated place. A Lex Julia appears to have placed the crime of sacrilegium on an equality with peculatus. [PECULATUS.]

SAECŬLUM was, according to the calculation of the Etruscans, which was adopted by the Romans, a space of time containing 110 lunar years. The return of each saeculum at Rome was announced by the pontiffs, who also made the necessary intercalations in such a manner, that at the commencement of a new saeculum the beginning of the ten months’ year, of the twelve months’ year, and of the solar year coincided. But in these arrangements the greatest caprice and irregularity appear to have prevailed at Rome, as may be seen from the unequal intervals at which the ludi saeculares were celebrated. [LUDI SAECULARES.] This also accounts for the various ways in which a saeculum was defined by the ancients; some believed that it contained thirty, and others that it contained a hundred years: the latter opinion appears to have been the most common in later times, so that saeculum answered to our century.

SĂGITTĀRĬI. [ARCUS.]

SAGMĬNA, were the same as the verbenae, namely, herbs torn up by their roots from within the inclosure of the Capitoline, which were always carried by the Fetiales or ambassadors, when they went to a foreign people to demand restitution for wrongs committed against the Romans, or to make a treaty. [FETIALES.] They served to mark the sacred character of the ambassadors, and answered the same purpose as the Greek κηρύκεια.

SĂGUM, the cloak worn by the Roman soldiers and inferior officers, in contradistinction to the paludamentum of the general and superior officers. [PALUDAMENTUM.] It is used in opposition to the toga or garb of peace, and we accordingly find, that when there was a war in Italy, all citizens put on the sagum even in the city, with the exception of those of consular rank (saga sumere, ad saga ire, in sagis esse). The sagum was open in the front, and usually fastened across the shoulders by a clasp: it resembled in form the paludamentum (see cut, p. 281). The cloak worn by the general and superior officers is sometimes called sagum, but the diminutive sagulum is more commonly used in such cases. The cloak worn by the northern nations of Europe is also called sagum. The German sagum is mentioned by Tacitus: that worn by the Gauls seems to have been a species of plaid (versicolor sagum).

SĂLĂMINĬA. [PARALUS.]

SĂLĬI, priests of Mars Gradivus, said to have been instituted by Numa. They were twelve in number, chosen from the patricians even in the latest times, and formed an ecclesiastical corporation. They had the care of the twelve Ancilia, which were kept in the temple of Mars on the Palatine hill, whence these priests were sometimes called Salii Palatini, to distinguish them from the other Salii mentioned below. The distinguishing dress of the Salii was an embroidered tunic bound with a brazen belt, the trabea, and the apex, also worn by the Flamines. [APEX.] Each had a sword by his side, and in his right hand a spear or staff. The festival of Mars was celebrated by the Salii on the 1st of March and for several successive days; on which occasion they were accustomed to go through the city in their official dress, carrying the ancilia in their left hands or suspended from their shoulders, and at the same time singing and dancing, whence comes their name. The songs or hymns which they sang on this occasion were called Asamenta, ssamenta, or Axamenta, and were chiefly in praise of Mamurius Veturius, generally said to be the armourer, who made eleven ancilia like the one that was sent from heaven (ancile), though some modern writers suppose it to be merely another name of Mars. The praises of the gods were also celebrated in the songs of the Salii. In later times these songs were scarcely understood even by the priests themselves. At the conclusion of the festival the Salii were accustomed to partake of a splendid entertainment in the temple of Mars, which was proverbial for its excellence. The members of the collegium were elected by co-optation. We read of the dignities of praesul, vates, and magister in the collegium. The shape of the ancile is exhibited in the annexed cut, which illustrates the accounts of the ancient writers that its form was oval, but with the two sides receding inwards with an even curvature, and so as to make it broader at the ends than in the middle. The persons engaged in carrying these ancilia on their shoulders, suspended from a pole, are probably servants of the Salii. At the top of the cut is represented one of the rods with which the Salii were accustomed to beat the shield in their dance, as already described.

Tullus Hostilius established another collegium of Salii, in fulfilment of a vow which he made in a war with the Sabines. These Salii were also twelve in number, chosen from the patricians, and appear to have been dedicated to the service of Quirinus. They were called the Salii Collini, Agonales or Agonenses. It is supposed that the oldest and most illustrious college, the Palatine Salii, were chosen originally from the oldest tribe, the Ramnes, and the one instituted by Tullus Hostilius, or the Quirinalian, from the Tities alone: a third college for the Luceres was never established.

SĂLĪNAE (ἁλαὶ, ἁλοπήγιον), a salt-work. Throughout the Roman empire the salt-works were commonly public property, and were let by the government to the highest bidder. The first salt-works are said to have been established by Ancus Marcius at Ostia. The publicani who farmed these works appear to have sold this most necessary of all commodities at a very high price, whence the censors M. Livius and C. Claudius (B.C. 204) fixed the price at which those who took the lease of them were obliged to sell the salt to the people. At Rome the medius was, according to this regulation, sold for a sextans, while in other parts of Italy the price was higher and varied. The salt-works in Italy and in the provinces were very numerous.

SĂLĪNUM, a salt-cellar. All Romans who were raised above poverty had one of silver, which descended from father to son, and was accompanied by a silver plate, which was used together with the salt-cellar in the domestic sacrifices. [PATERA.] These two articles of silver were alone compatible with the simplicity of Roman manners in the early times of the republic.

SALTĀTĬO (ὄρχησις, ὀρχηστύς), dancing. The dancing of the Greeks as well as of the Romans had very little in common with the exercise which goes by that name in modern times. It may be divided into two kinds, gymnastic and mimetic; that is, it was intended either to represent bodily activity, or to express by gestures, movements, and attitudes certain ideas or feelings, and also single events, or a series of events, as in the modern ballet. All these movements, however, were accompanied by music; but the terms ὄρχησις and saltatio were used in so much wider a sense than our word dancing, that they were applied to designate gestures, even when the body did not move at all. We find dancing prevalent among the Greeks from the earliest times. It was originally closely connected with religion. In all the public festivals, which were so numerous among the Greeks, dancing formed a very prominent part. We find from the earliest times that the worship of Apollo was connected with a religious dance, called Hyporchema (ὑπόρχημα). All the religious dances, with the exception of the Bacchic and the Corybantian, were very simple, and consisted of gentle movements of the body, with various turnings and windings around the altar: such a dance was the Geranus (γέρανος), which Theseus is said to have performed at Delos on his return from Crete. The Dionysiac or Bacchic, and the Corybantian, were of a very different nature.

In the former the life and adventures of the god were represented by mimetic dancing. [DIONYSIA.] The Corybantian was of a very wild character: it was chiefly danced in Phrygia and in Crete; the dancers were armed, struck their swords against their shields, and displayed the most extravagant fury; it was accompanied chiefly by the flute. Respecting the dances in the theatre, see CHORUS. Dancing was applied to gymnastic purposes and to training for war, especially in the Doric states, and was believed to have contributed very much to the success of the Dorians in war, as it enabled them to perform their evolutions simultaneously and in order. There were various dances in early times, which served as a preparation for war: hence Homer calls the Hoplites πρυλέες, a war-dance having been called πρύλις by the Cretans. Of such dances the most celebrated was the Pyrrhic (ἡ πυῤῥίχη), of which the πρύλις was probably only another name. It was danced to the sound of the flute, and its time was very quick and light, as is shown by the name of the Pyrrhic foot (˘˘), which must be connected with this dance. In the non-Doric states it was probably not practised as a training for war, but only as a mimetic dance: thus we read of its being danced by women to entertain a company. It was also performed at Athens at the greater and lesser Panathenaea by ephebi, who were called Pyrrhichists (πυῤῥιχισταί), and were trained at the expense of the choragus. In the mountainous parts of Thessaly and Macedon dances are performed at the present day by men armed with muskets and swords. The Pyrrhic dance was introduced in the public games at Rome by Julius Caesar, when it was danced by the children of the leading men in Asia and Bithynia. There were other dances, besides the PYRRHIC, in which the performers had arms; but these seem to have been entirely mimetic, and not practised with any view to training for war. Such was the Carpaea (καρπαία), peculiar to the Aenianians and Magnetes, and described by Xenophon in the Anabasis. Such dances were frequently performed at banquets for the entertainment of the guests, where also the tumblers (κυβιστῆρες) were often introduced, who in the course of their dance flung themselves on their head and alighted again upon their feet. These tumblers were also accustomed to make their somersets over knives and swords, which was called κυβιστάν εἰς μαχαίρας. We learn from Tacitus that the German youths also used to dance among swords and spears pointed at them. Other kinds of dances were frequently performed at entertainments, in Rome as well as in Greece, by courtezans, many of which were of a very indecent and lascivious nature. Among the dances performed without arms one of the most important was the Hormos (ὅρμος), which was danced at Sparta by youths and maidens together: the youth danced first some movements suited to his age, and of a military nature; the maiden followed in measured steps and with feminine gestures. Another common dance at Sparta was the bibasis (βίβασις), in which the dancer sprang rapidly from the ground and struck the feet behind.--Dancing was common among the Romans in ancient times, in connection with religious festivals and rites, because the ancients thought that no part of the body should be free from the influence of religion. The dances of the Salii, which were performed by men of patrician families, are described elsewhere. [ANCILE.] Dancing, however, was not performed by any Roman citizens except in connection with religion, and it was considered disgraceful for any freeman to dance. The mimetic dances of the Romans, which were carried to such perfection under the empire, are described under PANTOMIMUS. The dancers on the tight-rope (funambuli) under the empire were as skilful as they are in the present day.

SĂLŪTATŌRES, the name given in the later times of the republic, and under the empire, to a class of men who obtained their living by visiting the houses of the wealthy early in the morning, to pay their respects to them (salutare), and to accompany them when they went abroad. This arose from the visits which the clients were accustomed to pay to their patrons, and degenerated in later times into the above-mentioned practice: such persons seem to have obtained a good living among the great number of wealthy and vain persons at Rome, who were gratified by this attention. [SPORTULA.]

SAMBŪCA (σαμβύκη), a harp, was of oriental origin. The performances of sambucistriae (σαμβυκίστριαι) were only known to the early Romans as luxuries brought over from Asia. Sambuca was also the name of a military engine, used to scale the walls and towers of besieged cities. It was called by this name on account of its general resemblance to the form of a harp.

SAMNĪTES. [GLADIATORES.]

SANDĂLĬUM (σανδάλιον or σάνδαλον), a kind of shoe worn only by women. The sandalium must be distinguished from the hypodema (ὑπόδημα), which was a simple sole bound under the foot, whereas the sandalium was a sole with a piece of leather covering the toes, so that it formed the transition from the hypodema to real shoes. The piece of leather over the toes was called ζυγός or ζυγόν.

SANDĂPĬLA. [FUNUS.]

SARCŎPHĂGUS. [FUNUS.]

SARISSA. [HASTA.]

SARRĀCUM, a kind of common cart or waggon, which was used by the country-people of Italy for conveying the produce of their fields, trees, and the like, from one place to another.

SĂTŬRA, the root of which is sat, literally means a mixture of all sorts of things. The name was accordingly applied by the Romans in many ways, but always to things consisting of various parts or ingredients, e.g. lanx satura, an offering consisting of various fruits, such as were offered at harvest festivals and to Ceres; lex per saturam lata, a law which contained several distinct regulations at once, and to a species of poetry, afterwards called Satira.

SĀTURNĀLĬA, the festival of Saturnus, to whom the inhabitants of Latium attributed the introduction of agriculture and the arts of civilized life. Falling towards the end of December, at the season when the agricultural labours of the year were fully completed, it was celebrated in ancient times by the rustic population as a sort of joyous harvest-home, and in every age was viewed by all classes of the community as a period of absolute relaxation and unrestrained merriment. During its continuance no public business could be transacted, the law courts were closed, the schools kept holiday, to commence a war was impious, to punish a malefactor involved pollution. Special indulgences were granted to the slaves of each domestic establishment; they were relieved from all ordinary toils, were permitted to wear the pileus, the badge of freedom, were granted full freedom of speech, and partook of a banquet attired in the clothes of their masters, and were waited upon by them at table. All ranks devoted themselves to feasting and mirth, presents were interchanged among friends, cerei or wax tapers being the common offering of the more humble to their superiors, and crowds thronged the streets, shouting, Io Saturnalia (this was termed clamare Saturnalia), while sacrifices were offered with uncovered head, from a conviction that no ill-omened sight would interrupt the rites of such a happy day. Many of the peculiar customs of this festival exhibit a remarkable resemblance to the sports of our own Christmas and of the Italian Carnival. Thus on the Saturnalia public gambling was allowed by the aediles, just as in the days of our ancestors the most rigid were wont to countenance card-playing on Christmas-eve; the whole population threw off the toga, wore a loose gown, called synthesis, and walked about with the pileus on their heads, which reminds us of the dominos, the peaked caps, and other disguises worn by masques and mummers; the cerei were probably employed as the moccoli now are on the last night of the Carnival; and lastly, one of the amusements in private society was the election of a mock king, which at once calls to recollection the characteristic ceremony of Twelfth-night. During the republic, although the whole month of December was considered as dedicated to Saturn, only one day, the XIV. Kal. Jan., was set apart for the sacred rites of the divinity. When the month was lengthened by the addition of two days upon the adoption of the Julian Calendar, the Saturnalia fell on the XVI. Kal. Jan., which gave rise to confusion and mistakes among the more ignorant portion of the people. To obviate this inconvenience, and allay all religious scruples, Augustus enacted that three whole days, the 17th, 18th, and 19th of December, should in all time coming be hallowed, thus embracing both the old and new style. Under the empire the merry-making lasted for seven days, and three different festivals were celebrated during this period. First came the Saturnalia proper, commencing on XVI. Kal. Dec., followed by the Opalia, anciently coincident with the Saturnalia, on XIV. Kal. Jan.; these two together lasted for five days, and the sixth and seventh were occupied with the Sigillaria, so called from little earthenware figures (sigilla, oscilla) exposed for sale at this season, and given as toys to children.

SCALPTŪRA or SCULPTŪRA, originally signified cutting figures out of a solid material, but was more particularly applied to the art of cutting figures into the material (intaglios), which was chiefly applied to producing seals and matrices for the mints; and 2. the art of producing raised figures (cameos), which served for the most part as ornaments. Sculpture in our sense of the word was usually designated by the term STATUARIA. The first artist who is mentioned as an engraver of stones is Theodoras, the son of Telecles, the Samian, who engraved the stone in the ring of Polycrates. The most celebrated among them was Pyrgoteles, who engraved the seal-rings for Alexander the Great. Several of the successors of Alexander and other wealthy persons adopted the custom of adorning their gold and silver vessels, craters, candelabras, and the like, with precious stones on which raised figures (cameos) were worked. The art was in a particularly flourishing state at Rome under Augustus and his successors, in the hands of Dioscurides and other artists, many of whose works are still preserved. Numerous specimens of intaglios and cameos are still preserved in the various museums of Europe.

SCAMNUM, dim. SCĂBELLTUM, a step which was placed before the beds of the ancients in order to assist persons in getting into them, as some were very high: others which were lower required also lower steps, which were called scabella. A scamnum was also used as a footstool. A scamnum extended in length becomes a bench, and in this sense the word is frequently used. The benches in ships were sometimes called scamna.

SCĒNA. [THEATRUM.]

SCEPTRUM (σκῆπτρον), which originally denoted a simple staff or walking-stick, was emblematic of station and authority. In ancient authors the sceptre is represented as belonging more especially to kings, princes, and leaders of tribes: but it is also borne by judges, by heralds, and by priests and seers. The sceptre descended from father to son, and might be committed to any one in order to express the transfer of authority. Those who bore the sceptre swore by it, solemnly taking it in the right hand and raising it towards heaven. The ivory sceptre of the kings of Rome, which descended to the consuls, was surmounted by an eagle.

SCHOENUS (ὁ, ἡ, σχοῖνος), an Egyptian and Persian measure, the length of which is stated by Herodotus at 60 stadia, or 2 parasangs. It was used especially for measuring land.

SCORPĬO. [TORMENTUM.]

SCRĪBAE, public notaries or clerks, in the pay of the Roman state. They were chiefly employed in making up the public accounts, copying out laws, and recording the proceedings of the different functionaries of the state. The phrase scriptum facere was used to denote their occupation. Being very numerous, they were divided into companies or classes (decuriae), and were assigned by lot to different magistrates, whence they were named Quaestorii, Aedilicii, or Praetorii, from the officers of state to whom they were attached. The appointment to the office of a “scriba” seems to have been either made on the nomination of a magistrate, or purchased. Horace, for instance, bought for himself a “patent place as clerk in the treasury” (scriptum quaestorium comparavit). In Cicero’s time, indeed, it seems that any one might become a scriba or public clerk by purchase, and consequently, as freedmen and their sons were eligible, and constituted a great portion of the public clerks at Rome, the office was not highly esteemed, though frequently held by ingenui or free-born citizens. Very few instances are recorded of the scribae being raised to the higher dignities of the state. Cn. Flavius, the scribe of Appius Claudius, was raised to the office of curule aedile in gratitude for his making public the various forms of actions, which had previously been the exclusive property of the patricians [ACTIO]; but the returning officer refused to acquiesce in his election till he had given up his books and left his profession.

SCRĪNĬUM. [CAPSA.]

SCRIPTA DUŎDĔCIM. [LATRUNCULI.]

SCRIPTŪRA, that part of the revenue of the Roman Republic which was derived from letting out, as pasture land, those portions of the ager publicus which were not taken into cultivation. The names for such parts of the ager publicus were, pascua publica, saltus, or silvae. They were let by the censors to the publicani, like all other vectigalia; and the persons who sent their cattle to graze on such public pastures had to pay a certain tax or duty to the publicani, which of course varied according to the number and quality of the cattle which they kept upon them. The publicani had to keep the lists of persons who sent their cattle upon the public pastures, together with the number and quality of the cattle. From this registering (scribere) the duty itself was called scriptura, the public pasture land ager scripturarius, and the publicani, or their agents who raised the tax, scripturarii. The Lex Thoria (B.C. 111) did away with the scriptura in Italy, where the public pastures were very numerous and extensive, especially in Apulia, and the lands themselves were now sold or distributed. In the provinces, where the public pastures were also let out in the same manner, the practice continued until the time of the empire; but afterwards the scriptura is no longer mentioned.

SCRŪPŬLUM, or more properly SCRIPULUM or SCRIPLUM (γράμμα), the smallest denomination of weight among the Romans. It was the 24th part of the UNCIA, or the 288th of the LIBRA, and therefore = 18·06 grains English, which is about the average weight of the scrupular aurei still in existence. [AURUM.] As a square measure, it was the smallest division of the jugerum, which contained 288 scrupula. [JUGERUM.]

SCŪTUM (θυρεός), the Roman shield worn by the heavy-armed infantry, instead of being round, like the Greek CLIPEUS, was adapted to the form of the human body, by being made either oval or of the shape of a door, (θύρα), which it also resembled in being made of wood or wicker-work, and from which consequently its Greek name was derived. Polybius says that the dimensions of the scutum were 4 feet by 2½.

SCỸTĂLĒ (σκυτάλη) is the name applied to a secret mode of writing, by which the Spartan ephors communicated with their kings and generals when abroad. When a king or general left Sparta, the ephors gave to him a staff of a definite length and thickness, and retained for themselves another of precisely the same size. When they had any communications to make to him, they cut the material upon which they intended to write into the shape of a narrow riband, wound it round their staff, and then wrote upon it the message which they had to send to him. When the strip of writing material was taken from the staff, nothing but single letters appeared, and in this state the strip was sent to the general, who, after having wound it round his staff, was able to read the communication.

SCỸTHAE (Σκύθαι). [DEMOSII.]

SĔCESPĬTA, an instrument used by the Roman priests in killing the victims at sacrifices, probably an axe. In the annexed coin, the reverse represents a culter, a simpuvium, and a secespita.

SECTĬO, the sale of a man’s property by the state (publice). This was done in consequence of a condemnatio, and for the purpose of repayment to the state of such sums of money as the condemned person had improperly appropriated; or in consequence of a proscriptio. Sometimes the things sold were called sectio. Those who bought the property were called sectores. The property was sold sub hasta.

SECTOR. [SECTIO.]

SĔCŪRIS (ἀξινη, πέλεκυς), an axe or hatchet. The axe was either made with a single edge, or with a blade or head on each side of the haft, the latter kind being denominated bipennis. The axe was used as a weapon of war chiefly by the Asiatic nations. It was a part of the Roman fasces. [FASCES.]

SĔCŪTŌRES. [GLADIATORES.]

SELLA, the general term for a seat or chair of any description.--(1) SELLA CURULIS, the chair of state. Curulis is derived by the ancient writers from currus, but it more probably contains the same root as curia. The sella curulis is said to have been used at Rome from a very remote period as an emblem of kingly power, having been imported, along with various other insignia of royalty, from Etruria. Under the republic the right of sitting upon this chair belonged to the consuls, praetors, curule aediles, and censors; to the flamen dialis; to the dictator, and to those whom he deputed to act under himself, as the magister equitum, since he might be said to comprehend all magistracies within himself. After the downfall of the constitution, it was assigned to the emperors also, or to their statues in their absence; to the augustales, and perhaps, to the praefectus urbi. It was displayed upon all great public occasions, especially in the circus and theatre; and it was the seat of the praetor when he administered justice. In the provinces it was assumed by inferior magistrates, when they exercised proconsular or propraetorian authority. We find it occasionally exhibited on the medals of foreign monarchs likewise, as on those of Ariobarzanes II. of Cappadocia, for it was the practice of the Romans to present a curule chair, an ivory sceptre, a toga praetexta, and such-like ornaments, as tokens of respect and confidence to those rulers whose friendship they desired to cultivate. The sella curulis appears from the first to have been ornamented with ivory; and at a later period it was overlaid with gold. In shape it was extremely plain, closely resembling a common folding camp-stool with crooked legs. The sella curulis is frequently represented upon the denarii of Roman families. In the following cut are represented two pair of bronze legs, belonging to a sella curulis, and likewise a sella curulis itself.--(2) SELLA GESTATORIA, or FERTORIA, a sedan used both in town and country, and by men as well as by women. It is expressly distinguished from the LECTICA, a portable bed or sofa, in which the person carried lay in a recumbent position, while the sella was a portable chair, in which the occupant sat upright. It differed from the cathedra also, but in what the difference consisted, it is not easy to determine. [CATHEDRA.] It appears not to have been introduced until long after the lectica was common, since we scarcely, if ever, find any allusion to it until the period of the empire. The sella was sometimes entirely open, but more frequently shut in. It was made sometimes of plain leather, and sometimes ornamented with bone, ivory, silver, or gold, according to the fortune of the proprietor. It was furnished with a pillow to support the head and neck (cervical); the motion was so easy that one might study without inconvenience, while at the same time it afforded a healthful exercise.--(3) Chairs for ordinary domestic purposes have been discovered in excavations, or are seen represented in ancient frescoes, many displaying great taste.

SĒMIS, SĒMISSIS. [AS.]

SĒMUNCĬA. [UNCIA.]

SĒMUNCIĀRĬUM FĒNUS. [FENUS.]

SĔNĀTUS. In all the republics of antiquity the government was divided between a senate and a popular assembly; and in cases where a king stood at the head of affairs, as at Sparta and in early Rome, the king had little more than the executive. A senate in the early times was always regarded as an assembly of elders, which is in fact the meaning of the Roman senatus, as of the Spartan (γερουσία), and its members were elected from among the nobles of the nation. The number of senators in the ancient republics always bore a distinct relation to the number of tribes of which the nation was composed. [BOULE; GEROUSIA.] Hence in the earliest times, when Rome consisted of only one tribe, its senate consisted of one hundred members (senatores or patres; compare PATRICII), and when the Sabine tribe or the Tities became united with the Latin tribe or the Ramnes, the number of senators was increased to two hundred. This number was again augmented to three hundred by Tarquinius Priscus, when the third tribe or the Luceres became incorporated with the Roman state. The new senators added by Tarquinius Priscus were distinguished from those belonging to the two older tribes by the appellation patres minorum gentium, as previously those who represented the Tities had been distinguished, by the same name, from those who represented the Ramnes. Under Tarquinius Superbus the number of senators is said to have become very much diminished, as he is reported to have put many to death and sent others into exile. This account however appears to be greatly exaggerated, and it is probable that several vacancies in the senate arose from many of the senators accompanying the tyrant into his exile. The vacancies which had thus arisen were filled up immediately after the establishment of the republic, when several noble plebeians of equestrian rank were made senators. These new senators were distinguished from the old ones by the name of Conscripti; and hence the customary mode of addressing the whole senate henceforth always was: Patres Conscripti, that is, Patres et Conscripti.--The number of 300 senators appears to have remained unaltered for several centuries. The first permanent increase to their number was made by Sulla, and the senate seems henceforth to have consisted of between five and six hundred. Julius Caesar augmented the number to 900, and raised to this dignity even common soldiers, freedmen, and peregrini. Augustus cleared the senate of the unworthy members, who were contemptuously called by the people Orcini senatores, and reduced its number to 600.--In the time of the kings the senate was probably elected by the gentes, each gens appointing one member as its representative; and as there were 300 gentes, there were consequently 300 senators. The whole senate was divided into decuries, each of which corresponded to a curia. When the senate consisted of only one hundred members, there were accordingly only ten decuries of senators; and ten senators, one being taken from each decury, formed the Decem Primi, who represented the ten curies. When subsequently the representatives of the two other tribes were admitted into the senate, the Ramnes with their decem primi retained for a time their superiority over the two other tribes, and gave their votes first. The first among the decem primi was the princeps senatus, who was appointed by the king, and was at the same time custos urbis. [PRAEFECTUS URBI.] Respecting the age at which a person might be elected into the senate during the kingly period, we know no more than what is indicated by the name senator itself, that is, that they were persons of advanced age.--Soon after the establishment of the republic, though at what time is uncertain, the right of appointing senators passed from the gentes into the hands of the consuls, consular tribunes, and subsequently of the censors. At the same time, the right which the magistrates possessed of electing senators was by no means an arbitrary power, for the senators were usually taken from among those whom the people had previously invested with a magistracy, so that in reality the people themselves always nominated the candidates for the senate, which on this account remained, as before, a representative assembly. After the institution of the censorship, the censors alone had the right of introducing new members into the senate from among the ex-magistrates, and of excluding such as they deemed unworthy. [CENSOR.] The exclusion was effected by simply passing over the names, and not entering them on the lists of senators, whence such men were called Praeteriti Senatores. On one extraordinary occasion the eldest among the ex-censors was invested with dictatorial power for the purpose of filling up vacancies in the senate.--As all curule magistrates, and also the quaestors, had by virtue of their office a seat in the senate, even if they had not been elected senators, we must distinguish between two classes of senators, viz., real senators, or such as had been regularly raised to their dignity by the magistrates or the censors, and such as had, by virtue of the office which they held or had held, a right to take their seats in the senate and to speak (sententiam dicere, jus sententiae), but not to vote. To this ordo senatorius also belonged the pontifex maximus and the flamen dialis. Though these senators had no right to vote, they might, when the real senators had voted, step over or join the one or the other party, whence they were called Senatores Pedarii, an appellation which had in former times been applied to those juniores who were not consulars. When at length all the state offices had become equally accessible to the plebeians and the patricians, and when the majority of offices were held by the former, their number in the senate naturally increased in proportion. The senate had gradually become an assembly representing the people, as formerly it had represented the populus, and down to the last century of the republic the senatorial dignity was only regarded as one conferred by the people. But notwithstanding this apparently popular character of the senate, it was never a popular or democratic assembly, for now its members belonged to the nobiles, who were as aristocratic as the patricians. [NOBILES.] The office of princeps senatus, which had become independent of that of praetor urbanus, was now given by the censors, and at first always to the eldest among the ex-censors, but afterwards to any other senator whom they thought most worthy; and unless there was any charge to be made against him, he was re-elected at the next lustrum. This distinction, however, great as it was, afforded neither power nor advantages, and did not even confer the privilege of presiding at the meetings of the senate, which only belonged to those magistrates who had the right of convoking the senate.--During the republican period no senatorial census existed, although senators naturally always belonged to the wealthiest classes. The institution of a census for senators belongs to the time of the empire. Augustus first fixed it at 400,000 sesterces, afterwards increased it to double this sum, and at last even to 1,200,000 sesterces. Those senators whose property did not amount to this sum received grants from the emperor to make it up. As regards the age at which a person might become a senator, we have no express statement for the time of the republic, although it appears to have been fixed by some custom or law, as the aetas senatoria is frequently mentioned, especially during the latter period of the republic. But we may by induction discover the probable age. We know that, according to the lex annalis of the tribune Villius, the age fixed for the quaestorship was 31. Now as it might happen that a quaestor was made a senator immediately after the expiration of his office, we may presume that the earliest age at which a man could become a senator was 32. Augustus at last fixed the senatorial age at 25, which appears to have remained unaltered throughout the time of the empire.--No senator was allowed to carry on any mercantile business. About the commencement of the second Punic war, some senators appear to have violated this law or custom, and in order to prevent its recurrence a law was passed, with the vehement opposition of the senate, that none of its members should be permitted to possess a ship of more than 300 amphorae in tonnage, as this was thought sufficiently large to convey to Rome the produce of their estates abroad. It is clear, however, that this law was frequently violated.--Regular meetings of the senate (senatus legitimus) took place during the republic, and probably during the kingly period also, on the calends, nones, and ides of every month: extraordinary meetings (senatus indictus) might be convoked on any other day, with the exception of those which were atri, and those on which comitia were held. The right of convoking the senate during the kingly period belonged to the king, or to his vicegerent, the custos urbis. This right was during the republic transferred to the curule magistrates, and at last to the tribunes also. If a senator did not appear on a day of meeting, he was liable to a fine, for which a pledge was taken (pignoris captio) until it was paid. Towards the end of the republic it was decreed, that during the whole month of February the senate should give audience to foreign ambassadors on all days on which the senate could lawfully meet, and that no other matters should be discussed until these affairs were settled.--The places where the meetings of the senate were held (curiae, senacula) were always inaugurated by the augurs. [TEMPLUM.] The most ancient place was the Curia Hostilia, in which alone originally a senatus-consultum could be made. Afterwards, however, several temples were used for this purpose, such as the temple of Concordia, a place near the temple of Bellona [LEGATUS], and one near the porta Capena. Under the emperors the senate also met in other places: under Caesar, the Curia Julia, a building of extraordinary splendour, was commenced; but subsequently meetings of the senate were frequently held in the house of a consul.--The subjects laid before the senate belonged partly to the internal affairs of the state, partly to legislation, and partly to finance; and no measure could be brought before the populus without having previously been discussed and prepared by the senate. The senate was thus the medium through which all affairs of the whole government had to pass: it considered and discussed whatever measures the king thought proper to introduce, and had, on the other hand, a perfect control over the assembly of the populus, which could only accept or reject what the senate brought before it. When a king died, the royal dignity, until a successor was elected, was transferred to the Decem Primi, each of whom in rotation held this dignity for five days. Under the republic, the senate had at first the right of proposing to the comitia the candidates for magistracies, but this right was subsequently lost: the comitia centuriata became quite free in regard to elections, and were no longer dependent upon the proposal of the senate. The curies only still possessed the right of sanctioning the election; but in the year B.C. 299 they were compelled to sanction any election of magistrates which the comitia might make, before it took place, and this soon after became law by the Lex Maenia. When at last the curies no longer assembled for this empty show of power, the senate stepped into their place, and henceforth in elections, and soon after also in matters of legislation, the senate had previously to sanction whatever the comitia might decide. After the Lex Hortensia a decree of the comitia tributa became law, even without the sanction of the senate. The original state of things had thus gradually become reversed, and the senate had lost very important branches of its power, which had all been gained by the comitia tributa. In its relation to the comitia centuriata, however, the ancient rules were still in force, as laws, declarations of war, conclusions of peace, treaties, &c., were brought before them, and decided by them on the proposal of the senate.--The powers of the senate, after both orders were placed upon a perfect equality, may be thus briefly summed up. The senate continued to have the supreme superintendence in all matters of religion; it determined upon the manner in which a war was to be conducted, what legions were to be placed at the disposal of a commander, and whether new ones were to be levied; it decreed into what provinces the consuls and praetors were to be sent [PROVINCIA], and whose imperium was to be prolonged. The commissioners who were generally sent out to settle the administration of a newly-conquered country, were always appointed by the senate. All embassies for the conclusion of peace or treaties with foreign states were sent out by the senate, and such ambassadors were generally senators themselves, and ten in number. The senate alone carried on the negotiations with foreign ambassadors, and received the complaints of subject or allied nations, who always regarded the senate as their common protector. By virtue of this office of protector it also settled all disputes which might arise among the municipia and colonies of Italy, and punished all heavy crimes committed in Italy, which might endanger the public peace and security. Even in Rome itself, the judices to whom the praetor referred important cases, both public and private, were taken from among the senators, and in extraordinary cases the senate appointed especial commissions to investigate them; but such a commission, if the case in question was a capital offence committed by a citizen, required the sanction of the people. When the republic was in danger, the senate might confer unlimited power upon the magistrates by the formula, Videant consules, ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat, which was equivalent to a declaration of martial law within the city. This general care for the internal and external welfare of the republic included, as before, the right of disposing of the finances requisite for these purposes. Hence all the revenue and expenditure of the republic were under the direct administration of the senate, and the censors and quaestors were only its ministers or agents. [CENSOR; QUAESTOR.] All the expenses necessary for the maintenance of the armies required the sanction of the senate, before anything could be done, and it might even prevent the triumph of a returning general, by refusing to assign the money necessary for it. There are, however, instances of a general triumphing without the consent of the senate.--How many members were required to be present in order to constitute a legal assembly, is uncertain, though it appears that there existed some regulations on this point, and there is one instance on record, in which at least one hundred senators were required to be present. The presiding magistrate opened the business with the words Quod bonum, faustum, felix fortunatumque sit populo Romano Quiritibus, and then laid before the assembly (referre, relatio) what he had to propose. Towards the end of the republic the order in which the question was put to the senators appears to have depended upon the discretion of the presiding consul, who called upon each member by pronouncing his name; but he usually began with the princeps senatus, or if consules designati were present, with them. The consul generally observed all the year round the same order in which he had commenced on the first of January. A senator when called upon to speak might do so at full length, and even introduce subjects not directly connected with the point at issue. It depended upon the president which of the opinions expressed he would put to the vote, and which he would pass over. The majority of votes always decided a question. The majority was ascertained either by numeratio or discessio; that is, the president either counted the votes, or the members who voted on the same side separated from those who voted otherwise. The latter mode seems to have been the usual one. What the senate determined was called senatus consultum, because the consul, who introduced the business, was said senatum consulere. In the enacting part of a lex the populus were said jubere, and in a plebiscitum scire; in a senatusconsultum the senate was said censere. Certain forms were observed in drawing up a senatusconsultum, of which there is an example in Cicero: “S. C. Auctoritates Pridie Kal. Octob. in Aede Apollinis, scribendo adfuerunt L. Domitius Cn. Filius Ahenobarbus, &c. Quod M. Marcellus Consul V. F. (verba fecit) de prov. Cons. D. E. R. I. C. (de ea re ita censuerunt Uti, &c.)” The names of the persons who were witnesses to the drawing up of the senatusconsultum were called the auctoritates, and these auctoritates were cited as evidence of the fact of the persons named in them having been present at the drawing up of the S.C. There can be no doubt that certain persons were required to be present scribendo, but others might assist if they chose, and a person in this way might testify his regard for another on behalf of whom or with reference to whom the S. C. was made. Besides the phrase scribendo adesse, there are esse ad scribendum and poni ad scribendum. When a S. C. was made on the motion of a person, it was said to be made in sententiam ejus. If the S. C. was carried, it was written on tablets, and placed in the Aerarium. Senatusconsulta were, properly speaking, laws, for it is clear that the senate had legislative power even in the republican period; but it is difficult to determine how far their legislative power extended. A decretum of the senate was a rule made by the senate as to some matter which was strictly within its competence, and thus differed from a senatusconsultum, which was a law; but these words are often used indiscriminately and with little precision. Many of the senatusconsulta of the republican period were only determinations of the senate, which became leges by being carried in the comitia. One instance of this kind occurred on the occasion of the trial of Clodius for violating the mysteries of the Bona Dea. A rogatio on the subject of the trial was proposed to the comitia ex senatusconsulto, which is also spoken of as the auctoritas of the senate. A senate was not allowed to be held before sunrise or to be prolonged after sunset: on extraordinary emergencies, however, this regulation was set aside.--During the latter part of the republic the senate was degraded in various ways by Sulla, Caesar, and others, and on many occasions it was only an instrument in the hands of the men in power. In this way it became prepared for the despotic government of the emperors, when it was altogether the creature and obedient instrument of the princeps. The emperor himself was generally also princeps senatus, and had the power of convoking both ordinary and extraordinary meetings, although the consuls, praetors and tribunes continued to have the same right. The ordinary meetings, according to a regulation of Augustus, were held twice in every month. In the reign of Tiberius the election of magistrates was transferred from the people to the senate, which, however, was enjoined to take especial notice of those candidates who were recommended to it by the emperor. At the demise of an emperor the senate had the right of appointing his successor, in case no one had been nominated by the emperor himself; but the senate very rarely had an opportunity of exercising this right, as it was usurped by the soldiers. The aerarium at first still continued nominally to be under the control of the senate, but the emperors gradually took it under their own exclusive management, and the senate retained nothing but the administration of the funds of the city (arca publica), which were distinct both from the aerarium and from the fiscus. Augustus ordained that no accusations should any longer be brought before the comitia, and instead of them he raised the senate to a high court of justice, upon which he conferred the right of taking cognisance of capital offences committed by senators, of crimes against the state and the person of the emperors, and of crimes committed by the provincial magistrates in the administration of their provinces. Respecting the provinces of the senate, see PROVINCIA. Under the empire, senatusconsulta began to take the place of leges, properly so called, and as the senate was, with the exception of the emperor, the only legislating body, such senatusconsulta are frequently designated by the name of the consuls in whose year of office they were passed.--The distinctions and privileges enjoyed by senators were: 1. The tunica with a broad purple stripe (latus clavus) in front, which was woven in it, and not, as is commonly believed, sewed upon it. 2. A kind of short boot, with the letter C. on the front of the foot. This C. is generally supposed to mean centum, and to refer to the original number of 100 (centum) senators. 3. The right of sitting in the orchestra in the theatres and amphitheatres. This distinction was first procured for the senators by Scipio Africanus Major, 194 B.C. 4. On a certain day in the year a sacrifice was offered to Jupiter in the Capitol, and on this occasion the senators alone had a feast in the Capitol; the right was called the jus publice epulandi. 5. The jus liberae legationis. [LEGATUS, p. 224.]

SĔNĬŌRES. [COMITIA.]

SEPTEMVĬRI ĔPŬLŌNES. [EPULONES.]

SEPTĬMONTĬUM, a Roman festival which was held in the month of December. It was celebrated by the montani, or the inhabitants of the seven ancient hills or rather districts of Rome, who offered on this day sacrifices to the gods in their respective districts. These sacra were, like the Paganalia, not sacra publica, but privata. They were believed to have been instituted to commemorate the enclosure of the seven hills of Rome within the walls of the city, and must certainly be referred to a time when the Capitoline, Quirinal, and Viminal were not yet incorporated with Rome.

SEPTUM. [COMITIA, p. 107.]

SEPTUNX. [AS.]

SĔPULCRUM. [FUNUS.]

SĔRA. [JANUA.]

SĒRĬCUM (σηρικόν), silk, also called bombycinum. Raw silk was brought from the interior of Asia, and manufactured in Cos, as early as the fourth century B.C. From this island it appears that the Roman ladies obtained their most splendid garments [COA VESTIS], which were remarkably thin, sometimes of a fine purple dye, and variegated with transverse stripes of gold. Silk was supposed to come from the country of the Seres in Asia, whence a silk garment is usually called Serica vestis. Under the empire the rage for such garments was constantly on the increase. Even men aspired to be adorned with silk, and hence the senate, early in the reign of Tiberius, enacted ne vestis Serica viros fœdaret. The eggs of the silkworm were first brought into Europe in the age of Justinian, A.D. 530, in the hollow stem of a plant from “Serinda,” which was probably Khotan in Little Bucharia, by some monks who had learnt the method of hatching and rearing them.

SERTA. [CORONA.]

SERVUS (δοῦλος), a slave. (1) GREEK. Slavery existed almost throughout the whole of Greece; and Aristotle says that a complete household is that which consists of slaves and freemen, and he defines a slave to be a living working-tool and possession. None of the Greek philosophers ever seem to have objected to slavery as a thing morally wrong; Plato in his perfect state only desires that no Greeks should be made slaves by Greeks, and Aristotle defends the justice of the institution on the ground of a diversity of race, and divides mankind into the free and those who are slaves by nature; under the latter description he appears to have regarded all barbarians in the Greek sense of the word, and therefore considers their slavery justifiable. In the most ancient times there are said to have been no slaves in Greece, but we find them in the Homeric poems, though by no means so generally as in later times. They are usually prisoners taken in war, who serve their conquerors: but we also read as well of the purchase and sale of slaves. They were, however, at that time mostly confined to the houses of the wealthy. There were two kinds of slavery among the Greeks. One species arose when the inhabitants of a country were subdued by an invading tribe, and reduced to the condition of serfs or bondsmen. They lived upon and cultivated the land which their masters had appropriated to themselves, and paid them a certain rent. They also attended their masters in war. They could not be sold out of the country or separated from their families, and could acquire property. Such were the Helots of Sparta [HELOTES], and the Penestae of Thessaly [PENESTAE]. The other species of slavery consisted of domestic slaves acquired by purchase, who were entirely the property of their masters, and could be disposed of like any other goods and chattels: these were the δοῦλοι properly so called, and were the kind of slaves that existed at Athens and Corinth. In commercial cities slaves were very numerous, as they performed the work of the artisans and manufacturers of modern towns. In poorer republics, which had little or no capital, and which subsisted wholly by agriculture, they would be few: thus in Phocis and Locris there are said to have been originally no domestic slaves. The majority of slaves was purchased; few comparatively were born in the family of the master, partly because the number of female slaves was very small in comparison with the male, and partly because the cohabitation of slaves was discouraged, as it was considered cheaper to purchase than to rear slaves. It was a recognised rule of Greek national law that the persons of those who were taken prisoners in war became the property of the conqueror, but it was the practice for Greeks to give liberty to those of their own nation on payment of a ransom. Consequently almost all slaves in Greece, with the exception of the serfs above-mentioned, were barbarians. The chief supply seems to have come from the Greek colonies in Asia Minor, which had abundant opportunities of obtaining them from their own neighbourhood and the interior of Asia. A considerable number of slaves also came from Thrace, where the parents frequently sold their children.--At Athens, as well as in other states, there was a regular slave-market, called the κύκλος, because the slaves stood round in a circle. They were also sometimes sold by auction, and were then placed on a stone, as is now done when slaves are sold in the United States of North America: the same was also the practice in Rome, whence the phrase homo de lapide emtus. [AUCTIO.] At Athens the number of slaves was far greater than the free population. Even the poorest citizen had a slave for the care of his household, and in every moderate establishment many were employed for all possible occupations, as bakers, cooks, tailors, &c.--Slaves either worked on their masters’ account or their own (in the latter case they paid their masters a certain sum a day); or they were let out by their master on hire, either for the mines or any other kind of labour, or as hired servants for wages. The rowers on board the ships were usually slaves, who either belonged to the state or to private persons, who let them out to the state on payment of a certain sum. It appears that a considerable number of persons kept large gangs of slaves merely for the purpose of letting out, and found this a profitable mode of investing their capital. Great numbers were required for the mines, and in most cases the mine-lessees would be obliged to hire some, as they would not have sufficient capital to purchase as many as they wanted. The rights of possession with regard to slaves differed in no respect from any other property; they could be given or taken as pledges. The condition, however, of Greek slaves was upon the whole better than that of Roman ones, with the exception perhaps of Sparta, where, according to Plutarch, it is the best place in the world to be a freeman, and the worst to be a slave. At Athens especially the slaves seem to have been allowed a degree of liberty and indulgence which was never granted to them at Rome. The life and person of a slave at Athens were also protected by the law: a person who struck or maltreated a slave was liable to an action; a slave too could not be put to death without legal sentence. He could even take shelter from the cruelty of his master in the temple of Theseus, and there claim the privilege of being sold by him. The person of a slave was, of course, not considered so sacred as that of a freeman: his offences were punished with corporal chastisement, which was the last mode of punishment inflicted on a freeman; he was not believed upon his oath, but his evidence in courts of justice was always taken with torture. Notwithstanding the generally mild treatment of slaves in Greece, their insurrection was not unfrequent: but these insurrections in Attica were usually confined to the mining slaves, who were treated with more severity than the others. Slaves were sometimes manumitted at Athens, though not so frequently as at Rome. Those who were manumitted (ἀπελεύθεροι) did not become citizens, as they might at Rome, but passed into the condition of metoici. They were obliged to honour their former master as their patron (προστάτης), and to fulfil certain duties towards him, the neglect of which rendered them liable to the δίκη ἀποστασίου, by which they might again be sold into slavery. Respecting the public slaves at Athens, see DEMOSII. It appears that there was a tax upon slaves at Athens, which was probably three oboli a year for each slave.--(2) ROMAN. The Romans viewed liberty as the natural state, and slavery as a condition which was contrary to the natural state. The mutual relation of slave and master among the Romans was expressed by the terms Servus and Dominus; and the power and interest which the dominus had over and in the slave was expressed by Dominium. Slaves existed at Rome in the earliest times of which we have any record; but they do not appear to have been numerous under the kings and in the earliest ages of the republic. The different trades and the mechanical arts were chiefly carried on by the clients of the patricians, and the small farms in the country were cultivated for the most part by the labours of the proprietor and of his own family. But as the territories of the Roman state were extended, the patricians obtained possession of large estates out of the ager publicus, since it was the practice of the Romans to deprive a conquered people of part of their land. These estates probably required a larger number of hands for their cultivation than could readily be obtained among the free population, and since the freemen were constantly liable to be called away from their work to serve in the armies, the lands began to be cultivated almost entirely by slave labour. Through war and commerce slaves could easily be obtained, and at a cheap rate, and their number soon became so great, that the poorer class of freemen was thrown almost entirely out of employment. This state of things was one of the chief arguments used by Licinius and the Gracchi for limiting the quantity of public land which a person might possess. In Sicily, which supplied Rome with so great a quantity of corn, the number of agricultural slaves was immense: the oppressions to which they were exposed drove them twice to open rebellion, and their numbers enabled them to defy for a time the Roman power. The first of these servile wars began in B.C. 134 and ended in B.C. 132, and the second commenced in B.C. 102 and lasted almost four years. Long, however, after it had become the custom to employ large gangs of slaves in the cultivation of the land, the number of those who served as personal attendants still continued to be small. Persons in good circumstances seem usually to have had one only to wait upon them, who was generally called by the name of his master with the word por (that is, puer) affixed to it, as Caipor, Lucipor, Marcipor, Publipor, Quintipor, &c. But during the latter times of the republic and under the empire the number of domestic slaves greatly increased, and in every family of importance there were separate slaves to attend to all the necessities of domestic life. It was considered a reproach to a man not to keep a considerable number of slaves. The first question asked respecting a person’s fortune was Quot pascit servos, “How many slaves does he keep?” Ten slaves seem to have been the lowest number which a person could keep in the age of Augustus, with a proper regard to respectability in society. The immense number of prisoners taken in the constant wars of the republic, and the increase of wealth and luxury, augmented the number of slaves to a prodigious extent. A freedman under Augustus, who had lost much property in the civil wars, left at his death as many as 4,116. Two hundred was no uncommon number for one person to keep. The mechanical arts, which were formerly in the hands of the clients, were now entirely exercised by slaves: a natural growth of things, for where slaves perform certain duties or practise certain arts, such duties or arts are thought degrading to a freeman. It must not be forgotten, that the games of the amphitheatre required an immense number of slaves trained for the purpose. [GLADIATORES.] Like the slaves in Sicily, the gladiators in Italy rose in B.C. 73 against their oppressors, and under the able generalship of Spartacus, defeated a Roman consular army, and were not subdued till B.C. 71, when 60,000 of them are said to have fallen in battle.--A slave could not contract a marriage. His cohabitation with a woman was contubernium; and no legal relation between him and his children was recognized. A slave could have no property. He was not incapable of acquiring property, but his acquisitions belonged to his master. Slaves were not only employed in the usual domestic offices and in the labours of the field, but also as factors or agents for their masters in the management of business, and as mechanics, artisans, and in every branch of industry. It may easily be conceived that, under these circumstances, especially as they were often entrusted with property to a large amount, there must have arisen a practice of allowing the slave to consider part of his gains as his own; this was his Peculium, a term also applicable to such acquisitions of a filius-familias as his father allowed him to consider as his own. [PATRIA POTESTAS.] According to strict law, the peculium was the property of the master, but according to usage, it was considered to be the property of the slave. Sometimes it was agreed between master and slave, that the slave should purchase his freedom with his peculium when it amounted to a certain sum. A runaway slave (fugitivus) could not lawfully be received or harboured. The master was entitled to pursue him wherever he pleased; and it was the duty of all authorities to give him aid in recovering the slave. It was the object of various laws to check the running away of slaves in every way, and accordingly a runaway slave could not legally be an object of sale. A class of persons called Fugitivarii made it their business to recover runaway slaves. A person was a slave either jure gentium or jure civili. Under the republic, the chief supply of slaves arose from prisoners taken in war, who were sold by the quaestors with a crown on their heads (sub corona venire, vendere), and usually on the spot where they were taken, as the care of a large number of captives was inconvenient. Consequently slave-dealers usually accompanied an army, and frequently after a great battle had been gained many thousands were sold at once, when the slave-dealers obtained them for a mere nothing. The slave trade was also carried on to a great extent, and after the fall of Corinth and Carthage, Delos was the chief mart for this traffic. When the Cilician pirates had possession of the Mediterranean, as many as 10,000 slaves are said to have been imported and sold there in one day. A large number came from Thrace and the countries in the north of Europe, but the chief supply was from Africa, and more especially Asia, whence we frequently read of Phrygians, Lycians, Cappadocians, &c. as slaves. The trade of slave-dealers (mangones) was considered disreputable; but it was very lucrative, and great fortunes were frequently realised from it. Slaves were usually sold by auction at Rome. They were placed either on a raised stone (hence de lapide emtus), or a raised platform (catasta), so that every one might see and handle them, even if they did not wish to purchase them. Purchasers usually took care to have them stripped naked, for slave-dealers had recourse to as many tricks to conceal personal defects as the horse-jockeys of modern times: sometimes purchasers called in the advice of medical men. Newly imported slaves had their feet whitened with chalk, and those that came from the East had their ears bored, which we know was a sign of slavery among many eastern nations. The slave-market, like all other markets, was under the jurisdiction of the aediles, who made many regulations by edicts respecting the sale of slaves. The character of the slave was set forth in a scroll (titulus) hanging around his neck, which was a warranty to the purchaser: the vendor was bound to announce fairly all his defects, and if he gave a false account had to take him back within six months from the time of his sale, or make up to the purchaser what the latter had lost through obtaining an inferior kind of slave to what had been warranted. The chief points which the vendor had to warrant, were the health of the slave, especially freedom from epilepsy, and that he had not a tendency to thievery, running away, or committing suicide. Slaves sold without any warranty wore at the time of sale a cap (pileus) upon their head. Slaves newly imported were generally preferred for common work: those who had served long were considered artful (veteratores); and the pertness and impudence of those born in their master’s house, called vernae, were proverbial. The value of slaves depended of course upon their qualifications; but under the empire the increase of luxury and the corruption of morals led purchasers to pay immense sums for beautiful slaves, or such as ministered to the caprice or whim of the purchaser. Eunuchs always fetched a very high price, and Martial speaks of beautiful boys who sold for as much as 100,000 or 200,000 sesterces each (885_l._ 8_s._ 4_d._ and 1770_l._ 16_s._ 8_d._). Slaves who possessed a knowledge of any art which might bring profit to their owners, also sold for a large sum. Thus literary men and doctors frequently fetched a high price, and also slaves fitted for the stage.--Slaves were divided into many various classes: the first division was into public or private. The former belonged to the state and public bodies, and their condition was preferable to that of the common slaves. They were less liable to be sold, and under less control, than ordinary slaves: they also possessed the privilege of the testamenti factio to the amount of one half of their property, which shows that they were regarded in a different light from other slaves. Public slaves were employed to take care of the public buildings, and to attend upon magistrates and priests. A body of slaves belonging to one person was called familia, but two were not considered sufficient to constitute a familia. Private slaves were divided into urban (familia urbana) and rustic (familia rustica); but the name of urban was given to those slaves who served in the villa or country residence as well as in the town house; so that the words urban and rustic rather characterised the nature of their occupations than the place where they served. Slaves were also arranged in certain classes, which held a higher or a lower rank according to the nature of their occupation. These classes are ordinarii, vulgares, and mediastini.--Ordinarii seem to have been those slaves who had the superintendence of certain parts of the housekeeping. They were always chosen from those who had the confidence of their master, and they generally had certain slaves under them. To this class the actores, procuratores, and dispensatores belong, who occur in the familia rustica as well as the familia urbana, but in the former are almost the same as the villici. They were stewards or bailiffs. To the same class also belong the slaves who had the charge of the different stores, and who correspond to our house-keepers and butlers: they are called cellarii, promi, condi, procuratores peni, &c.--Vulgares included the great body of slaves in a house who had to attend to any particular duty in the house, and to minister to the domestic wants of their master. As there were distinct slaves or a distinct slave for almost every department of household economy, as bakers (pistores), cooks (coqui), confectioners (dulciarii), picklers (salmentarii), &c., it is unnecessary to mention these more particularly. This class also included the porters (ostiarii), the bed-chamber slaves (cubicularii), the litter-bearers (lecticarii), and all personal attendants of any kind.--Mediastini, the name given to slaves used for any common purpose, was chiefly applied to certain slaves belonging to the familia rustica.--The treatment of slaves of course varied greatly, according to the disposition of their masters, but they were upon the whole, as has been already remarked, treated with greater severity and cruelty than among the Athenians. Originally the master could use the slave as he pleased; under the republic the law does not seem to have protected the person or life of the slave at all; but the cruelty of masters was to some extent restrained under the empire by various enactments. In early times, when the number of slaves was small, they were treated with more indulgence, and more like members of the family: they joined their masters in offering up prayers and thanksgivings to the gods, and partook of their meals in common with their masters, though not at the same table with them, but upon benches (subsellia) placed at the foot of the lectus. But with the increase of numbers and of luxury among masters, the ancient simplicity of manners was changed: a certain quantity of food was allowed them (dimensum or demensum), which was granted to them either monthly (menstruum) or daily (diarium). Their chief food was the corn called far, of which either four or five modii were granted them a month, or one Roman pound (libra) a day. They also obtained an allowance of salt and oil: Cato allowed his slaves a sextarius of oil a month and a modius of salt a year. They also got a small quantity of wine, with an additional allowance on the Saturnalia and Compitalia, and sometimes fruit, but seldom vegetables. Butcher’s meat seems to have been hardly ever given them. Under the republic they were not allowed to serve in the army, though after the battle of Cannae, when the state was in imminent danger, 8000 slaves were purchased by the state for the army, and subsequently manumitted on account of their bravery. The offences of slaves were punished with severity, and frequently with the utmost barbarity. One of the mildest punishments was the removal from the familia urbana to the rustica, where they were obliged to work in chains or fetters. They were frequently beaten with sticks or scourged with the whip. Runaway slaves (fugitivi) and thieves (fures) were branded on the forehead with a mark (stigma), whence they are said to be notati or inscripti. Slaves were also punished by being hung up by their hands with weights suspended to their feet, or by being sent to work in the Ergastulum or Pistrinum. [ERGASTULUM.] The carrying of the furca was a very common mode of punishment. [FURCA.] The toilet of the Roman ladies was a dreadful ordeal to the female slaves, who were often barbarously punished by their mistresses for the slightest mistake in the arrangement of the hair or a part of the dress. Masters might work their slaves as many hours in the day as they pleased, but they usually allowed them holidays on the public festivals. At the festival of Saturnus, in particular, special indulgences were granted to all slaves, of which an account is given under SATURNALIA. There was no distinctive dress for slaves. It was once proposed in the senate to give slaves a distinctive costume, but it was rejected, since it was considered dangerous to show them their number. Male slaves were not allowed to wear the toga or bulla, nor females the stola, but otherwise they were dressed nearly in the same way as poor people, in clothes of a dark colour (pullati) and slippers (crepidae). The rights of burial, however, were not denied to slaves, for, as the Romans regarded slavery as an institution of society, death was considered to put an end to the distinction between slaves and freemen. Slaves were sometimes even buried with their masters, and we find funeral inscriptions addressed to the Dii Manes of slaves (Dis Manibus).

SESCUNX. [AS.]

SESTERTĬUS, a Roman coin, which properly belonged to the silver coinage, in which it was one-fourth of the denarius, and therefore equal to 2½ asses. Hence the name, which is an abbreviation of semis tertius (sc. nummus), the Roman mode of expressing 2½. The word nummus is often expressed with sestertius, and often it stands alone, meaning sestertius. Hence the symbol HS or IIS, which is used to designate the sestertius. It stands either for LLS (Libra Libra et Semis), or for IIS, the two I’s merely forming the numeral two (sc. asses or librae), and the whole being in either case equivalent to dupondius et semis. When the as was reduced to half an ounce, and the number of asses in the denarius was made sixteen instead of ten [AS, DENARIUS], the sestertius was still ¼ of the denarius, and therefore contained no longer 2½, but 4 asses. The old reckoning of 10 asses to the denarius was kept, however, in paying the troops. After this change the sestertius was coined in brass as well as in silver; the metal used for it was that called aurichalcum, which was much finer than the common aes, of which the asses were made. The sum of 1000 sestertii was called sestertium. This was also denoted by the symbol HS, the obvious explanation of which is “IIS (2½ millia).” The sestertium was always a sum of money, never a coin; the coin used in the payment of large sums was the denarius. According to the value we have assigned to the DENARIUS, up to the time of Augustus, we have--

£. s. d. farth. the sestertius = 0 0 2 ·5 the sestertium = 8 17 1 After the reign of Augustus-- the sestertius = 0 0 1 3·5 the sestertium = 7 16 3

The sestertius was the denomination of money almost always used in reckoning considerable amounts. There are a very few examples of the use of the denarius for this purpose. The mode of reckoning was as follows:--Sestertius = sestertius nummus = nummus. Sums below 1000 sestertii were expressed by the numeral adjectives joined with either of these forms. The sum of 1000 sestertii = mille sestertii = M sestertium (for sestertiorum) = M nummi = M nummum (for nummorum) = M sestertii nummi = M sestertium nummum = sestertium. These forms are used with the numeral adjectives below 1000: sometimes millia is used instead of sestertia: sometimes both words are omitted: sometimes nummum or sestertium is added. For example, 600,000 sestertii = sescenta sestertia = sescenta millia = sescenta = sescenta sestertia nummum. For sums of a thousand sestertia (i.e. a million sestertii) and upwards, the numeral adverbs in ies (decies, undecies, vicies, &c.) are used, with which the words centena millia (a hundred thousand) must be understood. With these adverbs the neuter singular sestertium is joined in the case required by the construction. Thus, decies sestertium = decies centena millia sestertium = ten times a hundred thousand sestertii = 1,000,000 sestertii = 1000 sestertia: millies HS = millies centena millia sestertium = a thousand times one hundred thousand sestertii = 100,000,000 sestertii = 100,000 sestertia. When the numbers are written in cypher, it is often difficult to know whether sestertii or sestertia are meant. A distinction is sometimes made by a line placed over the numeral when sestertia are intended, or in other words, when the numeral is an adverb in ies. Thus

HS. M.C. = 1100 sestertii, but HS. M̄.C̄. = HS millies centies = 110,000 sestertia = 110,000,000 sestertii.

Sesterce is sometimes used as an English word. If so, it ought to be used only as the translation of sestertius, never of sestertium.

SĒVIR. [EQUITES.]

SEX SUFFRĀGĬA. [EQUITES.]

SEXTANS. [AS.]

SEXTĀRĬUS, a Roman dry and liquid measure. It was one-sixth of the congius, and hence its name. It was divided, in the same manner as the As, into parts named uncia, sextans, quadrans, triens, quincunx, semissis, &c. The uncia, or twelfth part of the sextarius, was the CYATHUS; its sextans was therefore two cyathi, its quadrans three, its triens four, its quincunx five, &c. (See Tables.)

SĬBYLLĪNI LIBRI. These books are said to have been obtained in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, or according to other accounts in that of Tarquinius Superbus, when a Sibyl (Σίβυλλα), or prophetic woman, presented herself before the king, and offered nine books for sale. Upon the king refusing to purchase them, she went and burnt three, and then returned and demanded the same price for the remaining six as she had done for the nine. The king again refused to purchase them, whereupon she burnt three more, and demanded the same sum for the remaining three as she had done at first for the nine; the king’s curiosity now became excited, so that he purchased the books, and then the Sibyl vanished. These books were probably written in Greek, as the later ones undoubtedly were. They were kept in a stone chest under ground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, under the custody of certain officers, at first only two in number, but afterwards increased successively to ten and fifteen, of whom an account is given under DECEMVIRI. The public were not allowed to inspect the books, and they were only consulted by the officers, who had the charge of them, at the special command of the senate. They were not consulted, as the Greek oracles were, for the purpose of getting light concerning future events; but to learn what worship was required by the gods, when they had manifested their wrath by national calamities or prodigies. Accordingly we find that the instruction they give is in the same spirit; prescribing what honour was to be paid to the deities already recognised, or what new ones were to be imported from abroad. When the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was burnt in B.C. 82, the Sibylline books perished in the fire; and in order to restore them, ambassadors were sent to various towns in Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor, to make fresh collections, which on the rebuilding of the temple were deposited in the same place that the former had occupied. The Sibylline books were also called Fata Sibyllina and Libri Fatales. Along with the Sibylline books were preserved, under the guard of the same officers, the books of the two prophetic brothers, the Marcii, the Etruscan prophecies of the nymph Bygoe, and those of Albuna or Albunea of Tibur. Those of the Marcii, which had not been placed there at the time of the battle of Cannae, were written in Latin.

SĪCA, dim. SĪCĪLA, whence the English sickle, a curved dagger, adapted by its form to be concealed under the clothes, and therefore carried by robbers and murderers. Sica may be translated a scimitar, to distinguish it from PUGIO, which denoted a dagger of the common kind. Sicarius, though properly meaning one who murdered with the sica, was applied to murderers in general. Hence the forms de sicariis and inter sicarios were used in the criminal courts in reference to murder. Thus judicium inter sicarios, “a trial for murder;” defendere inter sicarios, “to defend against a charge of murder.”

SĬGILLĀRĬA. [SATURNALIA.]

SIGNA MĪLĬTĀRĬA (σημεῖα, σημαίαι), military ensigns or standards. The most ancient standard employed by the Romans is said to have been a handful of straw fixed to the top of a spear or pole. Hence the company of soldiers belonging to it was called Manipulus. The bundle of hay or fern was soon succeeded by the figures of animals, viz. the eagle, the wolf, the minotaur, the horse, and the boar. These appear to have corresponded to the five divisions of the Roman army as shown on p. 165. The eagle (aquila) was carried by the aquilifer in the midst of the hastati, and we may suppose the wolf to have been carried among the principes, and so on. In the second consulship of Marius, B.C. 104, the four quadrupeds were entirely laid aside as standards, the eagle being alone retained. It was made of silver, or bronze, and with expanded wings, but was probably of a small size, since a standard-bearer (signifer) under Julius Caesar is said in circumstances of danger to have wrenched the eagle from its staff, and concealed it in the folds of his girdle. Under the later emperors the eagle was carried, as it had been for many centuries, with the legion, a legion being on that account sometimes called aquila, and at the same time each cohort had for its own ensign the serpent or dragon (draco, δράκων), which was woven on a square piece of cloth, elevated on a gilt staff, to which a cross-bar was adapted for the purpose, and carried by the draconarius. Another figure used in the standards was a ball (pila), supposed to have been emblematic of the dominion of Rome over the world; and for the same reason a bronze figure of Victory was sometimes fixed at the top of the staff. Under the eagle or other emblem was often placed a head of the reigning emperor, which was to the army the object of idolatrous adoration. The minor divisions of a cohort, called centuries, had also each an ensign, inscribed with the number both of the cohort and of the century. By this provision every soldier was enabled with the greatest ease to take his place. The standard of the cavalry, properly called vexillum, was a square piece of cloth expanded upon a cross in the manner already indicated, and perhaps surmounted by some figure. The following cut, containing several standards, represents the performance of the sacrifice called suovetaurilia. The imperial standard from the time of Constantine was called labarum; on it a figure or emblem of Christ was woven in gold upon purple cloth, and this was substituted for the head of the emperor. Since the movements of a body of troops and of every portion of it were regulated by the standards, all the evolutions, acts, and incidents of the Roman army were expressed by phrases derived from this circumstance. Thus signa inferre meant to advance, referre to retreat, and convertere to face about; efferre, or castris vellere, to march out of the camp; ad signa convenire, to re-assemble. Notwithstanding some obscurity in the use of terms, it appears that, whilst the standard of the legion was properly called aquila, those of the cohorts were in a special sense of the term called signa, their bearers being signiferi, and that those of the manipuli or smaller divisions of the cohort were denominated vexilla, their bearers being vexillarii. In time of peace the standards were kept in the AERARIUM, under the care of the QUAESTOR.

SĬLĬCERNĬUM. [FUNUS.]

SIMPŬLUM or SIMPŬVĬUM, the name of a small cup used in sacrifices, by which libations of wine were offered to the gods. It is represented on the coin figured under SECESPITA. There was a proverbial expression excitare fluctus in simpulo, “to make much ado about nothing.”

SĪPĂRĬUM, a piece of tapestry stretched on a frame, which rose before the stage of the theatre, and consequently answered the purpose of the drop-scene with us, although, contrary to our practice, it was depressed when the play began, so as to go below the level of the stage (aulaea premuntur), and was raised again when the performance was concluded (tolluntur). It appears that human figures were represented upon it, whose feet seemed to rest upon the stage when this screen was drawn up. These figures were sometimes those of Britons woven in the canvass, and raising their arms in the attitude of lifting up a purple curtain, so as to be introduced in the same manner as Atlantes, Persae, and Caryatides. [CARYATIDES.] In a more general sense, siparium denoted any piece of cloth or canvass stretched upon a frame.

SISTRUM (σεῖστρον), a mystical instrument of music, used by the ancient Egyptians in their ceremonies, and especially in the worship of Isis. It was held in the right hand (see cut), and shaken, from which circumstance it derived its name. The introduction of the worship of Isis into Italy shortly before the commencement of the Christian aera made the Romans familiar with this instrument.

SĬTELLA. [SITULA.]

SĪTŎPHỸLĂCES (σιτοφύλακες), a board of officers, chosen by lot, at Athens. They were at first three, afterwards increased to fifteen, of whom ten were for the city, five for the Peiraeus. Their business was partly to watch the arrival of the corn ships, take account of the quantity imported, and see that the import laws were duly observed; partly to watch the sales of corn in the market, and take care that the prices were fair and reasonable, and none but legal weights and measures used by the factors; in which respect their duties were much the same as those of the Agoranomi and Metronomi with regard to other saleable articles.

SĪTOS (σῖτος), corn. The soil of Attica, though favourable to the production of figs, olives, and grapes, was not so favourable for corn; and accordingly a large quantity of corn was annually imported. Exportation was entirely prohibited, nor was any Athenian or resident alien allowed to carry corn to any other place than Athens. Whoever did so, was punishable with death. Of the corn brought into the Athenian port two-thirds was to be brought into the city and sold there. No one might lend money on a ship that did not sail with an express condition to bring a return cargo, part of it corn, to Athens. Strict regulations were made with respect to the sale of corn in the market. Conspiracies among the corn-dealers (σιτοπῶλαι) to buy up the corn (συνωνεῖσθαι), or raise the price (συνιστάναι τὰς τιμὰς), were punished with death. The sale of corn was placed under the supervision of a special board of officers called Sitophylaces (σιτοφύλακες), while that of all other marketable commodities was superintended by the agoranomi. It was their business to see that meal and bread were of the proper quality, and sold at the legal weight and price. Notwithstanding these careful provisions, scarcities (σιτοδεῖαι) frequently occurred at Athens. The state then made great efforts to supply the wants of the people by importing large quantities of corn, and selling it at a low price. Public granaries were kept in the Odeum, Pompeum, Long Porch, and naval storehouse near the sea. Sitonae (σιτῶναι) were appointed to get in the supply and manage the sale. Persons called apodectae (ἀποδέκται) received the corn, measured it out, and distributed it in certain quantities.

SĪTOU DĬCĒ (σίτου δίκη). If anything happened to sever a marriage contract, the husband or his representative was bound to repay the marriage portion (προῖξ); or, if he failed to do so, he was liable to pay interest upon it at the rate of eighteen per cent. per annum. A woman’s fortune was usually secured by a mortgage of the husband’s property; but whether this was so or not, her guardian might bring an action against the party who unjustly withheld it; δίκη προικὸς, to recover the principal, δίκη σίτου, for the interest. The interest was called σῖτος (alimony or maintenance), because it was the income out of which the woman had to be maintained. The word σῖτος is often used generally for provisions, just as we use the word bread.

SĬTŬLA, dim. SĬTELLA (ὑδρία), was probably a bucket or pail for drawing and carrying water, but was more usually applied to the vessel from which lots were drawn. The diminutive sitella, however, was more commonly used in this signification. It appears that the vessel was filled with water (as among the Greeks, whence the word ὑδρία), and that the lots (sortes) were made of wood; and as, though increasing in size below, it had a narrow neck, only one lot could come to the top of the water at the same time, when it was shaken. The vessel used for drawing lots was also called urna or orca as well as Situla or Sitella. It is important to understand the difference in meaning, between Sitella and Cista, in their use in the comitia and courts of justice, since they have been frequently confounded. The Sitella was the urn, from which the names of the tribes or centuries were drawn out by lot, so that each might have its proper place in voting, and the Cista was the ballot-box into which the tabellae were cast in voting. The Cista seems to have been made of wicker or similar work.

SOCCUS, dim. SOCCŬLUS, was nearly if not altogether equivalent in meaning to CREPIDA, and denoted a slipper or low shoe, which did not fit closely, and was not fastened by any tie. The Soccus was worn by comic actors, and was in this respect opposed to the COTHURNUS.

SŎCĬI (σύμμαχοι). In the early times, when Rome formed equal alliances with any of the surrounding nations, these nations were called Socii. After the dissolution of the Latin league, when the name Latini, or Nomen Latinum, was artificially applied to a great number of Italians, only a few of whom were real inhabitants of the old Latin towns, and the majority of whom had been made Latins by the will and the law of Rome, there necessarily arose a difference between these Latins and the Socii, and the expression Socii Nomen Latinum is one of the old asyndeta, instead of Socii et Nomen Latinum. The Italian allies again must be distinguished from foreign allies. The Italian allies consisted, for the most part, of such nations as had either been conquered by the Romans, or had come under their dominion through other circumstances. When such nations formed an alliance with Rome, they generally retained their own laws; or if they were not allowed this privilege at first, they usually obtained it subsequently. The condition of the Italian allies varied, and mainly depended upon the manner in which they had come under the Roman dominion; but in reality they were always dependent upon Rome. The following are the principal duties which the Italian Socii had to perform towards Rome: they had to send subsidies in troops, money, corn, ships, and other things, whenever Rome demanded them. The number of troops requisite for completing or increasing the Roman armies was decreed every year by the senate, and the consuls fixed the amount which each allied nation had to send; in proportion to its population capable of bearing arms, of which each nation was obliged to draw up accurate lists, called formulae. The consul also appointed the place and time at which the troops of the socii, each part under its own leader, had to meet him and his legions. The infantry of the allies in a consular army was usually equal in numbers to that of the Romans; the cavalry was generally three times the number of the Romans: but these numerical proportions were not always observed. The consuls appointed twelve praefects as commanders of the socii, and their power answered to that of the twelve military tribunes in the consular legions. These praefects, who were probably taken from the allies themselves, and not from the Romans, selected a third of the cavalry, and a fifth of the infantry of the socii, who formed a select detachment for extraordinary cases, and who were called the extraordinarii. The remaining body of the socii was then divided into two parts, called the right and the left wing. The infantry of the wings was, as usual, divided into cohorts, and the cavalry into turmae. In some cases also legions were formed of the socii. Pay and clothing were given to the allied troops by the states or towns to which they belonged, and which appointed quaestors or paymasters for this purpose: but Rome furnished them with provisions at the expense of the republic: the infantry received the same as the Roman infantry, but the cavalry only received two-thirds of what was given to the Roman cavalry. In the distribution of the spoil and of conquered lands they frequently received the same share as the Romans. They were never allowed to take up arms of their own accord, and disputes among them were settled by the senate. Notwithstanding all this, the socii fell gradually under the arbitrary rule of the senate and the magistrates of Rome; and after the year B.C. 173, it even became customary for magistrates, when they travelled through Italy, to demand of the authorities of allied towns to pay homage to them, to provide them with a residence, and to furnish them with beasts of burden when they continued their journey. The only way for the allies to obtain any protection against such arbitrary proceedings, was to enter into a kind of clientela with some influential and powerful Roman. Socii who revolted against Rome were frequently punished with the loss of their freedom, or of the honour of serving in the Roman armies. Such punishments however varied according to circumstances. After the civitas had been granted to all the Italians by the Lex Julia de Civitate (B.C. 90), the relation of the Italian socii to Rome ceased. But Rome had long before this event applied the name Socii to foreign nations also which were allied with Rome, though the meaning of the word in this case differed from that of the Socii Italici. There were two principal kinds of alliances with foreign nations: 1. foedus aequum, such as might be concluded either after a war in which neither party had gained a decisive victory, or with a nation with which Rome had never been at war; 2. a foedus iniquum, when a foreign nation conquered by the Romans was obliged to form the alliance on any terms proposed by the conquerors. In the latter case the foreign nation was to some extent subject to Rome, and obliged to comply with anything that Rome might demand. But all foreign socii, whether they had an equal or unequal alliance, were obliged to send subsidies in troops when Rome demanded them; these troops, however, did not, like those of the Italian socii, serve in the line, but were employed as light-armed soldiers, and were called milites auxiliares, auxiliarii, auxilia, or sometimes auxilia externa. Towards the end of the republic all the Roman allies, whether they were nations or kings, sank down to the condition of mere subjects or vassals of Rome, whose freedom and independence consisted in nothing but a name. [Compare FOEDERATAE CIVITATES.]

SŎDĀLĬTĬUM. [AMBITUS.]

SŌLĀRIUM. [HOROLOGIUM.]

SŎLĔA was the simplest kind of sandal [SANDALIUM], consisting of a sole with little more to fasten it to the foot than a strap across the instep.

SŎLĬDUS. [AURUM.]

SOLĬTAURĪLĬA. [SACRIFICIUM; LUSTRATIO; and woodcut on p. 343.]

SOPHRŌNISTAE. [GYMNASIUM.]

SORTES, lots. It was a frequent practice among the Italian nations to endeavour to ascertain a knowledge of future events by drawing lots (sortes): in many of the ancient Italian temples the will of the gods was consulted in this way, as at Praeneste, Caere, &c. These sortes or lots were usually little tablets or counters, made of wood or other materials, and were commonly thrown into a sitella or urn, filled with water, as is explained under SITULA. The lots were sometimes thrown like dice. The name of sortes was in fact given to anything used to determine chances, and was also applied to any verbal response of an oracle. Various things were written upon the lots according to circumstances, as for instance the names of the persons using them, &c.: it seems to have been a favourite practice in later times to write the verses of illustrious poets upon little tablets, and to draw them out of the urn like other lots, the verses which a person thus obtained being supposed to be applicable to him.

SPĔCŬLĀRĬA. [DOMUS.]

SPĔCŬLĀTŌRES, or EXPLŌRĀTŌRES, were scouts or spies sent before an army, to reconnoitre the ground and observe the movements of the enemy. Under the emperors there was a body of troops called Speculatores, who formed part of the praetorian cohorts, and had the especial care of the emperor’s person.

SPĔCŬLUM (κάτοπτρον, ἔσοπτρον, ἔνοπτρον), a mirror, a looking-glass. The looking-glasses of the ancients were usually made of metal, at first of a composition of tin and copper, but afterwards more frequently of silver. The ancients seem to have had glass mirrors also like ours, consisting of a glass plate covered at the back with a thin leaf of metal. They were manufactured as early as the time of Pliny at the celebrated glass-houses of Sidon, but they must have been inferior to those of metal, since they never came into general use, and are never mentioned by ancient writers among costly pieces of furniture, whereas metal mirrors frequently are. Looking-glasses were generally small, and such as could be carried in the hand. Instead of their being fixed so as to be hung against the wall or to stand upon the table or floor, they were generally held by female slaves before their mistresses when dressing.

SPĔCUS. [AQUAE DUCTUS.]

SPHAERISTĒRIUM. [GYMNASIUM.]

SPĪCŬLUM. [HASTA.]

SPĪRA (σπεῖρα), dim. SPĪRŬLA, the base of a column. This member did not exist in the Doric order of Greek architecture, but was always present in the Ionic and Corinthian, and, besides the bases properly belonging to those orders, there was one called the Attic, which may be regarded as a variety of the Ionic [ATTICURGES]. In the Ionic and Attic the base commonly consisted of two tori (torus superior and torus inferior) divided by a scotia (τρόχιλος), and in the Corinthian of two tori divided by two scotiae. The upper torus was often fluted (ῥαβδωτός), and surmounted by an astragal [ASTRAGALUS], as in the left-hand figure of the annexed woodcut, which shows the form of the base in the Ionic temple of Panops on the Ilissus. The right-hand figure in the same woodcut shows the corresponding part in the temple of Minerva Polias at Athens. In this the upper torus is wrought with a plaited ornament, perhaps designed to represent a rope or cable. In these two temples the spira rests not upon a plinth (plinthus, πλίνθος), but on a podium.

SPŎLĬA. Four words are commonly employed to denote booty taken in war, Praeda, anubiae, Exuviae, Spolia. Of these Praeda bears the most comprehensive meaning, being used for plunder of every description. Manubiae would seem strictly to signify that portion of the spoil which fell to the share of the commander-in-chief, the proceeds of which were frequently applied to the erection of some public building. Exuviae indicates anything stripped from the person of a foe, while Spolia, properly speaking, ought to be confined to armour and weapons, although both words are applied loosely to trophies, such as chariots, standards, beaks of ships and the like, which might be preserved and displayed. Spoils collected on the battlefield after an engagement, or found in a captured town, were employed to decorate the temples of the gods, triumphal arches, porticoes, and other places of public resort, and sometimes in the hour of extreme need served to arm the people; but those which were gained by individual prowess were considered the undoubted property of the successful combatant, and were exhibited in the most conspicuous part of his dwelling, being hung up in the atrium, suspended from the door-posts, or arranged in the vestibulum, with appropriate inscriptions. They were regarded as peculiarly sacred, so that even if the house was sold the new possessor was not permitted to remove them. But while on the one hand it was unlawful to remove spoils, so it was forbidden to replace or repair them when they had fallen down or become decayed through age; the object of this regulation being doubtless to guard against the frauds of false pretenders. Of all spoils the most important were the spolia opima, a term applied to those only which the commander-in-chief of a Roman army stripped in a field of battle from the leader of the foe. Plutarch expressly asserts that Roman history up to his own time afforded but three examples of the spolia opima. The first were said to have been won by Romulus from Acro, king of the Caeninenses, the second by Aulus Cornelius Cossus from Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veientes, the third by M. Claudius Marcellus from Viridomarus, king of the Gaesatae. In all these cases, in accordance with the original institution, the spoils were dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius.

SPONSA, SPONSUS, SPONSĀLĬA. [MATRIMONIUM.]

SPORTŬLA. In the days of Roman freedom, clients were in the habit of testifying respect for their patron by thronging his atrium at an early hour, and escorting him to places of public resort when he went abroad. As an acknowledgment of these courtesies, some of the number were usually invited to partake of the evening meal. After the extinction of liberty, the presence of such guests, who had now lost all political importance, was soon regarded as an irksome restraint, while at the same time many of the noble and wealthy were unwilling to sacrifice the pompous display of a numerous body of retainers. Hence the practice was introduced under the empire of bestowing on each client, when he presented himself for his morning visit, a certain portion of food as a substitute and compensation for the occasional invitation to a regular supper (coena recta), and this dole, being carried off in a little basket provided for the purpose, received the name of sportula. For the sake of convenience it soon became common to give an equivalent in money, the sum established by general usage being a hundred quadrantes. The donation in money, however, did not entirely supersede the sportula given in kind, for we find in Juvenal a lively description of a great man’s vestibule crowded with dependents, each attended by a slave bearing a portable kitchen to receive the viands and keep them hot while they were carried home. Under the empire great numbers of the lower orders derived their whole sustenance, and the funds for ordinary expenditure, exclusively from this source, while even the highborn did not scruple to increase their incomes by taking advantage of the ostentatious profusion of the rich and vain.

STĂDĬUM (ὁ στάδιος and τὸ στάδιον), a Greek measure of length, and the chief one used for itinerary distances. It was equal to 600 Greek or 625 Roman feet, or to 125 Roman paces; and the Roman mile contained 8 stadia. Hence the stadium contained 606 feet 9 inches English. This standard prevailed throughout Greece, under the name of the Olympic stadium, so called because it was the exact length of the stadium or foot-race course at Olympia, measured between the pillars at the two extremities of the course. The first use of the measure seems to be contemporaneous with the formation of the stadium at Olympia when the Olympic games were revived by Iphitus (B.C. 884 or 828). This distance doubled formed the δίαυλος, the ἱππικον was 4 stadia, and the δόλιχος is differently stated at 6, 7, 8, 12, 20, and 24 stadia. A day’s journey by land was reckoned at 200 or 180 stadia, or for an army 150 stadia. The stadium at Olympia was used not only for the foot-race, but also for the other contests which were added to the games from time to time [OLYMPIA], except the horse-races, for which a place was set apart, of a similar form with the stadium, but larger; this was called the Hippodrome (ἱππόδρομος). The name stadium was also given to all other places throughout Greece wherever games were celebrated. The stadium was an oblong area terminated at one end by a straight line, at the other by a semicircle having the breadth of the stadium for its base. Round this area were ranges of seats rising above one another in steps.

STĀTĒR (στατῆρ), which means simply a standard (in this case both of weight and more particularly of money), was the name of the principal gold coin of Greece, which was also called Chrysus (χρυσοῦς). The stater is said to have been first coined in Lydia by Croesus, and probably did not differ materially from the stater which was afterwards current in Greece, and which was equal in weight to two drachmae, and in value to twenty. The Macedonian stater, which was the one most in use after the time of Philip and his son Alexander the Great, was of the value of about 1_l._ 3_s._ 6_d._ In calculating the value of the stater in our money the ratio of gold to silver must not be overlooked. Thus the stater of Alexander, which we have valued, according to the present worth of gold, at 1_l._ 3_s._ 6_d._, passed for twenty drachmae, which, according to the present value of silver, were worth only 16_s._ 3_d._ But the former is the true worth of the stater, the difference arising from the greater value of silver in ancient times than now.

STĂTĬŌNES. [CASTRA.]

STĂTOR, a public servant, who attended on the Roman magistrates in the provinces. The Statores seem to have derived their name from standing by the side of the magistrate, and thus being at hand to execute all his commands; they appear to have been chiefly employed in carrying letters and messages.

STĀTŬĀRĬA ARS is in its proper sense the art of making statues or busts, whether they consist of stone or metal or other materials, and includes the art of making the various kinds of reliefs (alto, basso, and mezzo relievo). These arts in their infant state existed among the Greeks from time immemorial. There is no material applicable to statuary which was not used by the Greeks. As soft clay is capable of being shaped without difficulty into any form, and is easily dried, either by being exposed to the sun or by being baked, we may consider this substance to have been the earliest material of which figures were made. The name plastic art (ἡ πλαστική), by which the ancients sometimes designate the art of statuary, properly signifies to form or shape a thing of clay. The second material was wood, and figures made of wood were called ξόανα, from ξέω, “polish” or “carve.” It was chiefly used for making images of the gods, and probably more on account of the facility of working in it, than for any other reason. Stone was little used in statuary during the early ages of Greece, though it was not altogether unknown, as we may infer from the relief on the Lion-gate of Mycenae. In Italy, where the soft peperino afforded an easy material for working, stone appears to have been used at an earlier period and more commonly than in Greece. But in the historical times the Greeks used all the principal varieties of marble for their statues. Different kinds of marble and of different colours were sometimes used in one and the same statue, in which case the work is called Polylithic statuary. Bronze (χάλκος, aes), silver, and gold were used profusely in the state of society described in the Homeric poems. At that period, however, and long after, the works executed in metal were made by means of the hammer, and the different pieces were joined together by pins, rivets, cramps, or other mechanical fastenings, and, as the art advanced, by a kind of glue, cement, or solder. Iron came into use much later, and the art of casting both bronze and iron is ascribed to Rhoecus and to Theodoras of Samos. Ivory was employed at a later period than any of the before-mentioned materials, and then was highly valued both for its beauty and rarity. In its application to statuary, ivory was generally combined with gold, and was used for the parts representing the flesh. The history of ancient art, and of statuary in particular, may be divided into five periods.

I. First Period, from the earliest times till about 580 B.C.--Three kinds of artists may be distinguished in the mythical period. The first consists of gods and daemons; such as Athena, Hephaestus, the Phrygian or Dardanian Dactyli, and the Cabiri. The second contains whole tribes of men distinguished from others by the mysterious possession of superior skill in the practice of the arts, such as the Telchines and the Cyclopes. The third consists of individuals who are indeed described as human beings, but yet are nothing more than personifications of particular branches of art, or the representatives of families of artists. Of the latter the most celebrated is Daedalus, whose name indicates nothing but a smith, or an artist in general, and who is himself the mythical ancestor of a numerous family of artists (Daedalids), which can be traced from the time of Homer to that of Plato, for even Socrates is said to have been a descendant of this family. Smilis (from σμίλη, a carving-knife) exercised his art in Samos, Aegina, and other places, and some remarkable works were attributed to him. Endoeus of Athens is called a disciple of Daedalus. According to the popular traditions of Greece, there was no period in which the gods were not represented in some form or other, and there is no doubt that for a long time there existed no other statues in Greece than those of the gods. The earliest representations of the gods, however, were only symbolic. The presence of a god was indicated by the simplest and most shapeless symbols, such as unhewn blocks of stone (λίθοι ἀργοί), and by simple pillars or pieces of wood. The general name for a representation of a god not consisting of such a rude symbol was ἄγαλμα. In the Homeric poems there are sufficient traces of the existence of statues of the gods; but they probably did not display any artistic beauty. The only work of art which has come down to us from the heroic age is the relief above the ancient gate of Mycenae, representing two lions standing on their hind legs, with a sort of pillar between them (woodcut under MURUS). The time which elapsed between the composition of the Homeric poems and the beginning of the fifth century before our aera may be termed the age of discovery; for nearly all the inventions, upon the application of which the development of the arts is dependent, are assigned to this period. Glaucus of Chios or Samos is said to have invented the art of soldering metal (σιδήρου κόλλησις). The two artists most celebrated for their discoveries were the two brothers Telecles and Theodoras of Samos, about the time of Polycrates. They invented the art of casting figures of metal. During the whole of this period, though marble and bronze began to be extensively applied, yet wood was more generally used for representations of the gods. These statues were painted [PICTURA], and in most cases dressed in the most gorgeous attire. The style in which they are executed is called the archaic or the hieratic style. The figures are stiff and clumsy, the countenances have little or no individuality, the eyes long and small, and the outer angles turned a little upwards; the mouth, which is likewise drawn upwards at the two corners, has a smiling appearance. The hair is carefully worked, but looks stiff and wiry, and hangs generally down in straight lines, which are curled at the ends. The arms hang down the sides of the body, unless the figure carries something in its hands. The drapery is likewise stiff, and the folds are very symmetrical and worked with little regard to nature.

II. Second Period, from 580 to 480 B.C.--The number of artists who flourished during this period is truly astonishing. The Ionians of Asia Minor and the islanders of the Aegean, who had previously been in advance of the other Greeks in the exercise of the fine arts, had their last flourishing period from 560 to 528 B.C. Works in metal were produced in high perfection in Samos, in Aegina and Argos, while Chios gained the greatest reputation from its possessing the earliest great school of sculptors in marble, in which Bupalus and Anthermus were the most distinguished about 540 B.C. Their works were scattered over various parts of Greece, and their value may be inferred from the fact that Augustus adorned with them the pediment of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine. Sicyon also possessed a celebrated school of sculptors in marble, and about 580 B.C. Dipoenus and Scyllis, who had come from Crete, were at the head of it, and executed several marble statues of gods. Respecting Magna Graecia and Sicily we know few particulars, though it appears that the arts here went on improving and continued to be in advance of the mother-country. The most celebrated artists in southern Italy were Dameas of Croton, and Pythagoras of Rhegium. In Athens the arts made great progress under the patronage of the Pisistratids. The most celebrated among the Athenian sculptors of this period were Critias and Hegias, or Hegesias, both distinguished for their works in bronze. The former of them made in 477 B.C. the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton. Argos also distinguished itself, and it is a curious circumstance, that the greatest Attic artists with whom the third period opens, and who brought the Attic art to its culminating point, are disciples of the Argive Ageladas (about 516 B.C.) In the statues of the gods (ἀγάλματα), which were made for temples as objects of worship, the hieratic style was more or less conscientiously retained, and it is therefore not in these statues that we have to seek for proofs of the progress of art. But even in temple-statues wood began to give way to other and better materials. Besides bronze, marble also, and ivory and gold were now applied to statues of the gods, and it was not uncommon to form the body of a statue of wood, and to make its head, arms, and feet of stone (ἀκρόλιθοι), or to cover the whole of such a wooden figure with ivory and gold. From the statues of the gods erected for worship we must distinguish those statues which were dedicated in temples as ἀναθήματα, and which now became customary instead of craters, tripods, &c. In these the artists were not only not bound to any traditional or conventional forms, but were, like the poets, allowed to make free use of mythological subjects, to add, and to omit, or to modify the stories, so as to render them more adapted for their artistic purposes. A third class of statues, which were erected during this period in great numbers, were those of the victors in the national games, and, though more rarely, of other distinguished persons (ἀνδριάντες). Those of the latter kind appear generally to have been portraits (εἰκόνες, statuae iconicae). The first iconic statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton were made by Antenor in 509 B.C., and in 477 B.C. new statues of the same persons were made by Critias. It was also at the period we are now describing that it became customary to adorn the pediments, friezes, and other parts of temples with reliefs or groups of statues of marble. We still possess two great works of this kind which are sufficient to show their general character during this period. 1. The Selinuntine Marbles, or the metopes of two temples on the acropolis of Selinus in Sicily, which were discovered in 1823, and are at present in the Museum of Palermo. 2. The Aeginetan Marbles, which were discovered in 1812 in the island of Aegina, and are now at Munich. They consist of eleven statues, which adorned two pediments of a temple of Athena, and represent the goddess leading the Aeacids against Troy, and contain manifest allusions to the war of the Greeks with the Persians.

III. Third Period, from 480 to 336 B.C.--During this period Athens was the centre of the fine arts in Greece. Statuary went hand in hand with the other arts and with literature: it became emancipated from its ancient fetters, from the stiffness and conventional forms of former times, and reached its culminating point in the sublime and mighty works of Phidias. His career begins about 452 B.C. The genius of this artist was so great and so generally recognised, that all the great works which were executed in the age of Pericles were placed under his direction, and thus the whole host of artists who were at that time assembled at Athens were engaged in working out his designs and ideas. Of these we have still some remains:--1. Parts of the eighteen sculptured metopes, together with the frieze of the small sides of the cella of the temple of Theseus. Ten of the metopes represent the exploits of Hercules, and the eight others those of Theseus. The figures in the frieze are manifestly gods, but their meaning is uncertain. Casts of these figures are in the British Museum. 2. A considerable number of the metopes of the Parthenon, which are all adorned with reliefs in marble, a great part of the frieze of the cella, some colossal figures, and a number of fragments of the two pediments of this temple. The greater part of these works is now in the British Museum, where they are collected under the name of the Elgin Marbles. Besides the sculptures of these temples, there are also similar ornaments of other temples extant, which show the influence which the school of Phidias exercised in various parts of Greece. Of these the most important are, the Phigalian marbles, which belonged to the temple of Apollo Epicurius, built about 436 B.C., by Ictinus. They were discovered in 1812, and consist of twenty-three plates of marble belonging to the inner frieze of the cella. They are now in the British Museum. The subjects represented in them are fights with Centaurs and Amazons, and one plate shows Apollo and Artemis drawn in a chariot by stags. About the same time that the Attic school rose to its highest perfection under Phidias, the school of Argos was likewise raised to its summit by Polycletus. The art of making bronze statues of athletes was carried by him to the greatest perfection: ideal youthful and manly beauty was the sphere in which he excelled. One of his statues, a youthful Doryphorus, was made with such accurate observation of the proportions of the parts of the body, that it was looked upon by the ancient artists as a canon of rules on this point. Myron of Eleutherae, about 432 B.C., adhered to a closer imitation of nature than Polycletus, and as far as the impression upon the senses was concerned, his works were most pleasing. The cow of Myron in bronze was celebrated in all antiquity. The change which took place after the Peloponnesian war in the public mind at Athens could not fail to show its influence upon the arts also. It was especially Scopas of Paros and Praxiteles of Athens, about one generation after Myron and Polycletus, who gave the reflex of their time in their productions. Their works expressed the softer feelings and an excited state of mind, such as would make a strong impression upon and captivate the senses of the beholders. Both were distinguished as sculptors in marble, and both worked in the same style; the legendary circles to which most of their ideal productions belong are those of Dionysus and Aphrodite, a fact which also shows the character of the age. Cephissodorus and Timarchus were sons of Praxiteles. There were several works of the former at Rome in the time of Pliny; he made his art subservient to passions and sensual desires. Most of the above-mentioned artists, however widely their works differed from those of the school of Phidias, may yet be regarded as having only continued and developed its principles of art in a certain direction; but towards the end of this period Euphranor and Lysippus of Sicyon carried out the principles of the Argive school of Polycletus. Their principal object was to represent the highest possible degree of physical beauty and of athletic and heroic power. The chief characteristic of Lysippus and his school is a close imitation of nature, which even contrived to represent bodily defects in some interesting manner, as in his statues of Alexander.

IV. Fourth Period, from 336 to 146 B.C.--During the first fifty years of this period the schools of Praxiteles and Lysippus continued to flourish, especially in works of bronze; but after this time bronze statues were seldom made, until the art was carried on with new vigour at Athens about the end of the period. The school of Lysippus gave rise to that of Rhodes, where his disciple Chares formed the most celebrated among the hundred colossal statues of the sun. It was seventy cubits high, and partly of metal. It stood near the harbour, and was thrown down by an earthquake about 225 B.C. Antiquarians assign to this part of the fourth period several very beautiful works still extant, as the magnificent group of Laocoon and his sons, which was discovered in 1506 near the baths of Titus, and is at present at Rome. This is, next to the Niobe, the most beautiful group among the extant works of ancient art; it was according to Pliny the work of three Rhodian artists: Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus. The celebrated Farnesian bull is likewise the work of two Rhodian artists, Apollonius and Tauriscus. In the various kingdoms which arose out of the conquests of Alexander the arts were more or less cultivated. Not only were the great master-works of former times copied to adorn the new capitals, but new schools of artists sprang up in several of them. At Pergamus the celebrated groups were composed which represented the victories of Attalus and Eumenes over the Gauls. It is believed by some that the so-called dying gladiator at Rome is a statue of a Gaul, which originally belonged to one of these groups. The Borghese gladiator in the Louvre is supposed to be the work of an Ephesian Agasias, and to have originally formed a part of such a battle-scene. About the close of this period, and for more than a century afterwards, the Romans, in the conquest of the countries where the arts had flourished, made it a regular practice to carry away the works of art. The triumphs over Philip, Antiochus, the Aetolians, the Gauls in Asia, Perseus, Pseudo-Philip, and above all the taking of Corinth, and subsequently the victories over Mithridates and Cleopatra, filled the Roman temples and porticoes with the greatest variety of works of art. The sacrilegious plunder of temples and the carrying away of the sacred statues from the public sanctuaries became afterwards a common practice. The manner in which Verres acted in Sicily is but one of many instances of the extent to which these robberies were carried on. The emperors, especially Augustus, Caligula, and Nero, followed these examples, and the immense number of statues which, notwithstanding all this, remained at Rhodes, Delphi, Athens, and Olympia, is truly astonishing.--We can only briefly advert to the history of statuary among the Etruscans and Romans down to the year 146 B.C. The Etruscans were on the whole an industrious and enterprising people. With the works of Grecian art they must have become acquainted at an early time through their intercourse with the Greeks of southern Italy, whose influence upon the art of the Etruscans is evident in numerous cases. The whole range of the fine arts was cultivated by the Etruscans at an early period. Statuary in clay (which here supplied the place of wood, ξόανα, used in Greece) and in bronze appears to have acquired a high degree of perfection. In 267 B.C. no fewer than 2000 bronze statues are said to have existed at Volsinii, and numerous works of Etruscan art are still extant, which show great vigour and life, though they do not possess a very high degree of beauty. Some of their statues are worked in a Greek style; others are of a character peculiar to themselves, and entirely different from works of Grecian art, being stiff and ugly: others again are exaggerated and forced in their movements and attitudes, and resemble the figures which we meet with in the representations of Asiatic nations. The Romans previously to the time of the first Tarquin are said to have had no images of the gods; and for a long time afterwards their statues of gods in clay or wood were made by Etruscan artists. During the early part of the republic the works executed at Rome were altogether of a useful and practical, and not of an ornamental character; and statuary was in consequence little cultivated. But in the course of time the senate and the people, as well as foreign states which desired to show their gratitude to some Roman, began to erect bronze statues to distinguished persons in the Forum and other places.

V. Fifth Period, from B.C. 146 to the fall of the Western Empire.--During this period Rome was the capital of nearly the whole of the ancient world, not through its intellectual superiority, but by its military and political power. But it nevertheless became the centre of art and literature, as the artists resorted thither from all parts of the empire for the purpose of seeking employment in the houses of the great. The mass of the people, however, had as little taste for and were as little concerned about the arts as ever. In the time of Nero, who did much for the arts, we meet with Zenodorus, a founder of metal statues, who was commissioned by the emperor to execute a colossal statue of 110 feet high, representing Nero as the Sun. In the reign of Hadrian the arts seem to begin a new aera. He himself was undoubtedly a real lover of art, and encouraged it not only at Rome, but in Greece and Asia Minor. The great Villa of Hadrian below Tivoli, the ruins of which cover an extent of ten Roman miles in circumference, was richer in works of art than any other place in Italy. Here more works of art have been dug out of the ground than anywhere else within the same compass. Some statues executed at this time are worthy of the highest admiration. Foremost among these stand the statues and busts of Antinous, for whom the emperor entertained a passionate partiality, and who was represented in innumerable works of art. The colossal bust of Antinous in the Louvre is reckoned one of the finest works of ancient art, and is placed by some critics on an equality with the best works that Greece has produced. There are also some very good works in red marble which are referred to this period, as that material is not known to have been used before the age of Hadrian. As the arts had received such encouragement and brought forth such fruits in the reign of Hadrian, the effects remained visible for some time during the reigns of the Antonines. The frieze of a temple, which the senate caused to be erected to Antoninus Pius and Faustina, is adorned with griffins and vessels of very exquisite workmanship. The best among the extant works of this time are the equestrian statue of M. Aurelius of gilt bronze, which stands on the Capitol, and the column of M. Aurelius with reliefs representing scenes of his war against the Marcomanni. After the time of the Antonines the symptoms of decline in the arts became more and more visible. The most numerous works continued to be busts and statues of the emperors, but the best among them are not free from affectation and mannerism. In the time of Caracalla many statues were made, especially of Alexander the Great. Alexander Severus was a great admirer of statues, not from a genuine love of art, but because he delighted in the representations of great and good men. The reliefs on the triumphal arch of Septimius Severus, representing his victories over the Parthians, Arabs, and Adiabenians, have scarcely any artistic merits. Art now declined with great rapidity: busts and statues were more seldom made than before, and are awkward and poor; the hair is frequently indicated by nothing else but holes bored in the stone. The reliefs on the sarcophagi gradually become monotonous and lifeless. The reliefs on the arch of Constantine, which are not taken from that of Trajan, are perfectly rude and worthless, and those on the column of Theodosius were not better. Before concluding, it remains to say a few words on the destruction of ancient works of art. During the latter part of the reign of Constantine many statues of the gods were destroyed, and not long after his time a systematic destruction began, which under Theodosius spread to all parts of the empire. The spirit of destruction, however, was not directed against works of art in general and as such, but only against the pagan idols. The opinion, therefore, which is entertained by some, that the losses we have sustained in works of ancient art, are mainly attributable to the introduction of Christianity, is too sweeping and general. Of the same character is another opinion, according to which the final decay of ancient art was a consequence of the spiritual nature of the new religion. The coincidence of the general introduction of Christianity with the decay of the arts is merely accidental. That the early Christians did not despise the arts as such, is clear from several facts. We know that they erected statues to their martyrs, of which we have a specimen in that of St. Hippolytus in the Vatican library. The numerous works, lastly, which have been found in the Christian catacombs at Rome, might alone be a sufficient proof that the early Christians were not hostile towards the representation of the heroes of their religion in works of art. In fact, Christianity during the middle ages became as much the mother of the arts of modern times, as the religion of Greece was the mother of ancient art. Another very general and yet incorrect notion is, that the northern barbarians after the conquest of Rome intentionally destroyed works of art. This opinion is not supported by any of the contemporary historians, nor is it at all probable. The barbarians were only anxious to carry with them the most precious treasures in order to enrich themselves; a statue must have been an object of indifference to them. What perished, perished naturally by the circumstances and calamities of the times. In times of need bronze statues were melted down and the material used for other purposes; marble statues were frequently broken to pieces and used for building materials. If we consider the history of Rome during the first centuries after the conquest of Italy by the Germans, we have every reason to wonder that so many specimens of ancient art have come down to our times. The greatest destruction, at one time, of ancient works of art is supposed to have occurred at the taking of Constantinople, in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Among the few works saved from this devastation are the celebrated bronze horses which now decorate the exterior of St. Mark’s church at Venice. They have been ascribed, but without sufficient authority, to Lysippus.

STĬLUS or STỸLUS is in all probability the same word with the Greek στύλος, and conveys the general idea of an object tapering like an architectural column. It signifies, (1) An iron instrument, resembling a pencil in size and shape, used for writing upon waxed tablets. At one end it was sharpened to a point for scratching the characters upon the wax, while the other end, being flat and circular, served to render the surface of the tablets smooth again, and so to obliterate what had been written. Thus, vertere stilum means to erase, and hence to correct. The stylus was also termed graphium, and the case in which it was kept graphiarium.--(2) A sharp stake or spike placed in pitfalls before an entrenchment, to embarrass the progress of an attacking enemy.

STIPENDĬĀRĬI. The stipendiariae urbes of the Roman provinces were so denominated, as being subject to the payment of a fixed money-tribute, stipendium, in contradistinction to the vectigales, who paid a certain portion as a tenth or twentieth of the produce of their lands, their cattle, or customs. The word stipendium was used to signify the tribute paid, as it was originally imposed for and afterwards appropriated to the purpose of furnishing the Roman soldiers with pay. The condition of the urbes stipendiariae is generally thought to have been more honourable than that of the vectigales, but the distinction between the two terms was not always observed. The word stipendiarius is also applied to a person who receives a fixed salary or pay, as a stipendiarius miles.

STĪPENDĬUM, a pension or pay, from stipem and pendo, because before silver was coined at Rome the copper-money in use was paid by weight and not by tale. According to Livy, the practice of giving pay to the Roman soldiers was not introduced till B.C. 405, on the occasion of the taking of Tarracina or Anxur. It is probable, however, that they received pay before this time, but, since it was not paid regularly, its first institution was referred to this year. In B.C. 403 a certain amount of pay was assigned to the knights also, or EQUITES, p. 156, b. This, however, had reference to the citizens who possessed an equestrian fortune, but had no horse (equus publicus) assigned to them by the state, for it had always been customary for the knights of the 18 centuries to receive pay out of the common treasury, in the shape of an allowance for the purchase of a horse, and a yearly pension of 2000 asses for its keep. [AES EQUESTRE; AES HORDEARIUM.] In the time of the republic the pay of a legionary soldier amounted to two oboli, or 3⅓ asses; a centurion received double, and an eques or horseman triple. Polybius states that foot soldiers also received in corn every month an allowance (demensum) of ⅔ of an Attic medimnus, or about 2 bushels of wheat: the horsemen 7 medimni of barley and 2 of wheat. The infantry of the allies received the same allowance as the Roman: the horsemen 1⅓ medimni of wheat and 5 of barley. But there was this difference, that the allied forces received their allowances as a gratuity; the Roman soldiers, on the contrary, had deducted from their pay the money value of whatever they received in corn, armour, or clothes. There was indeed a law passed by C. Gracchus, which provided that besides their pay the soldiers should receive from the treasury an allowance for clothes; but this law seems either to have been repealed or to have fallen into disuse. The pay was doubled for the legionaries by Julius Caesar before the civil war. He also gave them corn whenever he had the means, without any restrictions. Under Augustus it appears to have been raised to 10 asses a day (three times the original sum). It was still further increased by Domitian. The praetorian cohorts received twice as much as the legionaries.

STŎLA, a female dress worn over the tunic; it came as low as the ankles or feet, and was fastened round the body by a girdle, leaving above the breast broad folds. The tunic did not reach much below the knee, but the essential distinction between the tunic and stola seems to have been that the latter always had an instita or flounce sewed to the bottom and reaching to the instep. Over the stola the palla or pallium was worn [PALLIUM], as we see in the cut annexed. The stola was the characteristic dress of the Roman matrons, as the toga was of the Roman men. Hence the meretrices were not allowed to wear it, but only a dark-coloured toga; and accordingly Horace speaks of the matrona in contradistinction to the togata. For the same reason, women who had been divorced from their husbands on account of adultery, were not allowed to wear the stola, but only the toga.

STRĂTĒGUS (στρατηγός), general. This office and title seems to have been more especially peculiar to the democratic states of ancient Greece: we read of them, for instance, at Athens, Tarentum, Syracuse, Argos, and Thurii; and when the tyrants of the Ionian cities in Asia Minor were deposed by Aristagoras, he established strategi in their room, to act as chief magistrates. The strategi at Athens were instituted after the remodelling of the constitution by Clisthenes, to discharge the duties which had in former times been performed either by the king or the archon polemarchus. They were ten in number, one for each of the ten tribes, and chosen by the suffrages (χειροτονία) of the people. Before entering on their duties they were required to submit to a docimasia, or examination of their character; and no one was eligible to the office unless he had legitimate children, and was possessed of landed property in Attica. They were, as their name denotes, entrusted with the command on military expeditions, with the superintendence of all warlike preparations, and with the regulation of all matters in any way connected with the war department of the state. They levied and enlisted the soldiers, either personally or with the assistance of the taxiarchs. They were entrusted with the collection and management of the property-taxes (εἰσφοραί) raised for the purposes of war; and also presided over the courts of justice in which any disputes connected with this subject or the trierarchy were decided. They nominated from year to year persons to serve as trierarchs. They had the power of convening extraordinary assemblies of the people in cases of emergency. But their most important trust was the command in war, and it depended upon circumstances to how many of the number it was given. At Marathon all the ten were present, and the chief command came to each of them in turn. The archon polemarchus also was there associated with them, and, according to the ancient custom, his vote in a council of war was equal to that of any of the generals. Usually, however, three only were sent out; one of these (τρίτος αὐτός) was considered as the commander-in-chief, but his colleagues had an equal voice in a council of war. The military chiefs of the Aetolian and Achaean leagues were also called strategi. The Achaean strategi had the power of convening a general assembly of the league on extraordinary occasions. Greek writers on Roman affairs give the name of strategi to the praetors.

STRĒNA, a present given on a festive day, and for the sake of good omen. It was chiefly applied to a new year’s gift, to a present made on the calends of January. In accordance with a senatusconsultum, new year’s gifts had to be presented to Augustus in the Capitol, even when he was absent.

STRĬGIL. [BALNEUM.]

STRŎPHĬUM (ταινία, ταινίδιον, ἀπόδεσμος), a girdle or belt worn by women round the breast and over the inner tunic or chemise. It appears to have been usually made of leather.

STUPRUM. [ADULTERIUM.]

SUBSIGNĀNI, privileged soldiers in the time of the empire, who fought under a standard by themselves, and did not form part of the legion. They seem to have been the same as the vexillarii.

SUFFRĀGĬA SEX. [EQUITES.]

SUFFRĀGĬUM, a vote. At Athens the voting in the popular assemblies and the courts of justice was either by show of hands (χειροτονία) or by ballot (ψῆφος). Respecting the mode of voting at Rome, see COMITIA, p. 107, and LEGES TABELLARIAE.

SUGGESTUS, means in general any elevated place made of materials heaped up (sub and gero), and is specially applied: (1) To the stage or pulpit from which the orators addressed the people in the comitia. [ROSTRA.]--(2) To the elevation from which a general addressed the soldiers.--(3) To the elevated seat from which the emperor beheld the public games, also called cubiculum. [CUBICULUM.]

SUOVĔTAURĪLĬA. [SACRIFICIUM, p. 325; LUSTRATIO; and woodcut on p. 343.]

SUPPĂRUM. [NAVIS, p. 267, b.]

SUPPLĬCĀTĬO, a solemn thanksgiving or supplication to the gods, decreed by the senate, when all the temples were opened, and the statues of the gods frequently placed in public upon couches (pulvinaria), to which the people offered up their thanksgivings and prayers. [LECTISTERNIUM.] A supplicatio was decreed for two different reasons. 1. As a thanksgiving, when a great victory had been gained: it was usually decreed as soon as official intelligence of the victory had been received by a letter from the general in command. The number of days during which it was to last was proportioned to the importance of the victory. Sometimes it was decreed for only one day, but more commonly for three or five days. A supplication of ten days was first decreed in honour of Pompey at the conclusion of the war with Mithridates, and one of fifteen days after the victory over the Belgae by Caesar, an honour which had never been granted to any one before. Subsequently a supplicatio of twenty days was decreed after his conquest of Vercingetorix. A supplicatio was usually regarded as a prelude to a triumph, but it was not always followed by one. This honour was conferred upon Cicero on account of his suppression of the conspiracy of Catiline, which had never been decreed to any one before in a civil capacity (togatus).--2. A supplicatio, a solemn supplication and humiliation, was also decreed in times of public danger and distress, and on account of prodigies, to avert the anger of the gods.

SȲCŎPHANTĒS (συκοφάντης). At an early period in Attic history a law was made prohibiting the exportation of figs. Whether it was made in a time of dearth, or through the foolish policy of preserving to the natives the most valuable of their productions, we cannot say. It appears, however, that the law continued in force long after the cause of its enactment, or the general belief of its utility, had ceased to exist; and Attic fig-growers exported their fruit in spite of prohibitions and penalties. To inform against a man for so doing was considered harsh and vexatious; as all people are apt to think that obsolete statutes may be infringed with impunity. Hence the term συκοφαντεῖν, which originally signified to lay an information against another for exporting figs, came to be applied to all ill-natured, malicious, groundless, and vexatious accusations. Sycophantes in the time of Aristophanes and Demosthenes designated a person of a peculiar class, not capable of being described by any single word in our language, but well understood and appreciated by an Athenian. He had not much in common with our sycophant, but was a happy compound of the common barrator, informer, pettifogger, busybody, rogue, liar, and slanderer. The Athenian law permitted any citizen (τὸν βουλόμενον) to give information against public offenders, and prosecute them in courts of justice. It was the policy of the legislator to encourage the detection of crime, and a reward (such as half the penalty) was frequently given to the successful accuser. Such a power, with such a temptation, was likely to be abused, unless checked by the force of public opinion, or the vigilance of the judicial tribunals. Unfortunately, the character of the Athenian democracy and the temper of the judges furnished additional incentives to the informer. Eminent statesmen, orators, generals, magistrates, and all persons of wealth and influence were regarded with jealousy by the people. The more causes came into court, the more fees accrued to the judges, and fines and confiscations enriched the public treasury. The prosecutor therefore in public causes, as well as the plaintiff in civil, was looked on with a more favourable eye than the defendant, and the chances of success made the employment a lucrative one. It was not always necessary to go to trial, or even to commence legal proceedings. The timid defendant was glad to compromise the cause, and the conscious delinquent to avert the threat of a prosecution, by paying a sum of money to his opponent. Thriving informers found it not very difficult to procure witnesses, and the profits were divided between them.

SȲLAE (σῦλαι). When a Greek state, or any of its members, had received an injury or insult from some other state or some of its members, and the former was unwilling, or not in a condition, to declare open war, it was not unusual to give a commission, or grant public authority to individuals to make reprisals. This was called σύλας, or σῦλα, διδόναι. This ancient practice may be compared with the modern one of granting letters of marque and reprisal.

SYLLOGEIS (συλλογεῖς), usually called Συλλογεῖς τοῦ δήμου, or the Collectors of the People, were special commissioners at Athens, who made out a list of the property of the oligarchs previously to its confiscation.

SYMBOLAEON, SỸNALLAGMA, SYNTHĒCĒ (συμβόλαιον, συνάλλαγμα, συνθήκη), are all words used to signify a contract, but are distinguishable from one another. Συμβόλαιον is used of contracts and bargains between private persons, and peculiarly of loans of money. Thus, συμβαλεῖν εἰς ἀνδράποδον is, to lend upon the security of a slave. Συνάλλαγμα signifies any matter negotiated or transacted between two or more persons, whether a contract or anything else. Συνθήκη is used of more solemn and important contracts, not only of those made between private individuals, but also of treaties and conventions between kings and states.

SYMPŎSĬUM (συμπόσιον, comissatio, convivium), a drinking-party. The symposium must be distinguished from the deipnon (δεῖπνον), for though drinking almost always followed a dinner-party, yet the former was regarded as entirely distinct from the latter, was regulated by different customs, and frequently received the addition of many guests, who were not present at the dinner. For the Greeks did not usually drink at their dinner, and it was not till the conclusion of the meal that wine was introduced. Symposia were very frequent at Athens. Their enjoyment was heightened by agreeable conversation, by the introduction of music and dancing, and by games and amusements of various kinds: sometimes, too, philosophical subjects were discussed at them. The symposia of Plato and Xenophon give us a lively idea of such entertainments at Athens. The name itself shows, that the enjoyment of drinking was the main object of the symposia: wine from the juice of the grape (οἴνος ἀμπέλινος) was the only drink partaken of by the Greeks, with the exception of water. The wine was almost invariably mixed with water, and to drink it unmixed (ἄκρατον) was considered a characteristic of barbarians. The mixture was made in a large vessel called the CRATER, from which it was conveyed into the drinking-cups. The guests at a symposium reclined on couches, and were crowned with garlands of flowers. A master of the revels (ἄρχων τῆς πόσεως, συμποσίαρχος, or βασιλεύς) was usually chosen to conduct the symposium, whose commands the whole company had to obey, and who regulated the whole order of the entertainment, proposed the amusements, &c. The same practice prevailed among the Romans, and their symposiarch was called Magister, or Rex Convivii, or the Arbiter Bibendi. The choice was generally determined by the throwing of astragali or tali. The proportion in which the wine and water were mixed was fixed by him, and also how much each of the company was to drink, for it was not usually left to the option of each of the company to drink as much or as little as he pleased. The cups were always carried round from right to left (ἐπὶ δεξιά), and the same order was observed in the conversation, and in everything that took place in the entertainment. The company frequently drank to the health of one another, and each did it especially to the one to whom he handed the same cup. Respecting the games and amusements by which the symposia were enlivened, it is unnecessary to say much here, as most of them are described in separate articles in this work. Enigmas or riddles (αἰνίγματα or γρῖφοι) were among the most usual and favourite modes of diversion. Each of the company proposed one in turn to his right-hand neighbour; if he solved it, he was rewarded with a crown, a garland, a cake, or something of a similar kind, and sometimes with a kiss; if he failed, he had to drink a cup of unmixed wine, or of wine mixed with salt water, at one draught. The cottabos was also another favourite game at symposia, and was played at in various ways. [COTTABUS.] Representations of symposia are very common on ancient vases. Two guests usually reclined on each couch (κλίνη), as is explained on p. 95, but sometimes there were five persons on one couch. A drinking-party among the Romans was sometimes called convivium, but the word comissatio more nearly corresponds to the Greek symposium. [COMISSATIO.] The Romans, however, usually drank during their dinner (coena), which they frequently prolonged during many hours, in the later times of the republic and under the empire. Their customs connected with drinking differed little from those of the Greeks, and have been incidentally noticed above.

SYNDĬCUS (σύνδικος), an advocate, is frequently used as synonymous with the word synegorus (συνήγορος), to denote any one who pleads the cause of another, whether in a court of justice or elsewhere, but was peculiarly applied to those orators who were sent by the state to plead the cause of their countrymen before a foreign tribunal. Aeschines, for example, was appointed to plead before the Amphictyonic council on the subject of the Delian temple; but a certain discovery having been made, not very creditable to his patriotism, the court of Arciopagus took upon themselves to remove him, and appoint Hyperides in his stead. There were other syndici, who acted rather as magistrates or judges than as advocates, though they probably derived their name from the circumstance of their being appointed to protect the interests of the state. These were extraordinary functionaries, created from time to time to exercise a jurisdiction in disputes concerning confiscated property.

SỸNĔDRI (σύνεδροι), a name given to the members of any council, or any body of men who sat together to consult or deliberate. The congress of Greeks at Salamis is called συνέδριον. Frequent reference is made to the general assembly of the Greeks, τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων συνέδριον, at Corinth, Thermopylae, or elsewhere. The congress of the states belonging to the new Athenian alliance, formed after B.C. 377, was called συνέδριον, and the deputies σύνεδροι, and the sums furnished by the allies συντάξεις, in order to avoid the old and hateful name of φόρος or tribute. The name of συνέδριον was given at Athens to any magisterial or official body, as to the court of Areiopagus, or to the place where they transacted business, their board or council-room.

SỸNĒGŎRUS (συνήγορος). In causes of importance, wherein the state was materially interested, more especially in those which were brought before the court upon an εἰσαγγελία, it was usual to appoint public advocates (called συνήγοροι, σύνδικοι, or κατήγοροι) to manage the prosecution. In ordinary cases however the accuser or prosecutor (κατήγορος) was a distinct person from the συνήγορος, who acted only as auxiliary to him. It might be, indeed, that the συνήγορος performed the most important part at the trial, or it might be that he performed a subordinate part, making only a short speech in support of the prosecution, which was called ἐπίλογος. But however this might be, he was in point of law an auxiliary only, and was neither entitled to a share of the reward (if any) given by the law to a successful accuser, nor liable, on the other hand, to a penalty of a thousand drachms, or the ἀτιμία consequent upon a failure to get a fifth part of the votes. The fee of a drachm (τὸ συνηγορικόν) mentioned by Aristophanes was probably the sum paid to the public advocate whenever he was employed on behalf of the state. There appears to have been (at least at one period) a regular appointment of συνήγοροι, ten in number. For what purpose they were appointed, is a matter about which we have no certain information: but it is not unreasonable to suppose that these ten συνήγοροι were no other than the public advocates who were employed to conduct state prosecutions.

SYNGRĂPHĒ (συγγραφή), signifies a written contract: whereas συνθήκη and συμβόλαιον do not necessarily import that the contract is in writing; and ὁμολογία is, strictly speaking, a verbal agreement. At Athens important contracts were usually reduced to writing; such as leases (μισθώσεις), loans of money, and all executory agreements, where certain conditions were to be performed. The whole was contained in a little tablet of wax or wood (βιβλίον or γραμματεῖον, sometimes double, δίπτυχον), which was sealed, and deposited with some third person, mutually agreed on between the parties.

SỸNOIKĬA (συνοίκια).--(1) A festival celebrated every year at Athens on the 16th of Hecatombaeon in honour of Athena. It was believed to have been instituted by Theseus to commemorate the concentration of the government of the various towns of Attica at Athens.--(2) A house adapted to hold several families, a lodging-house, insula, as the Romans would say. The lodging-houses were let mostly to foreigners who came to Athens on business, and especially to the μέτοικοι, whom the law did not allow to acquire real property, and who therefore could not purchase houses of their own. The rent was commonly paid by the month. Lodging-houses were frequently taken on speculation by persons called ναύκληροι or σταθμοῦχοι, who made a profit by underletting them.

SYNTHĔSIS, a garment frequently worn at dinner, and sometimes also on other occasions. As it was inconvenient to wear the toga at table, on account of its many folds, it was customary to have dresses especially appropriated to this purpose, called vestes coenatoriae, or coenatoria, accubitoria, or syntheses. The synthesis appears to have been a kind of tunic, an indumentum rather than an amictus. [AMICTUS.] That it was, however, an easy and comfortable kind of dress, as we should say, seems to be evident from its use at table above mentioned, and also from its being worn by all classes at the SATURNALIA, a season of universal relaxation and enjoyment. More than this respecting its form we cannot say; it was usually dyed with some colour, and was not white, like the toga.

SȲRINX (σύριγξ), the Pan’s pipe, or Pandean pipe, was the appropriate musical instrument of the Arcadian and other Grecian shepherds, and was regarded by them as the invention of Pan, their tutelary god. When the Roman poets had occasion to mention it, they called it fistula. It was formed in general of seven hollow stems of cane or reed, fitted together by means of wax, having been previously cut to the proper lengths, and adjusted so as to form an octave; but sometimes nine were admitted, giving an equal number of notes. A syrinx of eight reeds is represented on p. 278.

SYRMA (σύρμα), which properly means that which is drawn or dragged (from σύρω), is applied to a dress with a train. It was more especially the name of the dress worn by the tragic actors, which had a train to it trailing upon the ground. Hence we find syrma used metaphorically for tragedy itself.

SYSSĪTĬA (συσσίτια). The custom of taking the principal meal of the day in public prevailed extensively amongst the Greeks from very early ages, but more particularly in Crete and at Sparta. The Cretan name for the syssitia was Andreia (ἀνδρεῖα), the singular of which is used to denote the building or public hall where they were given. This title affords of itself a sufficient indication that they were confined to men and youths only. All the adult citizens partook of the public meals amongst the Cretans, and were divided into companies or “messes,” called hetaeriae (ἑταιρίαι), or sometimes andreia. The syssitia of the Cretans were distinguished by simplicity and temperance. They always sat at their tables, even in later times, when the custom of reclining had been introduced at Sparta. In most of the Cretan cities, the expenses of the syssitia were defrayed out of the revenues of the public lands, and the tribute paid by the perioeci, the money arising from which was applied partly to the service of the gods, and partly to the maintenance of all the citizens, both male and female; so that in this respect there might be no difference between the rich and the poor. The Spartan syssitia were in the main so similar to those of Crete, that one was said to be borrowed from the other. They differed from the Cretan in the following respects. The expenses of the tables at Sparta were not defrayed out of the public revenues, but every head of a family was obliged to contribute a certain portion at his own cost and charge; those who were not able to do so were excluded from the public tables. The guests were divided into companies, generally of fifteen persons each, and all vacancies were filled up by ballot, in which unanimous consent was indispensable for election. No persons, not even the kings, were excused from attendance at the public tables, except for some satisfactory reason, as when engaged in a sacrifice, or a chase, in which latter case the individual was required to send a present to his table. Each person was supplied with a cup of mixed wine, which was filled again when required: but drinking to excess was prohibited at Sparta as well as in Crete. The repast was of a plain and simple character, and the contribution of each member of a mess (φειδίτης) was settled by law. The principal dish was the black broth (μέλας ζωμός), with pork. Moreover, the entertainment was enlivened by cheerful conversation, though on public matters. Singing also was frequently introduced. The arrangements were under the superintendence of the polemarchs.

TĂBELLA, dim. of TĂBŬLA, a billet or tablet, with which each citizen and judex voted in the comitia and courts of justice. For details see pp. 107, 236.

TĂBELLĀRĬUS, a letter-carrier. As the Romans had no public post, they were obliged to employ special messengers, who were called tabellarii, to convey their letters (tabellae, literae), when they had not an opportunity of sending them otherwise.

TĂBERNĀCŬLUM. [TEMPLUM.]

TABLĪNUM. [DOMUS.]

TĂBŬLAE. This word properly means planks or boards, whence it is applied to several objects, as gaming-tables, pictures, but more especially to tablets used for writing. Generally, tabulae and tabellae signify waxen tablets (tabulae ceratae), which were thin pieces of wood, usually of an oblong shape, covered over with wax (cera). The wax was written on by means of the stilus. These tabulae were sometimes made of ivory and citron-wood, but generally of the wood of a more common tree, as the beech, fir, &c. The outer sides of the tablets consisted merely of the wood; it was only the inner sides that were covered over with wax. They were fastened together at the back by means of wires, which answered the purpose of hinges, so that they opened and shut like our books; and to prevent the wax of one tablet nibbing against the wax of the other, there was a raised margin around each, as is clearly seen in the woodcut on p. 354. There were sometimes two, three, four, five, or even more, tablets fastened together in the above-mentioned manner. Two such tablets were called diptycha (δίπτυχα), which merely means “twice-folded” (from πτύσσω, “to fold”), whence we have πτυκτίον, or with the τ omitted, πυκτίον. The Latin word pugillares, which is the name frequently given to tablets covered with wax, may perhaps be connected with the same root, though it is usually derived from pugillus, because they were small enough to be held in the hand. Three tablets fastened together were called triptycha; in the same way we also read of pentaptycha, and of polyptycha or multiplices (cerae). The pages of these tablets were frequently called by the name of cerae alone; thus we read of prima cera, altera cera, “first page,” “second page.” In tablets containing important legal documents, especially wills, the outer edges were pierced through with holes (foramina), through which a triple thread (linum) was passed, and upon which a seal was then placed. This was intended to guard against forgery, and if it was not done such documents were null and void. Waxen tablets were used among the Romans for almost every species of writing, where great length was not required. Thus letters were frequently written upon them, which were secured by being fastened together with packthread and sealed with wax. Legal documents, and especially wills, were almost always written on waxen tablets. Such tablets were also used for accounts, in which a person entered what he received and expended (tabulae or codex accepti et expensi), whence novae tabulae mean an abolition of debts either wholly or in part. The tablets used in voting in the comitia and the courts of justice were also called tabulae, as well as tabellae. [TABELLA.]

TĂBŬLĀRĬI were notaries or accountants, who are first mentioned under this name in the time of the empire. Public notaries, who had the charge of public documents, were also called tabularii. They were first established by M. Antoninus in the provinces, who ordained that the births of all children were to be announced to the tabularii within thirty days from the birth.

TĂBŬLĀRĬUM, a place where the public records (tabulae publicae) were kept. These records were of various kinds, as for instance senatusconsulta, tabulae censoriae, registers of births, deaths, of the names of those who assumed the toga virilis, &c. There were various tabularia at Rome, all of which were in temples; we find mention made of tabularia in the temples of the Nymphs, of Lucina, of Juventus, of Libitina, of Ceres, and more especially in that of Saturn, which was also the public treasury.

TAGUS (ταγός), a leader or general, was more especially the name of the military leader of the Thessalians. He is sometimes called king (βασιλεύς). His command was of a military rather than of a civil nature, and he seems only to have been appointed when there was a war or one was apprehended. We do not know the extent of the power which the Tagus possessed constitutionally, nor the time for which he held the office; probably neither was precisely fixed, and depended on the circumstances of the times and the character of the individual.

TĀLĀRĬA, small wings, fixed to the ancles of Hermes and reckoned among his attributes (πέδιλα, πτηνοπέδιλος). In many works of ancient art they are represented growing from his ancles (see cut, p. 63); but more frequently he is represented with sandals, which have wings fastened to them on each side over the ancles.

TĂLASSĬO. [MATRIMONIUM.]

TĂLENTUM (τάλαντον) meant originally a balance [LIBRA], then the substance weighed, and lastly and commonly a certain weight, the talent. The Greek system of money, as well as the Roman [AS], was founded on a reference to weight. A certain weight of silver among the Greeks, as of copper among the Romans, was used as a representative of a value, which was originally and generally that of the metal itself. The talent therefore and its divisions are denominations of money as well as of weight. The Greek system of weights contained four principal denominations, which, though different in different times and places, and even at the same place for different substances, always bore the same relation to each other. These were the talent (τάλαντον), which was the largest, then the mina (μνᾶ), the drachma (δραχμή), and the obolus (ὀβολός). [See Tables.] The Attic and Aeginetan were the two standards of money most in use in Greece. The Attic mina was 4_l._ 1_s._ 3_d._, and the talent 243_l._ 15_s._ The Aeginetan mina was 5_l._ 14_s._ 7_d._, and the talent 343_l._ 15_s._ The Euboic talent was of nearly the same weight as the Attic. A much smaller talent was in use for gold. It was equal to six Attic drachmae, or about ¾ oz. and 71 grs. It was called the gold talent, or the Sicilian talent, from its being much used by the Greeks of Italy and Sicily. This is the talent always meant when the word occurs in Homer. This small talent explains the use of the term great talent (magnum talentum), which we find in Latin authors, for the silver Attic talent was great in comparison with this. But the use of the word by the Romans is altogether very inexact. Where talents are mentioned in the classical writers without any specification of the standard, we must generally understand the Attic.

TĀLĬO, from Talis, signifies an equivalent, but it is used only in the sense of a punishment or penalty the same in kind and degree as the mischief which the guilty person has done to the body of another. Talio, as a punishment, was a part of the Mosaic law.

TĀLUS (ἀστράγαλος), a huckle-bone. The huckle-bones of sheep and goats were used to play with from the earliest times, principally by women and children, occasionally by old men. To play at this game was sometimes called πενταλιθίζειν, because five bones or other objects of a similar kind were employed; and this number is retained among ourselves. When the sides of the bone were marked with different values, the game became one of chance. [ALEA; TESSERA.] The two ends were left blank, because the bone could not rest upon either of them on account of its curvature. The four remaining sides were marked with the numbers 1, 3, 4, 6; 1 and 6 being on two opposite sides, and 3 and 4 on the other two opposite sides. The Greek and Latin names of the numbers were as follows:--1. Μονάς, εἶς, κύων, Χῖος; Ion. Οἴνη: Unio, Vulturius, canis: 3. Τρίας, Ternio; 4. Τετράς, Quaternio; 6. Ἑξάς, ἑξίτης, Κῷος; Senio. Two persons played together at this game, using four bones, which they threw up into the air, or emptied out of a dice-box, and observing the numbers on the uppermost sides. The numbers on the four sides of the four bones admitted of thirty-five different combinations. The lowest throw of all was four aces (jacere vultorios quatuor). But the value of a throw was not in all cases the sum of the four numbers turned up. The highest in value was that called Venus, or jactus Venereus, in which the numbers cast up were all different, the sum of them being only fourteen. It was by obtaining this throw that the king of the feast was appointed among the Romans [SYMPOSIUM], and hence it was also called Basilicus. Certain other throws were called by particular names, taken from gods, illustrious men and women, and heroes. Thus the throw, consisting of two aces and two trays, making eight, which number, like the jactus Venereus, could be obtained only once, was denominated Stesichorus.

TĂMĬAE (ταμίαι), the treasurers of the temples and the revenue at Athens. The wealthiest of all the temples at Athens was that of Athena on the Acropolis, the treasures of which were under the guardianship of ten tamiae, who were chosen annually by lot from the class of pentacosiomedimni, and afterwards, when the distinction of classes had ceased to exist, from among the wealthiest of Athenian citizens. The treasurers of the other gods were chosen in like manner; but they, about the 90th Olympiad, were all united into one board, while those of Athena remained distinct. Their treasury, however, was transferred to the same place as that of Athena, viz., to the opisthodomus of the Parthenon, where were kept not only all the treasures belonging to the temples, but also the state treasure (ὅσια χρήματα, as contra-distinguished from ἱερά), under the care of the treasurers of Athena. All the funds of the state were considered as being in a manner consecrated to Athena; while on the other hand the people reserved to themselves the right of making use of the sacred monies, as well as the other property of the temples, if the safety of the state should require it. Payments made to the temples were received by the treasurers in the presence of some members of the senate, just as public monies were by the Apodectae; and then the treasurers became responsible for their safe custody.--The treasurer of the revenue (ταμίας or ἐπιμελητής τῆς κοινῆς προσόδου) was a more important personage than those last mentioned. He was not a mere keeper of monies, like them, nor a mere receiver, like the apodectae; but a general paymaster, who received through the apodectae all money which was to be disbursed for the purposes of the administration (except the property-taxes, which were paid into the war-office, and the tribute from the allies, which was paid to the hellenotamiae [HELLENOTAMIAE]), and then distributed it in such manner as he was required to do by the law; the surplus (if any) he paid into the war-office or the theoric fund. As this person knew all the channels in which the public money had to flow, and exercised a general superintendence over the expenditure, he was competent to give advice to the people upon financial measures, with a view to improve the revenue, introduce economy, and prevent abuses; he is sometimes called ταμίας τῆς διοικήσεως, or ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως, and may be regarded as a sort of minister of finance. He was elected by vote (χειροτονία), and held his office for four years, but was capable of being re-elected. A law, however, was passed during the administration of Lycurgus, the orator, prohibiting re-election; so that Lycurgus, who is reported to have continued in office for twelve years, must have held it for the last eight years under fictitious names. The power of this officer was by no means free from control; inasmuch as any individual was at liberty to propose financial measures, or institute criminal proceedings for malversation or waste of the public funds; and there was an ἀντιγραφεὺς τῆς διοικήσεως appointed to check the accounts of his superior. Anciently there were persons called Poristae (πορίσται), who appear to have assisted the tamiae in some part of their duties. The money disbursed by the treasurer of the revenue was sometimes paid directly to the various persons in the employ of the government, sometimes through subordinate pay offices. Many public functionaries had their own paymasters, who were dependent on the treasurer of the revenue, receiving their funds from him, and then distributing them in their respective departments. Such were the τριηροποιοί, τειχοποιοί, ὁδοποιοί, ταφροποιοί, ἐπεμεληταὶ νεωρίων, who received through their own tamiae such sums as they required from time to time for the prosecution of their works. The payment of the judicial fees was made by the Colacretae (κωλακρέται), which, and the providing for the meals in the Prytaneium, were the only duties that remained to them after the establishment of the apodectae by Cleisthenes. The tamiae of the sacred vessels (τῆς Παράλου and τῆς Σαλαμινίας) acted not only as treasurers, but as trierarchs, the expenses (amounting for the two ships together to about sixteen talents) being provided by the state. They were elected by vote. Other trierarchs had their own private tamiae.--The war fund at Athens (independently of the tribute) was provided from two sources: first, the property-tax (εἰσφορά), and secondly, the surplus of the yearly revenue, which remained after defraying the expenses of the civil administration. Of the ten strategi, who were annually elected to preside over the war department, one was called στρατηγὸς ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως, to whom the management of the war fund was entrusted. He had under him a treasurer, called the ταμίας τῶν στρατιωτικῶν, who gave out the pay of the troops, and defrayed all other expenses incident to the service. So much of the surplus revenue as was not required for the purposes of war, was to be paid by the treasurer of the revenue into the theoric fund; of which, after the archonship of Euclides, special managers were created. [THEORICA.]--Lastly, we have to notice the treasurers of the demi (δήμων ταμίαι), and those of the tribes (φυλῶν ταμίαι), who had the care of the funds belonging to their respective communities, and performed duties analogous to those of the state treasurers. The demi, as well as the tribes, had their common lands, which were usually let to farm. The rents of these formed the principal part of their revenue.

TAXIARCHI (ταξίαρχοι), military officers at Athens, next in rank to the strategi. They were ten in number, like the strategi, one for each tribe, and were elected by vote (χειροτονία). In war each commanded the infantry of his own tribe, and they were frequently called to assist the strategi with their advice at the war-council. In peace they assisted the strategi in levying and enlisting soldiers, and seem to have also assisted the strategi in the discharge of many of their other duties. The taxiarchs were so called from their commanding taxeis (τάξεις), which were the principal divisions of the hoplites in the Athenian army. Each tribe (φυλή) formed a taxis. As there were ten tribes, there were consequently in a complete Athenian army ten taxeis, but the number of men contained in each would of course vary according to the importance of the war. Among the other Greeks, the taxis was the name of a much smaller division of troops. The lochus (λόχος) among the Athenians was a subdivision of the taxis, and the lochagi (λοχαγοί) were probably appointed by the taxiarchs.

TĒGŬLA (κέραμος, dim. κεραμίς), a roofing-tile. Roofing-tiles were originally made, like bricks, of baked clay (γῆς ὀπτῆς). Byzes of Naxos first introduced tiles of marble about the year 620 B.C. A still more expensive and magnificent method of roofing consisted in the use of tiles made of bronze and gilt. At Rome the houses were originally roofed with shingles, and continued to be so down to the time of the war with Pyrrhus, when tiles began to supersede the old roofing material.

TEICHŎPOII (τειχοποιοί), magistrates at Athens, whose business it was to build and keep in repair the public walls. They appear to have been elected by vote (χειροτονία), one from each tribe, and probably for a year. Funds were put at their disposal, for which they had their treasurer (ταμίας) dependent on the treasurer of the revenue. They were liable to render an account (εὐθύνη) of their management of these funds, and also of their general conduct, like other magistrates. This office has been invested with peculiar interest in modern times, on account of its having been held by Demosthenes, and its having given occasion to the famous prosecution of Ctesiphon, who proposed that Demosthenes should receive the honour of a crown before he had rendered his account according to law.

TĒLA (ἱστός), a loom. Although weaving was among the Greeks and Romans a distinct trade, carried on by a separate class of persons (ὑφάνται, textores and textrices, linteones), yet every considerable domestic establishment, especially in the country, contained a loom, together with the whole apparatus necessary for the working of wool (lanificium, ταλασία, ταλασιουργία). [CALATHUS.] These occupations were all supposed to be carried on under the protection of Athena or Minerva, specially denominated Ergane (Ἐργάνη). When the farm or the palace was sufficiently large to admit of it, a portion of it called the histon (ἱστῶν) or textrinum was devoted to this purpose. The work was there principally carried on by female slaves (quasillariae), under the superintendence of the mistress of the house. Every thing woven consists of two essential parts, the warp and the woof, called in Latin stamen and subtegmen, subtemen, or trama; in Greek στήμων and κροκή. The warp was called stamen in Latin (from stare) on account of its erect posture in the loom. The corresponding Greek term στήμων, and likewise ἱστός, have evidently the same derivation. For the same reason, the very first operation in weaving was to set up the loom (ἱστὸν στήσασθαι); and the web or cloth, before it was cut down or “descended” from the loom, was called vestis pendens or pendula tela, because it hung from the transverse beam, or jugum. These particulars are all clearly exhibited in the picture of Circe’s loom given in the annexed cut. We observe in the preceding woodcut, about the middle of the apparatus, a transverse rod passing through the warp. A straight cane was well adapted to be so used, and its application is clearly expressed by Ovid in the words stamen secernit arundo. In plain weaving it was inserted between the threads of the warp so as to divide them into two portions, the threads on one side of the rod alternating with those on the other side throughout the whole breadth of the warp. In a very ancient form of the loom there was a roller underneath the jugum, turned by a handle, and on which the web was wound as the work advanced. The threads of the warp, besides being separated by a transverse rod or plank, were divided into thirty or forty parcels, to each of which a stone was suspended for the purpose of keeping the warp in a perpendicular position, and allowing the necessary play to the strokes of the spatha. Whilst the comparatively coarse, strong, and much-twisted thread designed for the warp was thus arranged in parallel lines, the woof remained upon the spindle [FUSUS], forming a spool, bobbin, or pen (πήνη). This was either conveyed through the warp without any additional contrivance, or it was made to revolve in a shuttle (radius). This was made of box brought from the shores of the Euxine, and was pointed at its extremities, that it might easily force its way through the warp. All that is effected by the shuttle is the conveyance of the woof across the warp. To keep every thread of the woof in its proper place, it is necessary that the threads of the warp should be decussated. This was done by the leashes, called in Latin licia, in Greek μίτοι. By a leash we are to understand a thread having at one end a loop, through which a thread of the warp was passed, the other end being fastened to a straight rod called liciatorium, and in Greek κανών. The warp, having been divided by the arundo, as already mentioned, into two sets of threads, all those of the same set were passed through the loops of the corresponding set of leashes, and all these leashes were fastened at their other end to the same wooden rod. At least one set of leashes was necessary to decussate the warp, even in the plainest and simplest weaving. The number of sets was increased according to the complexity of the pattern, which was called bilix or trilix, δίμιτος, τρίμιτος, or πολύμιτος, according as the number was two, three, or more. The process of annexing the leashes to the warp was called ordiri telam, also licia telae addere, or adnectere. It occupied two women at the same time, one of whom took in regular succession each separate thread of the warp, and handed it over to the other (παραφέρειν, παραδίδοναι, or προσφωρεῖσθαι); the other, as she received each thread, passed it through the loop in proper order; an act which we call “entering,” in Greek διάζεσθαι. Supposing the warp to have been thus adjusted, and the pen or the shuttle to have been carried through it, it was then decussated by drawing forwards the proper rod, so as to carry one set of the threads of the warp across the rest, after which the woof was shot back again, and by the continual repetition of this process the warp and woof were interlaced. Two staves were occasionally used to fix the rods in such a position as was most convenient to assist the weaver in drawing her woof across her warp. After the woof had been conveyed by the shuttle through the warp, it was driven sometimes downwards, as is represented in the woodcut, but more commonly upwards. Two different instruments were used in this part of the process. The simplest, and probably the most ancient, was in the form of a large wooden sword (spatha, σπάθη). The spatha was, however, in a great degree superseded by the comb (pecten, κερκίς), the teeth of which were inserted between the threads of the warp, and thus made by a forcible impulse to drive the threads of the woof close together.--The lyre, the favourite musical instrument of the Greeks, was only known to the Romans as a foreign invention. Hence they appear to have described its parts by a comparison with the loom, with which they were familiar. The terms jugum and stamina were transferred by an obvious resemblance from the latter to the former object; and, although they adopted into their own language the Greek word plectrum, they used the Latin pecten to denote the same thing, not because the instrument used in striking the lyre was at all like a comb in shape and appearance, but because it was held in the right hand, and inserted between the stamina of the lyre, as the comb was between the stamina of the loom.

TĔLAMŌNES. [ATLANTES.]

TĔLŌNES (τελώνης), a farmer of the public taxes at Athens. The taxes were let by auction to the highest bidder. Companies often took them in the name of one person, who was called ἀρχώνης or τελωνάρχης, and was their representative to the state. Sureties were required of the farmer for the payment of his dues. The office was frequently undertaken by resident aliens, citizens not liking it, on account of the vexatious proceedings to which it often led. The farmer was armed with considerable powers: he carried with him his books, searched for contraband or uncustomed goods, watched the harbour, markets, and other places, to prevent smuggling, or unlawful and clandestine sales; brought a phasis (φάσις) or other legal process against those whom he suspected of defrauding the revenue; or even seized their persons on some occasions, and took them before the magistrate. To enable him to perform these duties, he was exempted from military service. Collectors (ἐκλογεῖς) were sometimes employed by the farmers; but frequently the farmer and the collector were the same person. The taxes were let by the commissioners (πωλῆται), acting under the authority of the senate. The payments were made by the farmer on stated prytaneias in the senate-house. There was usually one payment made in advance, προκαταβολή, and one or more afterwards, called προσκατάβλημα. Upon any default of payment, the farmer became atimus, if a citizen, and he was liable to be imprisoned at the discretion of the court, upon an information laid against him. If the debt was not paid by the expiration of the ninth prytaneia, it was doubled; and if not then paid, his property became forfeited to the state, and proceedings to confiscation might be taken forthwith. Upon this subject, see the speech of Demosthenes against Timocrates.

TĔLOS (τέλος), a tax. The taxes imposed by the Athenians, and collected at home, were either ordinary or extraordinary. The former constituted a regular or permanent source of income; the latter were only raised in time of war or other emergency. The ordinary taxes were laid mostly upon property, and upon citizens indirectly, in the shape of toll or customs; though the resident aliens paid a poll-tax (called μετοίκιον), for the liberty of residing at Athens under protection of the state. There was a duty of two per cent. (πεντηκοστή), levied upon all exports and imports. An excise was paid on all sales in the market (called ἐπωνία), though we know not what the amount was. Slave-owners paid a duty of three obols for every slave they kept; and slaves who had been emancipated paid the same. This was a very productive tax before the fortification of Deceleia by the Lacedaemonians. The justice fees (πρυτανεῖα, παραστασις, &c.) were a lucrative tax in time of peace. The extraordinary taxes were the property-tax, and the compulsory services called liturgies (λειτουργίαι). Some of these last were regular, and recurred annually; the most important, the trierarchia, was a war-service, and performed as occasion required. As these services were all performed, wholly or partly, at the expense of the individual, they may be regarded as a species of tax. [EISPHORA; LEITOURGIA; TRIERARCHIA.] The tribute (φόρος) paid by the allied states to the Athenians formed, in the flourishing period of the republic, a regular and most important source of revenue. In Olymp. 91 2, the Athenians substituted for the tribute a duty of five per cent. (εἰκοστή) on all commodities exported or imported by the subject states, thinking to raise by this means a larger income than by direct taxation. This was terminated by the issue of the Peloponnesian war, though the tribute was afterwards revived, on more equitable principles, under the name of σύνταξις. Other sources of revenue were derived by the Athenians from their mines and public lands, fines, and confiscations. The public demesne lands, whether pasture or arable, houses or other buildings, were usually let by auction to private persons. The conditions of the lease were engraven on stone. The rent was payable by prytaneias. These various sources of revenue produced, according to Aristophanes, an annual income of two thousand talents in the most flourishing period of Athenian empire. Τελεῖν signifies “to settle, complete, or perfect,” and hence “to settle an account,” and generally “to pay.” Thus Τέλος comes to mean any payment in the nature of a tax or duty. The words are connected with zahlen in German, and the old sense of tale in English, and the modern word toll. Though τέλος may signify any payment in the nature of a tax or duty, it is more commonly used of the ordinary taxes, as customs, &c. Ἰσοτέλεια signifies the right of being taxed on the same footing, and having other privileges, the same as the citizens; a right sometimes granted to resident aliens. Ἀτέλεια signifies an exemption from taxes, or other duties and services; an honour very rarely granted by the Athenians. As to the farming of the taxes, see TELONES.

TEMPLUM is the same word as the Greek Temenos (τέμενος, from τέμνω, to cut off); for templum was any place which was circumscribed and separated by the augurs from the rest of the land by a certain solemn formula. The technical terms for this act of the augurs are liberare and effari, and hence a templum itself is a locus liberatus et effatus. A place thus set apart and hallowed by the augurs was always intended to serve religious purposes, but chiefly for taking the auguries. The place in the heavens within which the observations were to be made was likewise called templum, as it was marked out and separated from the rest by the staff of the augur. When the augur had defined the templum within which he intended to make his observations, he fixed his tent in it (tabernaculum capere), and this tent was likewise called templum, or, more accurately, templum minus. The place chosen for a templum was generally an eminence, and in the city it was the arx, where the fixing of a tent does not appear to have been necessary, because here a place called auguraculum was once for all consecrated for this purpose. Besides this meaning of the word templum in the language of the augurs, it also had that of a temple in the common acceptation. In this case, however, the sacred precinct within which a temple was built, was always a locus liberatus et effatus by the augurs, that is, a templum or a fanum; the consecration was completed by the pontiffs, and not until inauguration and consecration had taken place, could sacra be performed or meetings of the senate be held in it. It was necessary then for a temple to be sanctioned by the gods, whose will was ascertained by the augurs, and to be consecrated or dedicated by the will of man (pontiffs). Where the sanction of the gods had not been obtained, and where the mere act of man had consecrated a place to the gods, such a place was only a sacrum, sacrarium, or sacellum. The ceremony performed by the augurs was essential to a temple, as the consecration by the pontiffs took place also in other sanctuaries which were not templa, but mere sacra or aedes sacrae. Thus the sanctuary of Vesta was not a templum, but an aedes sacra, and the various curiae (Hostilia, Pompeia, Julia) required to be made templa by the augurs before senatusconsulta could be made in them. It is impossible to determine with certainty in what respects a templum differed from a delubrum.--Temples appear to have existed in Greece from the earliest times. They were separated from the profane land around them (τόπος βέβηλος or τὰ βέβηλα), because every one was allowed to walk in the latter. This separation was in early times indicated by very simple means, such as a string or a rope. Subsequently, however, they were surrounded by more efficient fences, or even by a wall (ἕρκος, περίβολος). The whole space enclosed in such a περίβολος was called τέμενος, or sometimes ἱερόν; and contained, besides the temple itself, other sacred buildings, and sacred ground planted with groves, &c. Within the precincts of the sacred enclosure no dead were generally allowed to be buried, though there were some exceptions to this rule, and we have instances of persons being buried in or at least near certain temples. The religious laws of the island of Delos did not allow any corpses to be buried within the whole extent of the island, and when this law had been violated, a part of the island was first purified by Pisistratus, and subsequently the whole island by the Athenian people. The temple itself was called ναός or νεώς, and at its entrance fonts (περιῤῥαντήρια) were generally placed, that those who entered the sanctuary to pray or to offer sacrifices might first purify themselves. The act of consecration, by which a temple was dedicated to a god, was called ἵδρυσις. The character of the early Greek temples was dark and mysterious, for they had no windows, and they received light only through the door, which was very large, or from lamps burning in them. Architecture in the construction of magnificent temples, however, made great progress even at an earlier time than either painting or statuary, and long before the Persian wars we hear of temples of extraordinary grandeur and beauty. All temples were built either in an oblong or round form, and were mostly adorned with columns. Those of an oblong form had columns either in the front alone, in the fore and back fronts, or on all the four sides. Respecting the original use of these porticoes see PORTICUS. The friezes and metopes were adorned with various sculptures, and no expense was spared in embellishing the abodes of the gods. The light, which was formerly let in at the door, was now frequently let in from above through an opening in the middle. Most of the great temples consisted of three parts: 1. the πρόναος or πρόδομος, the vestibule; 2. the cella (ναός, σηκός); and 3. the ὀπισθόδομος. The cella was the most important part, as it was, properly speaking, the temple or the habitation of the deity whose statue it contained. In one and the same cella there were sometimes the statues of two or more divinities, as in the Erechtheum at Athens, the statues of Poseidon, Hephaestus, and Butas. The statues always faced the entrance, which was in the centre of the prostylus. The place where the statue stood was called ἕδος, and was surrounded by a balustrade or railings. Some temples also had more than one cella, in which case the one was generally behind the other, as in the temple of Athena Polias at Athens. In temples where oracles were given, or where the worship was connected with mysteries, the cella was called ἄδυτον, μέγαρον, or ἀνάκτορον, and to it only the priests and the initiated had access. The ὀπισθόδομος was a building which was sometimes attached to the back front of a temple, and served as a place in which the treasures of the temple were kept, and thus supplied the place of θησαυροί, which were attached to some temples.--Quadrangular Temples were described by the following terms, according to the number and arrangement of the columns on the fronts and sides. 1. Ἄστυλος, astyle, without any columns. 2. Ἐν παραστάσι, in antis, with two columns in front between the antae. 3. Πρόστυλος, prostyle, with four columns in front. 4. Ἀμφιπρόστυλος, amphiprostyle, with four columns at each end. 5. Περίπτερος or ἀμφικίων, peripteral, with columns at each end and along each side. 6. Δίπτερος, dipteral, with two ranges of columns (πτερά) all round, the one within the other. 7. Ψευδοδίπτερος, pseudodipteral, with one range only, but at the same distance from the walls of the cella as the outer range of a δίπτερος. To these must be added a sort of sham invented by the Roman architects, namely: 8. Ψευδοπερίπτερος, pseudoperipteral, where the sides had only half-columns (at the angles three-quarter columns), attached to the walls of the cella, the object being to have the cella large without enlarging the whole building, and yet to keep up something of the splendour of a peripteral temple. Names were also applied to the temples, as well as to the porticoes themselves, according to the number of columns in the portico at either end of the temple: namely, τετράστυλος, tetrastyle, when there were four columns in front, ἑξάστυλος, hexastyle, when there were six, ὀκτάστυλος, octastyle, when there were eight, δεκάστυλος, decastyle, when there were ten. There were never more than ten columns in the end portico of a temple; and when there were only two, they were always arranged in that peculiar form called in antis (ἐν παραστάσι). The number of columns in the end porticoes was never uneven, but the number along the sides of a temple was generally uneven. The number of the side columns varied: where the end portico was tetrastyle, there were never any columns at the sides, except false ones, attached to the walls: where it was hexastyle or octastyle, there were generally 13 or 17 columns at the sides, counting in the corner columns: sometimes a hexastyle temple had only eleven columns on the sides. The last arrangement resulted from the rule adopted by the Roman architects, who counted by intercolumniations (the spaces between the columns), and whose rule was to have twice as many intercolumniations along the sides of the building as in front. The Greek architects on the contrary, counted by columns, and their rule was to have twice as many columns along the sides as in front, and one more, counting the corner columns in each case. Another set of terms, applied to temples and other buildings having porticoes, as well as to the porticoes themselves, was derived from the distances between the columns as compared with the lower diameters of the columns. They were the following:--1. Πυκνόστυλος, pycnostyle, the distance between the columns a diameter of a column and half a diameter. 2. Σύστυλος, systyle, the distance between the columns two diameters of a column. 3. Εὔστυλος, eustyle, the distance between the columns two diameters and a quarter, except in the centre of the front and back of the building, where each intercolumniation (intercolumnium) was three diameters; called eustyle, because it was best adapted both for beauty and convenience. 4. Διάστυλος, diastyle, the intercolumniation, or distance between the columns, three diameters. 5. Ἀραιόστυλος, araeostyle, the distances excessive, so that it was necessary to make the epistyle (ἐπιστύλιον), or architrave, not of stone, but of timber. These five kinds of intercolumniation are illustrated by the following diagram.

⬤ 1½ ⬤ ⬤ 2 ⬤ ⬤ 2¼ ⬤ ⬤ 3 ⬤ ⬤ { 4 } ⬤ {or more }

Independently of the immense treasures contained in many of the Greek temples, which were either utensils or ornaments, and of the tithes of spoils, &c., the property of temples, from which they derived a regular income, consisted of lands (τεμένη), either fields, pastures, or forests. These lands were generally let out to farm, unless they were, by some curse which lay on them, prevented from being taken into cultivation. Respecting the persons entrusted with the superintendence, keeping, cleaning, &c., see AEDITUI. In the earliest times there appear to have been very few temples at Rome, and on many spots the worship of a certain divinity had been established from time immemorial, while we hear of the building of a temple for the same divinity at a comparatively late period. Thus the foundation of a temple to the old Italian divinity Saturnus, on the Capitoline, did not take place till B.C. 498. In the same manner, Quirinus and Mars had temples built to them at a late period. Jupiter also had no temple till the time of Ancus Martius, and the one then built was certainly very insignificant. We may therefore suppose that the places of worship among the earliest Romans were in most cases simple altars or sacella. The Roman temples of later times were constructed in the Greek style. As regards the property of temples, it is stated that in early times lands were assigned to each temple, but these lands were probably intended for the maintenance of the priests alone. [SACERDOS.] The supreme superintendence of the temples of Rome, and of all things connected with them, belonged to the college of pontiffs. Those persons who had the immediate care of the temples were the AEDITUI.

TĔPĬDĀRĬUM. [BALNEUM, p. 56.]

TERMĬNĀLĬA, a festival in honour of the god Terminus, who presided over boundaries. His statue was merely a stone or post stuck in the ground to distinguish between properties. On the festival the two owners of adjacent property crowned the statue with garlands, and raised a rude altar, on which they offered up some corn, honeycombs, and wine, and sacrificed a lamb or a sucking-pig. They concluded with singing the praises of the god. The public festival in honour of this god was celebrated at the sixth mile-stone on the road towards Laurentum, doubtless because this was originally the extent of the Roman territory in that direction. The festival of the Terminalia was celebrated on the 23rd of February, on the day before the Regifugium. The Terminalia was celebrated on the last day of the old Roman year, whence some derive its name. We know that February was the last month of the Roman year, and that when the intercalary month Mercedonius was added, the last five days of February were added to the intercalary month, making the 23rd of February the last day of the year.

TĔRUNCĬUS. [AS.]

TESSĔRA (κύβος), a square or cube; a die; a token. The dice used in games of chance were tesserae, small squares or cubes, and were commonly made of ivory, bone, or wood. They were numbered on all the six sides, like the dice still in use; and in this respect as well as in their form they differed from the tali. [TALUS.] Whilst four tali were used in playing, only three tesserae were anciently employed. Objects of the same materials with dice, and either formed like them, or of an oblong shape, were used as tokens for different purposes. The tessera hospitalis was the token of mutual hospitality, and is spoken of under HOSPITIUM. This token was probably in many cases of earthenware, having the head of Jupiter Hospitalis stamped upon it. Tesserae frumentariae and nummariae were tokens given at certain times by the Roman magistrates to the poor, in exchange for which they received a fixed amount of corn or money. From the application of this term to tokens of various kinds, it was transferred to the word used as a token among soldiers. This was the tessera militaris, the σύνθημα of the Greeks. Before joining battle it was given out and passed through the ranks, as a method by which the soldiers might be able to distinguish friends from foes.

TESTĀMENTUM, a will. In order to be able to make a valid Roman will, the Testator must have the Testamentifactio, which term expresses the legal capacity to make a valid will. The testamentifactio was the privilege only of Roman citizens who were patresfamilias. The following persons consequently had not the testamentifactio: those who were in the Potestas or Manus of another, or in Mancipii causa, as sons and daughters, wives In manu and slaves: Latini Juniani, Dediticii: Peregrini could not dispose of their property according to the form of a Roman will: an Impubes could not dispose of his property by will even with the consent of his Tutor; when a male was fourteen years of age, he obtained the testamentifactio, and a female obtained the power, subject to certain restraints, on the completion of her twelfth year: muti, surdi, furiosi, and prodigi “quibus lege bonis interdictum est” had not the testamentifactio. In order to constitute a valid will, it was necessary that a heres should be instituted, which might be done in such terms as follow:--Titius heres esto, Titium heredem esse jubeo. [HERES (ROMAN.)] Originally there were two modes of making wills; either at Calata Comitia, which were appointed twice a year for that purpose; or in procinctu, that is, when a man was going to battle. A third mode of making wills was introduced, which was effected per aes et libram, whence the name of Testamentum per aes et libram. If a man had neither made his will at Calata Comitia nor In procinctu, and was in imminent danger of death, he would mancipate (mancipio dabat) his Familia, that is, his Patrimonium to a friend and would tell him what he wished to be given to each after his death. There seems to have been no rule of law that a testament must be written. The heres might either be made by oral declaration (nuncupatio) or by writing. Written wills however were the common form among the Romans at least in the later republican and in the imperial periods. They were written on tablets of wood or wax, whence the word “cera” is often used as equivalent to “tabella;” and the expressions prima, secunda cera are equivalent to prima, secunda pagina. The will must have been in some way so marked as to be recognized, and the practice of the witnesses (testes) sealing and signing the will at last became common. It was necessary for the witnesses both to seal (signare), that is, to make a mark with a ring (annulus) or something else on the wax and to add their names (adscribere). Wills were to be tied with a triple thread (linum) on the upper part of the margin which was to be perforated at the middle part, and the wax was to be put over the thread and sealed. Tabulae which were produced in any other way had no validity. A man might make several copies of his will, which was often done for the sake of caution. When sealed, it was deposited with some friend, or in a temple, or with the Vestal Virgins; and after the testator’s death it was opened (resignare) in due form. The witnesses or the major part were present, and after they had acknowledged their seals, the thread (linum) was broken and the will was opened and read, and a copy was made; the original was then sealed with the public seal and placed in the archium, whence a fresh copy might be got, if the first copy should ever be lost.

TESTIS, a witness.--(1) GREEK. [MARTYRIA.]--(2) ROMAN. [JUSJURANDUM.]

TESTŪDO (χελώνη), a tortoise, was the name given to several other objects.--(1) To the Lyra, because it was sometimes made of a tortoise-shell.--(2) To an arched or vaulted roof.--(3) To a military machine moving upon wheels and roofed over, used in besieging cities, under which the soldiers worked in undermining the walls or otherwise destroying them. It was usually covered with raw hides, or other materials which could not easily be set on fire. The battering-ram [ARIES] was frequently placed under a testudo of this kind, which was then called Testudo Arietaria.--(4) The name of testudo was also applied to the covering made by a close body of soldiers who placed their shields over their heads to secure themselves against the darts of the enemy. The shields fitted so closely together as to present one unbroken surface without any interstices between them, and were also so firm that men could walk upon them, and even horses and chariots be driven over them. A testudo was formed (testudinem facere) either in battle to ward off the arrows and other missiles of the enemy, or, which was more frequently the case, to form a protection to the soldiers when they advanced to the walls or gates of a town for the purpose of attacking them. Sometimes the shields were disposed in such a way as to make the testudo slope. The soldiers in the first line stood upright, those in the second stooped a little, and each line successively was a little lower than the preceding down to the last, where the soldiers rested on one knee. Such a disposition of the shields was called fastigata testudo, on account of their sloping like the roof of a building. The advantages of this plan were obvious: the stones and missiles thrown upon the shields rolled off them like water from a roof; besides which, other soldiers frequently advanced upon them to attack the enemy upon the walls. The Romans were accustomed to form this kind of testudo, as an exercise, in the games of the circus.

TĔTRARCHĒS or TĔTRARCHA (τετράρχης). This word was originally used, according to its etymological meaning, to signify the governor of the fourth part of a country (τετραρχία or τετραδαρχία). We have an example in the ancient division of Thessaly into four tetrarchies, which was revived by Philip. Each of the three Gallic tribes which settled in Galatia was divided into four tetrarchies, each ruled by a tetrarch. Some of the tribes of Syria were ruled by tetrarchs, and several of the princes of the house of Herod ruled in Palestine with this title. In the later period of the republic and under the empire, the Romans seem to have used the title (as also those of ethnarch and phylarch) to designate those tributary princes who were not of sufficient importance to be called kings.

TETTĂRĂKONTA, HOI (οἱ τετταράκοντα), the Forty, were certain officers chosen by lot, who made regular circuits through the demi of Attica, whence they are called δικασταὶ κατὰ δήμους, to decide all cases of αἰκία and τὰ περὶ τῶν βιαίων, and also all other private causes, where the matter in dispute was not above the value of ten drachmae. Their number was originally thirty, but was increased to forty after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, and the restoration of the democracy by Thrasybulus, in consequence, it is said, of the hatred of the Athenians to the number of thirty.

THARGĒLĬA (θαργήλια), a festival celebrated at Athens on the 6th and 7th of Thargelion, in honour of Apollo and Artemis. The real festival, or the Thargelia in a narrower sense of the word, appears to have taken place on the 7th; and on the preceding day, the city of Athens or rather its inhabitants were purified. The manner in which this purification was effected is very extraordinary, and is certainly a remnant of very ancient rites, for two persons were put to death on that day, and the one died on behalf of the men and the other on behalf of the women of Athens. The name by which these victims were designated was pharmaci (φαρμακοί). It appears probable, however, that this sacrifice did not take place annually, but only in case of a heavy calamity having befallen the city, such as the plague, a famine, &c. The victims appear to have been criminals sentenced to death. The second day of the thargelia was solemnized with a procession and an agon, which consisted of a cyclic chorus, performed by men at the expense of a choragus. The prize of the victor in this agon was a tripod, which he had to dedicate in the temple of Apollo which had been built by Pisistratus. On this day it was customary for persons who were adopted into a family to be solemnly registered, and received into the genos and the phratria of the adoptive parents. This solemnity was the same as that of registering one’s own children at the Apaturia.

THĔĀTRUM (θέατρον), a theatre. The Athenians before the time of Aeschylus had only a wooden scaffolding on which their dramas were performed. Such a wooden theatre was only erected for the time of the Dionysiac festivals, and was afterwards pulled down. The first drama that Aeschylus brought upon the stage was performed upon such a wooden scaffold, and it is recorded as a singular and ominous coincidence that on that occasion (500 B.C.) the scaffolding broke down. To prevent the recurrence of such an accident, the building of a stone theatre was forthwith commenced on the south-eastern descent of the Acropolis, in the Lenaea; for it should be observed, that throughout Greece theatres were always built upon eminences, or on the sloping side of a hill. The new Athenian theatre was built on a very large scale, and appears to have been constructed with great skill in regard to its acoustic and perspective arrangements. Subsequently theatres were erected in all parts of Greece and Asia Minor, although Athens was the centre of the Greek drama, and the only place which produced great masterworks in this department of literature. All the theatres, however, which were constructed in Greece were probably built after the model of that of Athens, and, with slight deviations and modifications, they all resembled one another in the main points, as is seen in the numerous ruins of theatres in various parts of Greece, Asia Minor, and Sicily. The Attic theatre was, like all the Greek theatres, placed in such a manner that the place for the spectators formed the upper or north-western, and the stage with all that belonged to it the south-eastern part, and between these two parts lay the orchestra. The annexed plan has been made from the remains of Greek theatres still extant, and from a careful examination of the passages in ancient writers which describe the whole or parts of a theatre.--1. The place for the spectators was in a narrower sense of the word called theatrum. The seats for the spectators, which were in most cases cut out of the rock, consisted of rows of benches rising one above another; the rows themselves (a) formed parts (nearly three-fourths) of concentric circles, and were at intervals divided into compartments by one or more broad passages (b) running between them, and parallel with the benches. These passages were called διαζώματα, or κατατομαί, Lat. praecinctiones, and when the concourse of people was very great in a theatre, many persons might stand in them. Across the rows of benches ran stairs, by which persons might ascend from the lowest to the highest. But these stairs ran in straight lines only from one praecinctio to another; and the stairs in the next series of rows were just between the two stairs of the lower series of benches. By this course of the stairs the seats were divided into a number of compartments, resembling cones from which the tops are cut off; hence they were termed κεοκίδες, and in Latin cunei. The whole of the place for the spectators (θέατρον) was sometimes designated by the name κοῖλον, Latin cavea, it being in most cases a real excavation of the rock. Above the highest row of benches there rose a covered portico (c), which of course far exceeded in height the opposite buildings by which the stage was surrounded, and appears to have also contributed to increase the acoustic effect. The entrances to the seats of the spectators were partly underground, and led to the lowest rows of benches, while the upper rows must have been accessible from above.--2. The orchestra (ὀρχήστρα) was a circular level space extending in front of the spectators, and somewhat below the lowest row of benches. But it was not a complete circle, one segment of it being appropriated to the stage. The orchestra was the place for the chorus, where it performed its evolutions and dances, for which purpose it was covered with boards. As the chorus was the element out of which the drama arose, so the orchestra was originally the most important part of a theatre: it formed the centre around which all the other parts of the building were grouped. In the centre of the circle of the orchestra was the thymele (θυμέλη), that is, the altar of Dionysus (d), which was of coarse nearer to the stage than to the seats of the spectators, the distance from which was precisely the length of a radius of the circle. In a wider sense the orchestra also comprised the broad passages (πάροδοι, e) on each side, between the projecting wings of the stage and the seats of the spectators, through which the chorus entered the orchestra. The chorus generally arranged itself in the space between the thymele and the stage. The thymele itself was of a square form, and was used for various purposes, according to the nature of the different plays, such as a funeral monument, an altar, &c. It was made of boards, and surrounded on all sides with steps. It thus stood upon a raised platform, which was sometimes occupied by the leader of the chorus, the flute-player, and the rhabdophori. The orchestra as well as the theatrum lay under the open sky; a roof is nowhere mentioned.--3. The stage. Steps led from each side of the orchestra to the stage, and by them the chorus probably ascended the stage whenever it took a real part in the action itself. The back side of the stage was closed by a wall called the scena (σκηνή), from which on each side a wing projected which was called the parascenium (παρασκήνιον). The whole depth of the stage was not very great, as it only comprised a segment of the circle of the orchestra. The whole space from the scena to the orchestra was termed the proscenium (προσκήνιον), and was what we should call the real stage. That part of it which was nearest to the orchestra, and where the actors stood when they spoke, was the logeium (λογείον), also called ocribas (ὀκρίβας), in Latin pulpitum, which was of course raised above the orchestra, and probably on a level with the thymele. The scena was, as we have already stated, the wall which closed the stage (proscenium and logeium) from behind. It represented a suitable background, or the locality in which the action was going on. Before the play began it was covered with a curtain (παραπέτασμα, προσκήνιον, αὐλαίαι), Latin aulaea or siparium. When the play began this curtain was let down, and was rolled up on a roller underneath the stage. The proscenium and logeium were never concealed from the spectators. As regards the scenery represented on the scena, it was different for tragedy, comedy, and the satyric drama, and for each of these kinds of poetry the scenery must have been capable of various modifications, according to the character of each individual play; at least that this was the case with the various tragedies, is evident from the scenes described in the tragedies still extant. In the latter however the back-ground (scena) in most cases represented the front of a palace with a door in the centre (i) which was called the royal door. This palace generally consisted of two stories, and upon its flat roof there appears to have been some elevated place from which persons might observe what was going on at a distance. The palace presented on each side a projecting wing, each of which had its separate entrance. These wings generally represented the habitations of guests and visitors. All the three doors must have been visible to the spectators. The protagonistes always entered the stage through the middle or royal door, the deuteragonistes and tritagonistes through those on the right and left wings. In tragedies like the Prometheus, the Persians, Philoctetes, Oedipus in Colonus, and others, the back-ground did not represent a palace. There are other pieces again in which the scena must have been changed in the course of the performance, as in the Eumenides of Aeschylus and the Ajax of Sophocles. The dramas of Euripides required a great variety of scenery; and if in addition to this we recollect that several pieces were played in one day, it is manifest that the mechanical parts of stage performance, at least in the days of Euripides, must have been brought to great perfection. The scena in the satyric drama appears to have always represented a woody district with hills and grottos; in comedy the scena represented, at least in later times, the fronts of private dwellings or the habitations of slaves. The art of scene-painting must have been applied long before the time of Sophocles, although Aristotle ascribes its introduction to him. The whole of the cavea in the Attic theatre must have contained about 50,000 spectators. The places for generals, the archons, priests, foreign ambassadors, and other distinguished persons, were in the lowest rows of benches, and nearest to the orchestra, and they appear to have been sometimes covered with a sort of canopy. The rows of benches above these were occupied by the senate of 500, those next in succession by the ephebi, and the rest by the people of Athens. But it would seem that they did not sit indiscriminately, but that the better places were let at a higher price than the others, and that no one had a right to take a place for which he had not paid. The usual fee for a place was two obols, which was subsequently given to the poorer classes by a law of Pericles. [THEORICA.] Women were allowed to be present during the performance of tragedies, but not of comedies.--The Romans must have become acquainted with the theatres of the Italian Greeks at an early period, whence they erected their own theatres in similar positions upon the sides of hills. This is still clear from the ruins of very ancient theatres at Tusculum and Faesulae. The Romans themselves, however, did not possess a regular stone theatre until a very late period, and although dramatic representations were very popular in earlier times, it appears that a wooden stage was erected when necessary, and was afterwards pulled down again, and the plays of Plautus and Terence were performed on such temporary scaffoldings. In the mean while, many of the neighbouring towns of Rome had their stone theatres, as the introduction of Greek customs and manners was less strongly opposed in them than in the city of Rome itself. Wooden theatres, adorned with the most profuse magnificence, were erected at Rome even during the last period of the republic. In B.C. 55 Cn. Pompey built the first stone theatre at Rome, near the Campus Martius. It was of great beauty, and is said to have been built after the model of that of Mytilene; it contained 40,000 spectators. The construction of a Roman theatre resembled, on the whole, that of a Greek one. The principal differences are, that the seats of the spectators, which rose in the form of an amphitheatre around the orchestra, did not form more than a semicircle; and that the whole of the orchestra likewise formed only a semicircle, the diameter of which formed the front line of the stage. The Roman orchestra contained no thymele, and was not destined for a chorus, but contained the seats for senators and other distinguished persons, such as foreign ambassadors, which are called primus subselliorum ordo. In B.C. 68 the tribune L. Roscius Otho carried a law which regulated the places in the theatre to be occupied by the different classes of Roman citizens: it enacted that fourteen ordines of benches were to be assigned as seats to the equites. Hence these quatuordecim ordines are sometimes mentioned without any further addition, as the honorary seats of the equites. They were undoubtedly close behind the seats of the senators and magistrates, and thus consisted of the rows of benches immediately behind the orchestra.

THENSAE or TENSAE, highly ornamented sacred vehicles, which, in the solemn pomp of the Circensian games, conveyed the statues of certain deities with all their decorations to the pulvinaria, and after the sports were over bore them back to their shrines. We are ignorant of their precise form. We know that they were drawn by horses, and escorted (deducere) by the chief senators in robes of state, who, along with pueri patrimi [PATRIMI], laid hold of the bridles and traces, or perhaps assisted to drag the carriage by means of thongs attached for the purpose (and hence the proposed derivation from tendo). So sacred was this duty considered, that Augustus, when labouring under sickness, deemed it necessary to accompany the tensae in a litter. If one of the horses knocked up, or the driver took the reins in his left hand, it was necessary to recommence the procession, and for one of the attendant boys to let go the thong, or to stumble, was profanation. The only gods distinctly named as carried in tensae are Jupiter and Minerva, though others appear to have had the same honour paid them.

THĔŎPHĂNĬA (θεοφάνια), a festival celebrated at Delphi, on the occasion of which the Delphians filled the huge silver crater which had been presented to the Delphic god by Croesus.

THĔŌRĬA. [THEORI.]

THĔŌRĬCA (θεωρικά). Under this name at Athens were comprised the monies expended on festivals, sacrifices, and public entertainments of various kinds; and also monies distributed among the people in the shape of largesses from the state. There were, according to Xenophon, more festivals at Athens than in all the rest of Greece. At the most important of the public festivals, such as the Dionysia, Panathenaea, Eleusinia, Thargelia, and some others, there were not only sacrifices, but processions, theatrical exhibitions, gymnastic contests, and games, celebrated with great splendour and at a great expense. A portion of the expense was defrayed by the individuals upon whom the burden of the liturgies devolved; but a considerable, and perhaps the larger, part was defrayed by the public treasury. Demosthenes complains, that more money was spent on a single Panathenaic or Dionysiac festival than on any military expedition. The religious embassies to Delos and other places, and especially those to the Olympian, Nemean, Isthmian, and Pythian games, drew largely upon the public exchequer, though a part of the cost fell upon the wealthier citizens who conducted them. The largesses distributed among the people had their origin at an early period, and in a measure apparently harmless, though from a small beginning they afterwards rose to a height most injurious to the commonwealth. The Attic drama used to be performed in a wooden theatre, and the entrance was free to all citizens who chose to go. It was found, however, that the crushing to get in led to much confusion and even danger. On one occasion, about B.C. 500, the wooden scaffolding of the theatre fell down, and caused great alarm. It was then determined that the entrance should no longer be gratuitous. The fee for a place was fixed at two obols, which was paid to the lessee of the theatre, (called θεατρώνης, θεατροπώλης, or ἀρχιτέκτων), who undertook to keep it in repair, and constantly ready for use, on condition of being allowed to receive the profits. This payment continued to be exacted after the stone theatre was built. Pericles, to relieve the poorer classes, passed a law which enabled them to receive the price of admission from the state; after which all those citizens who were too poor to pay for their places applied for the money in the public assembly, which was then frequently held in the theatre. In process of time this donation was extended to other entertainments besides theatrical ones; the sum of two oboli being given to each citizen who attended; if the festival lasted two days, four oboli; and if three, six oboli; but not beyond. Hence all theoric largesses received the name of diobelia (διωβελία). It is calculated that from 25 to 30 talents were spent upon them annually. So large an expenditure of the public funds upon shows and amusements absorbed the resources, which were demanded for services of a more important nature. By the ancient law, the whole surplus of the annual revenue which remained after the expense of the civil administration (τὰ περίοντα χρήματα τῆς διοικήσεως) was to be carried to the military fund, and applied to the defence of the commonwealth. Since the time of Pericles various demagogues had sprung up, who induced the people to divert all that could be spared from the other branches of civil expenditure into the theoric fund, which at length swallowed up the whole surplus, and the supplies needed for the purpose of war or defence were left to depend upon the extraordinary contributions, or property-tax (εἰσφοραί). An attempt was made by the demagogue Eubulus to perpetuate this system. He passed a law, which made it a capital offence to propose that the theoric fund should be applied to military service. The law of Eubulus was a source of great embarrassment to Demosthenes, in the prosecution of his schemes for the national defence; and he seems at last, but not before B.C. 339, to have succeeded in repealing it. In the earlier times there was no person, or board of persons, expressly appointed to manage the theoric fund. The money thus appropriated was disbursed by the Hellenotamiae. After the anarchy, the largess system having been restored by Agyrrhius, a board of managers was appointed. They were elected by show of hands at the period of the great Dionysia, one from each tribe.

THĔŌRI (θεωροί), persons sent on special missions (θεωρίαι) to perform some religious duty, as to consult an oracle, or to offer a sacrifice, on behalf of the state. There were among some of the Dorian states, as the Aeginetans, Troezenians, Messenians, and Mantineans, official priests called Theori, whose duty it was to consult oracles, interpret the responses, &c., as among the Spartans there were men called Pythii, chosen by the kings to consult the oracle at Delphi. At Athens there were no official persons called Theori, but the name was given to those citizens who were appointed from time to time to conduct religious embassies to various places; of which the most important were those that were sent to the Olympian, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games, those that went to consult the God at Delphi, and those that led the solemn procession to Delos, where the Athenians established a quadriennial festival, in revival of the ancient Ionian one, of which Homer speaks. The expense of these embassies was defrayed partly by the state, and partly by wealthy citizens, to whom the management of them was entrusted, called Architheori (ἀρχιθέωροι), chiefs of the embassy. This was a sort of liturgy, and frequently a very costly one; as the chief conductor represented the state, and was expected to appear with a suitable degree of splendour; for instance, to wear a golden crown, to drive into the city with a handsome chariot, retinue, &c. The Salaminian, or Delian, ship was also called θεωρὶς ναῦς, and was principally used for conveying embassies to Delos, though, like the Paralus, it was employed on other expeditions besides.

THERMAE. [BALNEUM.]

THĒSAURUS (θησαυρός), a treasure-house. Tradition points to subterranean buildings in Greece, of unknown antiquity and of peculiar formation, as having been erected during the heroic period, for the purpose of preserving precious metals, arms, and other property (κειμήλια). Such are the treasury of Minyas, at Orchomenus, of which some remains still exist, and those of Atreus and his sons at Mycenae, the chief one of which, the so-called Treasury of Atreus, still exists almost in a perfect state. It is, however, very questionable whether these edifices were treasuries at all: some of the best archaeologists maintain that they were tombs. In the historical times, the public treasury was either in a building attached to the agora, or in the opisthodomus of some temple. Respecting the public treasury at Rome, see AERARIUM.

THĒSEIA (θησεῖα), a festival celebrated by the Athenians in honour of their national hero Theseus, whom they believed to have been the author of their democratical form of government. In consequence of this belief donations of bread and meat were given to the poor people at the Theseia, which was thus for them a feast at which they felt no want, and might fancy themselves equal to the wealthiest citizens. The day on which this festival was held was the eighth of every month (ὀγδόαι), but more especially the eighth of Pyanepsion, whence the festival was sometimes called ὀγδόδιον. It is probable that the festival of the Theseia was not instituted till B.C. 469, when Cimon brought the remains of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens.

THESMŎPHŎRĬA (θεσμοφόρια), a great festival and mysteries, celebrated in honour of Demeter in various parts of Greece, and only by women, though some ceremonies were also performed by maidens. It was intended to commemorate the introduction of the laws and regulations of civilised life, which was universally ascribed to Demeter. The Attic thesmophoria probably lasted only three days, and began on the 11th of Pyanepsion, which day was called ἄνοδος or κάθοδος, because the solemnities were opened by the women with a procession from Athens to Eleusis. In this procession they carried on their heads sacred laws (νόμιμοι βίβλοι or θεσμοί), the introduction of which was ascribed to Demeter (Θεσμοφόρος), and other symbols of civilised life. The women spent the night at Eleusis in celebrating the mysteries of the goddess. The second day, called νηστεία, was a day of mourning, during which the women sat on the ground around the statue of Demeter, and took no other food than cakes made of sesame and honey. On this day no meetings either of the senate or the people were held. It was probably in the afternoon of this day that the women held a procession at Athens, in which they walked barefooted behind a waggon, upon which baskets with mystical symbols were conveyed to the thesmophorion. The third day, called καλλιγένεια, from the circumstance that Demeter was invoked under this name, was a day of merriment and raillery among the women themselves, in commemoration of Iambe, who was said to have made the goddess smile during her grief.

THESMŎTHĔTAE. [ARCHON.]

THĒTES. [CENSUS.]

THOLOS (θόλος, also called σκιάς), a name given to any round building which terminated at the top in a point, whatever might be the purpose for which it was used. At Athens the name was in particular applied to the new round prytaneium near the senate-house, which should not be confounded with the old prytaneium at the foot of the acropolis. It was therefore the place in which the prytanes took their common meals and offered their sacrifices. It was adorned with some small silver statues, and near it stood the ten statues of the Attic Eponymi.

THŌRAX. [LORICA.]

THRĀCES. [GLADIATORES.]

THRANĪTAE. [NAVIS.]

THRŎNUS (θρόνος), a throne, is a Greek word, for which the proper Latin term is Solium. This did not differ from a chair (καθέδρα) [CATHEDRA; SELLA] except in being higher, larger, and in all respects more magnificent. On account of its elevation it was always necessarily accompanied by a foot-stool (subsellium, ὑποπόδιον, θράνιον). The accompanying cut shows two gilded thrones with cushions and drapery, intended to be the thrones of Mars and Venus, which is expressed by the helmet on the one and the dove on the other.

THỸMĔLĒ. [THEATRUM.]

THỸRSUS (θύρσος), a pole carried by Bacchus, and by Satyrs, Maenades, and others who engaged in Bacchic festivities and rites. [DIONYSIA.] It was sometimes terminated by the apple of the pine, or fir-cone, that tree (πεύκη) being dedicated to Bacchus in consequence of the use of the turpentine which flowed from it, and also of its cones, in making wine. The monuments of ancient art, however, most commonly exhibit, instead of the pine-apple, a bunch of vine or ivy-leaves, with grapes or berries, arranged into the form of a cone. The fabulous history of Bacchus relates that he converted the thyrsi carried by himself and his followers into dangerous weapons, by concealing an iron point in the head of the leaves. Hence his thyrsus is called “a spear enveloped in vine-leaves,” and its point was thought to incite to madness.

TĬĀRA or TĬĀRAS (τιάρα or τιάρας: Att. κυρβασία), a hat with a large high crown. This was the head-dress which characterised the north-western Asiatics, and more especially the Armenians, Parthians, and Persians, as distinguished from the Greeks and Romans, whose hats fitted the head, or had only a low crown. The king of Persia wore an erect tiara, whilst those of his subjects were soft and flexible, falling on one side. The Persian name for this regal head-dress was cidaris.

TĪBĬA (αὐλός), a pipe, the commonest musical instrument of the Greeks and Romans. It was very frequently a hollow cane, perforated with holes in the proper places. In other instances it was made of some kind of wood, especially box, and was bored with a gimblet. When a single pipe was used by itself, the performer upon it, as well as the instrument, was called monaulos. Among the varieties of the single pipe the most remarkable were the bagpipe, the performer on which was called utricularius or ἀσκαύλης; and the ἀυλὸς πλάγιος or πλαγίαυλος, which, as its name implies, had a mouth-piece inserted into it at right angles. Pan was the reputed inventor of this kind of tibia as well as of the fistula or syrinx [SYRINX]. But among the Greeks and Romans it was much more usual to play on two pipes at the same time. Hence a performance on this instrument (tibicinium), even when executed by a single person, was called canere or cantare tibiis. This act is exhibited in very numerous works of ancient art, and often in such a way as to make it manifest that the two pipes were perfectly distinct, and not connected, as some have supposed, by a common mouth-piece. The mouth-pieces of the two pipes often passed through a capistrum. Three different kinds of pipes were originally used to produce music in the Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian modes. It appears, also, that to produce the Phrygian mode the pipe had only two holes above, and that it terminated in a horn bending upwards. It thus approached to the nature of a trumpet, and produced slow, grave, and solemn tunes. The Lydian mode was much quicker, and more varied and animating. Horace mentions “Lydian pipes” as a proper accompaniment, when he is celebrating the praise of ancient heroes. The Lydians themselves used this instrument in leading their troops to battle; and the pipes employed for the purpose are distinguished by Herodotus as “male and female,” i.e. probably bass and treble, corresponding to the ordinary sexual difference in the human voice. The corresponding Latin terms are tibia dextra and sinistra: the respective instruments are supposed to have been so called, because the former was more properly held in the right hand and the latter in the left. The “tibia dextra” was used to lead or commence a piece of music, and the “sinistra” followed it as an accompaniment. The comedies of Terence having been accompanied by the pipe, the following notices are prefixed to explain the kind of music appropriate to each: tibiis paribus, i.e. with pipes in the same mode; tib. imparibus, pipes in different modes; tib. duabus dextris, two pipes of low pitch; tib. par. dextris et sinistris, pipes in the same mode, and of both low and high pitch. The use of the pipe among the Greeks and Romans was three-fold, viz. at sacrifices (tibiae sacrificae), entertainments (ludicrae), and funerals. The pipe was not confined anciently, as it is with us, to the male sex, but αὐλητρίδες, or female tibicines were very common.

TIMĒMA (τίμημα). The penalty imposed in a court of criminal justice at Athens, and also the damages awarded in a civil action, received the name of Τίμημα, because they were estimated or assessed according to the injury which the public or the individual might respectively have sustained. The penalty was either fixed by the judge, or merely declared by him according to some estimate made before the cause came into court. In the first case the trial was called ἀγὼν τιμητὸς, in the second case ἀγὼν ἀτίμητος, a distinction which applies to civil as well as to criminal trials. Where a man sought to recover an estate in land, or a house, or any specific thing, as a ring, a horse, a slave, nothing further was required, than to determine to whom the estate, the house, or the thing demanded, of right belonged. The same would be the case in an action of debt, χρέους δίκη, where a sum certain was demanded. In these and many other similar cases the trial was ἀτίμητος. On the other hand, wherever the damages were in their nature unliquidated, and no provision had been made concerning them either by the law or by the agreement of the parties, they were to be assessed by the dicasts. The following was the course of proceeding in the τιμητοὶ ἀγῶνες. The bill of indictment (ἔγκλημα) was always superscribed with some penalty by the person who preferred it. He was said ἐπιγράφεσθαι τίμημα, and the penalty proposed is called ἐπίγραμμα. If the defendant was found guilty, the prosecutor was called upon to support the allegation in the indictment, and for that purpose to mount the platform and address the dicasts (ἀναβαίνειν εἰς τίμημα). If the accused submitted to the punishment proposed on the other side, there was no further dispute; if he thought it too severe, he made a counter proposition. He was then said ἀντιτιμᾶσθαι, or ἑαυτῷ τιμᾶσθαι. He was allowed to address the court in mitigation of punishment. After both parties had been heard, the dicasts were called upon to give their verdict. Sometimes the law expressly empowered the jury to impose an additional penalty (προστίμημα) besides the ordinary one. Here the proposition emanated from the jury themselves, any one of whom might move that the punishment allowed by the law should be awarded. He was said προστιμᾶσθαι, and the whole dicasts, if (upon a division) they adopted his proposal, were said προστιμᾷν.

TINTINNĀBŬLUM (κώδων), a bell. Bells were of various forms among the Greeks and Romans, as among us.

TĪRO, the name given by the Romans to a newly enlisted soldier, as opposed to veteranus, one who had had experience in war. The mode of levying troops is described under EXERCITUS. The age at which the liability to military service commenced was 17. From their first enrolment the Roman soldiers, when not actually serving against an enemy, were perpetually occupied in military exercises. They were exercised every day, the tirones twice, in the morning and afternoon, and the veterani once. The state of a tiro was called tirocinium; and a soldier who had attained skill in his profession was then said tirocinium ponere, or deponere. In civil life the terms tiro and tirocinium were applied to the assumption of the toga virilis, which was called tirocinium fori [TOGA], and to the first appearance of an orator at the rostrum, tirocinum eloquentiae.

TĪRŌCĬNĬUM. [TIRO.]

TĬTĬI SODĀLES, a sodalitas or college of priests at Rome, who represented the second tribe of the Romans, or the Tities, that is, the Sabines, who, after their union with the Ramnes or Latins, continued to perform their own ancient Sabine sacra. To superintend and preserve these, T. Tatius is said to have instituted the Titii sodales. During the time of the republic the Titii sodales are no longer mentioned, as the sacra of the three tribes became gradually united into one common religion. Under the empire we again meet with a college of priests bearing the name of Sodales Titii or Titienses, or Sacerdotes Titiales Flaviales; but they had nothing to do with the sacra of the ancient tribe of the Tities, but were priests instituted to conduct the worship of an emperor, like the Augustales.

TĬTĬES or TĬTĬENSES. [PATRICII.]

TŎGA (τήβεννος), a gown, the name of the principal outer garment worn by the Romans, seems to have been received by them from the Etruscans. The toga was the peculiar distinction of the Romans, who were thence called togati or gens togata. It was originally worn only in Rome itself, and the use of it was forbidden alike to exiles and to foreigners. Gradually, however, it went out of common use, and was supplanted by the pallium and lacerna, or else it was worn in public under the lacerna. [LACERNA.] But it was still used by the upper classes, who regarded it as an honourable distinction, in the courts of justice, by clients when they received the SPORTULA, and in the theatre or at the games, at least when the emperor was present. The exact form of the toga, and the manner of wearing it, have occasioned much dispute; but the following account, for which the writer is indebted to his friend Mr. George Scharf, jun., will set these matters in a clearer light than has hitherto been the case. The complete arrangement of this dress may be seen in many antique statues, but especially in that of Didius Julianus, in the Louvre, and a bronze figure of the elder Drusus discovered at Herculaneum. (See figs. 2, 3.)

The letters upon particular parts of the illustrations correspond with each other, and refer to the same places upon the general form of the toga given above. The method of adjusting the toga is simply this: the straight edge (a b g d) being kept towards the neck, and the rounded towards the hand, the first part of the toga hangs in front over the left shoulder to the ground (a, fig. 4), so as to cover that entire half of the figure viewed in front. The remainder falling behind is wrapped round the body, being carried under the right arm, and brought upwards, like a belt, across the chest, covering the left arm and shoulder for a second time. It again falls behind, and terminates in the point d (fig. 5), somewhat higher than the front portion (a).

So far any mantle of sufficient length might be folded, but two distinctive features of Roman dress, the umbo (f) and the sinus (c e), have yet to be considered. The sinus (c e) is that upper hanging portion with the curved edge downwards which shows conspicuously upon the right thigh. When the toga has been brought round to the front of the right leg, it has attained its greatest width (e c e), although on the figure less space is required for it. It is therefore folded over at the top, the upper part falling forward, down almost to the knee. It may be easily raised (see fig. 5) and used as a lap--hence the name sinus--to carry fruits and flowers, so often represented in ancient art. The fold at c thus becomes the upper edge, and forms the balteus, which may be made still more effective by being rolled round and slightly twisted, as in figs. 2 and 5. A variety again was sometimes produced by lifting the hanging edge (e) of this sinus up on to the shoulder, so as to cover the right arm with that alone, and Quintilian hints that it is not ungraceful to throw back the extreme edge of that again, an effect still to be admired in some of the ancient sculptures. Fig. 5 is in the act of raising the edge. The umbo (f), a projecting mass of folds in front of the body, like the boss of a shield, was formed after the rest of the dress had been put on in a very simple manner: a part of the front upright line (a b), almost covered up by the adjustment of the upper shoulder portion (g), was pulled out and made to hang down over the balteus or belt-like part (fig. 6). It is clearly traceable in both statues here given (figs. 2 and 3), and fig. 4 is intended to show the formation of the umbo more clearly by the right hand holding the edge, which falls over the fingers instead of the balteus. In proportion as the umbo (f) projects, so of course the end (a) is raised from the ground. The smaller figures (4 and 5) are both drawn without under-garments in order to avoid confusion. During sacrifice, when necessary to cover the head, the edge (b) nearest the neck was pulled up and made to cover the head, as in fig. 3, where the entire length of the edge, passing from the umbo into the sinus, is very clearly visible. The dress here is very ample, and can spare an extra length, but in the statue of a priest in the Louvre the head is covered at the expense of the umbo, which has entirely disappeared. Fig. 6 is intended to show the interlacing and arrangement of the toga by following the course of the straight edge alone from a to d.

In many ancient statues the sleeves and folds of the tunic, being very full, are apt to be confounded with the rest, but in the best style of art this is not the case. Quintilian cautions his orators against these incumbrances. A difference in size and fulness of the toga, modified according to the rank of the wearer, may be detected in coins and sculpture, but in all cases the mode of adjustment appears to be the same.--One mode of wearing the toga was the Cinctus Gabinus. It consisted in forming a part of the toga itself into a girdle, by drawing its outer edge round the body and tying it in a knot in front, and at the same time covering the head with another portion of the garment. It was worn by persons offering sacrifices, by the consul when he declared war, and by devoted persons, as in the case of Decius. Its origin was Etruscan, as its name implies. Persons wearing this dress were said to be procincti (or incincti) cinctu (or ritu) Gabino.--The colour of the toga worn by men (toga virilis) was generally white, that is, the natural colour of white wool. Hence it was called pura or vestimentum purum, in opposition to the praetexta mentioned below. A brighter white was given to the toga of candidates for offices (candidati from their toga candida) by rubbing it with chalk. There is an allusion to this custom in the phrase cretata ambitio. White togas are often mentioned as worn at festivals, which does not imply that they were not worn commonly, but that new or fresh-cleaned togas were first put on at festivals. The toga was kept white and clean by the fuller. When this was neglected, the toga was called sordida, and those who wore such garments sordidati. This dress (with disarranged hair and other marks of disorder about the person) was worn by accused persons, as in the case of Cicero. The toga pulla, which was of the natural colour of black wool, was worn in private mourning, and sometimes also by artificers and others of the lower orders.--The toga picta, which was ornamented with Phrygian embroidery, was worn by generals in triumphs [TRIUMPHUS], and under the emperors by the consuls, and by the praetors when they celebrated the games. It was also called Capitolina. The toga palmata was a kind of toga picta.--The toga praetexta had a broad purple border. It was worn with the BULLA, by children of both sexes. It was also worn by magistrates, both those of Rome, and those of the colonies and municipia; by the sacerdotes, and by persons engaged in sacred rites or paying vows. Among those who possessed the jus togae praetextae habendae, the following may be more particularly mentioned: the dictator, the consuls, the praetors (who laid aside the praetexta when about to condemn a Roman citizen to death), the augurs (who, however, are supposed by some to have worn the trabea), the decemviri sacris faciundis, the aediles, the triumviri epulones, the senators on festival days, the magistri collegii, and the magistri vicorum when celebrating games. In the case of the tribuni plebis, censors, and quaestors, there is some doubt upon the subject. The toga praetexta is said to have been derived from the Etruscans, and to have been first adopted, with the latus clavus [CLAVUS LATUS], by Tullus Hostilius as the royal robe, whence its use by the magistrates in the republic. The toga praetexta and the bulla aurea were first given to boys in the case of the son of Tarquinius Priscus, who, at the age of fourteen, in the Sabine war, slew an enemy with his own hand. Respecting the leaving off of the toga praetexta, and the assumption of the toga virilis, see IMPUBES and CLAVUS LATUS. The occasion was celebrated with great rejoicings by the friends of the youth, who attended him in a solemn procession to the Forum and Capitol. This assumption of the toga virilis was called tirocinium fori, as being the young man’s introduction to public life. Girls wore the praetexta till their marriage.--The trabea was a toga ornamented with purple horizontal stripes. There were three kinds of trabeae; one wholly of purple, which was sacred to the gods, another of purple and white, and another of purple and saffron, which belonged to augurs. The purple and white trabea was a royal robe, and is assigned to the Latin and early Roman kings, especially to Romulus. It was worn by the consuls in public solemnities, such as opening the temple of Janus. The equites wore it at the transvectio, and in other public solemnities. Hence the trabea is mentioned as the badge of the equestrian order. Lastly, the toga worn by the Roman emperors was wholly of purple. It appears to have been first assumed by Julius Caesar.--The material of which the toga was commonly made was wool. It was sometimes thick and sometimes thin. The former was the toga densa, pinguis, or hirta. A new toga, with the nap neither worn off nor cut close, was called pexa, to which is opposed the trita or rasa, which was used as a summer dress. The toga was originally worn by both sexes; but when the stola came to be worn by matrons, the toga was only worn by the meretrices, and by women who had been divorced on account of adultery. [STOLA.] In war the toga was laid aside, and replaced by the PALUDAMENTUM and SAGUM. Hence togatus is opposed to miles.

TONSOR. [BARBA.]

TORCŬLAR, TORCŬLUM. [VINUM.]

TORMENTUM (ἀφετήρια ὄργανα), a military engine, so called from the twisting (torquendo) of hairs, thongs, and vegetable fibres. The principal military engines were the balista and catapulta. The balista (πετροβόλος) was used to shoot stones; the catapulta (καταπέλτης, καταπελτική) to project darts, especially the falarica [HASTA], and a kind of missile, 4½ feet long, called trifax. Whilst in besieging a city the ram [ARIES] was employed in destroying the lower part of the wall, the balista was used to overthrow the battlements (propugnacula, ἐπαλξεῖς), and the catapult to shoot any of the besieged who appeared between them: the forms of these machines being adapted to the objects which they were intended to throw; the catapult was long, the balista nearly square. Instances are recorded in which the balista threw stones to the distance of a quarter of a mile. Some balistae threw stones weighing three hundredweight. Of the scorpio or onager, which was also a species of tormentum, we know next to nothing.

TORMENTUM (βάσανος), torture. (1) GREEK.--By a decree of Scamandrius it was ordained that no free Athenian could be put to the torture, and this appears to have been the general practice. The evidence of slaves was, however, always taken with torture, and their testimony was not otherwise received. From this circumstance their testimony appears to have been considered of more value than that of freemen. Any person might offer his own slave to be examined by torture, or demand that of his adversary, and the offer or demand was equally called πρόκλησις εἰς βάσανον. The parties interested either superintended the torture themselves, or chose certain persons for this purpose, hence called βασανισταὶ, who took the evidence of the slaves. (2) ROMAN.--During the time of the republic freemen were never put to the torture, and slaves only were exposed to this punishment. Slaves, moreover, could not be tortured to prove the guilt of their own master, except in the case of incestus, which was a crime against the gods, or unless the senate made an exception in some special instance. At a later time slaves might be tortured to bear witness against their masters in cases of majestas and adultery. Under the emperors even free persons were put to the torture to extract evidence from them in cases of majestas; and although this indignity was confined for the most part to persons in humble circumstances, we read of cases in which even Roman senators and equites were exposed to it.

TORQUES or TORQUIS (στρεπτός), an ornament of gold, twisted spirally and bent into a circular form, which was worn round the neck by men of distinction among the Persians, the Gauls, and other Asiatic and northern nations. It was by taking a collar from a Gallic warrior that T. Manlius obtained the cognomen of Torquatus. Such collars were among the rewards of valour bestowed after an engagement upon those who had most distinguished themselves.

TŎRUS, a bed covered with sheets or blankets, called Toralia.

TRĂBEA. [TOGA.]

TRĂGOEDIA (τραγῳδία), tragedy. (1) GREEK. The tragedy of the ancient Greeks as well as their comedy confessedly originated in the worship of the god Dionysus. The peculiarity which most strikingly distinguishes the Greek tragedy from that of modern times, is the lyrical or choral part. This was the offspring of the dithyrambic and choral odes from which, as applied to the worship of Dionysus, Greek tragedy took its rise. The name of Tragedy (τραγῳδία) is probably derived from the goatlike appearance of the Satyrs who sang or acted with mimetic gesticulations (ὄρχησις) the old Bacchic songs, with Silenus, the constant companion of Dionysus, for their leader. The Dionysian dithyrambs were sometimes of a gay and at other times of a mournful character: it was from the latter that the stately and solemn tragedy of the Greeks arose. Great improvements were introduced in the dithyramb by Arion, a contemporary of Periander. Before his time the dithyramb was sung in a wild and irregular manner; but he is said to have invented the Cyclic chorus, by which we are to understand that the Dithyramb was danced by a chorus of fifty men round an altar. The choral Dithyrambic songs prevailed to some extent, as all choral poetry did, amongst the Dorians of the Peloponnesus; whence the choral element of the Attic tragedy was always written in the Dorian dialect, thus showing its origin. The lyrical poetry was, however, especially popular at Sicyon and Corinth. In the latter city Arion made his improvements; in the former “tragic choruses,” i.e. dithyrambs of a sad and plaintive character, were very ancient. From the more solemn Dithyrambs then, as improved by Arion, ultimately sprang the dramatic tragedy of Athens, somewhat in the following manner. The choruses were under the direction of a leader or exarchus, who, it may be supposed, came forward separately, and whose part was sometimes taken by the poet himself. We may also conjecture that the exarchus in each case led off by singing or reciting his part in a solo, and that the chorus dancing round the altar then expressed their feelings of joy or sorrow at his story, representing the perils and sufferings of Dionysus, or some hero, as it might be. The subjects of this Dithyrambic tragedy were not, however, always confined to Dionysus. Even Arion wrote Dithyrambs, relating to different heroes, a practice in which he was followed by succeeding poets. It is easy to conceive how the introduction of an actor or speaker independent of the chorus might have been suggested by the exarchs coming forward separately and making short off-hand speeches, whether learnt by heart beforehand, or made on the spur of the moment. [CHORUS.] But it is also possible, if not probable, that it was suggested by the rhapsodical recitations of the epic and gnomic poets formerly prevalent in Greece: the gnomic poetry being generally written in Iambic verse, the metre of the Attic dialogue. This however is certain, that the union of the Iambic dialogue with the lyrical chorus took place at Athens under Pisistratus, and that it was attributed to Thespis, a native of Icaria, one of the country demes or parishes of Attica where the worship of Dionysus had long prevailed. The alteration made by him, and which gave to the old tragedy a new and dramatic character, was very simple but very important. He introduced an actor, as it is recorded, for the sake of giving rest to the chorus, and independent of it, in which capacity he probably appeared himself, taking various parts in the same piece, under various disguises, which he was enabled to assume by means of linen masks, the invention of which is attributed to him. Now as a chorus, by means of its leader, could maintain a dialogue with the actor, it is easy to see how with one actor only a dramatic action might be introduced, continued, and concluded, by the speeches between the choral songs expressive of the joy or sorrow of the chorus at the various events of the drama. With respect to the character of the drama of Thespis there has been much doubt: some writers, and especially Bentley, have maintained that his plays were all satyrical and ludicrous, i.e. the plot of them was some story of Bacchus, the chorus consisted principally of satyrs, and the argument was merry. But perhaps the truth is that in the early part of his career Thespis retained the satyrical character of the older tragedy, but afterwards inclined to more serious compositions, which would almost oblige him to discard the Satyrs from his choruses. That he did write serious dramas is intimated by the titles of the plays ascribed to him, as well as by the character of the fragments of Iambic verse quoted by ancient writers as his. It is evident that the introduction of the dialogue must also have caused an alteration in the arrangement of the chorus, which could not remain cyclic or circular, but must have been drawn up in a rectangular form about the thymele or altar of Bacchus in front of the actor, who was elevated on a platform or table (ἐλεός), the forerunner of the stage. The lines of Horace (Ar. Poet. 276):--

“Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis, Quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora”--

are founded on a misconception of the origin of the Attic tragedy, and the tale about the waggons of Thespis probably arose out of a confusion of the waggon of the comedian Susarion with the platform of the Thespian actor. The first representation of Thespis was in B.C. 535. His immediate successors were the Athenian Choerilus and Phrynichus, the former of whom represented plays as early as B.C. 524. Phrynichus was a pupil of Thespis, and gained his first victory in the dramatic contests B.C. 511. In his works, the lyric or choral element still predominated over the dramatic, and he was distinguished for the sweetness of his melodies, which in the time of the Peloponnesian war were very popular with the admirers of the old style of music. The first use of female masks is also attributed to him, and he so far deviated from the general practice of the Attic tragedians as to write a drama on a subject of contemporary history, the capture of Miletus by the Persians, B.C. 494.--We now come to the first writer of Satyrical dramas, Pratinas of Phlius, a town not far from Sicyon, and which laid claim to the invention of tragedy as well as comedy. For some time previously to this poet, and probably as early as Thespis, tragedy had been gradually departing more and more from its old characteristics, and inclining to heroic fables, to which the chorus of Satyrs was not a fit accompaniment. But the fun and merriment caused by them were too good to be lost. Accordingly the Satyrical drama, distinct from the recent and dramatic tragedy, but suggested by the sportive element of the old Dithyramb, was founded by Pratinas, who however appears to have been surpassed in his own invention by Choerilus. It was always written by tragedians, and generally three tragedies and one Satyrical piece were represented together, which in some instances at least formed a connected whole, called a tetralogy (τετραλογία). The Satyrical piece was acted last, so that the minds of the spectators were agreeably relieved by a merry after-piece at the close of an earnest and engrossing tragedy. The distinguishing feature of this drama was the chorus of Satyrs, in appropriate dresses and masks, and its subjects seem to have been taken from the same class of the adventures of Bacchus and of the heroes as those of tragedy; but of course they were so treated and selected, that the presence of rustic satyrs would seem appropriate. In their jokes and drollery consisted the merriment of the piece; for the kings and heroes who were introduced into their company were not of necessity thereby divested of their epic and legendary character, though they were obliged to conform to their situation and suffer some diminution of dignity, from their position. Hence Horace (Ar. Poet. 231) says:--

“Effutire leves indigna Tragoedia versus Intererit Satyris paulum pudibunda protervis.”--

alluding in the first line to the mythic or epic element of the Satyric drama, which he calls Tragoedia, and in the second representing it as being rather ashamed of its company. The “Cyclops” of Euripides is the only Satyric drama now extant.--The great improvements in tragedy were introduced by Aeschylus. This poet added a second actor, diminished the parts of the chorus, and made the dialogue the principal part of the action. He also availed himself of the aid of Agatharchus, the scene-painter, and improved the costume of his actors by giving them thick-soled boots (ἐμβάται), as well as the masks, which he made more expressive and characteristic. Horace (Ar. Poet. 278) thus alludes to his improvements:--

“personae pallaeque repertor honestae Aeschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.”--

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II. The Middle Ages and the Reformation. A.D. 1381-1593 (part 3 of 4)

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II. The Middle Ages and the Reformation. A.D. 1381-1593 (part 3 of 4)