XIII. THE RISE OF MODERN FREETHOUGHT

XIII. THE RISE OF MODERN FREETHOUGHT

§ 1. THE ITALIAN INFLUENCE

The negative bearing of the Reformation on freethought is made clear by the historic fact that the new currents of thought which broadly mark the beginning of the "modern spirit" arose in its despite, and derive originally from outside its sphere. It is to Italy, where the political and social conditions thus far tended to frustrate the Inquisition, that we trace the rise alike of modern deism, modern Unitarianism, modern pantheism, modern physics, and the tendency to rational atheism. The deistic way of thinking, of course, prevailed long before it got that name; and besides the vogue of Averroïsm we have noted the virtual deism of More's Utopia (1516). The first explicit mention of deism noted by Bayle, however, is in the epistle dedicatory to the second and expanded edition of the Instruction Chrétienne of the Swiss Protestant Viret (1563), where professed deists are spoken of as a new species bearing a new name. On the admission of Viret, who was the friend and bitter disciple of Calvin, they rejected all revealed religion, but called themselves deists by way of repudiating atheism; some keeping a belief in immortality, some rejecting it. In the theological manner he goes on to call them all execrable atheists, and to say that he has added to his treatise on their account an exposition of natural religion grounded on the "Book of Nature"; stultifying himself by going on to say that he has also dealt with the professed atheists. [2132] Of the deists he admits that among them were men of the highest repute for science and learning. Thus within ten years of the burning of Servetus we find privately avowed deism and atheism in the area of French-speaking Protestantism.

Doubtless the spectacle of Protestant feuds and methods would go far to foster such unbelief; but though, as we have seen, there were aggressive Unitarians in Germany before 1530, who, being scholars, may or may not have drawn on Italian thought, thereafter there is reason to look to Italy as the source of the propaganda. Thence came the two Sozzini, the founders of Socinianism, of whom Lelio, the uncle of Fausto, travelled much in northern Europe (including England) between 1546 and 1552. [2133] As the earlier doctrine of Servetus shows clear affinities to that of the Sozzini, and his earlier books were much read in Italy between 1532 and 1540, he may well have given them their impulse. [2134] It is evidently to Servetus that Zanchi referred when he wrote to Bullinger in 1565 that "Spain bore the hens, Italy hatched the eggs, and we now hear the chickens piping." [2135] Before Socinianism had taken form it was led up to, as we have seen, in the later writings of the ex-monk Bernardino Ochino (1487-1564), who, in the closing years of a much chequered career, combined mystical and Unitarian tendencies with a leaning to polygamy and freedom of divorce. [2136] His influence was considerable among the Swiss Protestants, though they finally expelled him for his heresies. From Geneva or from France, in turn, apparently came some of the English freethought of the middle period of the sixteenth century; [2137] for in 1562 Speaker Williams in the House of Commons, in a list of misbelievers, speaks of "Pelagians, Libertines, Papists, and such others, leaving God's commandments to follow their own traditions, affections, and minds" [2138]--using theologically the foreign term, which never became naturalized in English in its foreign sense. It was about the year 1563, again, that Roger Ascham wrote his Scholemaster, wherein are angrily described, as a species new in England, men who, "where they dare," scorn both Protestant and Papist, "rejecting scripture, and counting the Christian mysteries as fables." [2139] He describes them as "atheoi in doctrine"; adding, "this last word is no more unknowne now to plane Englishe men than the Person was unknown somtyme in England, untill some Englishe man took peines to fetch that develish opinion out of Italie." [2140] The whole tendency he connects in a general way with the issue of many new translations from the Italian, mentioning in particular Petrarch and Boccaccio. Among good Protestants his view was general; and so Lord Burghley in his Advice to his Son writes: "Suffer not thy sons to pass the Alps, for they shall learn nothing there but pride, blasphemy, and atheism." As it happened, his grandson the second Earl of Exeter, and his great-grandson Lord Roos, went to Rome, and became not atheists but Roman Catholics.

Such episodes should remind us that in that age of ignorance and superstition the Church had always an immense advantage. Those who, like Gentillet in his raging Discours, commonly known as the Contre-Machiavel (1576), ascribed to "atheism" and the teaching of Machiavelli all the crimes and oppressions wrought by Catholics, [2141] were ludicrously perverting the facts. Massacres in churches, which are cited by Gentillet as impossible to believing Catholics, were wrought, as we have seen, on the largest scale by the Church in the thirteenth century. So, when Scaliger calls the Italians of his day "a set of atheists," we are to understand it rather of "the hypocrisy than of the professed skepticism of the time." [2142] But rationalism and semi-rationalism did prevail in Italy more than in any other country. [2143]

Like the old Averroïsm, the new pietistic Unitarianism persisted in Italy and radiated thence afresh when it had flagged in other lands. The exploded Unitarian tradition [2144] runs that the doctrine arose in the year 1546 among a group of more than forty learned men who were wont to assemble in secret at Vicenza, near Venice. Claudius of Savoy, however, emphatically gave out his anti-Trinitarian doctrine at Berne in 1534, after having been imprisoned at Strasburg and banished thence; [2145] and Ochino and Lelio Sozzini left Italy in 1543. But there seems to have been a continuous evolution of Unitarian heresy in the south after the German movement had ceased. Giorgio Biandrata, whom we have seen flying to Poland from Geneva, had been seized by the Inquisition at Pavia for such opinion. Still it persisted. In 1562 Giulio Guirlando of Treviso, and in 1566 Francesco Saga of Rovigo, were burned at Venice for anti-Trinitarianism. Giacomo Aconzio too, who dedicated his Stratagems of Satan (Basel, 1565) to Queen Elizabeth, and who pleaded notably for the toleration of heresy, [2146] was a decided latitudinarian. [2147]

It is remarkable that the whole ferment occurs in the period of the Catholic Reaction, the Council of Trent, and the subjection of Italy, when the papacy was making its great effort to recover its ground. It would seem that in the compulsory peace which had now fallen on Italian life men's thoughts turned more than ever to mental problems, as had happened in Greece after the rise of Alexander's empire. The authority of the Church was outwardly supreme; the Jesuits had already begun to do great things for education; [2148] the revived Inquisition was everywhere in Italy; its prisons, as we have seen, were crowded with victims of all grades during a whole generation; Pius V and the hierarchy everywhere sought to enforce decorum in life; the "pagan" academies formed on the Florentine model were dissolved; and classic culture rapidly decayed with the arts, while clerical learning flourished, [2149] and a new religious music began with Palestrina. Yet on the death of Paul IV the Roman populace burned the Office of the Inquisition to the ground and cast the pope's statue into the Tiber; [2150] and in that age (1548) was born Giordano Bruno, one of the types of modern freethought.

The great service of Italy to modern freethought, however, was to come later, in respect of the impulse given to the scientific spirit by Bruno, Vanini, and Galileo. On the philosophical or critical side, the Italy of the middle of the sixteenth century left no enduring mark on European thought, though her serious writers were numerous. Aconzio had published, before his De Stratagematibus Satanæ, a treatise De Methodo, sive recta investigandarum tradendarumque scientiarum ratione (Basel, 1558), wherein he pleads strenuously for a true logical method as the one way to real knowledge of things. In this he anticipates Bacon, as did, still earlier, Mario Nizolio in his Antibarbarus sive de veris principiis et vera ratione philosophandi contra pseudo-philosophos (Parma, 1553). Nizolio's main effort is towards the discrediting of Aristotle, whom, like so many in the generation following, he regarded as the great bulwark of scholastic obscurantism. He insists that all knowledge must proceed from sensation, which alone has immediate certainty; and thus stands for direct scientific observation as against tradition and verbalism. But Ludovicus Vives had before him (in his De causis corruptarum artium, Antwerp, 1531) claimed that the true Aristotelian went direct to nature, as Aristotle himself had done; and Nizolio did nothing in practical science to substantiate his polemic against the logic-choppers.

He and Aconzio in effect cancel each other. Each had glimpsed a truth, one seeing the need for a right method in inference, the other protesting against the idea that abstract reasoning could lead to knowledge; but neither made good his argument by any treasure trove of fact. Another writer of the same decade, Gomez Pereira, joined in the revolt against Aristotelianism, publishing in 1554 his Margarita Antoniana, wherein, in advance of Descartes, he maintained the absence of sensation in brutes. [2151] For the rest, he championed freedom in speculation, denying that authority should avail save in matters of faith. But he too failed to bring forth fruits meet for freedom. Neither by abstract exposition of right methods of reasoning, nor by abstract attacks on wrong methods, could any vital impulse yet be given to thought. What was lacking was the use of reason upon actual problems, whether of human or of natural science. All the while Europe was anchored to ancient delusion, historical and scientific. Even as the horrors of age-long religious war could alone drive men to something like toleration in the religious life, there was needed the impact of actual discovery to win them to science as against scholasticism. And rational thinking on the religion which resisted all new science was to be still later of attainment, save for the nameless men who throughout the ages of faith rejected the creeds without publishing their unbelief. Of these Italy had always a large sprinkling.

§ 2. SPAIN

The fact that sixteenth-century Spain could be charged, on the score of Servetus, with producing the "hen" of Socinianism, is an important reminder of the perpetuity of variation and of the fatality of environment. The Portuguese Sanchez, whom we shall find laying new potential foundations of skepticism in France alongside of Montaigne, could neither have acquired nor propounded his philosophy in his native land. But it is to be noted that an elder contemporary of Sanchez, living and dying in Spain, was able, in the generation after Servetus, to make a real contribution to the revival of freethought, albeit under shelter of a firm profession of orthodoxy.

No book of the kind, perhaps, had a wider European popularity than the Examen de Ingenios para las ciencias of Huarte de San Juan, otherwise Juan Huarte y Navarro (c. 1530-1592). Like Servetus and Sanchez and many another, Huarte had his bias to reason fostered by a medical training; and it is as a "natural philosopher" that he stands for a rational study of causation. As a pioneer of exact science, indeed, he counts for next to nothing. Taking as his special theme the divergences of human faculty, he does but found himself on the à priori system of "humours" and "temperatures" passed on by Aristotle to Galen and Hippocrates, inconsistently affirming on the one hand that the "characters" not only of whole nations but of the inhabitants of provinces are determined by their special climates and aliments, and on the other hand that individual faculty is determined by the proportions of hot and cold, moist and dry "temperatures" in the parents. Apart from his insistence on the functions of the brain, and from broadly rational deliverances as to the kinds of faculty which determine success in theology and law, arms and arts, his "science" is naught. Dealing with an obscure problem, he brought to it none of the exact inductiveness which alone had yielded true knowledge in the simpler field of astronomy. In virtue, however, either of his confidence in affirmation or of his stand for rational inquiry, or of both, Huarte's book, published in 1575, went the round of Europe. Translated into Italian in 1582 (or earlier; new rendering 1600), it was thence rendered into English by Richard Carew in 1594. [2152] A French version appeared in 1598, and two others in 1661 and 1671. A later English translation, from the original, was produced in 1698; and Lessing thought the book worth putting into German in 1785.

The rationalistic importance of Huarte lies in his insistence on the study of "second causes" and his protest against the burking of all inquiry by a reference to deity. On this head he anticipates much of the polemic of Bacon. The explanation of all processes and phenomena by the will of God, he observes, "is so ancient a manner of talk, and the natural philosophers have so often refuted it, that the seeking to take the same away were superfluous, neither is it convenient.... But I have often gone about to consider the reason and the cause whence it may grow that the vulgar sort is so great friend to impute all things to God, and to reave them from Nature, and do so abhor the natural means." [2153] His solution is the impatience of men over the complexity of Nature, their spiritual arrogance, their indolence, and their piety. For himself, he pronounces, as Middleton did in England nearly two centuries later, that "God doth no longer those unwonted things of the New Testament; and the reason is, for that on his behalf he hath performed all necessary diligence that men might not pretend ignorance. And to think that he will begin anew to do the like miracles ... is an error very great.... God speaks once (saith Job) and turns not to a second replial." [2154]

Only thus could the principle of natural causation be affirmed in the Spain of Philip II. Huarte is careful to affirm miracles while denying their recurrence; and throughout he writes as a good Scripturist and Catholic. But he sticks to his naturalist thesis that "Nature makes able," and avows that "natural philosophers laugh at such as say, This is God's doing, without assigning the order and discourse of the particular causes whence they may spring." [2155] The fact that the book was dedicated to Philip tells of royal protection, without which the author could hardly have escaped the Inquisition. Years after, we shall find Lilly in England protesting on the stage against the conception of Natura naturans; and Bacon powerfully reaffirming Huarte's doctrine, with the same reservations. The Spaniard must have counted for something as a pleader for elementary reason, if Bacon did.

But this is practically the only important contribution from Spain to the intellectual renascence then going on in Europe. As we have seen, it was not that Spaniards had any primordial bias to dogmatism and persecution: it was simply that their whole socio-political evolution, largely determined by Spanish discovery and dominion in the New World, set up institutions and forces which became specially powerful to stamp out freethought. The work of progress was done in lands where lack of external dominion left on the one hand a greater fund of variant energy, and on the other made for a lesser power of repression on the part of Church and State.

§ 3. FRANCE

While Italy continues to be reputed throughout the sixteenth century a hotbed of freethinking, styled "atheism," it appears to have been in France, alongside of the wars of religion, that positive unbelief, as distinct from scripturalist Unitarianism, made most new headway among laymen. It was in France that the forces of change had greatest play. The mere contact with Italy which began with the invasion of Charles VII in 1494 meant a manifold moral and mental influence, affecting French literature and life alike; and the age of strife and destruction which set in with the first Huguenot wars could not but be one of disillusionment for multitudes of serious men. We have seen as much in the work of Bonaventure des Periers and Rabelais; but the spread of radical unbelief is to be traced, as is usual in the ages of faith, by the books written against it. Already in 1552 we have seen Guillaume Postell publishing his book, Contra Atheos. [2156] Unbelief increasing, there is published in 1564 an Atheomachie by one De Bourgeville; but the Massacre must have gone far to frustrate him. In 1581 appears another Atheomachie, ou réfutation des erreurs et impiétés des Athéistes, Libertins, etc., issued at Geneva, but bearing much on French life; and in the same year is issued the long-time popular work of the Huguenot Philippe de Mornay, De la vérité de la religion Chrestienne, Contre les Athées, Epicuriens, Payens, Juifs, Mahumedistes, et autres Infidèles. [2157] In both the Epistle Dedicatory (to Henry of Navarre) and the Preface the author speaks of the great multiplication of unbelief, the refutation of which he declares to be more needful among Christians than it ever had been among the heathen. But, like most of the writers against atheism in that age, he declares [2158] that there are no atheists save a few young fools and utterly bad men, who turn to God as soon as they fall sick. The reputed atheists of antiquity are vindicated as having denied not the principle of deity but the false Gods of their age--this after the universality of a belief in Gods in all ages had been cited as one of the primary proofs of God's existence. In this fashion is compiled a book of nine hundred pages, ostensibly for the confutation of a few fools and knaves, described as unworthy of serious consideration. Evidently the unbelief of de Mornay's day was a more vigorous growth than he affected to think; and his voluminous performance was followed by others. In 1586, Christophe Cheffontaines published his Epitome novæ illustrationis Christianae Fidei adversus Impios, Libertinos et Atheos; and still skepticism gained ground, having found new abettors.

First came the Portuguese Francisco Sanchez (1552-1623?), born in Portugal, but brought as a child to Bordeaux, which seems to have been a place of refuge for many fugitive heretics from both sides of the Peninsula. Sanchez has recorded that in his early youth he had no bias to incredulity of any kind; but at some stage of his adolescence he travelled in Italy and spent some time at Rome. The result was not that special disbelief in Christianity which was proverbially apt to follow, but a development on his part of philosophic skepticism properly so-called, which found expression in a Latin treatise entitled Quod Nihil Scitur--"That Nothing is Known." Composed as early as 1576, in the author's twenty-fourth year, the book was not published till 1581, a year after the first issue of the Essais of Montaigne. It is natural to surmise that while Sanchez was at Bordeaux he may have known something of his famous contemporary; but though Montaigne is likely to have read the Quod Nihil Scitur in due course, he nowhere speaks of it; and in 1576 Sanchez was a Professor of Medicine at Montpellier, then a town of Huguenot leanings. Soon he left it for Toulouse, the hotbed of Catholic fanaticism, where he contrived to live out his long life in peace, despite his production of a Pyrrhonist treatise and of a remarkable Latin poem (1578) on the comet of 1577. The Quod Nihil Scitur is a skeptical flank attack on current science, in no way animadverting on religion, as to which he professed orthodoxy: the poem is a frontal attack on the whole creed of astrology, then commonly held by Averroïsts and Aristotelians, as well as by orthodox Catholics. Yet he seems never to have been molested. It would seem as if a skepticism which ostensibly disallowed all claims to "natural" knowledge, while avowedly recognizing "spiritual," was then as later thought to make rather for faith than against it. That such virtual Pyrrhonism as that of Sanchez can ever have ministered to religious zeal is not indeed to be supposed: it is rather as a weapon against the confidence of the "Naturalist" that the skeptical method has always recommended itself to the calculating priest. And inasmuch as astrology could be, and was, held by a non-religious theory, though many Christians added it to their creed, a polemic against that was the least dangerous form of rationalizing then possible. At all times there had been priests who so reasoned, though, as we have seen in dealing with the men of the Protestant Reformation, the belief in astral influences is too closely akin to the main line of religious tradition to be capable of ejection on religious grounds.

With his hostility to credulous hopes and fears in the sphere of Nature, Sanchez is naturally regarded as a forerunner and helper of freethought. But there is nothing to show that his work had any effect in undermining the most formidable of all the false beliefs of Christendom. [2159] Like so many others of his age, he flouted Aristotelean scholasticism, but was perforce silent as to the verbalisms and sophistries of simple theology. It may fairly be inferred that his poem on the comet of 1577 helped to create that current of reasoned disbelief [2160] which we find throwing up almost identical expressions in Montaigne, Shakespeare, and Molière, [2161] concerning the folly of connecting the stars with human affairs. But a skepticism which left untouched the main matter of the creeds could not affect conduct in general; and while Sanchez passed unchecked the watchdogs of the Inquisition, the fiery Bruno and Vanini were in his day to meet their fiery death at its hands--the latter in Toulouse, perhaps under the eyes of Sanchez. Having resigned his professorship of medicine, he seems to have lived to a ripe age, dying in 1623.

Probably those very deaths availed more for the rousing of critical thought than did the dialectic of the Pyrrhonist. To the life of the reason may with perfect accuracy be applied the claim so often made for that of religion--that it feeds on feeling and is rooted in experience. Revolt from the cruelties and follies of faith plays a great part in the history of freethought. In the greatest French writer of that age, a professed Catholic, but in mature life averse alike to Catholic and to Protestant bigotry, the shock of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew can be seen disintegrating once for all the spirit of faith. Montaigne typifies the kind of skepticism produced in an unscientific age by the practical demonstration that religion can avail immeasurably more for evil than for good. [2162] A few years before the Massacre he had translated for his dying father [2163] the old Theologia Naturalis of Raymond of Sebonde; and we know from the later Apology in the Essays that freethinking contemporaries declared the argument of Raymond to be wholly insufficient. [2164] It is clear from the same essay that Montaigne felt as much; though the gist of his polemic is a vehement attack upon all forms of confident opinion, religious and anti-religious alike. "In replying to arguments of so opposite a tenour, Montaigne leaves Christianity, as well as Raimond Sebonde, without a leg to stand upon. He demolishes the arguments of Sebonde with the rest of human presumption, and allows Christianity, neither held by faith nor provable by reason, to fall between the two stools." [2165] The truth is that Montaigne's skepticism was the product of a mental evolution spread over at least twenty years. In his youth his vivid temperament kept him both credulous and fanatical, so much so that in 1562 he took the reckless oath prescribed by the Catholic Parlement of Paris. As he avows with his incomparable candour, he had been in many things peculiarly susceptible to outside influences, being always ready to respond to the latest pressure; [2166] and the knowledge of his susceptibility made him self-distrustful. But gradually he found himself. Beginning to recoil from the ferocities and iniquities of the League, he yet remained for a time hotly anti-Protestant; and it seems to have been his dislike of Protestant criticism that led him to run amuck against reason, at the cost of overthrowing the treatise he had set out to defend. The common end of such petulant skepticism is a plunge into uneasy yet unreasoning faith; but, though Montaigne professed Catholicism to the end, the sheer wickedness of the Catholic policy made it impossible for him to hold sincerely to the creed any more than to the cause. [2167] Above all things he hated cruelty. [2168] It was the Massacre that finally made Montaigne renounce public life; [2169] it must have affected likewise his working philosophy.

That philosophy was not, indeed, an original construction: he found it to his hand partly in the deism of his favourite Seneca; partly in the stoical ethic of Epictetus, then so much appreciated in France; and partly in the Hypotyposes of Sextus Empiricus, of which the Latin translation is known to have been among his books; from which he took several of the mottoes inscribed on his library ceiling, [2170] and from which he frequently quotes towards the end of his Apology. The body of ideas compacted on these bases cannot be called a system: it was not in Montaigne's nature to frame a logical scheme of thought; and he was far from being the philosophic skeptic he set out to be [2171] by way of confounding at once the bigots and the atheists. He was essentially ondoyant et divers, as he freely admitted. As he put it in a passage added to the later editions of the Essais, [2172] he was a kind of métis, belonging neither to the camp of ignorant faith nor to that of philosophic conviction, whether believing or unbelieving. He early avows that, had he written what he thought and knew of the affairs of his times, he would have published judgments "à mon gré mesme et selon raison," in his opinion true and reasonable, but "illégitimes et punissables." [2173] Again, "whatsoever is beyond the compass of custom, we deem likewise to be beyond the compass of reason, God knows how unreasonably, for the most part." [2174] Yet in the next breath he will exclaim at those who demand changes. Often he comments keenly on the incredible readiness of men to go to war over trifles; but in another mood he accuses the nobility of his day of unwillingness to take up arms "except upon some urgent and extreme necessity." [2175] In the same page he will tell us that he is "easily carried away by the throng," and that he is yet "not very easy to change, forsomuch as I perceive a like weakness in contrary opinions." [2176] "I am very easily to be directed by the world's public order," [2177] is the upshot of his easy meditations. And a conformist he remained in practice to the last, always bearing himself dutifully towards Mother Church, and generally observing the proprieties, though he confesses that he "made it a conscience to eat flesh upon a fish day." [2178]

His conformities, verbal and practical, have set certain Catholics upon proving his orthodoxy, though his Essays are actually prohibited by the Church. A Benedictine, Dom Devienne, published in 1773 a Dissertation sur la Religion de Montaigne, of which the main pleas are that the Essais often affirm the divinity of the Christian faith; that the essayist received the freedom of the city of Rome under the eyes of the pope; and that his epitaph declared his orthodoxy! A generation later, one Labouderie undertook to set forth Le Christianisme de Montaigne in a volume of 600 pages (1819). This apologist has the courage to face the protest of Pascal: "Montaigne puts everything in a doubt so universal and so general that, doubting even whether he doubts, his uncertainty turns upon itself in a perpetual and unresting circle.... It is in this doubt which doubts of itself, and in this ignorance which is ignorant of itself, that the essence of his opinion consists.... In a word, he is a pure Pyrrhonist" (Pensées, supp. to Pt. i, art. 11). The reply of the apologist is that Montaigne never extends his skepticism to "revelation," but on the contrary declares that revelation alone gives man certainties (work cited, p. 127).

That is of course merely the device of a hundred skeptics of the Middle Ages; the old shibboleth of a "twofold truth" modified by a special disparagement of reason, with no attempt to meet the rejoinder that, if reason has no certainties, there can be no certainty that revelation is what it claims to be. When the apologist concludes that Montaigne's aim en froissant la raison humaine is to "oblige men to recognize the need of a revelation to fix his incertitudes," it suffices to answer that Montaigne in so many words declares at the outset of the Apologie de Raimond Sebonde that he knows nothing of theology, which is equivalent to saying that he is not a student of the Bible. As a matter of fact he never quotes it!

In the last and most characteristic essay of all, discoursing at large Of Experience, he makes the most daring attack on laws in general, as being always arbitrary and often irrational, and not seldom more criminal than the offences they punish. After a planless discourse of diseases and diets, follies of habit and follies of caprice, the wisdom of self-rule and the wisdom of irregularity, he contrives to conclude at once that we should make the best of everything and that "only authority is of force with men of common reach and understanding, and is of more weight in a strange language"--a plea for Catholic ritual. Yet in the same page he pronounces that "Supercelestial opinions and under-terrestrial manners are things that amongst us I have ever seen to be of singular accord."

There is no final recognition here of religion as even a useful factor in life. In point of fact Montaigne's whole habit of mind is perfectly fatal to orthodox religion; and it is clear that, despite his professions of conformity, he did not hold the Christian beliefs. [2179] He was simply a deist. Again and again he points to Sokrates as the noblest and wisest of men; there is no reference to Jesus or any of the saints. Whatever he might say in the Apology, in the other essays he repeatedly reveals a radical unbelief. The essay on Custom strikes at the root of all orthodoxy, with its thrusts at "the gross imposture of religions, wherewith so many worthy and sufficient men have been besotted and drunken," and its terse avowal that "miracles are according to the ignorance wherein we are by nature, and not according to nature's essence." [2180] Above all, he rejected the great superstition of the age, the belief in witchcraft; and, following the lead of Wier, [2181] suggested a medical view of the cases of those who professed wizardry. [2182] This is the more remarkable because his rubber-ball fashion of following impulsions and rebounding from certainty made him often disparage other men's certainties of disbelief just because they were certainties. Declaring that he prefers above all things qualified and doubtful propositions, [2183] he makes as many confident assertions of his own as any man ever did. But the effect of the whole is a perpetual stimulus to questioning. His function in literature was thus to set up a certain mental atmosphere, [2184] and this the extraordinary vitality of his utterance enabled him to do to an incalculable extent. He had the gift to disarm or at least to baffle hostility, to charm kings, [2185] to stand free between warring factions. No book ever written conveys more fully the sensation of a living voice; and after three hundred years he has as friendly an audience as ever.

Owen notes (French Skeptics, p. 446; cp. Champion, pp. 168-69) that, though the papal curia requested Montaigne to alter certain passages in the Essays, "it cannot be shown that he erased or modified a single one of the points." Sainte-Beuve, indeed, has noted many safeguarding clauses added to the later versions of the essay on Prayers (i, 56): but they really carry further the process of doubt. M. Champion has well shown how the profession of personal indecision and mere self-portraiture served as a passport for utterances which would have brought instant punishment on an author who showed any clear purpose. As it was, nearly a century passed before the Essais were placed upon the Roman Index Librorum Prohibitorum (1676).

To the orthodox of his own day Montaigne seems to have given entire satisfaction. Thus Florimond de Boemond, in his Antichrist (2e éd. 1599, p. 4), begins his apologetic with a skeptical argument, which he winds up by referring the reader with eulogy to the Apologie of Montaigne. The modern resort to the skeptical method in defence of traditional faith seems to date from this time. See Prof. Fortunat Strowski, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France au xviie siècle; 1907, i, 55, note. (De Montaigne à Pascal.)

The momentum of such an influence is seen in the work of Charron (1541-1603), Montaigne's friend and disciple. The Essais had first appeared in 1580; the expanded and revised issue in 1588; and in 1601 there appeared Charron's De la Sagesse, which gives methodic form and as far as was permissible a direct application to Montaigne's naturalistic principles. Charron's is a curious case of mental evolution. First a lawyer, then a priest, he became a highly successful popular preacher and champion of the Catholic League; and as such was favoured by the notorious Marguerite (the Second [2186]) of Navarre. On the assassination of the Duke of Guise by order of Henri III he delivered an indignant protest from the pulpit, of which, however, he rapidly repented. [2187] Becoming the friend of Montaigne in 1586, he shows already in 1593, in his Three Truths, the influence of the essayist's skepticism, [2188] though Charron's book was expressly framed to refute, first, the atheists; second, the pagans, Jews, Mohammedans; and, third, the Christian heretics and schismatics. The Wisdom, published only eight years later, is a work of a very different cast, proving a mental change. Even in the first work "the growing teeth of the skeptic are discernible beneath the well-worn stumps of the believer"; [2189] but the second almost testifies to a new birth. Professedly orthodox, it was yet recognized at once by the devout as a "seminary of impiety," [2190] and brought on its author a persecution that lasted till his sudden death from apoplexy, which his critics pronounced to be a divine dispensation. In the second and rearranged edition, published a year after his death, there are some modifications; but they are so far from essential [2191] that Buckle found the book as it stands a kind of pioneer manual of rationalism. [2192] Its way of putting all religions on one level, as being alike grounded on bad evidence and held on prejudice, is only the formal statement of an old idea, found, like so many others of Charron's, in Montaigne; but the didactic purpose and method turn the skeptic's shrug into a resolute propaganda. So with the formal and earnest insistence that true morality cannot be built on religious hopes and fears--a principle which Charron was the first to bring directly home to the modern intelligence, [2193] as he did the principle of development in religious systems. [2194] Attempting as it does to construct a systematic practical philosophy of life, the book puts aside so positively the claims of the theologians, [2195] and so emphatically subordinates religion to the rule of natural reason, [2196] that it constitutes a virtual revolution in public doctrine for Christendom. As Montaigne is the effective beginner of modern literature, so is Charron the beginner of modern secular teaching. He is a Naturalist, professing theism; and it is not surprising to find that for a time his book was even more markedly than Montaigne's the French "freethinker's breviary."

Strowski, as cited, pp. 164-65, 183 sq., founding on Garasse and Mersenne. Strowski at first pronounces Charron "in reality only a collector of commonplaces" (p. 166); but afterwards obliviously confesses (p. 191) that "his audacities are astonishing," and explains that "he formulates, perhaps without knowing it, a whole doctrine of irreligion which outgoes the man and the time--a thought stronger than the thinker!" And again he forgetfully speaks of "cette critique hardie et méthodique, j'allais écrire scientifique" (p. 240). All this would be a new form of commonplace.

It was only powerful protection that could save such a book from proscription; but Charron and his book had the support at once of Henri IV and the President Jeannin--the former a proved indifferentist to religious forms; the latter the author of the remark that a peace with two religions was better than a war which had none. Such a temper had become predominant even among professed Catholics, as may be gathered from the immense popularity of the Satyre Menippée (1594). Ridiculing as it did the insensate fanaticism of the Catholic League, that composition was naturally described as the work of atheists; but there seems to have been no such element in the case, the authors being all Catholics of good standing, and some of them even having a record for zeal. [2197] The Satyre was in fact the triumphant revolt of the humorous common sense of France against the tyranny of fanaticism, which it may be said to have overthrown at one stroke, [2198] inasmuch as it made possible the entry of Henri into Paris. By a sudden appeal to secular sanity and the sense of humour it made the bulk of the Catholic mass ashamed of its past course. [2199] On the other hand, it is expressly testified by the Catholic historian De Thou that all the rich and the aristocracy held the League in abomination. [2200] In such an atmosphere rationalism must needs germinate, especially when the king's acceptance of Catholicism dramatized the unreality of the grounds of strife.

After the assassination of the king in 1610, the last of the bloody deeds which had kept France on the rack of uncertainty in religion's name for three generations, the spirit of rationalism naturally did not wane. In the Paris of the early seventeenth century, doubtless, the new emancipation came to be associated, as "libertinism," with licence as well as with freethinking. In the nature of the case there could be no serious and free literary discussion of the new problems either of life or belief, save insofar as they had been handled by Montaigne and Charron; and, inasmuch as the accounts preserved of the freethought of the age are almost invariably those of its worst enemies, it is chiefly their side of the case that has been presented. Thus in 1623 the Jesuit Father François Garasse published a thick quarto of over a thousand pages, entitled La Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits de ce temps, ou prétendus tels, in which he assails the "libertins" of the day with an infuriated industry. The eight books into which he divides his treatise proceed upon eight alleged maxims of the freethinkers, which run as follows:--

I. There are very few good wits [bons Esprits] in the world; and the fools, that is to say, the common run of men, are not capable of our doctrine; therefore it will not do to speak freely, but in secret, and among trusting and cabalistic souls.

II. Good wits [beaux Esprits] believe in God only by way of form, and as a matter of public policy (par Maxime d'Etat).

III. A bel Esprit is free in his belief, and is not readily to be taken in by the quantity of nonsense that is propounded to the simple populace.

IV. All things are conducted and governed by Destiny, which is irrevocable, infallible, immovable, necessary, eternal, and inevitable to all men whomsoever.

V. It is true that the book called the Bible, or the Holy Scripture, is a good book (un gentil livre), and contains a lot of good things; but that a bon esprit should be obliged to believe under pain of damnation all that is therein, down to the tail of Tobit's dog, does not follow.

VI. There is no other divinity or sovereign power in the world but Nature, which must be satisfied in all things, without refusing anything to our body or senses that they desire of us in the exercise of their natural powers and faculties.

VII. Supposing there be a God, as it is decorous to admit, so as not to be always at odds with the superstitious, it does not follow that there are creatures which are purely intellectual and separated from matter. All that is in Nature is composite, and therefore there are neither angels nor devils in the world, and it is not certain that the soul of man is immortal.

VIII. It is true that to live happily it is necessary to extinguish and drown all scruples; but all the same it does not do to appear impious and abandoned, for fear of offending the simple or losing the support of the superstitious.

This is obviously neither candid [2201] nor competent writing; and as it happens there remains proof, in the case of the life of La Mothe le Vayer, that "earnest freethought in the beginning of the seventeenth century afforded a point d'appui for serious-minded men, which neither the corrupt Romanism nor the narrow Protestantism of the period could furnish." [2202] Garasse's own doctrine was that "the true liberty of the mind consists in a simple and docile (sage) belief in all that the Church propounds, indifferently and without distinction." [2203] The later social history of Catholic France is the sufficient comment on the efficacy of such teaching to regulate life. In any case the new ideas steadily gained ground; and on the heels of the treatise of Garasse appeared that of Marin Mersenne, L'impieté des Déistes, Athées et Libertins de ce temps combattue, avec la refutation des opinions de Charron, de Cardan, de Jordan Brun, et des quatraines du Déiste (1624). In a previous treatise, Quæstiones celeberrimæ in Genesim ... in quo volumine Athei et Deisti impugnantur et expugnantur (1623), Mersenne set agoing the often-quoted assertion that, while atheists abounded throughout Europe, they were so specially abundant in France that in Paris alone there were some fifty thousand. Even taking the term "atheist" in the loosest sense in which such writers used it, the statement was never credited by any contemporary, or by its author; but neither did anyone doubt that there was an unprecedented amount of unbelief. The Quatraines du Déiste, otherwise L'Antibigot, was a poem of one hundred and six stanzas, never printed, but widely circulated in manuscript in its day. It is poor poetry enough, but its doctrine of a Lucretian God who left the world to itself sufficed to create a sensation, and inspired Mersenne to write a poem in reply. [2204] Such were the signs of the times when Pascal was in his cradle.

Mersenne's statistical assertion was made in two sheets of the Quæstiones Celeberrimæ, "qui ont été supprimé dans la plupart des exemplaires, à cause, sans doute, de leur exagération" (Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartésienne, 1854, i, 28, where the passage is cited). The suppressed sheets included a list of the "atheists" of the time, occupying five folio columns. (Julian Hibbert, Plutarchus and Theophrastus on Superstition, etc., 1828; App. Catal. of Works written against Atheism, p. 3; Prosper Marchand, Lettre sur le Cymbalum Mundi, in éd. Bibliophile Jacob, 1841, p. 17, note; Prof. Strowski, De Montaigne à Pascal, 1907, p. 138 sq.) Mersenne himself, in the preface to his book, stultifies his suppressed assertion by declaring that the impious in Paris boast falsely of their number, which is really small, unless heretics be reckoned as atheists. Garasse, writing against them, all the while professed to know only five atheists, three of them Italians (Strowski, as cited).

END OF VOL. I.

NOTES

[1] Cp. Lechler, Geschichte des englischen Deismus, 1841, p. 458; A. S. Farrar, Critical History of Freethought, 1862, p. 588; Larousse's Dictionnaire, art. Libre Pensée; Sayous, Les déistes anglais et le Christianisme, 1882, p. 203.

[2] Jesus is made to apply it either to his disciples or to willing followers in Matt. xvii, 17, where the implication seems to be that lack of faith alone prevents miraculous cures. So with apistia in Matt. xiii, 58. In the Epistles, a pagan as such is apistos--e.g., 1 Cor. vi, 6. Here the Vulgate has infideles: in Matt. xiii, 58, the word is incredulitatem.

[3] Cp. Luke xii, 46; Tit. i, 15; Rev. xxi, 8.

[4] In the prologue to the first print of the old (1196) Revelation of the Monk of Evesham, 1482.

[5] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Viret, Note D.

[6] Essais, liv. iii. ch. 12. Édit. Firmin-Didot, 1882, ii, 518.

[7] See F. T. Perrens, Les Libertins en France au xviie Siècle, 1896, Introd. § 11, for a good general view of the bearings of the word. It stood at times for simple independence of spirit, apart from religious freethinking. Thus Madame de Sevigné (Lettre à Mme. de Grignan, 28 juin, 1671) writes: "Je suis libertine, plus que vous."

[8] Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863, i, 383 sq.; Perrens as cited, pp. 5-6; Mosheim, Eccles. Hist., 13 Cent., part ii, ch. v, §§ 9-12, and notes; 14 Cent., part ii, ch. v, §§ 3-5; 16 Cent., § 3, part ii, ch. ii. §§ 38-42.

[9] A. Bossert, Calvin, 1906. p. 151.

[10] Burckhardt, Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. ed. 1892, p. 542, note.

[11] Answer to Sir T. More, Parker Soc. rep. 1850, pp. 53-54.

[12] Controversy with Harding, Parker Soc. rep. of Works, 1845, i, 305.

[13] Paradise Lost, i, 582; Samson Agonistes, 221.

[14] The New Inn, 1628-9, Act iii. Sc. 2.

[15] The New English Dictionary gives instances in 1526 and 1552.

[16] If Mr. Froude's transcript of a manuscript can here be relied on. History, ed. 1870, x, 545. (Ed. 1872, xi, 199.)

[17] Four Questions Propounded (pref. to Acts and Monuments).

[18] Answer to the Bishop of Winchester, Parker Soc. rep., p. 129.

[19] Works, ed. 1850, ii, 752.

[20] B. V, ch. i, § 3. Works, i, 429.

[21] De civitate Dei, xx, 30, end; xxi, 5, beginn., etc.

[22] Religio Medici, 1642, pt. i. §§ 19, 20.

[23] Essay II, Of Scepticism and Certainty (rep. of reply to Thomas White, app. to Scepsis Scientifica in 1665) in Glanvill's collected Essays on Several Important Subjects in Philosophy and Religion, 1676, pp. 38, 44.

[24] Plus Ultra: or, The Progress and Advancement of Knowledge since the Days of Aristotle, 1668, p. 146.

[25] History of the Royal Society, 1667, p. 73. Describing the beginnings of the Society, Sprat remarks that Oxford had at that time many members "who had begun a free way of reasoning" (p. 53).

[26] Buckle, Introd. to Hist. of Civ. in Eng., 1-vol. ed. p. 211.

[27] Sprat, p. 375 (printed as 367).

[28] Id., p. 83. The French Academy had the same rule.

[29] Some of Sprat's uses of the term have a very general sense, as when he writes (p. 87) that "Amsterdam is a place of Trade without the mixture of men of freer thoughts." The latter is an old application, as in "the free sciences" or "the liberal arts."

[30] Cited by Archbishop Trench, The Study of Words, 19th ed., p. 230, from the Clarendon State Papers, App. Vol. III, p. 40.

[31] Art. Rationalismus and Supernaturalismus in Herzog and Plitt's Real-Encyk. für prot. Theol. und Kirche, 1883. xii, 509.

[32] Philosophical Works of Bacon, ed. Ellis and Spedding, iii, 583. See the same saying quoted among the Apophthegms given in Tenison's Baconiana (Routledge's ed. of Works, p. 895).

[33] Every Man in his Humour (1598), Act iii, sc. 3.

[34] Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, 1708, p. 190.

[35] Id. p. 133.

[36] Ed. Rotterdam, 1686. p. 195.

[37] B. II, pt. ii, § 1.

[38] Ch. on Logic, cited by Professor Fowler in his ed. of the Novum Organum, 1878, introd. p. 118.

[39] §§ 3 and 4.

[40] Letters, 1746, p. 5.

[41] Orig. ed. iii, 305, 306, 311; ed. J. M. R., 1900, ii, 349, 353.

[42] Nos. 12, 111, 135.

[43] Cp. Johnson on A. Philips in Lives of the Poets. Swift, too, issued his Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs in 1714.

[44] Thus Bentley, writing as Phileleutherus Lipsiensis against Collins, claims to have been "train'd up and exercis'd in Free Thought from my youth." Dr. Samuel Clarke somewhere makes a similar statement; and the point is raised by Berkeley in his Minute Philosopher, Dial. i, § 10. One of the first replies to Collins, A Letter to the Free-thinkers, By a Layman, dated February 24, 1712-13, likewise insists on the right of believers to the title, declaring that "a free-thinker may be the best or worst of men." Shaftesbury on the other side protests that the passion of orthodoxy "holds up the intended chains and fetters and declares its resolution to enslave" (Characteristics, iii. 305; ed. 1900, ii, 345). Later, the claim of Bentley and Clarke became common; and one tract on Christian evidences, A Layman's Faith, 1732, whose author shows not a grain of the critical spirit, professes to be written "by a Freethinker and a Christian."

[45] Written in 1898.

[46] Cp. Hauréau, Histoire de la philosophie scolastique, ed. 1870-1872, i, 543-46.

[47] Second ed. with enlarged Appendix (of authorities and references), 1808, 2 vols.

[48] Farrar, pref., p. x; Riddle, p. 99; Van Mildert, i, 105, etc.

[49] Van Mildert even recast his first manuscript. See the Memoir of Joshua Watson, 1863, p. 35.

[50] Cp. W. A. Schmidt, Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im ersten Jahrhundert der Kaiserherrschaft und des Christenthums, 1847, pp. 12-13.

[51] Its legitimacy on that side is expressly contended for by Professor William James in his volume The Will to Believe (1897), the positions of which were criticized by the present writer in the University Magazine, April and June, 1897.

[52] Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 8th ed., p. 135.

[53] A religious basis for sexual licence is of course a common feature in non-Christian religions also. Classic instances are well known. As to sexual promiscuity in an "intensely religious" savage community, see Turner, Samoa a Hundred Years Ago, 1884, p. 290.

[54] E. B. Tylor, Anthropology, 1881, p. 439. Cp. Lang, Custom and Myth, ed. 1893, p. 72; J. G. Frazer, Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, 1905, pp. 85-87.

[55] Theal, The Beginning of South African History, 1902, p. 57. See also the Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, 1890, p. 192.

[56] Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. 1871, i, 280, note.

[57] Life of Mr. Yukichi Fukuzawa, Tokyo, 1902, pp. 48-53, 56-69.

[58] See Tylor, Primitive Culture, 3rd ed. i, 71, as to savage conservatism in handicraft; but compare his Researches into the Early History of Mankind, 1865, p. 160, as to countervailing forces.

[59] E.g., in the first chapter of Saint-Simon's Mémoires, the account of the French soldiers who at the siege of Namur burned and broke the images of Saint Médard for sending so much rain. Cp. Irvine, Letters on Sicily, 1813, p. 72; and Ramage, Wanderings through Italy, ed. 1868, p. 113. Constant, De la religion, 1824, vol. i, ptie. ii, p. 34, gives a number of Christian instances.

[60] Rev. J. B. Stair, Old Samoa, 1897, pp. 181-82.

[61] Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Mathematicos, ix, 14, 29; Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosophorum, i, 7; Lactantius, De ira Dei, x, 47; Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 42; Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv, 32. It is noteworthy that the skeptic Sextus rejects the opinion as absurd, even as does the high-priest Cotta in Cicero.

[62] Vico was one of the first, after Sextus Empiricus and his modern commentator Fabricius, to insist (following the saying of Petronius, Primus in orbe deos fecit timor) that "False religions were founded not by the imposture of some, but by the credulity of all" (Scienza Nuova [1725], lib. i, prop. 40). Yet when denying (id., De' Principii, ed. 1852, p. 114) the assertions of travellers as to tribes without religion, he insisted that they were mere fictions planned to sell the authors' books--here imputing fraud as lightly as others had done in the case of the supposed founders of religions.

[63] E.g., the Elizabethan play Selimus (Huth Lib. ed. of Greene, vol. xiv, ed. Grosart), dated 1594, vv. 258-262. (In "Temple Dramatists" ed., vv. 330-334.) See also below, vol. ii, ch. xiii.

[64] On the principle of self-expression in religion, cp. Feuerbach, Das Wesen der Religion, in Werke, ed. 1846-1849, i, 413, 445, 498, etc.

[65] Bishop Thirlwall, History of Greece, ed. 1839, i, 186, 204. Cp. Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, 1858, i, 389.

[66] Tiele, Outlines of the Hist. of Religions, Eng. tr., p. 96. Cp. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, 2nd ed., p. 141, note.

[67] Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, 1904, pp. 258, 347, 366, 373, 492.

[68] See the article by E. J. Glave, of Stanley's force, on "Fetishism in Congoland," in the Century Magazine, April, 1891, p. 836. Compare F. Schultze, Der Fetischismus, 1871, pp. 137, 141, 142, 144, etc.; Theal, The Beginning of South African History, 1902, pp. 49, 52; Kranz, Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus, 1880, pp. 110, 113-14; Moffat, Missionary Labours, 35th thous., pp. 69, 81-84; A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-Speaking Peoples, 1887, pp. 125-29, 137-39, 142; Sir G. S. Robertson, The Káfirs of the Hindu-Kush, ed. 1899, pp. 405, 417; E. Rae, The White Sea Peninsula, 1881, p. 149; Turner, Samoa, 1884, p. 272. It is certain that the wizards of contemporary savage races are frequently killed as impostors by their own people. See below, p. 35.

[69] Tylor, Anthropology, p. 406; Primitive Culture, 3rd ed., i, 38.

[70] The fact that this phenomenon occurs everywhere among primitives, from the South Seas to Lapland, should be noted in connection with the latterly revived claims of so-called "Mysticism."

[71] Cp. E. Rae, The White Sea Peninsula, 1881, pp. 149, 263.

[72] Glave, article cited, pp. 835-36.

[73] Cp. Max Müller, Natural Religion, 1889, p. 133; Anthropological Religion, 1892, p. 150; Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, 2nd ed. ii, 358 sq.

[74] Compare Bishop Butler's Charge to the Clergy of Durham, and Bishop Wordsworth On Religious Restoration in England, 1854, p. 75, etc.

[75] P. von Bradke, Dyâus Asura, Ahura Mazda, und die Asuras, Halle. 1885, p. 115.

[76] Rig-Veda, x, 121 (as translated by Muir, Müller, Dutt, and von Bradke); and x, 82 (Dutt's rendering). It is to be noted that the refrain "Who is the God whom we should worship?" is entirely different in Ludwig's rendering of x, 121. [Bertholet's Religionsgeschichtliches Lesebuch (1908) compiled on the principle that "the best translations are good enough for us," follows the rendering of Muir, Müller, Dutt, and von Bradke (p. 165).] Cp. Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 302, and Natural Religion, pp. 227-229, citing R. V., viii, 100, 3, etc., for an apparently undisputed case of skepticism. See again Langlois's version of vi, 7, iii, 3 (p. 459). He cannot diverge much more from the German and English translators than they do from each other.

[77] Junod, as above cited, pp. 341, 343, 350, 388. Cp. Dalton, as cited, p. 115.

[78] E. Rae, The White Sea Peninsula, 1881, pp. 146-7.

[79] On the other hand, there might be genuine defect of knowledge of the religion of others of the tribe. This is said to occur in thousands of cases in Christian countries: why not also among savages? See the express testimony of Sir G. S. Robertson, The Káfirs of the Hindu-Kush, ed. 1899, pp. 377, 409.

[80] E.g., Moffat, Missionary Labours, end of ch. xvi and beginning of ch. xix.

[81] See Dr. Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 1893.

[82] Missionary Labours, ch. xix: stereo. ed. pp. 81, 82. It is noteworthy that the women were the first to avow unbelief in an unsuccessful rainmaker (Id. p. 84).

[83] Missionary Labours, as cited, p. 85.

[84] Cp. Schultze, Der Fetischismus, 1871, pp. 155-56; A. H. Keane, Man, Past and Present, 1900, p. 49; Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 1909, i, 86.

[85] Travels in Southern Africa in the Years 1803-1806, 1815, ii, 61. Cp. Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, 1890, p. 192, as to the compulsion on men of superior intelligence to play the wizard, by reason of the common connection of wizardry with any display of mental power. There is no more tragical aspect in the life-conditions of primitive peoples.

[86] The Lake Regions of Central Africa, 1860, ii, 351.

[87] Turner, Samoa a Hundred Years Ago, 1884, pp. 304-305. Cp. Herodotos, iv, 68, as to the slaying of "false prophets" among the Scythians; and i, 128, as to the impaling of the Magi by Astyages.

[88] Paul Kollmann, The Victoria Nyanza, 1899, p. 168.

[89] Sir A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-Speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, 1887, p. 127.

[90] E.g., an aged female relative of the writer, quite orthodox in all her habits, and devout to the extent of calling the Book of Esther "Godless" because the word "God" does not occur in it, yet at a pinch declared that she had "never heard of Providence putting a boll of meal inside anybody's door." Her daughter-in-law, also of quite religious habits, quoted the saying with a certain sense of its audacity, but endorsed it, as she had cause to do. Yet both regularly practised prayer and asserted divine beneficence.

[91] See B. Seeman, "Fiji and the Fijians," in Galton's Vacation Tourists, 1862, pp. 275-76, as to the terrorism resorted to by Fijian priests against unbelievers. "Punishment was sure to overtake the skeptic, let his station in life be what it might"--i.e., supernatural punishment was threatened, and the priests were not likely to let it fail. Cp. Basil Thomson, The Fijians: A Study of the Decay of Custom, 1909, introd., p. xi: "The reformers of primitive races never lived long: if they were low-born they were clubbed, and that was the end of them and their reforms; if they were chiefs, and something happened to them, either by disease or accident, men saw therein the figure of an offended deity; and obedience to the existing order of things became stronger than before." Cp. Pagan Christs, 2nd ed., pp. 60-62, as to kings who wished to put down human sacrifices.

[92] See Pagan Christs, 2nd ed., pp. 1-2.

[93] E. J. Glave, art. cited, p. 825. Cp. Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, pp. 582, 594.

[94] Cp. the Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, 1890, pp. 222-23, as to the "universal suspicion" which falls upon tribesmen of rationalistic and anti-superstitious tendencies, making them "almost doubt their own sanity."

[95] Sir H. H. Johnston, The River Congo, ed. 1805, p. 289. Cp. Moffat, as cited above.

[96] Colenso, The Pentateuch, vol. i, pref. p. vii; introd. p. 9.

[97] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, iii, § 583.

[98] W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, 1831, iv, 30-31, 126-28.

[99] Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands, compiled from the communications of W. Mariner, by John Martin, M.D., 3rd ed. 1827, i, 289-300, 306-307, 338-39; ii, 27-28, 83-86, 134. Mariner, who saw much of the priests, found no reason to suspect them of any systematic deception. See ii, 129. But his narrative leaves small room for doubt as to the procedure of the priest of Toobo Totai.

[100] Dr. A. Kropf, Das Volk der Xosa-Kaffern in östlichen Südafrika, Berlin, 1899, pp. 203-204. Dr. Kropf, a missionary of forty years' experience, states that many of the Kaffirs latterly disbelieve in their sorcerers; but this may be partly a result of missionary teaching--not so much the religious as the scientific. See the testimony of the Rev. J. Macdonald, Life in Africa, 1890, pp. 47-48.

[101] Rev. J. Macdonald, Life in Africa, pp. 225-26.

[102] It is clear that in the Christianization of Europe much use was made of the argument that the best lands had fallen to the Christian peoples. See the epistle of Bishop Daniel of Winchester to St. Boniface (Ep. lxvii) cited in Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. of Murdock's translation, p. 262.

[103] Bede, Eccles. Hist., ii, 13.

[104] Cp. A. H. Mann in Social England, illustr. ed., i, 217.

[105] Teutonic Mythology, Eng. trans. 1882, i, 7.

[106] Crichton and Wheaton, Scandinavia, 1837, i, 198, note. Compare Dr. Ph. Schweitzer, Geschichte der Skandinavischen Litteratur, i, 25: "In the higher circles [in the pagan period] from an early date (schon lange) unbelief and even contempt of religion flourished ... probably never reaching the lower grades of the people." See also C. F. Allen, Histoire de Danemark, French trans., Copenhagen, 1878, i, 55.

[107] Æneid, vii, 648; x, 773, 880. Mezentius does not deny that Gods exist: see x, 743.

[108] Sir G. S. Robertson, The Káfirs of the Hindu-Kush, ed. 1899, p. 379.

[109] Professor T. Clifford Allbutt, Harveian Oration on Science and Medieval Thought, 1901, p. 82.

[110] Mr. Basil Thomson, in the able introduction to his excellent work on The Fijians, speaks of primitive reformers (p. xi) as "rare souls born before their time." But there is no special "time" for reformers, who, as such, must be in advance of their average contemporaries.

[111] Garcilasso, 1. viii, c. 8; 1. ix, c. 10; Herrera, Dec. v, 1. iv, c. 4. See the passages in Réville's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 162-65.

[112] Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Kirk's ed., pp. 81 sq., 91-93, 97; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, v, 427-29; Clavigero, History of Mexico, Eng. tr. ed. 1807, B. iv, §§ 4, 15; vii. § 42.

[113] See the author's Pagan Christs, 2nd ed. pp. 60-62, 361. Cp. Lafcadio Hearn, Japan, 1904, pp. 313-14.

[114] Cp. T. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, ed. 1870, i, 231; Turner, Samoa a Hundred Years Ago, 1884, p. 202.

[115] "A long time elapses between each step that their [missionaries'] stations advance: and when they do it invariably is under the influence of some chief that they are even then led on." Dalton, Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa, ed. 1891, p. 102.

[116] See Professor Sully's Studies of Childhood, 1895.

[117] Rev. S. Smith, Church Work among the Deaf and Dumb, 1875, cited by Spencer, Principles of Sociology, iii, § 583. Cp. the testimony cited there from Dr. Kitto, Lost Senses, p. 200.

[118] Die griechischen Culte und Mythen, 1887, pp. 263, 276, 277, etc. What is true as regards the thesis is that some of the central insanities of religion, such as the cult of human sacrifice, seem to have been propagated in all directions from an Asiatic centre. See the author's Pagan Christs, 2nd ed. pp. 273, 292, 343, 354, 362, etc. Cp. the Rev. D. Macdonald's Asiatic Origin of the Oceanic Languages, Luzac & Co., 1894; the Nubische Grammatik of Lepsius, 1880; and Terrien de Lacouperie, Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization, 1894, pp. 134, 362-63.

[119] Dr. Andrew White, A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, 1896, i, 23.

[120] Dr. B. Seeman, Viti, 1862, pp. 179-82.

[121] Cp. Lang (Myth, Ritual, and Religion, i, 91) as to the contemptuous disbelief of savages in Christian myths. Mr. Lang observes that this shows savages and civilized men to have "different standards of credulity." That, however, does not seem to be the true inference. Each order of believer accepts the myths of his own creed, and derides others.

[122] Cp. Decharme, La Critique des trad. relig. chez les Grecs, 1904, p. 121.

[123] The same process will be recorded later in the case of the intercourse of Crusaders and Saracens; and in the seventeenth century it is noted by La Bruyère (Caractères, ch. xvi, Des esprits forts, par. 3) as occurring in his day. The anonymous English author of an essay on The Agreement of the Customs of the East Indians with those of the Jews (1705, pp. 152-53) naïvely endorses La Bruyère. Macaulay's remark to the Edinburgh electors, on the view taken of sectarian strifes by a man who in India had seen the worship of the cow, is well known.

[124] Cp. Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 96, 121-22; Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 74; Tiele, Egyptian Religion, p. 36; and Outlines, p. 52.

[125] Cp. Tiele, Outlines, pp. 109-110, and Fischer, Heidenthum und Offenbarung, p. 59. Professor Max Müller's insistence that the lines of Vedic religion could not have been "crossed by trains of thought which started from China, from Babylon, or from Egypt" (Physical Religion, p. 251), does not affect the hypothesis put above. The Professor admits (p. 250) the exact likeness of the Babylonian fire-cult to that of Agni.

[126] But cp. Müller, Anthropolog. Relig., p. 164, as to possible later developments; and see above, pp. 45-47, as to the many cases in which conquering races have actually adopted the Gods of the conquered.

[127] Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, ii (2nd ed.), 372, 379, 384.

[128] Id. p. 395.

[129] Max Müller, Selected Essays, 1881, ii, 207-208.

[130] Cp. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, 1894, pp. 94, 98-99; Ghosha, Hist. of Hindu Civ. as illust. in the Vedas, Calcutta, 1889, pp. 190-91; Max Müller, Phys. Relig., 1891, pp. 197-98.

[131] Max Müller, Selected Essays, ii, 237.

[132] Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v, 268.

[133] Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 302, citing R. V., viii, 100, 3; and ii, 12, 5. The first passage runs: "If you wish for strength, offer to Indra a hymn of praise: a true hymn, if Indra truly exist; for some one says, Indra does not exist! Who has seen him? Whom shall we praise?" The hymn of course asseverates his existence.

[134] Cp. Rig-Veda, i, 164, 46; x, 90 (cited by Ghosa, pp. 191, 198); viii, 10 (cited by Müller, Natural Religion, pp. 227-29); and x, 82, 121, 129 (cited by Romesh Chunder Dutt, Hist. of Civ. in Anc. India, ed. 1893, i, 95-97); Muir, Sanskrit Texts, v, 353 sq.; Tiele, Outlines, p. 125; Weber, Hist. of Ind. Lit., Eng. trans., p. 5; Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures, ed. 1880, pp. 298-304, 310, 315; Phys. Relig., p. 187; Barth, Religions of India, Eng. trans., p. 8; Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii, 354.

[135] Barth, Religions of India, pp. 26, 31, citing Rig-Veda, v, 3, 1; i, 164, 46; viii, 68, 2. The phrase as to Agni is common in the Brâhmanas, but is not yet so in the Vedas. The second text cited is rendered by Müller: "That which is one the sages speak of in many ways--they call it Agni, Yama, Mâtarisvan" (Selected Essays, 1881, ii, 240).

[136] Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, ed. 1873, i, 375-76. Weber (Ind. Lit., pp. 27, 137, 236, 284-85) has advanced the view that the adherents of this doctrine, who gradually became stigmatized as heretics, were the founders or beginners of Buddhism. But the view that the universe is a self-existent totality appears to enter into the Brahmans' Sankhya teaching, which is midway between the popular Nyaya system and the esoteric Vedânta (Ballantyne, Christianity Contrasted with Hindu Philosophy, 1859, pp. xviii, 59, 61). As to the connection between the Sankhya system and Buddhism, see Oldenberg, Der Buddha, sein Leben, seine Lehre, seine Gemeinde, 3te Aufl., Excurs, pp. 443.

[137] H. H. Wilson, Works, 1862-71, ii, 346.

[138] Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 236.

[139] Ballantyne, pp. 58, 61; Major Jacob, Manual of Hindu Pantheism, 1881, p. 13.

[140] Cp. Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, ed. 1880, i, 228-232, and Banerjea's Dialogues on the Hindu Philosophy, p. 73, cited by Major Jacob, Hindu Pantheism, p. 13.

[141] Jacob, as cited, p. 3.

[142] Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 340-41. Cp. Barth, Religions of India, p. 81.

[143] Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 139.

[144] Cp. Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 28.

[145] Id. pp. 28, 220-22.

[146] Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 139, note, citing Panini, iv, 4, 60.

[147] Apparently belonging to the later or middle Buddhist period. Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 141.

[148] On these cp. Müller, p. 139, note; Garbe, Philos. of Anc. India, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. Chicago, 1899, p. 25; and Weber, Ind. Lit. p. 246, note, with the very full research of Professor Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, 1899, pp. 166-72.

[149] Müller, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 140-41. Cp. Garbe. p. 28.

[150] Garbe, as cited.

[151] Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, p. 171.

[152] Id. pp. 169-71.

[153] Id. p. 172.

[154] Id. ib.

[155] Trans. in English by Cowell and Gough, 1882.

[156] Garbe, as cited, p. 25.

[157] See Müller, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 141-42, citing Burnouf.

[158] Müller, Hibbert Lectures, p. 310.

[159] Bk. I, Stories ii, 7, 8, 16; vii. 180.

[160] Bk. I, 11, 40; St. ii, 32.

[161] St. vi. 162.

[162] Major Jacob, as cited, preface.

[163] Müller, Psychol. Relig., pp. 95, 97, 126; Lect. on the Vedânta Philos., 1894, p. 32.

[164] Chunder Dutt, Hist. of Civ. in Anc. India, as cited, i, 112-13.

[165] Rhys Davids, trans. of Dialogues of the Buddha, p. 166. Cp. his Buddhism, p. 143, as to Buddhist censures of an extravagant skepticism which denied every religious theory. In one of the Dialogues (ii, 25, p. 74) a contemporary sophist is cited as flatly denying a future state. Mr. Lillie, however (Buddhism in Christendom, 1887, p. 187), contends as against Professor Rhys Davids that the Upanishads were only "whispered to pupils who had gone through a severe probation."

[166] Prof. Weber (Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 4) says the peoples of the Punjaub never at all submitted to the Brahmanical rule and caste system. But the subject natives there must at the outset have been treated as an inferior order. Cp. Tiele, Outlines, p. 120 and refs.; and Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 23.

[167] Cp. Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., pp. 236, 284-85; Max Müller, Chips, i, 228-32; Kuenen, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 258-64; and the general discussion of the problem in the author's Pagan Christs, 2nd ed. pp. 239-63.

[168] Brahmanism had itself been by this time influenced by aboriginal elements, even to the extent of affecting its language. Weber, as cited, p. 177. Cp. Müller, Anthrop. Relig., p. 164.

[169] Major Jacob, as cited, p. 12.

[170] I.e., "the enlightened," a title given to sages in general. Weber, p. 284.

[171] Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., pp. 179, 299; Müller, Natural Religion, p. 299.

[172] See Senart, Essai sur la légende de Buddha, 2e édit., p. 297 ff.

[173] Cp. Weber, pp. 286-87, 303.

[174] See Weber, pp. 301, 307; also Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 43, 83, etc.

[175] Tiele, Outlines, p. 117.

[176] Cp. Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., pp. 27, 284-87; Max Müller, Natural Religion, p. 555; Jacobi, as there cited; Tiele, Outlines, pp. 135-36; Rhys Davids, American Lectures on Buddhism, pp. 115-16; Buddhism, p. 84; and the author's Pagan Christs, pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 8-13.

[177] Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., pp. 4, 39.

[178] Barth, Religions of India, p. 146.

[179] Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 35, 79, 99.

[180] Cp. Pagan Christs, pp. 248-50.

[181] Rhys Davids, trans. of Dialogues, pp. 188-89; Amer. Lec. on Buddhism, 1896, pp. 127-34; Hibbert Lectures, 1881, p. 109; Buddhism, pp. 95, 98-99.

[182] Max Müller, Selected Essays, 1881, ii, 295.

[183] As the context in Professor Müller's work shows, these phrases are inaccurate.

[184] Cp. Weber, Ind. Lit., p. 289, note; and Banerjea, Dialogues on the Hindu Philosophy, p. 520, cited by Major Jacob, pp. 29-30.

[185] See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, iv, 50 (cited by Jacob, pp. 30-31), as to the Brahman view of the licence ascribed to Krishna. And see iii, 32 (cited by Jacob, p. 14), as to a remarkable disparagement of Vedism in the Bhagavat Gita.

[186] Müller, Selected Essays, ii, 363: H. H. Wilson, as last cited, ii, 368 sq.

[187] See this brought out in a strikingly dramatic way in Mr. Dennis Hird's novel, The Believing Bishop.

[188] Cp. Dr. A. Jeremias, Monotheistische Strömungen innerhalb der Babylonischen Religion, 1904, p. 44--a very candid research.

[189] The Hammurabi Code, by Chilperic Edwards, 1904, pp. 67, 68, 70 (§§ 240, 249, 266). The invocations of named Gods by Hammurabi at the close of the code, however, suggest that the force of the word was "a God." Cp. p. 76 with what follows; and see note on p. 93. On this question compare Jeremias, as cited, pp. 39, 43.

[190] Maspero, Hist. anc. des peup. de l'orient, 4e éd. p. 139; Sayce, Hib. Lect., pp. 121, 213, 215; E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt., i (1884), 161 (§ 133); iii (1901), 167 sq. (§ 103).

[191] Sayce, pp. 219, 344; Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, Eng. ed. p. 127.

[192] Jastrow, Religions of Babylonia and Assyria, 1898, p. 318.

[193] Jastrow, p. 187; Sayce, pp. 128, 267-68. Cp. Kuenen, Religion of Israel, Eng. tr., i, 91; Menzies, History of Religion, 1895, p. 171; Gunkel, Israel und Babylonien, 1903, p. 30; Jeremias, as cited, pp. 5-6.

[194] Meyer, iii, 168; Jastrow, p. 79; Sayce, p. 331 sq., 367 sq.; Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, p. 112; Jeremias, pp. 7-23.

[195] Sayce, p. 305. Cp. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 452.

[196] Jastrow, p. 190, note, p. 319; Sayce, pp. 191-92, 367; Lenormant, pp. 112, 113, 119, 133; Jeremias, p. 26.

[197] Tiele, Outlines, p. 78; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East, pp. 152-53; Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, 2nd ed. iii, 13; Maspero, p. 139.

[198] Strabo, xvi, c. 1, § 6.

[199] Cp. Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, i, 110; iii, 12-13.

[200] Hibbert Lectures, p. 385.

[201] Meyer, iii, § 103; Sayce, pp. 192, 345.

[202] Cp. Jastrow, p. 662; Sayce, p. 78; and Tiele, Hist. Comparée, p. 209. It seems probable that human sacrifice was latterly restricted to the case of criminals.

[203] Cp. Meyer, iii, 173.

[204] Meyer, i, 187, and note.

[205] Cp. T. G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of the Hist. Records of Assyria and Babylonia, 1902, pp. 161-63.

[206] Jastrow, pp. 187, 256; Sayce, pp. 316, 320, 322, 327; Meyer, i, 183; Lenormant, p. 110; Jeremias, p. 5.

[207] Sayce, pp. 326, 341; cp. Jastrow, p. 317.

[208] Meyer, i, 599; Sayce, Hib. Lect., pp. 85-91; Anc. Emp. of the East, p. 245.

[209] Meyer, iii, § 57.

[210] Herod. i, 131.

[211] Jer. xi, 13, etc.

[212] Ezek. chs. vi, viii.

[213] Cp. the recent literature on the recovered Code of Hammurabi.

[214] Herod. i, 101.

[215] Id. iii, 79.

[216] Cp. Grote, History of Greece, pt. ii, ch. 33 (ed. 1888, iii, 442), note.

[217] Meyer, Gesch. des Alt., i, 505 (§ 417), 542 (§ 451), 617 (§ 515); Tiele, Outlines, p. 164.

[218] Herod. i, 130.

[219] Cp. Herod. iii, 94, 98; Grote, vol. iii, p. 448.

[220] Meyer, as cited, i, 505, 530 (§ 439); Tiele, Outlines, pp. 163, 165.

[221] Meyer, i, 528 (§ 438).

[222] Darmesteter, The Zendavesta (S. B. E. ser.), vol. i, introd., p. lx (1st ed.).

[223] Rawlinson, Religions of the Anc. World, p. 105; Meyer, §§ 417, 450-51.

[224] Meyer, i, 507 (§ 418).

[225] Cp. Meyer, i, 506-508; Renan, as cited by him, p. 508; Darmesteter, as cited, cc. iv-ix, 2nd ed.; Tiele, Outlines, p. 165.

[226] Meyer, i, 520 (§ 428).

[227] Meyer, i, 524 (§ 433); Tiele, Outlines, p. 178; Darmesteter, Ormazd et Ahriman, 1877, pp. 7-18.

[228] Meyer, i, § 450 (p. 541).

[229] Tiele, Outlines, p. 167. Cp. Lenormant (Chaldean Magic, p. 229), who attributes the heresy to immoral Median Magi; and Spiegel (Avesta, 1852, i, 271), who considers it a derivation from Babylon.

[230] Le Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures on Relig. of Anc. Egypt, 2nd ed. p. 92; Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, Eng. tr. 1897, p. 109. Cp. p. 260. Renouf (pp. 93-103) supplies an interesting analysis.

[231] Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. i, 83; Wiedemann, as cited, p. 103 sq.

[232] Cp. Major Glyn Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes, 1906, pp. 354, 417, 433.

[233] Wiedemann, as cited, p. 136.

[234] Meyer, p. 81 (§ 66); Tiele, Hist. of the Egypt. Relig. Eng. tr., pp. 119, 154.

[235] Le Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, 2nd ed. p. 240.

[236] Meyer, Geschichte des Alten Egyptens, in Oncken's series, 1877, B. iii, Kap. 3, p. 249; Gesch. des Alt. i. 109; Tiele, Egypt. Relig. pp. 149, 151, 157; Maspero, Hist. anc. des peuples de l'orient, 4é ed., pp. 278-80; Le Page Renouf, as cited, pp. 215-30; Wiedemann, pp. 12, 13, 301; Erman, Handbook of Egyptian Religion, Eng. tr. 1907, p. 57.

[237] Erman, pp. 59, 60.

[238] Tiele, Egypt. Rel. pp. 153, 155, 156.

[239] Tiele, p. 157.

[240] Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, 1884; 1 Hälfte, pp. 90-91; Kuenen, Religion of Israel, Eng. trans. i, 395-97; Tiele, pp. 226-30; Erman, pp. 71, 103-105.

[241] Cp. Wiedemann, p. 302.

[242] Tiele, pp. 114, 118, 154. Cp. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i, 101-102 (§ 85). Wiedemann, p. 260.

[243] Dr. Wallis Budge, Egyptian Magic, 1899, end.

[244] Tiele, p. 157. Cp. p. 217.

[245] Cp. Maspero, as cited, pp. 274-76.

[246] Meyer, i, 72.

[247] Maspero's spelling.

[248] Von Bissing's spelling.

[249] De Garis Davies, The Tombs of Amarna.

[250] Maspero (Hist. anc. des peuples de l'orient, ed. 1905, p. 251) says he respected also Osiris and Horus.

[251] Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, ed. 1891, p. 216. Maspero (as cited, p. 250) recognizes no such revolt.

[252] Maspero, Hist. anc. de l'orient, 7e éd. pp. 248-54; Brugsch, Hist. of Egypt under the Pharaohs, Eng. trans. ed. 1891, ch. x; Meyer, Geschichte des alten Aegyptens, B. iii, Kap. 4, 5; Gesch. des Alterthums, i, 271-74; Tiele, pp. 161-65; Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, iii (1905), 10; Wiedemann, pp. 35-39; Erman, pp. 61-70; L. W. King and H. H. Hall, Egypt and Western Asia in the Light of Recent Discoveries, 1907, pp. 383-87; F. W. von Bissing, Geschichte Aegyptens in Umriss, 1904, pp. 52-53.

[253] Tiele, p. 144; Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. i, 135.

[254] "We do not find magic predominant [in the tales] until the Ptolemaic age. At that time the physical magic of the early times reappears in full force" (Petrie, Religion and Conscience in Ancient Egypt, 1898, p. 29. Cp. Maspero, p. 286; Budge, Egyptian Magic, pp. 64, 233).

[255] Petrie, Hist. iii, 174-75, 180.

[256] Tiele, pp. 180-82; Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. i, 140-43.

[257] Tiele, pp. 184-85, 196, 217.

[258] Herodotos, ii, 48, 60-64, etc. Cp. Maspero, p. 286.

[259] "The Osiride and Cosmic Gods rose in importance as time went on, while the Abstract Gods continually sank on the whole. This agrees with the general idea that the imported Gods have to yield their position gradually to the older and more deeply-rooted faiths" (Petrie, as last cited, p. 95).

[260] The familiar narrative of Herodotos is put in doubt by the monuments. Sayce, Ancient Empires, p. 246. But cp. Meyer, i, 611 (§ 508).

[261] Tiele, p. 158.

[262] See figures 209, 212, 221, 235, 242, 249, 250, in Sharpe's Hist. of Egypt, 7th ed.

[263] Cp. Sharpe, ii, 287-95; Budge, Egyptian Magic, p. 64.

[264] Compare the orthodox view of Bishop Westcott, Essays in the History of Religious Thought in the West, 1891, pp. 197-200.

[265] These fights had not ceased even in the time of Julian (Sharpe, ii, 280). Cp. Juvenal, Sat. xv, 33 sq.

[266] Metamorphoses, B., xi.

[267] Cp. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, passim.

[268] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. i, 232-33.

[269] Meyer, i, 237.

[270] Put by Canon Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, 1889, p. 321.

[271] As to the universality of this tendency, see Meyer, ii, 97.

[272] Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i, 251, § 209; Tiele, Outlines, p. 84; Histoire comparée des anciennes religions, Fr. tr. pp. 320-21.

[273] Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 340; Sayce, Anc. Emp. p. 204; Menzies, Hist. of Relig. p. 168.

[274] Præparatio Evangelica, B. i, c. 9-10.

[275] Meyer, i, 249.

[276] Cp. Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, p. 159, as to Persian methods of the same kind.

[277] Div. Inst. i, 23.

[278] E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, ii, 104, 105.

[279] As to Greek instances, cp. Bury, Hist. of Greece, ed. 1906, pp. 53, 55, 65, 92, 104; and as to Roman, see Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History, Eng. trans. 1906, ch. x, where it is shown that Virginia and Lucretia are primarily ancient Latin divinities; and (ch. vii) that both Numa and Servius Tullius are probably in the same case, Servius Rex being in all likelihood the servus rex Nemorensis of the Arician grove, round whom turns the research of Dr. J. G. Frazer's Golden Bough; while tullius is an old Latin word for a spring. See also ch. iv as to Acca Larentia, another Goddess reduced by the historians to the status of a hetaira, as was Flora. Horatius Cocles (id. p. 157) is also a God reduced to a hero.

[280] So Sayce, Ancient Empires, p. 204.

[281] Sayce, Ancient Empires, p. 202.

[282] Legge, Religions of China, 1880, pp. 11, 16; Douglas, Confucianism and Taouism, 1879, pp. 12, 82.

[283] Menzies, History of Religion, p. 158.

[284] Legge, pp. 12, 19, 23, 25, 26; Tiele, Outlines, p. 27; Douglas, p. 79.

[285] Legge, Religions of China, p. 142.

[286] See the citations made by Legge, p. 5.

[287] Id. p. 139; cp. Menzies, p. 109.

[288] Legge, p. 140; cp. p. 117; Douglas, p. 81.

[289] Legge, Religions, p. 117; Life and Teachings of Confucius, 4th ed. p. 101; Douglas, p. 68; Tiele, Outlines, p. 29.

[290] Tiele, p. 31; Legge, Religions, p. 143.

[291] Tiele, pp. 31-32; Douglas, pp. 68, 84. But cp. Legge, Religions, pp. 123, 127.

[292] Legge, Life and Teachings, pp. 100-101.

[293] Douglas, pp. 179, 184.

[294] See the author's Pagan Christs, pp. 214-22.

[295] Pauthier, Chine Moderne, p. 351. There is a tradition that Lao-Tsze took his doctrine from an ancient sage who flourished before 1120 B.C.; and he himself (Tau Teh King, trans. by Chalmers, The Speculations of Lao-Tsze, 1868, ch. 41) cites doctrine as to Tau from "those who have spoken (before me)." Cp. cc. 22, 41, 62, 65, 70.

[296] Cp. E. J. Simcox, Primitive Civilizations, 1894, ii, 18.

[297] Pauthier, p. 358; Chalmers, pp. 14, 37.

[298] Legge, Religions, p. 137.

[299] Tau Teh King, as cited, pp. 38. 49, ch. 49, 63; Pauthier, p. 358; Legge, p. 223.

[300] Analects, xxv, 36; Legge, Religions, p. 143; Life and Teachings, p. 113; Douglas, p. 144.

[301] Legge, Religions, p. 164. We do find, however, an occasional allusion to deity, as in the phrase "the Great Architect" (Chalmers' trans. 1868. ch. lxxiv, p. 57), and "Heaven" is spoken of in a somewhat personalized sense. Still, Mr. Chalmers complains (p. xv) that Lao-Tsze did not recognize a personal God, but put "an indefinite, impersonal, and unconscious Tau" above all things (ch. iv).

[302] F. H. Balfour, Art. "A Philosopher who Never Lived," in Leaves from my Chinese Scrap-book, 1887, p. 83 sq.

[303] Id. pp. 86-90.

[304] Id. p. 134.

[305] Legge, Religions of China, p. 147; Tiele, Outlines, p. 33.

[306] Legge, Life and Works of Mencius, 1875, pp. 29, 50, 77, etc.

[307] Tiele, p. 33.

[308] Legge, Life and Works of Mencius, pp. 44, 47, 56, 57, etc.

[309] Miss Simcox, Primitive Civilizations, ii, 36-37, following Chavannes.

[310] Legge's Mencius, p. 49; cp. p. 48.

[311] Cp. Legge's Mencius, pp. 47, 131; Chalmers' Lao-Tsze, pp. 23, 28, 53, 58 (chs. xxx, xxxi, xxxvi, lxvii, lxxiv); Douglas, Taouism, chs. ii, iii.

[312] Legge, Religions of China, p. 147. The ruler in question seems to have been of non-Chinese descent. E. H. Parker, China, 1901, p. 18.

[313] Legge, Religions of China, p. 159.

[314] Id. p. 60.

[315] Tiele, p. 37.

[316] Douglas, p. 222.

[317] Id. p. 239.

[318] Tiele, p. 35; Douglas, p. 287. Taouism, however, has a rather noteworthy ethical code. See Douglas, ch. vi. It has to be noted that the translations of the Tâo Têh King have varied to a disquieting degree. Cp. Drews, Gesch. des Monismus, p. 121.

[319] Details are given in the author's Pagan Christs, pt. iv.

[320] Nadaillac (L'Amérique préhistorique, 1883, pp. 273-84) gives them little of this credit, pronouncing them at once cruel and degenerate. He credits them, however, with being the first makers of roads and aqueducts in Central America, and cites the record of their free public hospitals, maintained by the sacerdotal kings. Prescott, on the other hand, overstated the bloodlessness of their religion (Conquest of Mexico, Kirk's ed. 1890, p. 41 and ed. note).

[321] Réville, Hibbert Lectures, On the Native Religions of Mexico and Peru, 1884, pp. 62-67.

[322] J. G. Müller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, ed. 1867, pp. 577-90; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, iii, 279. (Passage cited in author's Pagan Christs, pp. 402-403; where is also noted Dr. Tylor's early view, discarded later, that Quetzalcoatl was a real personage.)

[323] Cp. Prescott, as cited.

[324] Réville, p. 66.

[325] J. G. Müller, as cited, pp. 473-74; Réville, p. 46. Dr. Réville speaks of the worship of the unifying deity as pretty much "effaced" by that of the lower Gods. It seems rather to have been a priestly effort to syncretize these. Still, such an effacement did take place, as we have seen, in Central Asia in ancient times, after a syncretic idea had been reached (above, p. 45). As to the alleged monotheism of King Netzahuatl (or Netzahualcoyotl), of Tezcuco, mentioned above, p. 39, see Lang, Making of Religion, p. 270, note, and p. 282; Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, as cited, p. 92; and J. G. Müller, as cited, pp. 473-74, 480.

[326] As to the capabilities of the Aztec language, see Bancroft, Native Races, ii, 727-28 (quoted in Pagan Christs, p. 416, note).

[327] Refs. above, p. 41. Cp. Lang, Making of Religion, p. 270, note, and p. 282; J. G. Müller, as cited, pp. 473-74; and Nadaillac, as cited, p. 289.

[328] The Christianized descendant of the Tezcucan kings, Ixtilxochitl, who wrote their history, adds the words, "Cause of Causes"--a very unlikely formula in the place and circumstances.

[329] Above, p. 41. Cp. Lang, as last cited, pp. 263, 282.

[330] Cp. Kirk's ed. of Prescott's Conquest of Peru, 1889, p. 44; Réville, p. 189-90; Lang, as cited below.

[331] Réville, p. 152, citing Garcilasso. See same page for a story of resistance to the invention of an alphabet.

[332] Réville, p. 50. citing Torquemada, 1. viii, c. 20. end.

[333] History of the Affairs of New Spain, French trans. 1880, 1. vi, ch. 7, pp. 342-43. Cp. Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Kirk's ed. pp. 31, 33.

[334] Prescott, p. 34.

[335] "The priest says, 'the spirit is hungry.' the fact being that he himself is hungry. He advises the killing of an animal" (Max Müller, Anthropological Religion, p. 307).

[336] On the general tendency cp. Chantepie de la Saussaye, Manual of the Science of Religion, pp. 77-84.

[337] In the windows of the shop of the S. P. C. K., in London, may be often seen large displays of reproduced Madonna-pictures, by Catholic artists, at popular prices.

[338] Compare the author's Pagan Christs, pp. 66-95.

[339] Jud. xvii, xviii.

[340] Gen. xxxi, 19, 34, 35.

[341] Compare Hugo Winckler, Geschichte Israels, i, 56-58.

[342] Compare Tiele, Outlines, p. 87; Hist. comp. des anc. relig. p. 342 sq.; Kuenen, Relig. of Israel, iii, 35, 44, 398. Winckler (Gesch. Israels, i, 34-38) pronounces the original Semitic Yahu, and the Yahweh evolved from him, to have been each a "Wetter-Gott."

[343] The word is applied to the apparition of Samuel in the story of the Witch of Endor (1 Sam. xxviii, 13).

[344] The unlearned reader may here be reminded that in Gen. i the Hebrew word translated "God" is "Elohim" and that the phrase in Gen. ii rendered "the Lord God" in our versions is in the original "Yah-weh-Elohim." The first chapter, with its plural deity, is, however, probably the later as well as the more dignified narrative, and represents the influence of Babylonian quasi-science. See, for a good general account of the case, The Witness of Assyria, by C. Edwards, 1893, ch. ii. Cp. Wellhausen, Proleg. to Hist. of Israel, Eng. tr. pp. 196-308; E. J. Fripp, Composition of the Book of Genesis, 1892, passim; Driver, Introd. to the Lit. of the Old Test. 1891, pp. 18-19.

[345] Winckler, Gesch. Isr. i, 29-30.

[346] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. i, 398.

[347] See the myth of the offerings put in it by the Philistines (1 Sam. vi).

[348] 1 Sam. iii, 3. Cp. ch. ii, 12-22. Contrast Lev. xvi, 2, ff.

[349] 1 Sam. iv, 3-11. Cp. v. vii, 2.

[350] 2 Sam. vi.

[351] 1 Kings xii, 28; Hosea viii, 4-6. Cp. Jud. viii. 27; Hosea viii, 5.

[352] Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 196. But see above, p. 79.

[353] 11th cent. B.C.

[354] 2 Kings xviii, 4, 22; xxiii, 48.

[355] 2 Kings xxiii.

[356] Jer. i, 18; iii, 16; vi, 13; vii, 4-22; viii, 8; xviii, 18; xx, 1, 2; xxiii, 11.

[357] Jer. ii, 28; xi, 13.

[358] So Kuenen, vol. i. App. i to Ch. 1.

[359] Amos v, 21, 22.

[360] Hosea ii, 11; vi, 6.

[361] Isa. i, 11-14.

[362] Mic. vi, 6-8.

[363] Cp. M. Müller, Nat. Rel. pp. 560-61; Psychol. Rel. pp. 30-32; Wellhausen, Israel, p. 465. If the Moabite Stone be genuine--and it is accepted by Stade (Gesch. des Volkes Israel, in Oncken's Series, 1881, i, 86) and by most contemporary scholars--the Hebrew alphabetic writing is carried back to the ninth century B.C. An account of the Stone is given in The Witness of Assyria, by C. Edwards, ch. xi. See again Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, bk. i, ch. 14, Eng. tr. 1894, i, 280, for a theory of the extreme antiquity of the alphabet.

[364] Dr. Cheyne (Art. Amos in Encyc. Biblica) gives some good reasons for attaching little weight to such objections, but finally joins in calling Amos "a surprising phenomenon."

[365] Driver, Introd. to Lit. of Old Test. ch. vi, § 2 (p. 290, ed. 1891). Cp. Kuenen, Relig. of Israel, i, 86; and Robertson Smith, art. Joel, in Encyc. Brit.

[366] Cp. Wellhausen, Israel, p. 501; Driver, ch. vii (1st ed. pp. 352 sq., esp. pp. 355, 361, 362, 365); Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, i, 85.

[367] E.g. Ps. l, 8-15; li, 16-17, where v. 19 is obviously a priestly addition, meant to countervail vv. 16, 17.

[368] Cp. Kuenen, i, 156; Wellhausen, Prolegomena, p. 139; Israel, p. 478.

[369] As to a possible prehistoric connection of Hebrews and Perso-Aryans, see Kuenen, i, 254, discussing Tiele and Spiegel, and iii, 35, 44, treating of Tiele's view, set forth in his Godsdienst van Zarathustra, that fire-worship was the original basis of Yahwism. Cp. Land's views, discussed by Kuenen, p. 398; and Renan, Hist. des langues sémit. p. 473.

[370] Cheyne, Introd. to Isaiah, Prol. pp. xxx, xxxviii, following Kosters.

[371] There is a cognate dispute as to the condition of the Samaritans at the time of the Return. Stade (Gesch. den Volkes Israel, i, 602) holds that they were numerous and well-placed. Winckler (Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, 1892, p. 107) argues that, on the contrary, they were poor and unorganized, and looked to the Jews for help. So also E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. iii (1901), 214.

[372] Cp. Rowland Williams, The Hebrew Prophets, ii (1871), 38. This translator's rendering of the phrase cited by Zephaniah runs: "Neither good does the eternal nor evil."

[373] Cp. E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, iii, 216.

[374] Mal. ii, 17; iii, 13. Cp. ii, 8, 11.

[375] Cp. Jer. xxxiii, 24; xxxviii, 19.

[376] Eccles. iii, 19-21.

[377] Ch. v. Renan's translation lends lucidity.

[378] Driver, Introduction, p. 378. Prof. Dillon (Skeptics of the Old Testament, p. 155) goes so far as to pronounce Agur a "Hebrew Voltaire," which is somewhat of a straining of the few words he has left. Cp. Dr. Moncure Conway, Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, p. 55. In any case, Agur belongs to an age of "advanced religious reflection" (Cheyne, Job and Solomon, p. 152).

[379] Driver, Introduction, p. 378.

[380] Biscoe, Hist. of the Acts of the Apostles, ed. 1829, p. 80, following Selden and Lightfoot.

[381] S. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, p. 189, citing Sanhedrin, 386, and Pseudo-Jonathan to Gen. iv, 8. Cp. pp. 191-92, citing a mention of Epicurus in the Mishna.

[382] The familiar phrase in the Psalms (xiv, i; liii, 1), "The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God," supposing it to be evidence for anything, clearly does not refer to any reasoned unbelief. Atheism could not well be quite so general as the phrase, taken literally, would imply.

[383] Cp. W. R. Sorley, Jewish Christians and Judaism, 1881, p. 9; Robertson Smith, Old Test. in the Jewish Ch. ed. 1892, pp. 48-49. These writers somewhat exaggerate the novelty of the view they accept. Cp. Biscoe, History of the Acts, ed. 1829, p. 101.

[384] Wisdom, c. 2.

[385] Cp. the implications in Ecclesiasticus, vi, 4-6; xvi, 11-12, as to the ethics of many believers.

[386] Kuenen, ii, 242-43.

[387] Kalisch, Comm. on Leviticus, xxv, 8, pt. ii, p. 548.

[388] In the Wisdom of Solomon, iii, 13; iv, 1, the old desire for offspring is seen to be in part superseded by the newer belief in personal immortality.

[389] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, p. 216. Compare pp. 193-94.

[390] See Supernatural Religion, 6th ed. i, 97-100, 103-21; Mosheim, Comm. on Christ. Affairs before Constantine, Vidal's tr. i, 70; Schürer, Jewish People in the Time of Jesus, Eng. tr. Div. II, vol. iii, p. 152.

[391] Sat. xiv, 96-106.

[392] Cp. Horace, 1 Sat. v, 100.

[393] Rev. A. Edersheim, History of the Jewish Nation after the Destruction of Jerusalem, 1856, p. 462, citing the Avoda Sara, a treatise directed against idolatry! Other Rabbinical views cited by Dr. Edersheim as being in comparison "sublime" are no great improvement on the above--e.g., the conception of deity as "the prototype of the high priest, and the king of kings,"--"who created everything for his own glory." With all this in view, Dr. Edersheim thought it showed "spiritual decadence" in Philo Judæus to speak of Persian magi and Indian gymnosophists in the same laudatory tone as he used of the Essenes, and to attend "heathenish theatrical representations" (p. 372).

[394] See Ps. xc, 2; Prov. viii, 22, 26.

[395] This is seen persisting in the lore of the Neo-Platonist writer Sallustius Philosophus (4th c.), De Diis et Mundo, c. 7, though quite unscientifically held.

[396] Cp. Tiele, Outlines, pp. 205, 207, 212.

[397] Cp. E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, ii, 533.

[398] Cp. K. O. Müller, Literature of Ancient Greece, ed. 1847, p. 77.

[399] Duncker, Gesch. des Alterth. 2 Aufl. iii, 209-10, 252-54, 319 sq.; E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterth. ii, 181, 365, 369, 377, 380, 535 (see also ii, 100, 102, 105, 106, 115 note, etc.); W. Christ, Gesch. der griech. Lit. 3te Aufl. p. 12; Gruppe, Die griech. Culte und Mythen, 1887, p. 165 sq.

[400] E. Curtius, Griech. Gesch. i, 28, 29, 35, 40, 41, 101, 203, etc.; Meyer, ii, 369.

[401] See the able and learned essay of S. Reinach, Le Mirage Orientate, reprinted from L'Anthropologie, 1893. I do not find that its arguments affect any of the positions here taken up. See pp. 40-41.

[402] Meyer, ii. 369; Benn, The Philosophy of Greece, 1898, p. 42.

[403] Cp. Bury, History of Greece, ed. 1906, pp. vi, 10, 27, 32-34, 40, etc.; Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete, 1907, ch. ix; Maisch, Manual of Greek Antiquities, Eng. tr. §§ 8, 9, 10, 60; H. R. Hall, The Oldest Civilization of Greece, 1901, pp. 31, 32.

[404] Cp. K. O. Müller, Hist. of the Doric Race, Eng. tr. 1830, i, 8-10; Busolt, Griech. Gesch. 1885, i, 33; Grote, Hist. of Greece, 10-vol. ed. 1888, iii, 3-5, 35-44; Duncker, iii, 136, n.; E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterthums, i, 299-310 (§§ 250-58); E. Curtius, i, 29; Schömann, Griech. Alterthümer, as cited, i, 2-3, 89; Burrows, ch. ix.

[405] Cp. Meyer, ii, 97; and his art. "Baal" in Roscher's Ausführl. Lex. Mythol. i, 2867.

[406] The fallacy of this tradition, as commonly put, was well shown by Renouvier long ago--Manuel de philosophie ancienne, 1844, i, 3-13. Cp. Ritter, as cited below.

[407] Cp. on one side, Ritter, Hist. of Anc. Philos. Eng. tr. i, 151; Renan, Études d'hist. religieuse, pp. 47-48; Zeller, Hist. of Greek Philos. Eng. tr. 1881, i, 43-49; and on the other, Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 31, and the weighty criticism of Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 126-27 (Eng. tr. i, 9, note 5).

[408] Cp. Curtius, i, 125; Bury, introd. and ch. i.

[409] Cp. Bury, as cited.

[410] As to the primary mixture of "Pelasgians" and Hellenes, cp. Busolt, i, 27-32; Curtius, i, 27; Schömann, i, 3-4; Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, ed. 1839, i, 51-52, 116. K. O. Müller (Doric Race, Eng. tr. i, 10) and Thirlwall, who follows him (i, 45-47), decide that the Thracians cannot have been very different from the Hellenes in dialect, else they could not have influenced the latter as they did. This position is clearly untenable, whatever may have been the ethnological facts. It would entirely negate the possibility of reaction between Greeks, Kelts, Egyptians, Semites, Romans, Persians, and Hindus.

[411] Murray, Four Stages of Greek Religion, 1912, p. 59.

[412] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. ii, 583.

[413] The question is discussed at some length in the author's Evolution of States, 1912.

[414] Lit. of Anc. Greece, pp. 41-47. The discussion of the Homeric problem is, of course, alien to the present inquiry.

[415] Introd. to Scientif. Mythol. Eng. tr. pp. 180, 181, 291. Cp. Curtius, i, 126.

[416] Cp. Curtius, i, 107, as to the absence in Homer of any distinction between Greeks and barbarians; and Grote, 10-vol. ed. 1888, iii, 37-38, as to the same feature in Archilochos.

[417] Duncker, Gesch. des Alt., as cited, iii. 209-10; pp. 257, 319 sq. Cp. K. O. Müller, as last cited, pp. 181, 193; Curtius, i, 43-49, 53, 54, 107, 365, 373, 377, etc.; Grote, iii, 39-41; and Meyer, ii, 104.

[418] Duncker, iii, 214; Curtius, i, 155, 121; Grote, iii, 279-80.

[419] Busolt, Griech. Gesch. 1885, i, 171-72. Cp. pp. 32-34; and Curtius, i, 42.

[420] On the general question cp. Gruppe, Die griechischen Culte und Mythen, pp. 151 ff., 157, 158 ff., 656 ff., 672 ff.

[421] Preller, Griech. Mythol. 2 Aufl. i, 260; Tiele, Outlines, p. 211; R. Brown, Jr., Semit. Influ. in Hellenic Mythol. 1898, p. 130; Murray, Hist. of Anc. Greek Lit. p. 35; H. R. Hall, Oldest Civilization of Greece, 1901, p. 290.

[422] See Tiele, Outlines, pp. 210, 212. Cp., again, Curtius, Griech. Gesch. i, 95, as to the probability that the "twelve Gods" were adjusted to the confederations of twelve cities; and again p. 126.

[423] "Even the title 'king' (Anax) seems to have been borrowed by the Greek from Phrygian.... It is expressly recorded that tyrannos is a Lydian word. Basileus ('king') resists all attempts to explain it as a purely Greek formation, and the termination assimilates it to certain Phrygian words." (Prof. Ramsay, in Encyc. Brit. art. Phrygia). In this connection note the number of names containing Anax (Anaximenes, Anaximandros, Anaxagoras, etc.) among the Ionian Greeks.

[424] iv, 561 sq.

[425] It is now agreed that this is merely a guess. The document, further, has been redacted and interpolated.

[426] Prehist. Antiq. of the Aryan Peoples, Eng. tr. p. 423. Wilamowitz holds that the verses Od. xi, 566-631, are interpolations made later than 600 B.C.

[427] Tiele, Outlines, p. 209; Preller, p. 263.

[428] Meyer says on the contrary (Gesch. des Alt. ii, 103, Anm.) that "Kronos is certainly a Greek figure"; but he cannot be supposed to dispute that the Greek Kronos cult is grafted on a Semitic one.

[429] Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 54, 181. Cp. Cox, Mythol. of the Aryan Nations, p. 260, note. It has not, however, been noted in the discussions on Semelê that Semlje is the Slavic name for the Earth as Goddess. Ranke, History of Servia, Eng. tr. p. 43.

[430] Iliad, xiv, 201, 302.

[431] Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, p. 367 sq.; Ancient Empires, p. 158. Note p. 387 in the Lectures as to the Assyrian influence, and p. 391 as to the Homeric notion in particular. Cp. W. Christ, Gesch. der griech. Literatur, § 68.

[432] It is unnecessary to examine here the view of Herodotos that many of the Greek cults were borrowed from Egypt. Herodotos reasoned from analogies, with no exact historical knowledge. But cp. Renouvier, Manuel, i, 67, as to probable Egyptian influence.

[433] Cp. Meyer, ii, §§ 453-60, as to the eastern initiative of Orphic theology.

[434] It is noteworthy that the traditional doctrine associated with the name of Orpheus included a similar materialistic theory of the beginning of things. Athenagoras, Apol. c. 19. Cp. Renouvier, Manuel de philos. anc. i, 69-72; and Meyer, ii, 743.

[435] Cp. Meyer, ii, 726. As to the oriental elements in Hesiod see further Gruppe, Die griechischen Culte und Mythen, 1887, pp. 577, 587, 589, 593.

[436] Cp. however, Bury (Hist. of Greece, pp. 6, 65), who assumes that the Greeks brought the hexameter with them to Hellas. Contrast Murray, Four Stages, p. 61.

[437] Mahaffy, History of Classical Greek Literature, 1880, i, 15.

[438] Id. p. 16. Cp. W. Christ, as cited, p. 79.

[439] Mahaffy, pp. 16-17.

[440] Od. xviii, 352.

[441] Od. vi, 240; Il. v, 185.

[442] Od. xxii, 39.

[443] In Od. xiv, 18, antitheoi means not "opposed to the Gods," but "God-like," in the ordinary Homeric sense of noble-looking or richly attired, as men in the presence of the Gods. Cp. vi, 241. Yet a Scholiast on a former passage took it in the sense of God-opposing. Clarke's ed. in loc. Liddell and Scott give no use of atheos, in the sense of denying the Gods, before Plato (Apol. 26 C. etc.), or in the sense of ungodly before Pindar (P. iv, 288) and Æschylus (Eumen. 151). For Sophocles it has the force of "God-forsaken"--Oedip. Tyr. 254 (245), 661 (640), 1360 (1326). Cp. Electra, 1181 (1162). But already before Plato we find the terms apistos and atheos, "faithless" or "infidel" and "atheist," used as terms of moral aspersion, quite in the Christian manner (Euripides, Helena, 1147), where there is no question of incredulity.

[444] Cp. Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, 2nd ed. i, 14-15. and cit. there from Professor Jebb.

[445] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterthums, ii, 724-27; Grote, as cited, i, 279-81.

[446] Meyer, ii, 724, 727.

[447] The tradition is confused. Stesichoros is said first to have aspersed Helen, whereupon she, as Goddess, struck him with blindness: thereafter he published a retractation, in which he declared that she had never been at Troy, an eidolon or phantasm taking her name; and on this his sight was restored. We can but divine through the legend the probable reality, the documents being lost. See Grote, as cited, for the details. For the eulogies of Stesichoros by ancient writers, see Girard, Sentiment religieux en Grèce, 1869, pp. 175-79.

[448] Cp. Meyer (1901), iii. § 244.

[449] Ol. i, 42-57, 80-85.

[450] Ol. ix, 54-61.

[451] He dedicated statues to Zeus, Apollo, and Hermes. Pausanias, ix, 16, 17.

[452] Herodot. ii. 53.

[453] A ruler of Libyan stock, and so led by old Libyan connections to make friends with Greeks. He reigned over fifty years, and the Greek connection grew very close. Curtius, i, 344-45. Cp. Grote, i, 144-55.

[454] Grote, 10-vol. ed. 1888, i, 307, 326, 329, 413. Cp. i, 27-30; ii, 52; iii, 39-41, etc.

[455] K. O. Müller, Introd. to Mythology, p. 192.

[456] "Then one [of the Persians] who before had in nowise believed in [or, recognized the existence of] the Gods, offered prayer and supplication, doing obeisance to Earth and Heaven" (Persae, 497-99).

[457] Agamemnon, 370-372. This is commonly supposed to be a reference to Diagoras the Melian (below, p. 159).

[458] Agam. 170-72 (160-62).

[459] So Whittaker, Priests, Philosophers, and Prophets, 1911, pp. 42-43.

[460] So Buckley, in Bohn trans. of Æschylus, p. 100. He characterizes as a "skeptical formula" the phrase "Zeus, whoever he may be"; but goes on to show that such formulas were grounded on the Semitic notion that the true name of God was concealed from man.

[461] Grote, ed. 1888, vii, 8-21. See the whole exposition of the exceptionally interesting 67th chapter.

[462] Cp. Meyer, ii, 431; K. O. Müller, Introd. to Mythol. pp. 189-92; Duncker, p. 340; Curtius, i, 384; Thirlwall, i, 200-203; Burckhardt, Griech. Culturgesch. 1898, ii. 19. As to the ancient beginnings of a priestly organization, see Curtius, i, 92-94, 97. As to the effects of its absence, see Heeren, Polit. Hist. of Anc. Greece, Eng. tr. 1829, pp. 59-63; Burckhardt, as cited, ii, 31-32; Meyer, as last cited; Zeller, Philos. der Griechen, 3te Aufl. i, 44 sq. Lange's criticism of Zeller's statement (Gesch. des Materialismus, 3te Aufl. i, 124-26, note 2) practically concedes the proposition. The influence of a few powerful priestly families is not denied. The point is that they remained isolated.

[463] Cp. K. O. MÜller, Introd. to Mythol. p. 195; Curtius, i, 387, 389, 392; Duncker, iii, 519-21, 563; Thirlwall, i, 204; Barthélemy St. Hilaire, préf. to tr. of Metaphys. of Aristotle, p. 14. Professor Gilbert Murray, noting that Homer and Hesiod treated the Gods as elements of romance, or as facts to be catalogued, asks: "Where is the literature of religion: the literature which treated the Gods as Gods? It must," he adds, "have existed"; and he holds that we "can see that the religious writings were both early and multitudinous" (Hist. of Anc. Greek Lit. p. 62; cp. Meyer and Mahaffy as cited above, pp. 125-26. "Writings" is not here to be taken literally; the early hymns were unwritten). The priestly hymns and oracles and mystery-rituals in question were never collected; but perhaps we may form some idea of their nature from the "Homeridian" and Orphic hymns to the Gods, and those of the Alexandrian antiquary Callimachus. It is further to be inferred that they enter into the Hesiodic Theogony. (Decharme, p. 3, citing Bergk.)

[464] Meyer, ii, 426; Curtius, i, 390-91, 417; Thirlwall, i, 204; Grote, i, 48-49.

[465] Meyer, ii, 410-14.

[466] Cp. Curtius, i, 392-400, 416; Duncker, iii, 529.

[467] Curtius, i, 112; Meyer, ii, 366.

[468] Curtius, i, 201, 204, 205, 381; Grote, iii, 5; Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, 3te Aufl. i, 23 (Eng. tr. i, 23).

[469] Herodotos, i, 170; Diogenes Laërtius, Thales, ch. i.

[470] On the essentially anti-religious rationalism of the whole Ionian movement, cp. Meyer, ii, 753-57.

[471] The First Philosophers of Greece, by A. Fairbanks, 1898, pp. 2, 3, 6. This compilation usefully supplies a revised text of the ancient philosophic fragments, with a translation of these and of the passages on the early thinkers by the later, and by the epitomists. A good conspectus of the remains of the early Greek thinkers is supplied also in Grote's Plato and the other Companions of Sokrates, ch. i; and a valuable critical analysis of the sources in Prof. J. Burnet's Early Greek Philosophy.

[472] Cp. Lange, Gesch. des Mat. i, 126 (Eng. tr. i, 8, n.). Mr. Benn (The Greek Philosophers, i, 8) and Prof. Decharme (p. 39) seem to read this as a profession of belief in deities in the ordinary sense. But cp. R. W. Mackay, The Progress of the Intellect, 1850, i, 338. Burnet (ch. i, § 11) doubts the authenticity of this saying, but thinks it "extremely probable that Thales did say that the magnet and amber had souls."

[473] Mackay, as cited, p. 331.

[474] Fairbanks, p. 4.

[475] Diogenes Laërtius, Thales, ch. 9.

[476] Fairbanks, pp. 3, 7.

[477] Herodotos, i, 74.

[478] Cp. Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 2nd. ed. introd. § 3. To Thales is ascribed by the Greeks the "discovery" of the constellation Ursus Major. Diog. ch. 2. As it was called "Phoenike" by the Greeks, his knowledge would be of Phoenician derivation. Cp. Humboldt, Kosmos, Bohn tr. iii, 160.

[479] Diog. Laërt. ch. 3. On this cp. Burnet, introd. § 6.

[480] Herod. i, 170. Cp. Diog. Laërt. ch. 3.

[481] Diog. Laërt. ch. 9.

[482] Cp. Burnet, p. 57.

[483] Fairbanks, pp. 9-10. Mr. Benn (Greek Philosophers, i, 9) decides that the early philosophers, while realizing that ex nihilo nihil fit, had not grasped the complementary truth that nothing can be annihilated. But even if the teaching ascribed to Anaximandros be set aside as contradictory (since he spoke of generation and destruction within the infinite), we have the statement of Diogenes Laërtius (bk. ix, ch. 9, § 57) that Diogenes of Apollonia, pupil of Anaximenes, gave the full Lucretian formula.

[484] Diogenes Laërtius, however (ii, 2), makes him agree with Thales.

[485] Fairbanks, pp. 9-16. Diogenes makes him the inventor of the gnomon and of the first map and globe, as well as a maker of clocks. Cp. Grote, i, 330, note.

[486] See below, p. 158, as to Demokritos' statement concerning the Eastern currency of scientific views which, when put by Anaxagoras, scandalized the Greeks.

[487] Fairbanks, pp. 17-22.

[488] See Windelband, Hist. of Anc. Philos. Eng. tr. 1900, p. 25, citing Diels and Wilamowitz-Möllendorf. Cp. Burnet, introd. § 14.

[489] It will be observed that Mr. Cornford's book, though somewhat loosely speculative is very freshly suggestive. It is well worth study, alongside of the work of Prof. Burnet, by those interested in the scientific presentation of the evolution of thought.

[490] Diog. Laërt. ix, 19; Fairbanks, p. 76.

[491] Herodotos, i, 163-67; Grote, iii, 421; Meyer, ii, § 438.

[492] Cp. Guillaume Bréton, Essai sur la poésie philosophique en Grèce, 1882, pp. 23-25. The life period of Xenophanes is still uncertain. Meyer (ii, § 466) and Windelband (Hist. of Anc. Philos. Eng. tr. p. 47) still adhere to the chronology which puts him in the century 570-470, making him a young man at the foundation of Elea.

[493] Cousin, developed by G. Bréton, work cited, p. 31 sq., traces Xenophanes's doctrine of the unity of things to the school of Pythagoras. It clearly had antecedents. But Xenophanes is recorded to have argued against Pythagoras as well as Thales and Epimenides (Diog. Laërt. ix, 2, §§ 18, 20).

[494] Metaphysics, i, 5; cp. Fairbanks, pp. 79-80.

[495] One of several so entitled in that age. Cp. Burnet, introd. § 7.

[496] Metaph., as cited; Plato, Soph. 242 D.

[497] Long fragment in Athenæus, xi, 7; Burnet, p. 130.

[498] Burnet, p. 141.

[499] Cp. Burnet, p. 131.

[500] Fairbanks, p. 67, Fr. 5, 6; Clem. Alex. Stromata, bk. v, Wilson's tr. ii, 285-86. Cp. bk. vii, c. 4.

[501] Fairbanks, Fr. 7.

[502] Cicero, De divinatione, i, 3, 5; Aetius, De placitis reliquiæ, in Fairbanks, p. 85.

[503] Aristotle, Rhetoric, ii, 23, § 27. A similar saying is attributed to Herakleitos, on slight authority (Fairbanks, p. 54).

[504] Cicero, Academica, ii, 39; Lactantius, Div. Inst. iii, 23. Anaxagoras and Demokritos held the same view. Diog. Laërt, bk. ii, ch. iii, iv (§ 8); Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosoph. ii, 25.

[505] Cp. Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, i, 340.

[506] Diog. Laërt. in life of Pyrrho, bk. ix, ch. xi, 8 (§ 72). The passage, however, is uncertain. See Fairbanks, p. 70.

[507] Fairbanks. Fr. 1. Fairbanks translates with Zeller: "The whole [of God]." Grote: "The whole Kosmos, or the whole God." It should be noted that the original in Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. ix, 144) is given without the name of Xenophanes, and the ascription is modern.

[508] Grote, as last cited, p. 18.

[509] Fairbanks, Fr. 19. In Athenæus, x, 413.

[510] Polybius, iv, 40; Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, viii, 126; Fairbanks, pp. 25, 27; Frag. 4, 14. Cp. 92, 111, 113.

[511] Diog. Laërt. ix, i, 2.

[512] Fairbanks, Fr. 134.

[513] Id. Frag. 36, 67.

[514] Id. Frag. 43, 44, 46, 62.

[515] Diog. Laërt. last cited. This saying is by some ascribed to the later Herakleides (see Fairbanks, Fr. 119 and note); but it does not seem to be in his vein, which is wholly pro-Homeric.

[516] Clem. Alex. Protrept. ch. 2, Wilson's tr. p. 41. The passage is obscure, but Mr. Fairbanks's translation (Fr. 127) is excessively so.

[517] Clemens, as cited, p.32; Fairbanks, Fr. 124, 125, 130. Cp. Burnet, p. 139.

[518] Fairbanks, Fr. 21.

[519] Cp. Burnet, pp. 175-90.

[520] Theaetetus, 180 D. See good estimates of Parmenides in Benn's Greek Philosophers, i, 17-19, and Philosophy of Greece in Relation to the Character of its People, pp. 83-95; in J. A. Symonds's Studies of the Greek Poets, 3rd ed. 1893, vol. i, ch. 6; and in Zeller, i, 580 sq.

[521] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 26.

[522] Mr. Benn finally gives very high praise to Melissos (Philos. of Greece, pp. 91-92); as does Prof. Burnet (Early Gr. Philos. p. 378). He held strongly by the Ionian conception of the eternity of matter. Fairbanks, p. 125.

[523] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. iv, 3 (§ 24).

[524] Diog. Laërt. ix, 3 (§ 21).

[525] As to this see Windelband, Hist. Anc. Philos. pp. 91-92.

[526] Cp. Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, i. 340.

[527] "The difference between the Ionians and Eleatæ was this: the former endeavoured to trace an idea among phenomena by aid of observation; the latter evaded the difficulty by dogmatically asserting the objective existence of an idea" (Mackay, as last cited).

[528] Cp. Mackay, i, 352-53, as to the survival of veneration of the heavenly bodies in the various schools.

[529] Grote, i, 350.

[530] Meyer, ii, 9, 759 (§§ 5, 465).

[531] Id. §§ 6, 466.

[532] Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. 1886, p. 210.

[533] Compare Meyer, ii, § 502, as to the close resemblances between Pythagoreanism and Orphicism.

[534] Meyer, i, 186; ii, 635.

[535] Fairbanks, pp. 145, 151, 155, etc.

[536] Id. p. 143.

[537] Id. p. 154.

[538] Prof. Burnet insists (introd. p. 30) that "the" Greeks must be reckoned good observers because their later sculptors were so. As well say that artists make the best men of science.

[539] Metaph. i, 5; Fairbanks, p. 136. "It is quite safe to attribute the substance of the First Book of Euclid to Pythagoras." Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 2nd ed. p. 117.

[540] Diog. Laërt. Philolaos (bk. viii, ch. 7).

[541] L. U. K. Hist. of Astron. p. 20; A. Berry's Short Hist. of Astron. 1898, p. 25; Narrien's Histor. Acc. of the Orig. and Prog. of Astron. 1850, p. 163.

[542] See Benn, Greek Philosophers, i, 11.

[543] Diog. Laërt. in life of Philolaos; Cicero, Academica, ii, 39. Cicero, following Theophrastus, is explicit as to the teaching of Hiketas.

[544] Hippolytos, Ref. of all Heresies, i, 13. Cp. Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. i, 201, 205, 238-39.

[545] Pseudo-Plutarch, De Placitis Philosoph. iii, 13, 14.

[546] Ueberweg, i, 49. Cp. Tertullian (Apol. ch. 11), who says Pythagoras taught that the world was uncreated; and the contrary statement of Aetius (in Fairbanks, pp. 146-47).

[547] Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. pp. 22, 25. The question is ably handled by Renouvier, Manuel, i, 199-205.

[548] Diog. Laërt., viii, i, 8.

[549] The whole question is carefully sifted by Grote, iv, 76-94. Prof. Burnet (Early Greek Philos. 2nd ed. pp. 96-98) sums up that the Pythagorean Order was an attempt to overrule or supersede the State.

[550] Cp. Burnet, p. 97, note 3. Prof. Burnet speaks of the Pythagorean Order as a "new religion" appealing to the people rather than the aristocrats, who were apt to be "freethinking." But on the next page he pictures the "plain man" as resenting precisely the religious neology of the movement. The evidence for the adhesion of aristocrats seems pretty strong.

[551] Fairbanks, p. 143.

[552] Grote, Plato and the Other Companions of Socrates, ed. 1885, iv, 163.

[553] Diog. Laërt. bk. viii, ch. i, 19 (§ 21).

[554] Ennius, Fragmenta, ed. Hesselius, 1707, pp. 1, 4-7; Horace, Epist. ii, 1, 52; Persius, Sat. vi.

[555] Grote, History, iv, 97.

[556] Scholiast on Iliad, xx, 67; Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 48 (31); W. Christ, Gesch. der griech. Literatur, 3te Aufl. p. 63; Grote, ch. xvi (i, 374).

[557] See above, p. 145.

[558] K. O. Müller, Dorians, Eng. tr. ii, 365-68; Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, Eng. tr. ed. 1894, iii, 113.

[559] Grote. i, 338, note.

[560] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 22.

[561] Philolaos, as we saw, is said to have been prosecuted, but is not said to have been condemned.

[562] Fairbanks, pp. 245, 255, 261; Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 4 (§ 8).

[563] Fairbanks, pp. 230-45. Cp. Grote, Plato, i, 54, and Ueberweg, i, 66, as to nature of the Nous of Anaxagoras.

[564] Grote, i, 374; Hesychius, s.v. Agamemnona; cp. Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 7 (§ 11); Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 37 (21).

[565] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 6.

[566] Id. chs. 5, 8.

[567] Id. c. 16. The old man is said to have uttered the reproach: "Perikles, those who want to use a lamp supply it with oil."

[568] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 4.

[569] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. iv, 277.

[570] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 32.

[571] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. ix (§ 57), citing the Defence of Sokrates by Demetrius Phalereus.

[572] Id. bk. ii, ch. iii, 9 (§ 12), citing Sotion. Another writer of philosophers' lives, Hermippus (same cit.), said he had been thrown into prison; and yet a third, Hieronymus, said he was released out of pity because of his emaciated appearance when produced in court by Perikles.

[573] Diog. Laërt. last cit. 10 (§ 14).

[574] Id. 8 (§ 11).

[575] Drews, Gesch. des Monismus im Altertum, p. 205.

[576] Even in the early progressive period "the same time which set up rationalism developed a deep religious influence in the masses." (Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. ii, 728. Cp. iii, 425; also Grote, vii, 30; and Benn, Philosophy of Greece, 1898, pp. 69-70.)

[577] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 32.

[578] Cp. Grote, v, 24; Curtius, ii, 208-209.

[579] Plutarch, as cited. Plutarch also states, however, that the only occasion on which Perikles gave way to emotion in public was that of the death of his favourite son.

[580] Holm (Griechische Geschichte, ii, 335) decides that Perikles sought to Ionise his fellow Athenians; and Dr. Burnet, coinciding (Early Greek Philosophy, 1892, p. 277), suggests that he and Aspasia brought Anaxagoras to Athens with that aim.

[581] Perikles, ch. 8.

[582] "Der Kleinasiatische Rationalist Herodot" is the exaggerated estimate of A. Bauer, in Ilberg's Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, ix (1902), 235, following Eduard Meyer (iv, § 448), who, however (§ 447), points to the lack of scientific thought or training in Herodotos as in Thukydides. Ignorance of Nature remained a Greek characteristic.

[583] Bk. viii, ch. 77. Cp. viii, 20, 96; ix, 43.

[584] Cp. Meyer, iv, § 446, as to the inadequacy of Athenian culture, and the unchanging ignorance of the populace on matters of physical science.

[585] Plutarch, Against the Stoics, ch. 31; Simplicius, Physica, i, 6.

[586] Clem. Alex. Protrept. c. 4.

[587] Refutation of all Heresies, i, 14.

[588] Cp. Aristotle, Metaphysics, i, 3; De anima, i, 2.

[589] Decharme, Critique des trad. relig. p. 137, citing scholiast on Aristoph., Clouds, 96.

[590] See the point discussed by Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, 3te Aufl. i, 128-29, 131-32, notes 10 and 31 (Eng. tr. i, 15, 39). Ritter and Preller say "Protagoras floret circa a. 450-430"; "Democritus natus circa a. 460 floret a. 430-410, obit. circa a. 357."

[591] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 68-69; Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. i, 238.

[592] Burnet, p. 381.

[593] Diog. Laërt. x, 13.

[594] Lange, i, 10-11 (tr. p. 17); Clem. Alex. Stromata, i, 15; Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, § 35.

[595] On this also see Lange, i, 128 (tr. p. 15, note).

[596] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. vii, 2 (§ 34). Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-41.

[597] See in particular the De principiis atque originibus (Works, Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, pp. 649-50).

[598] Meyer, who dwells on his scientific shortcomings (Gesch. des Alt. v. § 910), makes no account of this, his vital doctrine.

[599] Fairbanks, pp. 189-91. The idea is not put by Empedokles with any such definiteness as is suggested by Lange, i, 23-25 (tr. pp. 33-35), and Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 62, n. But Ueberweg's exposition is illuminating.

[600] Fairbanks, pp. 136, 169.

[601] Id. p. 201.

[602] Benn, i, 28.

[603] Fairbanks, p. 205.

[604] See a good study of Empedokles in J. A. Symonds' Studies of the Greek Poets, 3rd ed. 1893, vol. i, ch. 7; and another in Renouvier, Manuel, i, 163-82.

[605] Cp. Grote, Plato, i, 73, and note.

[606] Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-62; Lange, p. 11 (tr. p. 17).

[607] Cp. Meyer, § 911.

[608] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. ix, ch. viii, § 3 (51); cp. Grote, vii, 49, note.

[609] For a defence of Protagoras against Plato, see Grote, vii, 43-54.

[610] Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, ix, 56.

[611] Beckmann, History of Inventions, Eng. tr. 1846, ii, 513.

[612] Diod. Sic. xiii, 6; Hesychius, cit. in Cudworth, ed. Harrison, i, 131.

[613] Ueberweg, i, 80; Thukydides, v, 116. The bias of Sextus Empiricus is further shown in his account of Diagoras as moved in his denunciation by an injury to himself.

[614] It is told by Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. ix, 53) that Diagoras is said to have invented the dithyramb (in praise of Iacchos), and to have begun a poem with the words, "All things come by the daimon and fortune." But Sextus writes with a fixed skeptical bias.

[615] Grote, vi, 13, 32, 33, 42-45.

[616] Athenagoras, Apol., ch. 4; Clem. Alex., Protrept. ch. 2. See the documentary details in Meyer, iv, 105.

[617] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42; iii, 37 (the last reference gives proof of his general rationalism); Lactantius, De irâ Dei, c. 9. In calling Sokrates "the Melian," Aristophanes (Clouds, 830) was held to have virtually called him "the atheist."

[618] Diod. xiii, 6; Suidas, s.v. Diagoras; Aristophanes, Birds, 1073. It is noteworthy that in their fury against Diagoras the Athenians put him on a level of common odium with the "tyrants" of past history. Cp. Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 355.

[619] Grote, vi, 476-77. As to the freethinking of Kritias, see Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. ix, 54. According to Xenophon (Memorabilia, i, 2), Kritias made his decree in revenge for Sokrates's condemnation of one of his illicit passions. Prof. Decharme (pp. 122-24) gives a good account of him.

[620] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iv; Hippolytos, Refutation of all Heresies, i, 8; Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233-37.

[621] Cp. Cudworth, Intellectual System, ed. Harrison, i, 32; Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233, 289; ii, 268, 292; Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 48 (31); Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 7 (§ 11); Grote, i, 374, 395, note; Hatch, Infl. of Greek Ideas, p. 60.

[622] Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 206. Cp. Burnett, p. 278.

[623] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii (§ 22).

[624] "He never so utterly abandoned the religion of his country as to find it impossible to acquiesce in at least some part of traditional religion." Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. 1886. p. 222.

[625] Haigh, The Attic Theatre, 1889, p. 316.

[626] Above, p. 133.

[627] "He had also acquired in no small degree that love of dexterous argumentation and verbal sophistry which was becoming fashionable in the Athens of the fifth century. Not unfrequently he exhibits this dexterity when it is clearly out of place." Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 235. Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. p. 223. Schlegel is much more censorious.

[628] Ion., 436-51, 885-922; Andromache, 1161-65; Electra, 1245-46; Hercules Furens, 339-47; Iphigenia in Tauris, 35, 711-15.

[629] Hercules Furens, 344, 1341-46; Iphigenia in Tauris, 380-91.

[630] Electra, 737-45.

[631] Troades, 969-90.

[632] Ion, 374-78, 685; Helena, 744-57; Iphigenia in Tauris, 570-75; Electra, 400; Phoenissæ, 772; Fragm. 793; Bacchæ, 255-57; Hippolytus, 1059. It is noteworthy that even Sophocles (OEd. Tyr., 387) makes a character taunt Tiresias the soothsayer with venality.

[633] Philoctetes, fr. 793; Helena, 1137-43; Bellerophon, fr. 288.

[634] Bacchæ, 200-203.

[635] Helena, 1013; Fragm. 890, 905, 935; Troades, 848-88.

[636] A. Schlegel, Lectures on Dramatic Literature, Bohn tr. p. 117.

[637] This charge is on a par with that of Hygiainon, who accused Euripides of impiety on the score that one of his characters makes light of oaths. Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii, 15.

[638] K. O. Müller, Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, 1847, p. 359. The complaint is somewhat surprising from such a source. The only play with an entirely invented plot mentioned by Aristotle is Agathon's Flower (Aristotle, Poetic, ix); and such plays would not have been eligible for representation at the great festivals.

[639] Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. pp. 223-24.

[640] Haigh. The Attic Theatre, p. 191. Cp. Müller, pp. 362-64.

[641] See, however, the æsthetic theorem of Prof. Murray, Euripides and his Age, pp. 221-27.

[642] It seems arguable that the aversion of Aristophanes to Euripides was primarily artistic, arising in dislike of some of the features of his style. On this head his must be reckoned an expert judgment. The old criticism found in Euripides literary vices; the new seems to ignore the issue. But a clerical scholar pronounces that "Aristophanes was the most unreasoning laudator temporis acti. Genius and poet as he was, he was the sworn foe to intellectual progress." Hence his hatred of Euripides and his championship of Æschylus. (Rev. Dr. W. W. Merry, introd. to Clar. Press ed. of The Frogs, 1892.)

[643] Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, 1884, pp. 258-59.

[644] Cp. Haigh, The Attic Theatre, p. 315. In the same way Ktesilochos, the pupil of Apelles, could with impunity make Zeus ridiculous by exhibiting him pictorially in child-bed, bringing forth Dionysos (Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxv, 40. § 15).

[645] Bk. x, ad init.

[646] Cp. Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 171.

[647] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. p. 227: Hegel, as there cited Grote, Plato, ed. 1885, i, 423.

[648] Cp. Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 181 sq., 291, 293, 299, etc.

[649] Grote, History, i, 334; Xenophon, Memorabilia, i, 1, §§ 6-9.

[650] Cp. Benn. The Philosophy of the Greeks, 1898, p. 160.

[651] Grote, i, 334-35; Hippocrates, De Aeribus, Aquis, Locis, c. 22 (49).

[652] Plato, Phædrus, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. i. 434; Grote, History, i, 393.

[653] Compare, however, the claim made for him, as promoting "objectivity," by Prof. Drews, Gesch. des Monismus im Altertum, 1913. P. 213.

[654] Memorabilia, i, 4.

[655] "The predominatingly theistic character of philosophy ever since has been stamped on it by Socrates, as it was stamped on Socrates by Athens" (Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 168).

[656] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, as cited, p. 231. The case against Sokrates is bitterly urged by Forchhammer, Die Athenen und Sokrates, 1837; see in particular pp. 8-11. Cp. Grote, Hist. vii, 81.

[657] "Had not all the cultivated men of the time passed through a school of rationalism which had entirely pulled to pieces the beliefs and the morals of their ancestors?" Zeller, as last cited, pp. 231-33. Cp. Haigh, Tragic Drama, p. 261.

[658] See Aristophanes's Frogs, 888-94.

[659] Æschines, Timarchos, cited by Thirlwall, iv, 277. Cp. Xenophon, Mem. i, 2.

[660] "Nothing could well be more unpopular and obnoxious than the task which he undertook of cross-examining and convicting of ignorance every distinguished man whom he could approach." Grote, vii. 95. Cp. pp. 141-44. Cp. also Trevelyan's Life of Macaulay, ed. 1881, p. 316: and Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. 1, iv, § iii. See also, however, Benn, Phil. of Greece, pp. 162-63. For a view of Sokrates's relations to his chief accuser, which partially vindicates or whitewashes the latter, see Prof. G. Murray's Anc. Greek Lit. pp. 176-77. There is a good monograph by H. Bleeckly, Socrates and the Athenians: An Apology, 1884, which holds the balances fairly.

[661] On the desire of Sokrates to die see Grote, vii, 152-64.

[662] The assertion of Plutarch that after his death the prosecutors of Sokrates were socially excommunicated, and so driven to hang themselves (Moralia: Of Envy and Hatred), is an interesting instance of moral myth-making. It has no historic basis; though Diogenes (ii, 23 § 43) and Diodorus Siculus (xiv, 37), late authorities both, allege an Athenian reaction in Sokrates' favour. Probably the story of the suicide of Judas was framed in imitation of Plutarch's.

[663] Grote, History, i, 94.

[664] Id. i, 194. Not till Strabo do we find this myth disbelieved; and Strabo was surprised to find most men holding by the old story while admitting that the race of Amazons had died out. Id. p. 197.

[665] Life of Thukydides, by Marcellinus, ch. 22, citing Antyllas. Cp. Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, p. 239; and the prefaces of Hobbes and Smith to their translations.

[666] Girard, p. 3.

[667] "His writings," remarks Dr. Hatch, "contain the seeds of nearly all that afterwards grew up on Christian soil" (Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890, p. 182).

[668] Clem. Alex. Stromata, v, 14; Fairbanks, pp. 146-47; Grote, Plato, ch. 38.

[669] Cp. Grote, Plato, iv, 162, 381. Professor Bain, however (Practical Essays, 1884, p. 273), raises an interesting question by his remark, as to the death of Sokrates: "The first person to feel the shock was Plato. That he was affected by it to the extent of suppressing his views on the higher questions we can infer with the greatest probability. Aristotle was equally cowed."

[670] Diog. Laër. bk. ix, ch. vii, § 8 (40).

[671] Republic, bk. ii, 377, to iii, 393; Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. iii, 60 sq., 68 sq. In bk. x, it is true, he does speak of the poets as unqualified by knowledge and training to teach truth (Jowett's tr. iii, 311 sq.); but Plato's "truth" is not objective, but idealistic, or rather fictitious-didactic.

[672] Id. Jowett. pp. 59, 69, etc.

[673] Id. bk. iii; Jowett, pp. 103-105.

[674] Laws, x; Jowett, v, 295-98.

[675] Received myths are forbidden; and the preferred fictions are to be city law. Cp. the Laws, ii, iii; Jowett, v, 42, 79.

[676] Laws, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. v, 271-72. Cp. the comment of Benn, i, 271-72.

[677] Republic, bk. ii, 379; Jowett, iii, 62.

[678] Laws, x, 906-907, 910; Jowett, v, 293-94, 297-98.

[679] On the inconsistency of the whole doctrine see see Grote's Plato, iv, 379-97.

[680] Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 25. Cp. Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, i, 38-39 (tr. i, 52-54), and the remarkable verdict of Bacon (De Augmentis, bk. iii, ch. 4; Works, 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 471; cp. Advancement of Learning, bk. ii, p. 96) as to the superiority of the natural philosophy of Demokritos over those of Plato and Aristotle. Bacon immediately qualifies his verdict; but he repeats it, as regards both Aristotle and Plato, in the Novum Organum, bk. i, aph. 96. See, however, Mr. Benn's final eulogy of Plato as a thinker, i, 273, and Murray's Anc. Greek Lit. pp. 311-13.

[681] Laws, x, 908; Jowett, v, 295.

[682] Grote, History, vii, 168.

[683] Cp. Grote, Aristotle, 2nd ed. p. 10.

[684] Origen, Against Celsus, ii, 13; cp. i, 65; iii, 75; vii, 3.

[685] Grote, Aristotle, p. 13.

[686] Benn, Greek Philosophers, i, 352. Mr. Benn refutes Sir A. Grant's view that Aristotle's creed was a "vague pantheism"; but that phrase loosely conveys the idea of its non-religiousness. It might be called a Lucretian monotheism. Cp. Benn, i, 294; and Drews, Gesch. des Monismus, p. 257.

[687] Metaphysics, xi (xii), 8, 13 (p. 1074, b). The passage is so stringent as to raise the question how he came to run the risk in this one case. It was probably a late writing, and he may have taken it for granted that the Metaphysics would never be read by the orthodox.

[688] Cp. the severe criticisms of Benn, vol. i, ch. vi; Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. p. 33; and Lange, Ges. des Mater. i, 61-68, and notes, citing Eucken and Cuvier. Aristotle's science is very much on a par with that of Bacon, who saw his imperfections, but fell into the same kinds of error. Both insisted on an inductive method; and both transgressed from it. See, however, Lange's summary, p. 69, also p. 7, as to the unfairness of Whewell; and ch. v of Soury's Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, 1881, especially end.

[689] Politics, i, 2.

[690] Strabo, bk. ix, ch. iii, § 11. Strabo reproaches Ephoros with repeating the current legends all the same; but it seems clear that he anticipated the critical tactic of Gibbon.

[691] As to the Stoics, cp. Zeller, § 34, 4; Benn, The Philosophy of Greece, pp. 255-56. As to Epicurus, cp. Benn, p. 261.

[692] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 5, § 64. The lengthy notice given by Diogenes shows the impression Pyrrho's teaching made. See a full account of it, so far as known, in the Rev. J. Owen's Evenings with the Skeptics, 1881, i, 287 sq., and the monograph of Zimmerman, there cited.

[693] These propositions occur in the first of the ten Pyrrhonian tropoi or modes (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 9), of which the authorship is commonly assigned to Ænesidemos (fl. 80-50). Cp. Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 290, 322-23. But as given by Diogenes they seem to derive from the early Pyrrhonian school.

[694] Thus, where Democritos pronounced the sun to be of vast size, Epicurus held it to be no larger than it seemed (Cicero, De Finibus, i, 6)--a view also loosely ascribed to Herakleitos (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. i, 6, § 7). See, however, Wallace's Epicureanism ("Ancient Philosophies" series), 1889, pp. 176 sq., 186 sq., 266, as to the scientific merits of the system.

[695] The Epicurean doctrine on this and other heads is chiefly to be gathered from the great poem of Lucretius. Prof. Wallace's excellent treatise gives all the clues. See p. 202 as to the Epicurean God-idea.

[696] Grote, History, i, 395, note; Plutarch, Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epicur.

[697] Compare Wallace, Epicureanism, pp. 64-71, and ch. xi; and Mackintosh, On the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, 4th ed. p. 29.

[698] De rerum natura, i, 62-79.

[699] Alexander seu Pseudomantis, cc. 25, 38, 47, 61, cited by Wallace, pp. 249-50.

[700] The repute of the Epicureans for irreligion appears in the fact that when Romanized Athens had consented to admit foreigners to the once strictly Athenian mysteries of Eleusis, the Epicureans were excluded.

[701] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13; Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, v, 14; Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Mathematicos, ix, 51, 55.

[702] Diog. Laërt. bk ii, ch. viii, §§ 7, 11-14 (86, 97-100). He was also nicknamed "the God." Id. and ch. xii, 5 (§ 116).

[703] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42.

[704] Diogenes, as last cited, § 12 (97).

[705] Id. §§ 15, 16 (101-102).

[706] Professor Wallace's account of the court of Lysimachos of Thrace as a "favourite resort of emancipated freethinkers" (Epicureanism, p. 42) is hardly borne out by his authority, Diogenes Laërtius, who represents Lysimachos as unfriendly towards Theodoros. Hipparchia the Cynic, too, opposed rather than agreed with the atheist.

[707] Diog., last cit. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 43. Philo Judæus (Quod Omnis Probus Liber, c. 18; cp. Plutarch, De Exilio, c. 16) has a story of his repelling taunts about his banishment by comparing himself to Hercules, who was put ashore by the alarmed Argonauts because of his weight. But he is further made to boast extravagantly, and in doing so to speak as a believer in myths and deities. The testimony has thus little value.

[708] Diog. bk. ii, ch. xii, § 5 (116).

[709] Id. ch. x, § 2 (106).

[710] Id. ch. xii, § 5 (117) and bk. iv, ch. vii, §§ 4, 9, 10 (52, 54, 55).

[711] Plutarch, De defectu orac. ch. 19. Bion seems to have made an impression on Plutarch, who often quotes him, though it be but to contradict him.

[712] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13.

[713] Id. ib.; Academics, iv, 38.

[714] Cicero, Tusculans, i, 10, 31; Academics, ii, 39; and refs. in ed. Davis.

[715] Sir A. Grant's tr. of the hymn is given in Capes's Stoicism ("Chief Ancient Philosophies" series), 1880, p. 41; and the Greek text by Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, p. 262. Cp. Cicero, De nat. Deor. i, 14.

[716] Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosoph. i, 7.

[717] Eusebius, Præp. Evang. bk. ii, ch. 2; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, ch. 23.

[718] P. 80.

[719] It may be noted that Diogenes of Babylon, a follower of Chrysippos, applied the principle to Greek mythology. Cicero, De nat. Deor. i, 15.

[720] Above, p. 80, note 4.

[721] See Grote, i, 371-74 and notes.

[722] Palaiphatos, De Incredibilibus: De Actæone, De Geryone, De Cerbero, De Amazonibus, etc.

[723] E. R. Bevan (art. "The Deification of Kings in the Greek Cities" in Eng. Histor. Rev. Oct. 1901, p. 631) argues that the practice was not primarily eastern, but Greek. See, however, Herodotos, vii, 136; Arrian, Anabas. Alexand. iv, 11; Q. Curtius, viii, 5-8; and Plutarch, Artaxerxes, ch. 22, as to the normal attitude of the Greeks, even as late as Alexander.

[724] See Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, chs. 22, 23, for the later Hellenistic tone on the subject of apotheosis apart from the official practice of the empire.

[725] Gibbon, ch. xl. Bohn ed. iv, 353, and note.

[726] Mahaffy, Greek Life, pp. 133-35; Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. v, 5 (§ 38).

[727] Wallace, Epicureanism (pp. 245-46), citing Suidas, s.v. Epicurus.

[728] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. vii, ch. i, 28 (§ 33); cp. Origen, Against Celsus, bk. i, ch. 5; Clemens Alex, Stromata, bk. v, ch. ii.

[729] Mahaffy, as cited, p. 135, n.; Athenæus, ix, 63 (p. 400).

[730] (297 B.C.) Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 213; Pausanias, i, 29.

[731] Cp. G. Guizot, Ménandre, 1855, pp. 324-27, and App.

[732] Cp. Guizot, pp. 327-31, and the fragments cited by Justin Martyr, De Monarchia, ch. 5.

[733] Whittaker, as cited, p. 85.

[734] Martha, as cited, p. 78.

[735] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 8 (§ 65).

[736] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 4, 5 (§ 63); Noumenios in Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv, 8; Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 38; Lucilius, cited by Lactantius, Div. Inst.

[737] Cicero, Academics, ii, 34.

[738] Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. pp. 34-62; Narrien, Histor. Account, as cited, ch. xi; L. U. K. Hist. of Astron. ch. vi. It is noteworthy that Hipparchos, like so many of his predecessors, had some of his ideas from Babylonia. Strabo, prooem., § 9.

[739] Ptolemy normally lumps unbelief in religion with all the vices of character. Cp. the Tetrabiblos, iii, 18 (paraphrase of Proclus).

[740] Hist. Nat. ii, 26.

[741] Lucian's dialogue Philopseudes gives a view of the superstitions of average Greeks in the second century of our era. Cp. Mr. Williams's note to the first Dialogue of the Dead, in his tr. p. 87.

[742] See M. Foucart's treatise, Des assoc. relig. chez les Grecs, 1873, 2e ptie.

[743] On the early tendency to orthodox conformity among the unbelieving Alexandrian scholars, see Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, pp. 260-61.

[744] Frag. cited by Wallace, p. 258.

[745] Rev. Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 79.

[746] De Oratore, iii, 17; De Finibus, ii, 12, 13.

[747] See Saisset, Le Scepticisme, 1865, pp. 22-27, for a careful discussion of dates.

[748] His own claim was to be of the "methodical" school. Hypotyp. i, 34.

[749] See his doctrine expounded by Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 332 sq.

[750] Cp. Owen, p. 349.

[751] These seem to be derived from Carneades. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 217.

[752] "The general character of the Greek Skeptics from Sokrates to Sextos is quite unexceptionable" (Owen, Evenings, i, 352).

[753] Polybius, bk. vi, ch. lvi. Cp. bk. xvi, Frag. 5 (12), where he speaks impatiently of the miracle-stories told of certain cults, and, repeating his opinion that some such stories are useful for preserving piety among the people, protests that they should be kept within bounds.

[754] Bk. i, ch. ii, § 8. Plutarch (Isis and Osiris, ch. 8) puts the more decent principle that all the apparent absurdities have good occult reasons.

[755] Bk. ix, ch. iii, § 12. Cp. bk. x, ch. iii, § 23. The hand of an interpolator frequently appears in Strabo (e.g., bk. ix, ch. ii, § 40; ch. iii, § 5); and the passage cited in bk. i is more in the style of the former than of the latter.

[756] See Dr. Hatch, Influence of Greek Ideas upon the Christian Church, 1890, pp. 60-64, notes; also above, pp. 143 and 161, note.

[757] De defect. orac. c. 19; Isis and Osiris, ch. 67.

[758] De Amore, c. 13; Isis and Osiris, chs. 66, 67; and De defect. orac. c. 13.

[759] Schmidt, Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im erst. Jahr., 1847, p. 22.

[760] Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 1892, p. 276. Cp. 2nd ed. p. 294.

[761] It is to be presumed that Dr. Burnet, when penning his estimate, had not in memory such a record as Dr. A. D. White's History of the Warfare between Science and Theology.

[762] Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. i, ch. 14 (Eng. tr. 1894, vol. i, pp. 282-83). Mommsen's view of the antiquity of writing among the Latins (p. 280) is highly speculative. He places its introduction about or before 1000 B.C.; yet he admits that they got their alphabet from the Greeks, and he can show no Greek contacts for that period. Cp. pp. 167-68 (ch. x). Schwegler (Römische Geschichte, 1853, i, 36) more reasonably places the period after that of the Etruscan domination, while recognizing the Greek origin of the script. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History, Eng. tr. 1906, pp. 26-28; Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, 1893, p. 32.

[763] Schwegler, i, ch. i, § 12; Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Lit. ed. Schwabe, Eng. tr. 1900, i, 100-101, 104-10.

[764] Teuffel, i, 110-11.

[765] Mommsen, bk. ii, ch. 8. Eng. tr. ii, 70. Such creation of deities by mere abstraction of things and functions had been the rule in the popular as distinguished from the civic religion. Cp. Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv, 16, 23; vi, 9, etc. It was the concomitant of the tendency noted by Livy: adeo minimis etiam rebus prava religio inserit deos (xxvii, 23). But the practice was not peculiar to the Romans, for among the Greeks were Gods or Goddesses of Wealth, Peace, Mercy, Shame, Fortune, Rumour, Energy, Action, Persuasion, Consolation, Desire, Yearning, Necessity, Force, etc. See Pausanias passim. The inference is that the more specific deities in all religions, with personal names, are the product of sacerdotal institutions or of poetic or other art. M. Boissier (i, 5), like Ihne, takes it for granted that the multitude of deified abstractions had no legends; but this is unwarranted. They may have had many; but there were no poets to sing, or priests to preserve and ritualize them.

[766] De natura Deorum, i, 42.

[767] Mr. Schuckburgh (History of Rome, 1894, p. 401, note) cites a translated passage in his fragments (Cicero, De Div. ii, 50; De nat. Deorum, iii, 32), putting the Epicurean view that the Gods clearly did not govern human affairs, "which he probably would have softened if he had not agreed with it." Cp. Mommsen, iii, 113 (bk. ii, ch. 13).

[768] Fragmenta, ed. Hesselius, p. 226; Cicero, De Divinatione, i, 58.

[769] Mommsen, i, 301; ii, 71; iii, 117 (bk. i, ch. 15; bk. ii, ch. 8; bk. iii, ch. 13). Cicero, De Div. i, 41.

[770] Livy, xxix, 18. Dr. Warde Fowler (Religious Experience of the Roman People, p. 346) censures Mr. Heitland for calling Livy's story "an interesting romance" (Hist. of Rom. Rep. ii, 229 note); remarking that "it is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising," and adding (p. 347): "It is certain, from the steps taken by the government ... that it is in the main a true account." It may suffice to ask whether Dr. Fowler believes in all or any of the prodigia mentioned by Livy because the government "took steps" about them.

[771] Cp. Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 39, 346.

[772] Teuffel, i, 122.

[773] Aulus Gellius (xv, 11) says the edict was de philosophis et de rhetoribus Latinis, but the senatus-consultum, as given by him, does not contain the adjective; and he goes on to tell that aliquot deinde annis post--really sixty-nine years later--the censors fulminated against homines qui NOVUM genus disciplinæ instituerunt ... eos sibi nomen imposuisse Latinas rhetoras. The former victims, then, were presumably Greek. Cp. Shuckburgh, p. 520; and Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, 1866, ii, 146. Professor Pelham (Outlines of Roman History, 1893, p. 179, note) mistakenly cites the senatus-consultum as containing the word "Latini." The reading Latinis in Gellius's own phrase has long been suspected. See ed. Frederic and Gronov, 1706.

[774] Plutarch, Cato, c. 22.

[775] Cicero, De. Repub., passim, ed. Halm.

[776] Polybius, xxxii, 10.

[777] Suetonius, De claris rhetoribus.

[778] See in Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 24, the account by the censor Crassus of his reasons for preferring the Greek rhetors.

[779] Valerius Maximus, i, 3, 1.

[780] The culture history of the republican period, as partially recovered by recent archæology, shows a process of dissolution and replacement from a remote period. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History, Eng. tr. 1906, ch. ii, notably p. 18.

[781] De rerum natura, i, 50-135; cp. v, 1166.

[782] ii, 646-50 (the passage cited by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons in one of the Bradlaugh debates, with a confession of its noble beauty); and again ii, 1090-1105, and iii, 18-22.

[783] See Christianity and Mythology, pp. 52-57.

[784] See the account of the doctrine of the high-priest Scaevola, preserved by Augustine, De civ. Dei, iv, 27. He and Varro (id. iv, 31; vi, 5-7) agreed in rejecting the current myths, but insisted on the continued civic acceptance of them. On the whole question compare Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 47-63.

[785] Thus the satirist Lucilius, who ridiculed the popular beliefs, was capable, in his capacity of patriot, of crying out against the lack of respect shown to religion and the Gods (Boissier, pp. 51-52). The purposive insincerity set up in their thinking by such men must, of course, have been injurious to character.

[786] Cp. the De Divinatione, i, 2.

[787] E.g., Mr. A. J. Balfour's Foundations of Belief.

[788] Tusc. Disp. i, 26.

[789] De Divinatione, ii, 33, 34, cp. ii, 12; and De nat. Deorum, i, 22. It is not surprising that in a later age, when the remaining pagans had no dialectic faculty left, the Christian Fathers, by using Cicero as a weapon against the cults, could provoke them into calling him impious (Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, iii, 6, 7).

[790] De Divinatione, ii, 22.

[791] Boissier, i, 58.

[792] De nat. Deorum, ii, 1.

[793] Boissier, p. 59.

[794] "It seems to me that, on the whole, among the educated and the rich, the indifferent must have been in the majority" (Boissier, p. 61).

[795] Id. p. 59.

[796] Cp. Long, Decline of Roman Republic, i, 438; ii, 38-40. Long remarks that Domitius, the accuser of Scaurus (who had prevented his election to the college of augurs), "used the name of religion for the purpose of damaging a political enemy; and the trick has been repeated, and is repeated, up to the present day. The Romans must have kept records of many of these trials. They were the great events of the times ...; and so we learn that three tribes voted against Scaurus, and thirty-two voted for him; but in each of these thirty-two tribes there was only a small majority of votes (pauca puncta) in favour of Scaurus."

[797] See Long, i, 56, for a cynical estimate of the mode of manipulation of the Sibylline and other sacred books.

[798] Sallust, Bellum Catilin. c. 51.

[799] Suetonius, Julius, cc. 59, 77; Cicero, De Divinatione, ii, 24. Cp. Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire, ed. 1865, ii, 424.

[800] Plutarch, Sulla, c. 29; Marius, c. 16. Long (Decline of Roman Republic, ii, 369) says of Sulla that, "though he could rob a temple when he wanted money, he believed in the religion of his time. We should call him superstitious; and a man who is superstitious is capable of any crime, for he believes that the Gods can be conciliated by prayers and presents."

[801] Compare the fears which grew upon Cromwell in his last days.

[802] Pompeius, on the other hand, had many seers in his camp; but after his overthrow expressed natural doubts about Providence. Cicero, De Div. ii, 24, 47; Plutarch, Pompeius, c. 75.

[803] Boissier, i, 73.

[804] See Augustine's citation from Varro, De civ. Dei, vi, 2. Cp. Sueton. Aug. 29.

[805] The only record to the contrary is the worthless scandal as to his "suppers of the Twelve Gods" (Sueton. Aug. 70). The statement of W. A. Schmidt that "none of the Julians was orthodox" (Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im ersten Jahrhundert, 1847, p. 175) is somewhat overstrained.

[806] Dio Cassius, lii, 36.

[807] E.g., his encouragement of a new college of priests founded in his honour. Dio, xliv, 6.

[808] Sueton. Julius, 44, 56. The first public library actually opened in Rome was founded by Asinius Pollio under Augustus, and was placed in the forecourt of the temple of Liberty: Augustus founded two others; Tiberius a fourth, in his palace; Vespasian a fifth, in the temple of Peace; Domitian a sixth, on the Capitol. W. A. Schmidt, Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 151-52, and refs.

[809] Boissier, pp. 67-108; Suetonius, Aug. xxix-xxxi.

[810] L'Abbé Beurlier, Le Culte Impérial, 1891, introd. and ch. 1; Boissier, ch. 2. Cp. p. 185, note, above.

[811] It would seem that the occasion on which he enraged the Senate by not rising to receive them (Sueton. Jul. 78) was that on which they came to announce that they had made him a God, Jupiter Julius, with a special temple and a special priest. See Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, v, 418. He might very well have intended to rebuke their baseness. But cp. Boissier, i, 122, citing Dio, xlvi, 6.

[812] iii, 46; x, 40; xliii, 13.

[813] 1 Sat. v, 98-103.

[814] As to the conflict between Horace's bias and his policy, cp. Boissier, i. 193-201.

[815] E.g., Carm. iii, 6.

[816] Fasti, v, 673-92.

[817] Fasti, ii, 61-66.

[818] Fasti, iv, 204. The preceding phrase, pro magno teste vetustas creditur, certainly has an ironic ring.

[819] Æneid, vi, 724-27.

[820] Cp. Boissier, i, 228-29.

[821] Georgics, ii, 490, 493. Diderot originated the idea that the first of these lines and the two which follow it in Virgil had reference to Lucretius. Grimm, Correspondance Littéraire, ed. 1829-30, vi, 21-25. It is acquiesced in by W. Warde Fowler, Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero, 1909, p. 327. Sellar (Roman Poets of the Augustan Age: Virgil, 1877. p. 201) is doubtful on the point.

[822] Cp. Boissier, i, 193.

[823] Boissier, ii, 84-92.

[824] Ep. xcv.

[825] Suetonius, Jul. 88.

[826] The same note occurs in Virgil, Æneid, vi, 719-21.

[827] Hist. Nat. ii, 1, 5 (7). Pliny identifies nature and deity: "Per quæ declaratur haud dubie naturæ potentia, idque esse quod Deum vocamus" (last cit., end).

[828] Hist. nat. vii, 55 (56). Cp. Boissier, i, 300.

[829] Id. pp. 301-303.

[830] See the praiseworthy treatise of Mr. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, 1891, chs. 5, 6, and 7.

[831] "... vires religionis, ad quas maxime etiamnum caligat humanum genus." Hist. nat. xxx, 1.

[832] Above, p. 188.

[833] Primus in orbe deos fecit timor. Frag. 22, ed. Burmanni. The whole passage is noteworthy. See also his Satyricon, c. 137, as to his estimate of sacerdotal sincerity.

[834] Thebaid, iii, 661.

[835] Porphyry, Epistle to Anebo (with Jamblichus). Chaeremon, however, is said to have regarded comets as divine portents. Origen, Ag. Celsus, bk. i, ch. 59.

[836] Prof. C. Martha, Les moralistes sous l'empire romain, ed. 1881, p. 341.

[837] W. A. Schmidt, who cites this act (Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 31-33) as the beginning of the end of free speech in Rome, does not mention the detail given by Dio (xliv, 10), that Cæsar suspected the tribunes of having set on some of the people to hail him as king. But the unproved suspicion does not justify his course, which was a bad lapse of judgment, even if the suspicion were just. From this point a conspiracy against his life was natural. Cp. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, v, 432-33. as to the facts.

[838] See W. A. Schmidt, pp. 34-108, for a careful analysis of the evolution. As to the book-censure, see pp. 101-104.

[839] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 28.

[840] Id. c. 61.

[841] Annals, i, 73. That such a phrase should have been written by an emperor in an official letter, and yet pass unnoticed through antiquity save in one historical work, recovered only in the Renaissance, is one of the minor improbabilities that give colour to the denial of the genuineness of the Annals.

[842] Tiberius, c. 69.

[843] Petronius, Satyricon, ad init.

[844] In the Annals (xiv, 50) it is stated that the book attacked senators and pontiffs; that it was condemned to be burned, and Vejento to be exiled; and that the book was much sought and read while forbidden; but that it fell into oblivion when all were free to read it. Here, again, there is no other ancient testimony. Vejento is heard of, however, in Juvenal, iv, 113, 123-29.

[845] Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, iv. 47.

[846] Cp. Schmidt, pp. 346-47.

[847] Suetonius, Domitian, c. 10.

[848] Cp. Schmidt, p. 157.

[849] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 36; Josephus, Antiquities, xviii, 3, §§ 4, 5. Josephus specifies isolated pretexts, which Suetonius does not mention. They are not very probable.

[850] Who destroyed 2,000 copies of prophetical books. Suetonius, Aug. c. 31.

[851] See, in the next chapter, as to the rationalistic mythology of Macrobius.

[852] Cp. Propertius, ii, 14, 27 sqq.; iii, 23, 19-20; iv, 3, 38; Tibullus, iv, 1, 18-23; Juvenal, as before cited, and xv, 133, 142-46.

[853] Plato, 2 Alcib.; Cicero, Pro Cluentio, c. 68; Horace, Carm. iii, 23, 17; Ovid, Heroides, Acont. Cydipp. 191-92; Persius, Sat. ii, 69; Seneca, De Beneficiis, i, 6. Cp. Diod. Sic. xii, 20; Varro, in Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, vii, 1.

[854] 1 Sat. iii, 96-98. Cp. Cicero, De Finibus, iv, 19, 27, 28; Matt. v. 19-28; James, ii, 10. Lactantius, again (Div. Inst. iii, 23). denounces the doctrine of the equality of offences as laid down by Zeno, giving no sign of knowing that it is also set forth in his own sacred books.

[855] On Seneca's moral teaching, cp. Martha, Les Moralistes sous l'empire romain, pp. 57-66; Boissier, La religion romaine, ii, 80-82. M. Boissier further examines fully the exploded theory that Seneca received Christian teaching. On this compare Bishop Lightfoot, Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, pp. 237-92.

[856] Seneca was so advanced in his theoretic ethic as to consider all war on a level with homicide. Epist. xcv, 30.

[857] It is to be noted that preaching had begun among the moralists of Rome in the first century, and was carried on by the priests of Isis in the second; and that in Egypt monasticism had long been established. Martha, as cited, p. 67; Boissier, i, 356-59. Cp. Mosheim, 2 Cent. pt. ii, c. iii, §§ 13, 14, as to monasticism.

[858] Mt. xxii, 39; Mk. xii, 31.

[859] Talmud, tract. Sabbath, 306.

[860] Mk. xii, 32.

[861] Lk. xviii, 20.

[862] See the impressive argument of Dr. Moncure Conway in his Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, ch. xviii.

[863] See Dr. Nicholson's The Gospel According to the Hebrews, 1879, p. 77. Cp. Conway, p. 222. Dr. Nicholson insists that at least the word "sacrificing" must be spurious, because "it is surely impossible that Jesus ever uttered this threat"!

[864] Cp. the author's Christianity and Mythology, pt. iii. div. ii, § 6.

[865] The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, known as the "Slavonic Enoch," ch. xliv, 1 (Eng. tr. 1896, pp. 60, 67).

[866] See the author's Pagan Christs, pt. ii.

[867] Above, p. 215.

[868] Hosea, vi, 6; Psalms, xl, 6, 7; Ecclesiastes, v, 1.

[869] Talmud, Yoma-Derech Eretz; Midrash, Vayikra-Rabba, xxvii, 11 and 12.

[870] Ch. lii (p. 69).

[871] Luke xiii, 4.

[872] Cp. Conway, Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, pp. 57, 201, 219.

[873] John iv, 21.

[874] E.g., Plato, Crito, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. ii, 150; Seneca, De Ira, ii, 32. Valerius Maximus (iv, 2, 4) even urges the returning of benefits for injuries.

[875] It is impossible to find in the whole patristic literature a single display of the "love" in question. In all early Christian history there is nothing to represent it save the attitude of martyrs towards their executioners--an attitude seen often in pagan literature. (E.g., Ælian, Var. Hist. xii, 49.)

[876] 1 Thess. v, 21.

[877] 2 Cor. xi, 4; Gal. i, 6.

[878] Cp. Rom. ix, 14-21.

[879] 2 Cor. x, 5. Needless to say, such an expression savours strongly of late invention; but in any case it tells of the attitude of the Christian teachers of the second century.

[880] 1 Cor. vii, 20-24 (where the phrase translated in English "use it rather" unquestionably means "rather continue" = remain a slave. Cp. Eph. vi, 5, and Variorum Teacher's Bible in loc.).

[881] Rom. xiii, 1. Cp. 1 Peter ii, 13-14; Tit. iii, 1. The anti-Roman spirit in the Apocalypse is Judaic, not Gentile-Christian; the book being of Jewish origin.

[882] James ii, 21.

[883] 1 Cor. xv, 12.

[884] The Apology of Athenagoras (2nd c.) is rather a defence of monotheism than a Christian document; hence, no doubt, its speedy neglect by the Church.

[885] Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. c. 5; Min. Felix, Octavius, c. 10.

[886] "The inhabitants of Coelesyria, Idumea, and Judea are principally influenced by Aries and Ares, and are generally audacious, atheistical, and treacherous" (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ii, 3--Paraphrase of Proclus).

[887] Cp. Tertullian, De Idolatria, passim, and Ad Scapulam, c. 5.

[888] For the refusal to worship men as Gods they had, of course, abundant pagan precedent. See above, p. 186, note.

[889] E.g., Tertullian, De Testimonio Animæ, c. 1; Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, i, 41, etc.; Lactantius, Divine Institutes, c. xv; Epit. c. vii.

[890] Cp. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, ch. vii.

[891] Irenæus, Against Heresies, i, 26. Cp. Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 3te Aufl. § 23, 4 (p. 37), as to Cerinthus.

[892] 1 Tim. vi, 20. The word persistently translated "oppositions" is a specific term in Gnostic lore. Cp. R. W. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, 1854, p. 115, note.

[893] Cp. Harnack, Outlines of the History of Dogma, Mitchell's trans. p. 77 (ch. vi), p. 149 (bk. ii, ch. vi); Gieseler, Comp. of Eccles. Hist. i, § 63, Eng. tr. i, 234, as to the attitude of Origen.

[894] The term "Gnostic," often treated as if applicable only to heretical sects, was adopted by Clemens of Alexandria as an honourable title. Cp. Gieseler, p. 241, as cited.

[895] Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 4-12. Cp., however, Abbé Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie, 1859, pp. 421-23, and Ueberweg, i, 239, as to the obscurity resting on the original teaching of Ammonios.

[896] Cp. Gieseler, Compendium, i, § 52 (tr. vol. i, p. 162).

[897] Id. §§ 54, 55, pp. 186-90.

[898] E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 2-4.

[899] As to the earlier latitudinarianism, cp. Gieseler, as cited, p. 166.

[900] Gieseler, § 55.

[901] Mosheim, E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 1-7; Gieseler, as cited, § 53, pp. 162-65; Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. vi, 19; B. Saint-Hilaire, De l'école d'Alexandrie, 1845, p. 7; Baur, Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. ii, 3-8. But cp. Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie, l. v, ch. v.

[902] Cp. Mosheim on Origen, Comm. de rebus Christ. ante Const. §§ 27, 28, summarized in Schlegel's note to Ec. Hist. Reid's ed. pp. 100-101; Gieseler, § 63; Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 114, 140. Dr. Hatch (Influence of Greek Ideas on the Christian Church, pp. 82-83) notes that the allegorical method, which began in a tendency towards rationalism, came later to be typically orthodox.

[903] "Gnosis was an attempt to convert Christianity into philosophy; to place it in its widest relation to the universe, and to incorporate with it the ideas and feelings approved by the best intelligence of the times." Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 109. But cp. the per contra on p. 110: "it was but a philosophy in fetters, an effort of the mind to form for itself a more systematic belief in its own prejudices." Again (p. 115): "a reaction towards freethought was the essence of Gnosis." So also Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 4-5, 153.

[904] This view could be supported by the Platonists from Plato, Laws, bk. x. Cp. Chaignet, La vie et les écrits de Platon, 1871, p. 422; and Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v, ed. Paris, 1840, i, 288. It is explicitly set forth by Plutarch, I. and O., cc. 45-49.

[905] On the subject in general cp. Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v; also his Commentaries on the Affairs of the Christians before Constantine, Eng. tr. vol. ii; Harnack, Outlines of the Hist. of Dogma, ch. iv; King, The Gnostics and their Remains; Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pt. iii, §§ 10, 11, 12; Renan, L'Église Chrétienne, chs. ix, x; Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v; Lardner, Hist. of Heretics, in Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii; Baur, Church History, pt. iii; Jeremie, Hist. of the Chr. Church in 2nd and 3rd Cent., ch. v (in Encyc. Metropolitana).

[906] "Mysticism itself is but an insane rationalism" (Hampden, Bampton Lect. on Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. intr. p. liii). It may be described as freethought without regard to evidence--that "lawless thought" which Christian polemists are wont to ascribe to rationalists.

[907] Gieseler, §§ 61, 86 (pp. 228, 368, 370).

[908] In the fourth century and later, however, the gospel of asceticism won great orthodox vogue through the writings of the so-called Dionysius the Areopagite. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, c. iii, § 12; Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, 1891, pp. 190-91.

[909] Compare the process by which the Talmudic system unified Judaism. Wellhausen, Israel, as cited, pp. 541-42; Milman, History of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. 4, ed. Paris, 1840, i, 276.

[910] "There is good reason to suppose that the Christian bishops multiplied sacred rites for the sake of rendering the Jews and the pagans more friendly to them" (Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iv. Cp. ch. iii, § 17; ch. iv, §§ 3-7; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 1-3; ch. iv, §§ 1-2; 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 2). This generalization is borne out by nearly every other Church historian. Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. i, ch. i; Milman, bk. iv, ch. 5, pp. 367-74; Gieseler. §§ 98, 99, 101, 104; Renan, Marc-Aurèle, 3e edit. p. 630. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 285-89.

[911] Gieseler, § 87, p. 373; Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 3te Aufl. § 108.

[912] Eusebius, v, 28; Gieseler, § 60, p. 218.

[913] Cp. Gieseler, §§ 80-83, pp. 328-53; Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. i, esp. pp. 201-202.

[914] One being another Theodotos, a money-changer.

[915] Eusebius, as last cited. The sect was accused of altering the gospels to suit its purposes. The charge could probably be made with truth against every sect in turn, as against the Church in general.

[916] In the end the doctrine declared orthodox was the opposite of what had been declared orthodox in the Sabellian and other controversies (Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 9); and all the while "the Arians and the orthodox embraced the same theology in substance" (Murdock, note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 161). An eminent modern Catholic, however, has described Arianism as "a deistic doctrine which had not the courage to bury itself in the fecund obscurities of dogma" (Ozanam, La Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, 1849, p. 35).

[917] Gieseler, § 83. p. 345.

[918] Cp. the author's Short History of Christianity, 2nd ed. pp. 176-81.

[919] "Pelagianism is Christian rationalism" (Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. iv, § 3, p.364).

[920] He was first a Manichean; later an anti-Manichean, denying predestination; later, as an opponent of the Pelagians, an assertor of predestination. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pt. v, § 15. As to his final Manicheanism, see Milman, Hist. of Latin Christianity, 3rd ed. i, 152.

[921] Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. v, § 1 (p. 386).

[922] Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The Scholastic Philosophy, 1848, pp. xxxv-xxxvi, and refs.

[923] Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. vii, ch. 15.

[924] Epist. 93. Cp. Schlegel's notes on Mosheim, in Reid's ed. pp. 159, 198; Rev. W. R. Clarke, Saint Augustine, pp. 86-87 (a defence); Milman, History of Latin Christianity, bk. ii, ch. ii, 3rd. ed. i, 163; Boissier, La fin du paganisme, 2e édit. i, 69-79. Harnack's confused and contradictory estimate of Augustine (Outlines, pt. ii, bk ii, chs. iii, iv) ignores this issue. He notes, however (pp. 362-63), some of Augustine's countless self-contradictions.

[925] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited, ii, 182, 188, and note. For the views of Ambrose see p. 184. In Gaul, St. Martin put down the old shrines by brute force. Id. p. 179.

[926] Cp. Beugnot, Histoire de la destruction du paganisme en Occident, 1835, i, 430.

[927] De errore profanarum religionum, end.

[928] See it translated in full by Lardner in his Testimonies of Ancient Heathens, ch. xlix. Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii.

[929] Lardner, as cited, pp. 25-27.

[930] As to the high character of Libanius, who used his influence to succour his Christian friends in the reign of Julian, see Lardner, pp. 15-17.

[931] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. vi; vol. ii, p. 131. See the passage there cited from the Funeral Oration of Libanius On Julian, as to Christians building houses with temple stones; also the further passages, pp. 129, 161, 212, of Mr. King's tr. of the Oration in his Julian the Emperor (Bohn Lib.).

[932] Ammianus, xxii, 4.

[933] Gibbon, ch. xlvii. Bohn ed. v, 211-52, 264, 268, 272. Mosheim, passim.

[934] Milman, as cited, p. 178.

[935] De Testimonio Animæ, c. 2; De Ira Dei.

[936] Tertullian, as cited, c. 3.

[937] B. vi, ch. 28.

[938] On the Mysteries, bk. x, ch. 2.

[939] Cp. Minucius Felix (2nd c.), Octavius, c. 5.

[940] De consensu evangelistarum, i, 10.

[941] De civ. Dei, xxi, 2, 5-7.

[942] Id. i, 14.

[943] Id. xxi, 11.

[944] See the citations in Abailard's Sic et non, § 1. Quod fides humanis rationibus sit adstruenda, et contra.

[945] De Gubernatione Dei, l. 4.

[946] See Renan, L'Église Chrétienne, p. 493. As to Crescens, the enemy of Justin Martyr (2 Apol. c. 3), see id. p. 492. Cp. Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, passim, as to pagan objections. What remains of Porphyry will be found in Lardner's Testimonies of the Heathen, ch. xxxvii. Cp. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 179-87.

[947] The Controversy between Jason and Papiscus regarding Christ, mentioned by Origen (Ag. Celsus, bk. iv, ch. 4), seems to have been of the same nature.

[948] Origen repeatedly calls him an Epicurean; but this is obviously false. The Platonizing Christian would not admit that a Platonist was anti-Christian.

[949] Origen places him in the reign of Hadrian; but the internal evidence is all against that opinion. Kain dates the treatise 177-78.

[950] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, 3e édit. pp. 346-71.

[951] B. i, cc. 24, 25.

[952] B. i, cc. 28, 32.

[953] c. 32.

[954] cc. 37, 39.

[955] B. ii, c. 26.

[956] B. ii, c. 78.

[957] B. ii, c. 49.

[958] B. ii, c. 30.

[959] B. iii, c. 1.

[960] B. iv, cc. 23-30, 54-60, 74.

[961] Cp. A. Kind, Teleologie und Naturalismus in der altchristlichen Zeit, 1875; Soury, Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, pp. 331-40.

[962] B. i, chs. 9-11; iii, 44.

[963] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 373-77.

[964] Christian excisions have been suspected in the Peregrinus, § 11 (Bernays, Lucian und die Kyniker, 1879, p. 107). But see Mr. J. M. Cotterill's Peregrinus Proteus, Edinburgh, 1879, for a theory of the spuriousness of the treatise, which is surmised to be a fabrication of Henri Etienne.

[965] Logoi Philaletheis, known only from the reply of Eusebius, Contra Hiroclem. Hierocles made much of Apollonius of Tyana, as having greatly outdone Jesus in miracles, while ranking simply as a God-beloved man.

[966] Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, and Philostorgius.

[967] Cod. Justin. De Summa Trinitate. l. I, tit. i, c. 3.

[968] Citations are given by Baur, Ch. Hist. ii, 180 sq.

[969] Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 160. Chrysostom (De Mundi Creatione, vi, 3) testifies that Porphyry "led many away from the faith." He ably anticipated the "higher criticism" of the Book of Daniel. See Baur, as cited. Porphyry, like Celsus, powerfully retorted on the Old Testament the attacks made by Christians on the immorality of pagan myths, and contemned the allegorical explanations of the Christian writers as mere evasions. The pagan explanations of pagan myths, however, were of the same order.

[970] Gieseler, § 106, ii, 75. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 22.

[971] Gieseler, § 106, vol. ii, p. 74; Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 2; and Schlegel's note in Reid's ed. p. 152.

[972] Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iii, ch. xi (ii, 268-70); Mosheim, 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 14; Gilly, Vigilantius and his Times, 1844, pp. 8, 389 sq., 470 sq. As to Jerome's persecuting ferocity see also Gieseler, ii, 65 note. For a Catholic polemic on Jerome's side see Amedée Thierry, Saint Jérome, 2e édit. pp. 141, 363-66.

[973] See a good account of the works of Macrobius in Prof. Dill's Roman Society in the last Century of the Western Empire, bk. i, ch. iv.

[974] Philostorgius, Eccles. Hist. Epit. bk. viii, ch. x.

[975] By Justinian in 529. The banished thinkers were protected by Chosroes in Persia, who secured them permission to return (Gibbon, Bohn ed. iv. 355-56; Finlay, Hist. of Greece, ed. Tozer, i, 277, 287). Theodosius II had already forbidden all public lectures by independent teachers (id. pp. 282-83).

[976] Theodosius I, Arcadius, and Theodosius II (379-450) successively passed laws forbidding and persecuting paganism (Finlay. i, 286; Beugnot. Hist. de la destr. du paganisme en occident, i, 350 sq.). Mithraism was suppressed in the same period (Jerome, Epist. cvii, ad Laetam, Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. v, ch. xvi). It is to be remembered that Constans and Constantius, the sons of Constantine, had commenced, at least on paper, to persecute paganism as soon as their father's new creed was sufficiently established (Cod. Theod. xvi, 10, 2, 4), and this with the entire approval of the whole Church. It was not their fault that it subsisted till the time of Theodosius II (cp. Gieseler, § 75, pp. 306-308; and Beugnot, i, 138-48). On the edict of Theodosius I see Milman, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited, p. 186.

[977] In S. Babylam, contra Julianum, c. ii. Cp. his Hom. iv on 1st Cor. Eng. tr. 1839, p. 42.

[978] There is also a suggestion in one passage of Chrysostom (Hom. in 1 Cor. vi, 2, 3) that some Christians tended to doubt the actuality of apostolic miracles, seeing that no miracles took place in their own day.

[979] Præparatio Evangelica, xv, 61.

[980] Div. Inst. iii, 3.

[981] Id. iii, 24.

[982] Topographia, lib. v, cited by Murdock in note on Mosheim. 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5, Reid's ed. p. 192. Cp. same ed. p. 219, note; and Gibbon, Bohn ed. iv, 259; v, 319.

[983] , ii, 65, 71.

[984] See Schlegel's note on Mosheim. 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 19.

[985] The first name came from Anomoios, "unlike-natured (to the Father)," that being their primary doctrinal heresy concerning Jesus. The second seems to have been a euphemism of their own making, with the sense of "holding the good law."

[986] Jerome, Adv. Vigilantium, cc. 9, 11.

[987] Epiphanius, Adv. Hæres. lxx, § 6.

[988] Cp. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, viii, 15-19; xxi, 6; De Trinitate, iii, 12, 13 (7, 8); Epist. cxxxviii, 18-20; Sermo cc, in Epiph. Dom. ii; Jerome, Vita S. Hilarion, cc. 6, 37.

[989] Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 8, 15; 3 Cent. pt. i, ch. i, § 5; pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 10, 11; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 3, 16; Gieseler, § 63, p. 235; Waddington, Hist. of the Church, 1833, pp. 38-39; Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iv, ch. iii, ed. cited, ii, 337. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pp. 11-12.

[990] Cp. the explicit admissions of Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 16; 3 Cont. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 4, 6; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 8; ch. iii, § 17; Gieseler, § 103, vol. ii, p. 56. It is to be noted, however, that even the martyrs were at times bad characters who sought in martyrdom remission for their sins (Gieseler, § 74, p. 206; De Wette, as there cited).

[991] Cp. Gieseler, ii, 67-68.

[992] Epist. vii, 5; xcv, 33. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 17.

[993] Cp. the Bohn ed. of Gibbon, note by clerical editor, iii, 359.

[994] The express declaration of Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei, l. 6. On the general question compare Mr. Farrer's Paganism and Christianity, ch. x; Milman, as last cited, p. 331; and Gieseler, ii, 71, note 6. The traditional view that the games were suppressed by Honorius, though accepted by Gibbon and by Professor Dill (Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 2nd ed. p. 56), appears to be an error. Cp. Beugnot, Destr. du Paganisme, ii, 25; Finlay, Hist. of Greece, i, 236.

[995] As to the specially cruel use of judicial torture by the later Inquisition, see H. C. Lea, Superstition and Force, 3rd ed. p. 452.

[996] Lavollée, as cited, p. 92. Cp. St. Chrysostom's Picture of his Age, p. 112, and the admissions of Milman, bk. iv, ch. i.

[997] As to the spirit of hatred roused by controversy among believers, see Gieseler, § 104, vol. ii, pp. 64-67; and Ullmann's Gregory of Nazianzum, Eng. tr. 1851, pp. 177-80.

[998] H. Fraser Stewart, Boethius: An Essay, 1891, pp. 100-101.

[999] Cp. Beugnot, Destruction du Paganisme, ii, 282-83.

[1000] Id. p. 159. Mr. Stewart in another passage (p. 106) argues that "The Consolation is intensely artificial"--this by way of explaining that it was a deliberate exercise, not representing the real or normal state of its author's mind. Yet he has finally to avow (p. 107) that "it remains a very noble book"--a character surely incompatible with intense artificiality.

[1001] This is the view of Maurice (Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. 1859, pp. 14-16), who decides that Boethius was neither a Christian nor a "pagan"--i.e., a believer in the pagan Gods. This is simply to say that he was a rationalist--a "pagan philosopher," like Aristotle. But, as is noted by Prof. Bury (ed. of Gibbon, iv. 199), Boethius's authorship of a book, De sancta trinitate, et capita quædam dogmatica, et librum contra Nestorium, is positively asserted in the Anecdoton Holderi (ed. by Usener, Leipzig, 1877, p. 4), a fragment found in a 10th century MS.

[1002] The strict meaning of this term, given by Mohammed ("the true religion with God is Islam"; Sura, iii, 17), is "submission"--such being the attitude demanded by the Prophet. "Moslem" or "Muslim" means one who accepts Islam. Koran means strictly, not "book," but "reading" or recitation.

[1003] Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. p. xv.

[1004] Sale, Preliminary Discourse to tr. of the Koran, ed. 1833, i, 42; Muir's Life of Mohammad, ed. Weir, 1912, p. 78. Cp. Freeman, History and Conquests of the Saracens, 1856, p. 35. The late Prof. Palmer, in introd. to his tr. of the Koran (Sacred Books of the East series), i, p. xv, says that "By far the greater number had ceased to believe in anything at all"; but this is an extravagance, confuted by himself in other passages--e.g. p. xi.

[1005] These generalizations are always matched, and cancelled, by others from the same sources. Thus Prof. D. B. Macdonald writes of "the always flighty and skeptical Arabs," and, a few pages later, of the God-fearing fatalism "of all Muslim thought, the faith to which the Semite ever returns in the end." Development of Muslim Theology, etc. (in "Semitic Series"), New York, 1903, pp. 122, 126.

[1006] The word means either convert or pervert; in Heb. and Syr. "heretic"; in Arabic, "orthodox." It must not be confounded with Hanyfite, the name of an orthodox sect, founded by one Hanyfa.

[1007] See Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. pp. xvi, xvii; and Sura, xvi (lxxiii in Rodwell's chron. arrangement), v. 121, p. 252, note 2.

[1008] Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, 1861-65, i, 83 sq. Cp. p. 60 sq.

[1009] Rodwell, p. 497, note to Sura iii (xcvii) 19; and pref. p. xvi; Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur l'histoire des Arabes avant l'Islamisme, 1847, i, 321-26; Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, pp. 69, 149. "To the great mass of the citizens of Mecca the new doctrine was simply the Hanyfism to which they had become accustomed; and they did not at first trouble themselves at all about the matter." Palmer, introd. to tr. of Koran, i, p. xxiv. Cp. Sprenger, as cited, i, 46-60, 65.

[1010] The word Hanyf or Hanif recurs in Sura ii, 129; iii, 60, 89; iv, 124; vi, 79, 162; x, 105, xvi, 121; xxii, 32; xxx, 29. Cp. H. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, 1886, pp. 42-43. Palmer's translation, marred as it unfortunately is by slanginess, is on such points specially trustworthy. Rodwell's does not always indicate the use of the word Hanyf; but the German version of Ullmann, the French of Kanimirski, and Sale's, do not indicate it at all. Sprenger (p. 43) derives the Hanyfs from Essenes who had almost lost all knowledge of the Bible. Cp. p. 67. Prof. Macdonald writes that the word "is of very doubtful derivation. But we have evidence from heathen Arab poetry that these Hanifs were regarded as much the same as Christian monks, and that the term hanif was used as a synonym for rahib, monk." Work cited, p. 125.

[1011] Sprenger, as cited, p. 13.

[1012] Cp. Sale's Prelim. Discourse, as cited, i, 38; and Palmer, introd. p. xv; and Nicholson, pp. 139-40.

[1013] Al Mostaraf, cited by Pococke, Specimen Histor. Arab. p. 136; Sale, Prelim. Disc. as cited, p. 45.

[1014] Cp. Nicholson, pp. 155-56 and refs.

[1015] Sale, as cited, pp. 39-41.

[1016] Palmer, introd. to his Haroun Alraschid, 1882, p. 14. Cp. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, p. 44, controverting Kuenen.

[1017] Hibbert Lectures, On National and Universal Religions, ed. 1901, p. 21 and Note II.

[1018] Id. p. 31.

[1019] Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, p. 145.

[1020] Rodwell, note to Sura xcvi (R. i), 10.

[1021] Sprenger estimates that at his death the number really converted to his doctrine did not exceed a thousand. Cp. Nicholson, pp. 153-58.

[1022] Renan ascribes the idea wholly to Omar. Études d'histoire et de critique, ed. 1862, p. 250. The faithful have preserved a sly saying that "Omar was many a time of a certain opinion, and the Koran was then revealed accordingly." Nöldeko, Enc. Brit. art. on Koran, in Sketches from Eastern History, 1892, p. 28. On the other hand, Sedillot decides (Histoire des Arabes, 1854. p. 60) that "in Mohammed it is the political idea that dominates." So Nicholson (p. 169): "At Medina the days of pure religious enthusiasm have passed away for ever, and the prophet is overshadowed by the statesman." Cp. pp. 173, 175.

[1023] On the measure of racial unity set up by Abyssinian attacks as well as by the pretensions of the Byzantine and Persian empires, see Sedillot, pp. 30, 38. Cp. Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination arabe, Amsterdam, 1894. pp. 1-4. 7.

[1024] Professor Stanilas Guyard, La Civilisation Musulmane, 1884, p. 22.

[1025] Cp. Renan, Études, pp. 257-66; Hauri, Der Islam in seinem Einfluss auf das Leben seiner Bekenner, 1882, pp. 64-65; Nicholson, p. 235. It was at Medina that a strict Mohammedanism first arose.

[1026] Nicholson, pp. 178-79, and ref.

[1027] Hauri, Der Islam, p. 64.

[1028] Cp. Montesquieu, Grandeur et décadence des Romains, ch. 22.

[1029] Nicholson, p 190.

[1030] Id. p. 199.

[1031] Van Vloten, p. 70 and passim.

[1032] Prof. Guyard, as cited, pp. 16, 51; C. E. Oelsner, Des effets de la religion de Mohammed, etc., 1810, p. 130.

[1033] Guyard, p. 21; Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, introd. p. 19.

[1034] The alleged destruction of the library of Alexandria by Omar is probably a myth, arising out of a story of Omar's causing some Persian books to be thrown into the water. See Prof. Bury's notes in his ed. of Gibbon, v, 452-54. Cp. Oelsner, as cited, pp. 142-43.

[1035] Sura, vi, 25, 29; xix, 67; xxvii, 68-70; liv, 2; lxxxiii, 10-13. According to lviii, 28, however, some polytheists denied the future state.

[1036] Cp. Renan, Études d'histoire et de critique, pp. 232-34.

[1037] Renan, as cited, p. 232.

[1038] Id. p. 235. Renan and Sprenger conflict on this point, the former having regard, apparently, to the bulk of the poetry, the latter to parts of it.

[1039] Sedillot, p. 39. One of these was Zaid. Nicholson, p. 149.

[1040] See the passage (Sura ii) cited with praise by the sympathetic Mr. Bosworth Smith in his Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. p. 181; where also delighted praise is given to the "description of Infidelity" in Sura xxiv, 39-40. The "infidels" in question were simply non-Moslems.

[1041] The Flight (of the Prophet to Medina from Mecca, in 622), from which begins the Mohammedan era.

[1042] Sale, as cited, p. 160.

[1043] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 261-64; Dugat, Histoire des philosophes et des théologiens Mussulmans, 1878, pp. 48-55; H. Steiner, Die Mu`taziliten, oder die Freidenker im Islam, 1865, pp. 49-50; Guyard, p. 36; Sale, p. 161 (sec. viii); Nicholson, p. 222 sq. The term Motazila broadly means "dissenter," or "belonging to a sect."

[1044] Steiner, p. 1.

[1045] Palmer, Introd. to Haroun Alraschid, p. 14.

[1046] As to the Persian influence on Arab thought, cp. A. Müller, Der Islam, i, 469; Palmer, as last cited; Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 114 ff.; Nicholson, p. 220; Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination arabe, p. 43. Van Vloten's treatise is a lucid sketch of the socio-political conditions set up in Persia by the Arab conquest.

[1047] Weil, ii, 261.

[1048] G. Dugat, Histoire des philosophes et des théologiens Mussulmans, p. 44; Sale, pp. 161, 174-78.

[1049] Dugat, p. 55; Steiner, p. 4; Sale, p. 162.

[1050] "Motazilism represents in Islam a Protestantism of the shade of Schleiermacher" (Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3e ed. p. 104). Cp. Syed Ameer Ali, Crit. Exam. of Life of Mohammed, pp. 300-308; Sale, p. 161.

[1051] Dugat, pp. 28, 44; Guyard, p. 36; Steiner, pp. 24-25; Renan, Averroès, p. 101. The Kadarites, as Sale notes (pp. 164-65), are really an older group than the Motazilites, so-called, their founder having rejected predestination before Wasil did. Kuenen (Hibbert Lect. p. 47) writes as if all the Motazilites were maintained of freewill, but they varied. See Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 135 sq.

[1052] Sale, pp. 165, 172-73.

[1053] For a view of the various schools of Sifatites see Sale, pp. 166-74.

[1054] Guyard, pp. 37-38; G. D. Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, 1878, p. 134.

[1055] Steiner, p. 16. Major Osborn (work cited, p. 136) attributes their rise to the influence of Eastern Christianity, but gives no proof.

[1056] Guyard, p. 40. Cp. Sale, p. 176; Van Vloten, p. 43.

[1057] Dugat, p. 34. Thus the orthodox sect of Hanyfites were called by one writer followers of reason, since they relied rather on their judgment than on tradition.

[1058] Steiner, p. 5; Nicholson, p. 370.

[1059] Steiner, pp. 5, 9, 88-89; Sale, p. 161; Macdonald, p. 140.

[1060] Sedillot, Hist. des Arabes, p. 335; Prof. A. Müller, Der Islam (in Oncken's series), i, 470; Ueberweg, i, 402.

[1061] Ueberweg, p. 403; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 281.

[1062] For an orthodox account of the beginnings of freethinking (called zendekism) see Weil, ii, 214. Cp. p. 261; also Tabari's Chronicle, pt. v, ch. xcvii; and Renan, Averroès, p. 103. Already, among the Ommayade Khalifs, Yezid III held the Motazilite tenet of freewill. Weil, p. 260.

[1063] Nicholson, pp. 372, 375. The name zendek (otherwise spelt zindiq) seems to have originally meant a Manichæan. Browne, Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 295; Nicholson, p. 375 and ref. Macdonald, p. 134, thinks it literally meant "initiate."

[1064] Steiner, p. 8. An association called "Brethren of Purity" or "Sincere Brethren" seem to have carried Motazilism far, though they aimed at reconciling philosophy with orthodoxy. They were in effect the encyclopedists of Arab science. Ueberweg, i, 411; Nicholson, p. 370 sq. See Dr. F. Dieterici, Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im 10ten Jahrhundert, aus den schriften der lautern Brüder, 1861, Vorrede, p. viii, and Flügel, as there cited. Flügel dates the writings of the Brethren about 970; but the association presumably existed earlier. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 104; and S. Lane-Poole's Studies in a Mosque, 1893, ch. vi, as to their performance. Prof. Macdonald is disposed to regard them as "part of the great Fatimid propaganda which honeycombed the ground everywhere under the Sunnite Abassids," but admits that the Fatimid movement is "the great mystery of Muslim history" (pp. 165-70).

[1065] Sale, pp. 82-83, note.

[1066] He made five pilgrimages to Mecca, and died on the last, thus attaining to sainthood.

[1067] Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 81; Dugat, pp. 59-61; A. Müller, Der Islam, i. 470; Macdonald, p. 134. In Mansour's reign was born Al Allaf, "Sheikh of the Motazilites."

[1068] Dugat, p. 62. The Hâyetians, who had Unitarian Christian leanings, also held by metempsychosis. Sale, p. 163.

[1069] Nicholson, p. 371 and refs.

[1070] Dugat, p. 71. He persecuted Zendeks in general. Nicholson, pp. 373-74.

[1071] Id. p. 72; Sale, pp. 184-85; Tabari's Chronicle, pt. v, ch. xcvii, Zotenberg's tr. 1874, iv, 447-53. Tabari notes (p. 448) that all the Moslem theologians agree in thinking zendekism much worse than any of the false religions, since it rejects all and denies God as well as the Prophet.

[1072] Cp. Steiner, pp. 55 sq., 66 sq.; Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos., i, 405.

[1073] Dugat, p. 76. See Sale, pp. 82-83, 162-63, as to the champions of this principle.

[1074] Sale, p. 83; Macdonald, p. 150.

[1075] Dugat, p. 79; Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, p. 195.

[1076] Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, p. 82. They were really theists.

[1077] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 215, 261, 280; A. Müller, Der Islam, pp. 514-15. "It was believed that he was at heart a zindiq." Nicholson, p. 368.

[1078] Dugat, pp. 85-96.

[1079] Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 154.

[1080] Dugat, p. 83.

[1081] See extract by Major Osborn, Khalifs, p. 250.

[1082] Osborn, Khalifs, p. 249.

[1083] Macdonald, pp. 154-58, 167.

[1084] Nicholson, pp. 358-59. He it was who first caused to be measured a degree of the earth's surface. The attempt was duly denounced as atheistic by a leading theologian, Takyuddin. Montucla, Hist. des Mathématiques, éd. Lalande, i, 355 sq.; Draper, Conflict of Religion and Science, p. 109.

[1085] A. Müller, Der Islam, i, 509 sq.; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 280 ff.

[1086] Dugat, pp. 105-11; Sale, p. 82. Apart from this one issue, general tolerance seems to have prevailed. Osborn, Khalifs, p. 265.

[1087] Dugat, p. 112; Steiner, p. 79. According to Abulfaragius, Motawakkel had the merit of leaving men free to believe what they would as to the creation of the Koran. Sale, p. 82.

[1088] A good analysis is given by Dugat, pp. 337-48.

[1089] The whole of Aristotle, except, apparently, the Politics, had been translated in the time of the philosopher Avicenna (fl. 1000).

[1090] Macdonald, pp. 200, 205-206.

[1091] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, pp. 10-11, following Gazzali (Al Gazel); Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, iii, 72.

[1092] Guyard, pp. 41-42; Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-5; Macdonald, p. 186 sq. The cultivators of Kalâm were called Motecallemîn.

[1093] Ueberweg, i, 405, 414; Steiner, p. 11; Whewell, Hist. of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd ed. i, 193-94. Compare the laudatory account of Al Gazzali by Prof. Macdonald (pt. iii, ch. iv), who pronounces him "certainly the most sympathetic figure in the history of Islam" (p. 215).

[1094] Hence, among other things, a check on the practice of anatomy, religious feeling being opposed to it under Islam as under Christianity. Dugat, pp. 62-63.

[1095] Dugat, pp. 123-28.

[1096] Browne, Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 290, 293; R. A. Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs, 1907, p. 318.

[1097] Browne, as cited, p. 292. Cp. Von Kremer, Culturgeschichte des Orients, 1875-77, ii, 386-95; Macdonald, p. 199.

[1098] Dugat, p. 167; Weil, iii, 72.

[1099] Dugat, pp. 164-68.

[1100] Nicholson, pp. 314-15.

[1101] The Diwan of Abu'l-Ala, by Henry Baerlein, 1908, st. 36. Cp. 1, 37, 41, 42, 53, 81, 86, 94, and the extracts given by Nicholson, pp. 316-23.

[1102] Weil, ii, 215.

[1103] Decline and Fall, ch. lvii. Bohn ed. vi, 382, and note. Cp. E. H. Whinfield, The Quatrains of Omar Khayyám, 1882, p. 4.

[1104] See the preface to Fitzgerald's translation of the Rubáiyát.

[1105] In one quatrain, of doubtful authenticity, is the line "Khayyám, who longtime stitched the tents of learning" (Whinfield, xxxviii), which excludes the idea of literal handicraft.

[1106] J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Al-Khayyámi, ed. 1895, pp. 30-41.

[1107] Id. pp. 51, 58.

[1108] Id. p. 54.

[1109] Id. p. 56.

[1110] Id. p. 59.

[1111] Id. pp. 62-63.

[1112] Id. p. 93.

[1113] Id. pp. 59-61.

[1114] Id. pp. 69-76, 86-88.

[1115] Cited in introd. to Dole's variorum ed. of the Rubáiyát, 1896, i, p. xix. Cp. Macdonald, p. 199.

[1116] "Dost thou desire to taste eternal bliss? Vex thine own heart, but never vex another." (Whinfield, vi.)

"Seek not the Kaaba, rather seek a heart." (Id. vii.)

This note is often repeated. E.g. xxxii, li.

[1117] See in the very competent translation of Mrs. H. M. Cadell (who remarked that "Fitzgerald has rather written a poem upon Omar than translated him"), quatrains 12, 14, 15, 20, 28, 29, 42, 45, 48, 51d, 85, 88b, 133, 141, 143. etc.; in the artistically turned version of Mr. A. H. Talbot, which follows very faithfully the literal prose translation of Mr. Heron-Allen, Nos. 1, 3, 15, 18, 19, 24, 33, 41, 45, 59, 72, 91, 115, 123, 148; and in Whinfield's version, Nos. 10, 25, 32, 41, 45, 46, 62, 68, 77, 84, 87, 104, 105, 111, 113, 118, 142, 144, 148, 151, 157, 161, 179, 195, 200, 201, 203, 216.

[1118] Shirazi, pp. 102-108. Early in the thirteenth century he was denounced by a Sufi mystic as an "unhappy philosopher, atheist, and materialist." Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 250. Abu'l-Ala, of course, was similarly denounced.

[1119] Whinfield, cited by Browne, pp. 109-110.

[1120] Cp. Mrs. Cadell, The Rub'yat of Omar Khayam, 1899. Garnett's introd. pp. xvii, xviii-xxi, xxiv, and Shirazi, as cited, pp. 79-80.

[1121] Fitzgerald's pref. 4th ed. p. xiii; Whinfield, No. 147. Cp. quatrains cited in art. Sufiism, in Relig. Systems of the World, 2nd ed. pp. 325-26.

[1122] Cp. Whinfield, p. 86, note on No. 147.

[1123] Guyard, as cited, p. 42. But cp. Ueberweg, i, 411; Nicholson, pp. 233-34.

[1124] It is not impossible, Max Müller notwithstanding, that the name may have come originally from the Greek sophoi, "the wise," though it is usually connected with sufi = the woollen robe worn by the Sufite. There are other etymologies. Cp. Fraser, Histor. and Descrip. Account of Persia, 1834, p. 323, note; Dugat, p. 326; and art. Sufiism in Relig. Systems of the World, 2nd ed. p. 315. On the Sufi system in general see also Max Müller, Psychol. Relig. Lect. vi.

[1125] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, as to Sufi latitudinarianism.

[1126] Guyard, p. 44; Relig. Systems, p. 319.

[1127] Hafiz in his own day was reckoned impious by many. Cp. Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, 1827, ii, 100.

[1128] Fitzgerald's pref. p. x.

[1129] Yet he was disposed to put to death those who claimed mystic intercourse with Deity. Sale, pp. 177-78.

[1130] Whose Salaman and Absal, tr. by Fitzgerald, is so little noticed in comparison with the Rubáiyát of Omar.

[1131] E. C. Browne, in Religious Systems, as cited, p. 321; Dugat, p. 331.

[1132] Shirazi, pp. 22-28; Fitzgerald's pref. following Mirkhond; Fraser, Persia, p. 329.

[1133] Cp. Dugat, p. 336; Syed Ameer Ali, pp. 311-15; Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, 2e édit. p. 68.

[1134] Sale, p. 176. The same doctrine is fairly ancient in India. (Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v, 313, note.) A belief that hell-fire will not be eternal was held among the Motazilite sect of Jâhedhians. Sale, p. 164. The Thamamians, again, held that at the resurrection all infidels, idolaters, atheists, Jews, Christians, Magians, and heretics, shall be reduced to dust. Id. ib.

[1135] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 101. Cp. p. 172.

[1136] Renan's tr. in Averroès, p. 166. The wording of the last phrase suggests a misconstruction.

[1137] Cp. p. 172.

[1138] Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-107.

[1139] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, p. 6.

[1140] Ueberweg, i, 412; Renan, Averroès, pp. 44, 96.

[1141] E. G. Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 107.

[1142] Whom he pronounced a pagan and an infidel. Hauréau, II, i, 29.

[1143] Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 57, 96-98; Whewell, Hist. of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd. ed. I, 193. Renan, following Degenerando (cp. Whewell, as cited), credits Gazzali with anticipating Hume's criticism of the idea of causation; but Gazzali's position is that of dogmatic theism, not of naturalism. See Lewes, Hist. of Philos., 4th ed. ii, 57.

[1144] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 35.

[1145] Cp. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civ. ii, 58; Stanley Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, pref.; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix. 108-18; U. R. Burke, History of Spain, i, ch. 16; Baden Powell, as cited, pp. 94-104; Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879, pp. 185-89; and post, ch. x.

[1146] Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 97; Whewell, Hist. of the Induct. Sciences, 3rd ed. ii. 273-74.

[1147] Dr. L. Leclerc, Hist. de la Médecine Arabe, 1876, i, 462; Dr. E. von Meyer, Hist. of Chemistry, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. p. 28.

[1148] Cp. Buckle, Introd. to Hist. of Civ. in England, 1-vol. ed. p. 70.

[1149] Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, p. 73.

[1150] Properly Morabethin--men of God or of religion; otherwise known as "Marabouts."

[1151] Sedillot, p. 298.

[1152] Cp. Dozy, Hist. des Musulmans d'Espagne, iii, 248-86; Ueberweg, i, 415.

[1153] Renan, Averroès, pp. 98-99.

[1154] Ueberweg. i. 415; Renan, Averroès, pp. 32, 99.

[1155] Renan, Averroès, p. 99.

[1156] Renan, Averroès, p. 145.

[1157] Id. pp. 156-58.

[1158] Id. pp. 159-60.

[1159] Renan, Averroès, pp. 160-62.

[1160] Ueberweg, i, 416; Steiner, p. 6; Renan, Averroès, p. 162 sq.

[1161] Ueberweg, i, 460; Renan, pp. 258, 275.

[1162] Renan, Averroès, p. 169, and references.

[1163] Id. pp. 165-66.

[1164] Id. p. 5. Cp. the Avertissement, p. iii.

[1165] Renan, Averroès, pp. 31-36. Renan surmises that the popular hostility to the philosophers, which was very marked, was largely due to the element of the conquered Christians, who were noted for their neglect of astronomy and natural science.

[1166] Cp. Ueberweg. i. 415-17.

[1167] Cp. Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, ed. 1893, vol. i, p. 169.

[1168] Cp. Flint, p. 129, as to their hostility to him.

[1169] Huth, Life and Writings of Buckle, ii, 171.

[1170] Ricaut, Present State of the Ottoman Empire, 1686, p. 245.

[1171] Dugat, p. 59. The Ameer Ali Syed, Moulvi, M.A., LL.B., whose Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed appeared in 1873, writes as a Motazilite of a moderate type.

[1172] Macdonald, pp. 120, 196, 286.

[1173] A. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861, pp. 241-48, citing the Dabistan.

[1174] Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, 2e édit. ch. v; J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Khayyámi, ed. 1905, p. 102. The latter writer notes, however, that "the cultured classes, who ought to know better, are at no pains to dissipate the existing religious prejudice against one [Omar] of whose reputation every Persian may well feel proud." "At the present time ... the name of Omar is no less execrated by the Shi-ite mob in Persia than it was in his own day." Id. p. 108.

[1175] Fraser, Persia, p. 330. This writer (p. 239) describes Sufiism as "the superstition of the freethinker," and as "often assumed as a cloak to cover entire infidelity."

[1176] E.g., Dr. Wills, The Land of the Lion and the Sun, ed. 1891, p. 339.

[1177] Smith and Dwight, Missionary Researches in Armenia, 1834, p. 340. Cp. Rev. H. Southgate, Tour through Armenia, etc. 1840, ii, 153; and Morier's Hadji Baba of Ispahan (1824), ch. xlvii, near end.

[1178] Fraser, Persia, p. 331; Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, ii, 108; Gobineau, as cited, ch. v.

[1179] H. Vambéry, Der Islam im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, 1875, pp. 32-33. Vambéry further remarks: "The half-fanatical, half-freethinking tone of Persians has often surprised me in my controversies with the most zealous Schiites."

[1180] As to the rise of this sect see Gobineau, as cited, pp. 141-358; E. G. Browne's The Episode of the Bâb; and his lecture on Bâbism in Religious Systems of the World. Cp. Renan, Les Apôtres, pp. 378-81.

[1181] H. Arakélian, Mémoire sur Le Bâbisme en Perse, in the Actes du Premier Congrès International d'Histoire des Religions, Paris, 1902, 2 Ptie. Fasc. i.

[1182] Gobineau, pp. 167 sq.; 180 sq.; Arakélian, p. 94.

[1183] Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. 1871, i, 349, 356. "There are, I believe," says Lane (writing originally in 1836), "very few professed Muslims who are really unbelievers; and these dare not openly avow their unbelief through fear of losing their heads for their apostacy. I have heard of two or three such who have been rendered so by long and intimate intercourse with Europeans; and have met with one materialist, who has often had long discussions with me."

[1184] Id. ii, 309. (Suppl. III, "Of Late Innovations in Egypt.")

[1185] See the documents reproduced by Max Müller, Introd. to the Science of Religion, ed. 1882, App. 1.

[1186] Id. pp. 214, 216.

[1187] Id. pp. 210, 217, 224, 225.

[1188] Id. pp. 224, 226.

[1189] Id. pp. 226, 229.

[1190] Guyard, p. 45; Steiner, p. 5, note; Lane, The Modern Egyptians, ed. 1871, i. 137-38. Cp. Spencer, Study of Sociology, ch. xii, p. 292; Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. pp. 315-19.

[1191] Derenbourg, p. 72; Steiner, p. 1; Lane, i, 79.

[1192] Cp. Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, Lectures I and IV; Canon Isaac Taylor, address to Church Congress at Wolverhampton, 1887, and letters to Times, Oct. and Nov. 1887. On the other or anti-Mohammedan side see Canon Robinson, Hausaland, 3rd ed. 1900, p. 186 sq.--a somewhat obviously prejudiced argument. See pp. 190-91.

[1193] Sir Harry H. Johnston, History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races, 1899, p. 283.

[1194] This label has been applied by scholars to the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries. One writer, who supposes it to cover the period from 500 to 1400, and protests, is attacking only a misconception. (M. A. Lane, The Level of Social Motion, New York, 1902., p. 232.) The Renaissance is commonly reckoned to begin about the end of the fourteenth century (cp. Symonds, Age of the Despots, ch. i). But the whole period from the fall of the Roman Empire to the fall of Constantinople, or to the Reformation, is broadly included in the "Middle Ages."

[1195] Essai sur les Moeurs, ch. xlv.

[1196] According to which God predestinated good, but merely foreknew evil.

[1197] For Leo's contacts with the Saracens see Finlay, Hist. of Greece, ed. Tozer, ii, 14-20, 24, 31-32, 34-35, 37, etc., and compare p. 218. See also Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1833, p. 78, note 2; and Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 187, note.

[1198] Kurtz, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 252.

[1199] Kurtz, p. 253.

[1200] As to his hostility to letters see Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn ed. vi, 228. Of course the other side were not any more liberal. Cp. Finlay, ii, 222.

[1201] Gieseler, ii, 202. Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 1. In the next century this was said to have gone in some churches to the point of rejection of Christ. Id. p. 207, note 28.

[1202] Id. pp. 205, 207; Finlay, ii, 195.

[1203] Neander, Hist. of Chr. Church, Bohn tr. v, 289; vi, 266.

[1204] On their connection at this time with the culture-movement of the Khalifate of Mamoun, see Finlay, ii, 224-25; Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn ed. vi, 228-29.

[1205] Finlay, ii, 181, note. The enemies of Photius accused him of lending himself to the emperor's buffooneries. Neander, vi, 303-304. Cp. Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 7; and Gibbon, ch. xxxiii--ed. cited, vi, 229. Finlay declares (p. 222) that no Greek of the intellectual calibre of Photius, John the Grammarian, and Leo the Mathematician, has since appeared.

[1206] Neander, vi, 280.

[1207] Finlay, ii, 174-75, 180.

[1208] Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1853, p. 85. It is noteworthy that the "heathen" Magyars held the Mazdean dualistic principle, and that their evil power was named Armanyos (= Ahrimanes). Mailáth, Geschichte der Magyaren, 1828, i, 25-26.

[1209] Gibbon, ch. liv; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. 5; Gieseler, Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 3; G. S. Faber, The Ancient Vallenses and Waldenses, 1838, pp. 32-60. Some fresh light is thrown on the Paulician doctrines by the discovery of the old Armenian book, The Key of Truth, edited and translated by F. C. Conybeare, Oxford, 1898. It belonged to the Armenian sect of Thonraki, or Thonrakians, or Thondrakians--people of the village of Thondrac (Neander, vi, 347)--founded by one Sembat, originally a Paulician, in the ninth century (Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 201; Neander, last cit.). For a criticism of Mr. Conybeare's theories see the Church Quarterly Review, Jan. 1899, Art. V.

[1210] Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 45, 46, vol. ii, pp. 489, 492; Hardwick, p. 86. The sect of Euchites, also anti-priestly, seem to have joined them. Faber denies any Manichean element.

[1211] Gibbon, as cited, vi, 241.

[1212] Gibbon, vi, 242; Hardwick, pp. 88-90.

[1213] Gibbon, vi, 245, and note; Finlay, ii, 60.

[1214] Despite the express decision, the use of statues proper (agalmata) gradually disappeared from the Greek Church, the disuse finally creating a strong antipathy, while pictures and ikons remained in reverence (Tozer's note to Finlay, ii, 165; cp. Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 190, note). It is probable that the sheer loss of artistic skill counted for much in the change. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. ix; 4th ed. ix, 308-12. It is noteworthy that, whereas in the struggle over images their use was for two long periods legally abolished, it was in both cases restored by empresses Irene and Theodora.

[1215] Hardwick, p. 80, note; Neander, vi, 340.

[1216] Cp. Kurtz, His. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 271.

[1217] Gibbon, vi, 246; Finlay, iii, 64; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v.

[1218] Finlay, iii, 66.

[1219] Gibbon, as cited; R. Lane Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, 1884, pp. 91-96; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v.

[1220] Finlay, iii, 67-68; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 2. Hardwick, pp. 302-305; Kurtz, i, 270-73.

[1221] Gieseler, Per. III, Div. II, pt. iii, § 46.

[1222] Gibbon, vi, 249, note; Poole, p. 91, note; De Potter, L'Esprit de L'Église, 1821, vi, 16, note.

[1223] Boniface, Ep. lxvi, cited by Poole, p. 23; Reid's Mosheim, p. 263, note 3; Neander, Hist. of the Christian Church, Bohn tr. v, 86-67; Hardwick, p. 23.

[1224] For excellent accounts of both see Mr. Poole's Illustrations, pp. 28-50. As to Claudius cp. Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 13-42, and Faber, The Ancient Vallenses, bk. iii, ch. iv.

[1225] See Mr. Poole's Illustrations, pp. 46-48, for an account of the privileges then accorded to Jews.

[1226] This is not incompatible with their having opposed both Saracens (Claudius in actual war) and Jews, as Christian bishops.

[1227] Poole, Illustrations, p. 37.

[1228] This when the Church found its account in adopting all such usages. Lea, Superstition and Force, pp. 242, 280, etc. It is to be noted, however, that one Council, that of Valence, 855, perhaps under the influence of Agobard's teaching, published a canon prohibiting all duels, and praying the emperor to abolish them. Cited by Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 242, note, from Fleury.

[1229] De Grandine et tonitruis, c. 3; and De imaginibus, c. 13, cited by Reuter.

[1230] "He had the clearest head in the whole ninth century; and as an influence (Mann der Tendenz) is above comparison" (Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 24). As to his acute handling of the thorny question of reason and authority see Reuter, i, 40-41.

[1231] Poole, pp. 50-52.

[1232] Noack, Philosophie-Geschichtliches Lexikon, s. v. Rabanus. As to the doubtful works in which Rabanus coincides with Scotus Erigena, cp. Poole, p. 336; Noack, as cited; Ueberweg, i, 367-68.

[1233] Ueberweg, pp. 366, 371; Poole, pp. 99, 101, 336.

[1234] Ueberweg, pp. 356-65. That there was, however, an Irish scholasticism as early as the eighth century is shown by Mosheim, 8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 6, note 3. Cp. Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1861, p. 428 sq.; Taillandier, Scot Erigène et la philosophie scolastique, 1843, p. 198.

[1235] Lea, as cited, p. 280.

[1236] "The learned and freethinking guest of Charles le Chauve," Hardwick calls him, p. 176. It needed the protection of Charles to save him from the orthodox, Hincmar included. See Ampère, Histoire littéraire de la France, 1840, iii, 94-95, as to the anger against him.

[1237] See the whole argument summarized by Huber, p. 59 sq.

[1238] Cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 61, 63, 65; Neander, Bohn tr. vi, 198 sq.; and the present writer's introd. to Shaftesbury's Characteristics, ed. 1900, p. xxxiv. And see above, p. 184.

[1239] De divisione Naturæ, l. v; De Prædestinatione, c. 17; Poole, pp. 71-72; Neander, vi, 198-99; Huber, as cited, p. 405.

[1240] In the treatise On the Division of Nature. See the extracts given in the Cabinet Cyclopædia survey of Europe in the Middle Ages, ii, 266-68. They prove, says the author of the survey, "that John Erigena had none of the spirit of Christianity."

[1241] Poole, pp. 64, 76.

[1242] S. Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pp. 25-26.

[1243] Huber, pp. 435-40.

[1244] Cp. Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Bohn tr. vi, 192.

[1245] De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, rep. Oxford, 1838, cc. 8-16, 29, 56, 72-76, etc.

[1246] C. 19: "Non sicut quidam volunt, anima sola hoc mysterio pascitur." Neander, vi, 210.

[1247] Hardwick, pp. 178, 181; Neander, vi, 217.

[1248] Cp. Neander, vi, 219.

[1249] Poole, p. 69.

[1250] C. 6: "Ineptas quæstiunculas et aniles pæne fabulas Scotorumque pultes." Neander, vi, 207.

[1251] Neander, vi, 219, citing Mabillon, Analecta, i, 207.

[1252] Compare the Gemma Ecclesiastica of Giraldus Cambrensis for an inside view of the avarice of the clergy in his day.

[1253] Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, v, 187. See the whole section for a good account of the general economic and moral evolution. Neander repeatedly (pp. 186-87) insists on the "magical" element in the doctrine of the mass, as established by Gregory the Great.

[1254] See Neander, as cited, v, 183. The point was well put some centuries later by the Italian story-teller Masuccio, an orthodox Catholic but a vehement anti-clericalist, in a generalization concerning the monks: "The best punishment for them would be for God to abolish Purgatory; they would then receive no more alms, and would be forced to go back to their spades." Cited by Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. 1892, p. 461.

[1255] Neander, vi, 182. Rabanus Maurus distinctly belied him on this score. (Id. p. 183.)

[1256] Formerly, only the saved had been spoken of as prædestinati, the reprobate being called præsciti. Neander, vi, 181.

[1257] Neander, vi, 187. Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. p. 418; and Ampère, Histoire littéraire de France, 1840, iii, 92.

[1258] Poole, p. 103. Cp. Neander, vi, 225.

[1259] Neander, vi, 237-38.

[1260] Id. pp. 255-56.

[1261] Id. p. 257.

[1262] Id. p. 258. As to the wide extent of the discussion see Reuter, Geschichte der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 112.

[1263] In 945, however, Atto, Bishop of Verceil, is found complaining that some people from the Italian border had introduced heresies.

[1264] Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; Poole, Illustrations, p. 91.

[1265] Hardwick, p. 203.

[1266] Kurtz, History of the Christian Church, Eng. tr. 1868, i, 435.

[1267] Hénault, Abrégé chronologique, ann. 1022; Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Relig. and Church, Eng. tr. Bohn ed. vi, 349 sq.; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; De Potter, L'Esprit de l'Église, vi, 18-19; Poole, pp. 96-98; Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 104, 108-109, 218; Gieseler, Per. III, Div. ii, § 46. The contemporary accounts say nothing as to the heretics being Manicheans. Neander, p. 350, note.

[1268] Cp. Murdock's note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 386; Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, p. 33; Waddington, p. 356; Hardwick, p. 203, note, and p. 207.

[1269] De Potter, pp. 20-21; Gieseler, as cited, p. 497; Lea, i, 104, 109.

[1270] Mosheim, as last cited, § 4; Gieseler, ii, 496 (§ 46); Hardwick, pp. 203, 204.

[1271] Mosheim. 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 2, and Murdock's notes; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 4, 5.

[1272] Hardwick, p. 306; Kurtz, i, 433. The derivation through the Italian is however disputed. Cp. Murdock's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 385, and Gieseler, ii, 486. The Chazari, a Turkish (Crimean) people, partly Christian and partly Moslem in the ninth century (Gieseler, as cited), may have given the name of Gazzari, as Bulgar gave Bougre; and the German Ketzer may have come directly from Chazar. The Christianity of the Chazars, influenced by neighbourhood with Islam, seems to have been a very free syncretism.

[1273] Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 24, 34; Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 3-5, citing Chevé, Histoire des papes, t. ii, and Baronius, Annales, ad ann. 900, n. 1; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1-4; with his and Murdock's refs.; 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1, 2; 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; ch. iii, §§ 1-3; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1-7. The authorities are often eminent Churchmen, as Agobard, Ratherius, Bernard, and Gregory VIII.

[1274] See Mosheim, 8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 5, note z. Cp. Duruy, Hist. de France, ii, 170.

[1275] Cp. Prof. Abdy, Lectures on Feudalism, 1890, p. 72.

[1276] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 6.

[1277] Cp. Morin, Origines de la démocratie, 3e éd. pp. 164-65; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 3.

[1278] Morin, p. 168. Compare, on the whole communal movement, Duruy, Hist. de France, ch. xxi, and Michelet.

[1279] Gieseler, Per. III, § 46, end; Lea, i, 109, 218.

[1280] Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Ch., p. 32; Lea, i, 110.

[1281] Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 8th ed. p. 134. See p. 135 for a list of John's offences; and cp. p. 85 as to other papal records. For a contemporary account of Pope Honorius II (d. 1130) see Milman, Latin Christianity, iii, 448-49.

[1282] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 174.

[1283] Cp. Müller, Allgemeine Geschichte, B. xiv, Cap. 17.

[1284] Bryce, p. 152.

[1285] "Janus," The Pope and the Councils, Eng. tr. pp. 178-79.

[1286] Cp. Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, 1808, p. 172.

[1287] Sir G. Cox, The Crusades, p. 111.

[1288] Cp. Lea, i, 111.

[1289] Id. p. 115.

[1290] Hardwick, p. 310; Lea, i, 68; Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 148-49; Mosheim, as last cited, § 7.

[1291] Cp. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, ed. 1863, p. 36.

[1292] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 7-9, and varior. notes; Monastier, pp. 38-41, 43-47; Milman, Latin Christianity, v, 384-90.

[1293] Hardwick, p. 267; Mosheim, as last cited, § 10; Monastier, p. 49.

[1294] Hardwick, p. 204, note; Kurtz, i, 433. Cp. the Transactions of the New Shakespeare Society, 1875-76, pt. ii, p. 313; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 13, and note; Milman, Latin Christianity, v, 401. On the sects in general see De Potter, vi, 217-310; and Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 149-53.

[1295] Lea, i, 115.

[1296] Id. pp. 117-18.

[1297] Id. p. 119.

[1298] Kurtz, i, 435; Lea, i, 119.

[1299] Hardwick, p. 308, note; Murdock's note to Mosheim, p. 426; Monastier, pp. 106-107.

[1300] Lea, i, 124.

[1301] Id. p. 126.

[1302] Id. pp. 127-28.

[1303] Kitchin, History of France, 4th ed. 1889, i, 286; citing Chron. de St. Denis, p. 350. The Annales Victoriani at Philip's death (1223) pronounce him ecclesiarum et religionarum personarum amator et fautor (Hénault's Abrégé Chronologique). Among the many Cathari put to death in his reign was Nicholas, the most famous painter in France--burned at Braine in 1204. Lea, i, 131.

[1304] Lea, i, 113-14. Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 13.

[1305] Cp. Hardwick, p. 312; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 11, and notes in Reid's ed.; Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 12-29; Faber, The Ancient Vallenses and Albigenses, pp. 28, 284, etc. As Vigilantius took refuge in the Cottian Alps, his doctrine may have survived there, as argued by Monastier (p. 10) and Faber (p. 290). The influence of Claudius of Turin, as they further contend, might also come into play. On the whole subject see Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 88.

[1306] Cp. Mosheim with Faber, bk. iii, chs. iii, viii; Hardwick, as cited; and Monastier, pp. 53-82. Waddington, p. 353, holds Mosheim to be in error; and there are some grounds for dating the Waldensian heresy before Waldus, who flourished 1170-1180 (id. p. 354). Waldus had to flee from France, and finally died in Bohemia, 1197 (Kurtz, i, 439).

[1307] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 73-88. Waldensian theology varied from time to time.

[1308] Between 1153 and 1191 there were ten popes, three of them anti-popes. Celestine III held the chair from 1191 to 1198; and Innocent III from the latter year to 1216.

[1309] De Potter, vi, 26; Lea, i, 115.

[1310] Lea, i, 290.

[1311] De Potter, vi, 28.

[1312] See Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 1878, i, 262, note, also his I Precursori del Renascimento, 1877, p. 37. In this section and in the next chapter I am indebted for various clues to the Rev. John Owen's Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. As to the Goliards generally, see that work, pp. 38-45; Bartoli, Storia, cap. viii; Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. iv; and Gebhart, Les Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879, pp. 125-26. The name Goliard came from the type-name Golias, used by many satirists.

[1313] Bartoli, Storia, i, 271-79. Cp. Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 332, following Ratherius; and Gebhart, as cited. Milman (4th ed. ix, 189) credits the Goliards with "a profound respect for sacred things, and freedom of invective against sacred persons." This shows an imperfect knowledge of much of their work.

[1314] C. Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, pp. 38-39.

[1315] Owen, as cited, pp. 43, 45; Bartoli, Storia, i, 293.

[1316] Disparagement of the serf is a commonplace of medieval literature. Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen âge, 1908, p. 169, and note; Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 96. At this point the semi-aristocratic jongleurs and the writers of bourgeois bias, such as some of the contributors to Reynard the Fox, coincided. The Renart stories are at once anti-aristocratic, anti-clerical, and anti-demotic.

[1317] C. Lenient, La Satire en France, p. 115. Lenient cites from Erasmus's letters (Sept. 1, 1528) a story of a German burned alive in his time for venting the same idea.

[1318] Langlois, as cited, pp. 30-68.

[1319] Cp. Langlois, pp. 107, 129, 263, etc. C. Lenient, as cited, p. 115.

[1320] Rev. Joseph Berington, Literary History of the Middle Ages, ed. 1846, p. 229. Cp. Owen, p. 43.

[1321] Owen, p. 43; Bartoli, Storia, i, 295, as to the French fabliaux.

[1322] Labitte, La divine comédie avant Dante, in Charpentier ed. of Dante, pp. 133-34.

[1323] Aucassin and Nicolette, tr. by Eugene Mason, p. 6.

[1324] Sismondi, Literature of Southern Europe, Eng. tr. i, 74-95.

[1325] Id. p. 76.

[1326] Zeller, Histoire d'Italie, 1853, p. 152; Renan, Averroès, p. 184.

[1327] "The Troubadours in truth were freethinkers" (Owen, Italian Skeptics, p. 48). Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, ii, 2; and Hardwick, p. 274, note 4, as to the common animus against the papacy.

[1328] Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, French tr. 1808, p. 174, note; Owen, Italian Skeptics, p. 44, note.

[1329] Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 30-31.

[1330] Sismondi, as cited, p. 82; Owen, pp. 66, 68; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 4; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 9, and Reid's note to § 8; Hampden, Bampton Lectures, p. 446. The familiar record that Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, studied in Spain among the Arabs (Ueberweg, i, 369) has of late years been discredited (Olleris, Vie de Gerbert, 1867, chs. ii and xxv; Ueberweg, p. 430; Poole, Illustrations, p. 88); but its very currency depended on the commonness of some such proceeding in his age. In any case, the teaching he would receive at the Spanish monastery of Borel would owe all its value to Saracen culture. Cp. Abbé Queant, Gerbert, pp. 26-32. The greatness of the service he rendered to northern Europe in introducing the Arabic numerals is expressed in the legend of his magical powers. Compare the legends as to Roger Bacon.

[1331] Sismondi, p. 83.

[1332] Cp. G. H. Lewes, The Spanish Drama, 1846, pp. 11-14; Littré, Études sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e édit. p. 356.

[1333] See the passages cited by Owen, p. 58.

[1334] Cp. Bartoli, Storia, pp. 200-202.

[1335] Gebhart, Les Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 4, 17; Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, pp. 145, 183, 185; Libri, Hist. des sciences mathématiques en Italie, i, 153; Michelet, Hist. de France, t. vii, Renaissance, introd. note du § vii; Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 382. Cp. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861, p. 357.

[1336] As to the Pope's character compare Sismondi, Hist. of the Crusades against the Albigenses (Eng. tr. from vols. vi and vii of his Histoire des Français), p. 10; Hallam, Europe during the Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 198; Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 6-8.

[1337] As to previous acts of inquisition and persecution by Pope Alexander III (noted above) see Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquisition en Espagne, French tr. 2e édit. i, 27-30, and Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 118. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (Amer. ed. ii, 564).

[1338] Hardwick, p. 309; Lea, i, 145.

[1339] Sismondi, Crusades against the Albigenses, p. 21.

[1340] On the previous history of indulgences see Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 41-47; De Potter, Esprit de l'Église, vii, 22-39. For the later developments cp. Lea's Studies in Church History, 1869, p. 450; Vieusseux, History of Switzerland, 1840, pp. 121, 125.

[1341] Sismondi, Crusades, pp. 28-29.

[1342] Id. p. 23.

[1343] Lea, i, 149.

[1344] For a modern Catholic defence of the whole proceedings see the Comte de Montalembert's Histoire de Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie, 13e édit. intr. pp. 35-40.

[1345] Sismondi, Crusades, p. 35, and refs.; Lea, i, 154.

[1346] Sismondi, pp. 36-37, and refs.

[1347] Id. pp. 37-43.

[1348] Id. pp. 21, 41. Cp. p. 85 as to later treachery towards Saracens; and p. 123 as to the deeds of the Bishop of Toulouse. See again pp. 140-42 as to the massacre of Marmande.

[1349] As to the international character of the crusade see Sismondi, Crusades, p. 53.

[1350] Sismondi, p. 62 sq.

[1351] Pp. 77, 78.

[1352] Pp. 74, 75.

[1353] P. 87. "The worship of the reformed Albigenses had everywhere ceased" (p. 115). Cp. p. 116 as to the completeness of the final massacres. It is estimated (Monastier, p. 115, following De la Mothe-Langon) that a million Albigenses were slain in the first half of the thirteenth century. The figures are of course speculative.

[1354] Cp. Lea, ii, 159; Lenient, La Satire en France an moyen âge, 1859, p. 43.

[1355] Lea, vol. ii, ch. i.

[1356] Sismondi, pp. 115, 117.

[1357] Id. p. 133.

[1358] Id. pp. 235-39; Lea, ii, 247, 259, 319, 347, 429, etc.

[1359] Sismondi, p. 236; Llorente, as cited, i, 60-64; Lea, ii, 200.

[1360] Matthew Paris records that in 1249 four hundred and forty-three heretics were burned in Saxony and Pomerania. Previously multitudes had been burned by the Inquisitor Conrad, who was himself finally murdered in revenge. He was the confessor of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, and he taught her among other things, "Be merciful to your neighbour," and "Do to others whatsoever you would that they should do to you." See his praises recorded by Montalembert, as cited, vol. i, ch. x. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (ii, 567).

[1361] Lea, ii, 204. This was the "peace-maker" described by Dr. Lea as--in that capacity--"so worthy a disciple of the Great Teacher of divine love" (i, 240).

[1362] Ueberweg, i, 366; Poole, pp. 99, 100.

[1363] As to the verbal confusion of Aristotle's theory see Ueberweg.

[1364] Id. i, 160.

[1365] Id. i, 375.

[1366] Cp. Mosheim's note, Reid's ed. p. 388.

[1367] Ueberweg, i, 374.

[1368] Poole, p. 104, note; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. i, 54.

[1369] Hampden, Bampton Lectures, On the Scholastic Philosophy, 1848, p. 71.

[1370] Mosheim, as cited, and refs.

[1371] Hampden, p. 70.

[1372] A. S. Farrar, Crit. Hist. of Freethought, 1862, p. 111. Farrar adds: "'Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, set credo ut intelligam' are the words of the Realist Anselm (Prolog. i, 43, ed. Gerberon): 'Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus; inquirendo veritatem percipimus' are those of the Nominalist Abailard (Sic et Non, p. 16, ed. Cousin)."

[1373] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, ch. 19, as to orthodoxy among both Nominalists and Realists.

[1374] Hampden, pp. 70, 449.

[1375] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 550.

[1376] Poole, Illustr. of the Hist. of Medieval Thought, pp. 104-105.

[1377] Præfatio in Monologium.

[1378] As to the various classes of doubters known to Anselm see Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 129-31, and refs. Anselm writes: Fides enim nostra contra impios ratione defenda est. Epist. ii, 41.

[1379] Ueberweg, i, 381.

[1380] See it in Ueberweg, i, 384-85; cp. Ch. de Rémusat, Saint Anselme, 1853, pp. 61-62; Dean Church, Saint Anselm, ed. 1888, pp. 86-87. As to previous instances of Anselm's argument cp. Poole, Illustrations, p. 338 sq.

[1381] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 379-80.

[1382] Cited by Hampden, Bampton Lect. p. 443.

[1383] Metalogicus, vii, 2; Poole, p. 223.

[1384] Gemma Ecclesiastica, Distinctio i, c. 51; Works, ed. Brewer, Rolls Series, ii, 148-49; pref. p. xxxv.

[1385] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. II (1880), i, 61. Hauréau points out that Simon's writings are strictly orthodox, whatever his utterances may have been.

[1386] Distinctio, ii, c. 24; pp. liv, 285.

[1387] Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages, ii, 504.

[1388] The Saynt Graal, ed. Furnivall, 1861, pp. 7, 84; History of the Holy Grail, ed. Furnivall, 1874, pp. 5-7; Pearson, as cited, i, 606-607.

[1389] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 1870, p. 502.

[1390] Poole, pp. 141-42.

[1391] "Humanas ac philosophicas rationes requirebant; et plus quæ intelligi quam quæ dici possent efflagitabant" (Historia calamitatum mearum, ed. Gréard, p. 36).

[1392] Id. ib.

[1393] Ueberweg, i, 387.

[1394] Ueberweg, i, 391. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 111.

[1395] Ueberweg, i, 394-95.

[1396] Hampden, Bampton Lect. pp. 420-21.

[1397] Poole, p. 175. It is not impossible that, as Sismondi suggests (Histoire des Français, ed. 1823, v, 294-96), Abailard was persecuted mainly because of the dangerous anti-papal movement maintained in Italy for fifteen years (1139-1155) by his doctrinally orthodox pupil, Arnold of Brescia. But Hampden (p. 40), agreeing with Guizot (Hist. de Civ. en Europe; Hist. mod. Leçon 6), pronounces that "there was no sympathy between the efforts of the Italian Republics to obtain social liberty, and those within the Church to recover personal freedom of thought."

[1398] Poole, pp. 117-23, 169.

[1399] Ueberweg, i, 398.

[1400] Poole, p. 173.

[1401] Cp. Poole, p. 153. It is difficult to doubt that the series of patristic deliverances against reason in the first section of Sic et Non was compiled by Abailard in a spirit of dissent.

[1402] Cp. Hardwick, p. 279; and see p. 275, note, for Bernard's dislike of his demand for clearness: "Nihil videt per speculum et in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur."

[1403] Poole, p. 161. Cp. Dr. Hastings Rashdall on the "pious scurrility" of Bernard. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i, 57, note. Contrast the singularly laudatory account of St. Bernard given by two contemporary Positivists, Mr. Cotter Morison in his Life and Times of St. Bernard, and Mr. F. Harrison in his essay on that work in his Choice of Books. The subject is discussed in the present writer's paper on "The Ethics of Propaganda" in Essays in Ethics.

[1404] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 325.

[1405] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1872), 534-46.

[1406] Id. citing the Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 2.

[1407] Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 7.

[1408] Cp. Poole, pp. 220-22; the extracts of Hampden, pp. 438-43; and the summing-up of Hauréau. Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1870), 357.

[1409] Historia calamitatum, as cited. Cp. p. 10 for Abailard's own opinion of Anselm of Laon, whom he compares to a leafy but fruitless tree.

[1410] Matthew Paris, sub. ann. 1201. There is a somewhat circumstantial air about this story, Simon's reply being made to begin humorously with a Jesule. Jesule! Matthew, however, tells on this item the story of Simon's miraculous punishment which Giraldus tells on a quite different text. Matthew is indignant with the scholastic arrogance which has led many to "suppress" the miracle.

[1411] Ueberweg, i, 419, 430; Hampden, p. 443 sq. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 173 sq.

[1412] Ueberweg, i, 418. The Karaïtes may be described as Jewish Protestants or Puritans. Cp. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 252-54.

[1413] Schechter (as cited, pp. 197, 417) gives two sets of dates, the second being 1135-1204.

[1414] For a good survey of the medieval Hebrew thought in general see Joel, Beiträge zur Gesch. der Philos. 1876; and as to Maimonides see A. Franck's Études Orientales, 1861; Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 41-46; and Renan, Averroès, pp. 177-82.

[1415] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 422-23.

[1416] Id. p. 208.

[1417] Ueberweg, i, 428; Schechter, p. 424.

[1418] Renan, Averroès, p. 183.

[1419] Schechter, pp. 83-85.

[1420] Hauréau pronounces (II, i, 29-34) that Avicebron should be ranked among the most sincere and resolute of pantheists. His chief work was the Fons vitæ.

[1421] Renan, Averroès, pp. 100, 175.

[1422] Spinoza, Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, c. 8, ad init.

[1423] Mémoires de Joinville, ed. 1871, ii, 16.

[1424] Renan, Averroès, pp. 222-24.

[1425] Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, p. 435; Christlieb, Leben und Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1860, p. 438. Copies of John's writings were found in the hands of the sectaries of Amalrich and David; and in 1226 the writings in question were condemned and burnt accordingly. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 175.

[1426] Ueberweg, i, 388, 431; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 112-14; Renan, p. 223; Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50, iii, 176-92.

[1427] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 12.

[1428] Poole, p. 225; Ueberweg, i, 431.

[1429] Lecky's description (Rationalism in Europe, ed. 1887, i, 48) of Averroïsm as a "stern and uncompromising infidelity" is hopelessly astray.

[1430] Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, Quæst. LXXXV, Art. 6. Compare Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 189, for a trace of the idea of natura naturans in John Scotus and Heiric, in the ninth century.

[1431] Renan, p. 236 sq.

[1432] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, ii, 130.

[1433] Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix, 133.

[1434] Robins. A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 38-39. Compare Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264; and Maurice, Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. pp. 188-90. It is noteworthy that the Summa of Thomas was a favourite study of Descartes, who read hardly any other theologian.

[1435] Cp. Milman, ix, 143.

[1436] See the comments of Giraldus Cambrensis in the proem to his Speculum Ecclesiæ Brewer's ed. in Rolls Series, i. 9; and pref. pp. xii-xiii.

[1437] Cp. Renan. Averroès, p. 267, as to the polemic of William of Auvergne.

[1438] Renan, pp. 567-68.

[1439] Id. pp. 269-71, and refs.

[1440] Renan, pp. 273-75, and refs.; Ueberweg, i, 460, and refs.; Maywald, Die Lehre von der zweifachen Wahrheit, 1871, p. 11; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218).

[1441] Of John XXI, who had in 1276 condemned the doctrine of a twofold truth.

[1442] Cp. Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 29-44. And see above, p. 308.

[1443] Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 245. See above, p. 310.

[1444] See the Summa of the Inquisitor Bartholomæus Fumus, Venet. 1554, s.v. Infidelitas, fol. 261, § 5; and the Summa of Thomas, Secunda Secundæ, Quæst. X, Art. 2.

[1445] It is sometimes described as a formidable product of doubt; and again by M. de Rémusat as "consecrated to controversy rather than to skepticism." Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England in the Early and Middle Ages, 1867, i. 609. The view in the text seems the just mean. Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i. 57. In itself the book is for a modern reader a mere collection of the edifying contradictions of theologians; but such a collection must in any age have been a perplexity to faith; and it is not surprising that it remained unpublished until edited by Cousin (see the Ouvrages inédits, intr. pp. clxxxv-ix). That writer justly sums up that such antinomies "condamnent l'esprit à un doute salutaire." The Rev. A. S. Farrar pronounces that "the critical independence of Nominalism, in a mind like that of Abailard, represents the destructive action of freethought, partly as early Protestantism, partly as skepticism" (Crit. Hist. of Freethought, p. 12).

[1446] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 421-22, 556-58, 575; U. Burke, Hist. of Spain, Hume's ed. 1900, ii, 351-52. For a detailed description of the methods of ecclesiastical torture, Burke refers to the treatise, De Catholicis Institutionibus, by Simancas, Bishop of Beja, Rome, 1575, tit. lxv, De Tormentis, p. 491 sq.

[1447] Torture was inflicted on witnesses in England in 1311, by special inquisitors, under the mandate of Clement V, in defiance of English law; and under Edward II it was used in England as elsewhere against the Templars.

[1448] Istorie fiorentine, iv, 29.

[1449] See below, p. 325.

[1450] Villari, Two First Centuries of Florentine History, Eng. tr. 1901, pp. 110-12.

[1451] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 167.

[1452] Id. i, 164-66.

[1453] The Moslems were inclined to regard him as of their creed "because educated in Sicily." Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 66.

[1454] See Gieseler, as cited below; and Reid's Mosheim, p. 437, note.

[1455] Milman, Latin Christianity, vi, 150; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 221.

[1456] Milman, vi, 150, 158.

[1457] Renan, Averroès, p. 289.

[1458] Renan, Averroès, pp. 205-10. Michael Scotus may have been, like John Scotus, an Irishman, but his refusal to accept the archbishopric of Cashel, on the ground that he did not know the native language, makes this doubtful. The identification of him with a Scottish knight, Sir Michael Scott, still persisted in by some scholars on the strength of Sir Walter Scott's hasty note to The Lay of the Last Minstrel, is destitute of probability. See the Rev. J. Wood Brown's Inquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot, 1897, pp. 160-61, 175-76.

[1459] Inferno, xx, 515-17.

[1460] Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 65-66; the Pope's letter, as cited; Renan, Averroès, pp. 287-91, 296.

[1461] See the verdict of Gieseler, Eng. tr. iii (1853), p. 103, note.

[1462] Milman, vi, 158-59.

[1463] Id. p. 154. Cp. the author's Evolution of States, 1912, p. 382.

[1464] G. Villani, Istorie fiorentine, vi, 46.

[1465] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. i, ch. ii, § 2, citing in particular Moneta's Summa contra Catharos et Valdenses, lib. V, cc. 4, 11, 15; Tempier (bishop of Paris), Indiculum Errorum (1272) in the Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima, t. xxv; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris, iii, 433--as to the Averroïsts at Paris, described above, p. 319. Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 230-31, citing William of Auvergne, and pp. 283, 285; Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 86, 101, 111-12; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais, pp. 79-81; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218); Sharon Turner, Hist. of England during the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. v, 136-38.

[1466] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 560-61.

[1467] Perrens, La civilisation florentine du 13e au 16e siècle, 1892, p. 101. Above, p. 322.

[1468] Inferno, Canto x, 14-15, 118.

[1469] Ottavio Ubaldini, d. 1273, of whom the commentators tell that he said that if there were such a thing as a soul he had lost his for the cause of the Ghibellines.

[1470] As to whom see Renan, Averroès, p. 285, note; Gebhart, Renaissance, p. 81. His son Guido, "the first friend and the companion of all the youth of Dante," was reputed an atheist (Decameron, vi, 9). Cp. Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 48-49. But see Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 138, note.

[1471] In the Convito, ii, 9, he writes that, "among all the bestialities, that is the most foolish, the most vile, the most damnable, which believes no other life to be after this life." Another passage (iv, 5) heaps curses on the "most foolish and vile beasts ... who presume to speak against our Faith."

[1472] Cp. Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 111-12, as to anti-Christian movements.

[1473] Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 83, note; Renan, Averroès, pp. 326-27; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 177. and note 13 on p. 196.

[1474] Cp. Labitte, La Divine Comédie avant Dante, as cited, p. 139.

[1475] Michelet argues that Italy was "anti-Dantesque" in the Renaissance (Hist. de France, vii, Intr. § 9 and App.), but he exaggerates the common disregard of the Commedia.

[1476] As to an element of doubt, even in Dante, concerning Divine government, see Burckhardt, p. 497. But the attempt made by some critics to show that the "sins" to which Dante confessed had been intellectual--i.e., heresies--falls to the ground. See Döllinger, Studies in European History, Eng. tr. 1890, pp. 87-90; and cp. Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 144 sq. on the whole question.

[1477] Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 416-17, 433.

[1478] Cantù. Eretici d' Italia, i, 153. Cantù gives an account of the trial process.

[1479] G. Villani, x, 39. It is to be noted that the horoscope of Jesus was cast by several professed believers, as Albertus Magnus and Pierre d'Ailli, Cardinal and Bishop of Cambrai, as well as by Cardan. See Bayle, art. Cardan, note Q; and cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 326.

[1480] Cp. Owen, pp. 128, 135-42; Hallam, Lit. Hist., i, 141-42; Milman, bk. xiv, ch. v, end.

[1481] Decam., Gior. i, nov. 2.

[1482] Gior. i, nov. 3.

[1483] Dr. Marcus Landau, Die Quellen des Dekameron, 2te Aufl. 1884, p. 182.

[1484] The story is recorded to have been current among the Motecallemîn--a party kindred to the Motazilites--in Bagdad. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, citing Dozy. Renan thinks it may have been of Jewish origin. Id. p. 294, note.

[1485] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 207-208.

[1486] It is found some time before Boccaccio in the Cento Novelle antiche (No. 72 or 73) in a simpler form; but Landau (p. 183) thinks Boccaccio's immediate source was the version of Busone da Gubbio (b. 1280), who had improved on the version in the Cento Novelle, while Boccaccio in turn improved on him by treating the Jew more tolerantly. Bartoli (I Precursori del Boccaccio, 1876, pp. 26-28) disputes any immediate debt to Busone; as does Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 29, note.

[1487] Burckhardt (Renaissance in Italy, p. 493, note) points out that Boccaccio is the first to name the Christian religion, his Italian predecessors avoiding the idea; and that in one eastern version the story is used polemically against the Christians.

[1488] Owen, p. 142, and refs.

[1489] Id. pp. 143-45. He was even so far terrorized by the menaces of a monk (who appeared to him to have occult knowledge of some of his secrets) as to propose to give up his classical studies; and would have done so but for Petrarch's dissuasion. Petrarch's letter (Epist. Senil., i, 5) is translated (Lett. xii) by M. Develay, Lettres de Péttrarque à Boccace.

[1490] Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 28, 32, 37, and refs.

[1491] Id. pp. 11, 41.

[1492] Probably 25,000 in England alone, including monks. Id. p. 204.

[1493] Id. pp. 205-208, 213, 216.

[1494] Below, § 11.

[1495] As to his anti-clericalism, cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 71, and ref.; Owen, p. 113.

[1496] Cp. Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264.

[1497] See the exposition of Owen, pp. 109-28. and refs. on p. 113.

[1498] Renan, Averroès, p. 328.

[1499] Méziéres, Pétrarque, 1868, p. 362.

[1500] It is to be noted that in his opposition to the scholastics he had predecessors. Cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 65.

[1501] Owen, p. 113. It is to be remembered that Dante also (Convito, ii, 8, 9; iii, 14; iv, 7) exalts Reason; but he uses the word in the old sense of mere mentality--the thinking as distinguished from the sensuous element in man; and he was fierce against all resort to reason as against faith. Petrarch was of course more of a rationalist. As to his philosophic skepticism, see Owen, p. 120. He drew the line only at doubting those things "in which doubt is sacrilege." Nevertheless he grounded his belief in immortality not on the Christian creed, but on the arguments of the pagans (Burckhardt, p. 546).

[1502] Epist. sine titulo, cited by Renan, Averroès, p. 299. For the phrases put in Averroës' mouth by Christians, see pp. 294-98.

[1503] Inferno, iv, 144.

[1504] Renan, Averroès, pp. 301-15.

[1505] Id. pp. 333-37; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'ltalia, i, 176 and refs.

[1506] Renan, pp. 326-27.

[1507] Id. pp. 318-20.

[1508] Justinger, cited in The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. p. 298.

[1509] Hardwick, p. 357, note.

[1510] Cp. Bonnechose, Reformers before the the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1844, i, 40-43.

[1511] "Janus" (i.e. Döllinger), The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. 1869, pp. 292-95. This weighty work, sometimes mistakenly ascribed to Huber, who collaborated in it, was recast by commission and posthumously published as Das Papstthum, by J. Friedrich, München, 1892.

[1512] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 218; Lea, Hist. of the Inquis., i, 5-34; Gieseler, § 90 (ii, 572); Freytag, Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, 4te aufl. ii, 318-19.

[1513] The Pope and the Council, p. 220. For proofs see same work, pp. 220-34.

[1514] "La satire est la plus complète manifestation de la pensée libre au moyen âge. Dans ce monde ou le dogmatisme impitoyable au sein de l'Église et de l'école frappe comme hérétique tout dissident, l'esprit critique n'a pas trouvé de voie plus sûre, plus rapide et plus populaire, que la parodie" (Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, p. 14).

[1515] Cp. Lenient, as cited, p. 21.

[1516] See in Symonds's Renaissance in Italy, vol. i (Age of the Despots), ed. 1897, pp. 361-69, and Appendix IV, on "Religious Revivals in Medieval Italy." Those revivals occurred from time to time after Savonarola.

[1517] Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.

[1518] Gieseler, Per. III. Div. iii, § 90; Lea, Hist. of Inquis., ii, 319-20.

[1519] Kurtz, i, 435-36.

[1520] Lea, i, 320-21. Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. ii, 15-22; and Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 11, and notes. The doctrine of the treatise De Novem Rupibus is that of an educated thinker, and is in parts strongly antinomian, but always on pantheistic grounds.

[1521] Lea, i, 323-24.

[1522] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung, ii, 240-49.

[1523] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 40-43, and notes; ch. v, § 9. The names Beguin and Beghard seem to have been derived from the old German verb beggan, to beg. In the Netherlands, Beguine was a name for women; and Beghard for men.

[1524] See the record in Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, bk. iii, chs. i-iii.

[1525] Praised in the Roman de la Rose, Eng. vers. in Skeat's Chaucer, i, 244; Bell's ed. iv, 228. William was answered by the Dominican Thomas Aquinas.

[1526] See Biog. Introd. to ed. of the Philobiblon by E. C. Thomas, 1888, pp. xliii-xlvii.

[1527] C. 4, Querimonia librorum contra clericos jam promotos; C. 5, ... contra religiosos possessionatos; C. 6, ... contra religiosos mendicantes.

[1528] Ed. Thomas, as cited, pp. xlvi-vii.

[1529] Cp. Mosheim, 13 C. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 18-40; Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. vii, pt. 2; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais., p. 42; Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 244; Lea, Hist. of Inq., bk. iii, ch. i. The special work of the Dominicans was the establishment everywhere of the Inquisition. Mosheim, as last cited, ch. v, §§ 3-6, and notes; Lea, ii, 200-201; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 155-56; Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, as cited, i, 49-55, 68, etc.

[1530] As to the development of the Beguines from an original basis of charitable co-operation see Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, ii, 13; Lea, ii, 351.

[1531] Lea, iii, 10.

[1532] See the thirteenth-century memoirs of Fra Salimbene, Eng. tr. in T. K. L. Oliphant's The Duke and the Scholar, 1875, pp. 98, 103-104, 108-10, 116, 130.

[1533] The Introduction to the book, probably written by the Franciscan Gerhard, made St. Francis the angel of Rev. xiv, 6; and the ministers of the new order were to be his friars. Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 33-36, and notes. Cp. Lea, as cited; and Hahn, Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50, iii, 72-175--a very full account of Joachim's teaching.

[1534] Lea, iii, 20-25.

[1535] Le Clerc, Hist. Litt. de la France, xx, 230; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 155.

[1536] Averroès, pp. 259-60.

[1537] Cp. Mosheim, 14 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5; and Burnet's Letters, ed. Rotterdam, 1686, p. 31.

[1538] Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76.

[1539] Lea, iii, 104.

[1540] Hardwick, p. 316; Lea, iii, 109; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 14-16. A sect of Apostolici had existed in Asia Minor in the fourth century. Kurtz, i, 242. Cp. Lea, i, 109, note. Those of the twelfth century were vehemently opposed by St. Bernard.

[1541] Lea, iii, 109-19.

[1542] Lea, p. 121; Kurtz, i, 437; Hardwick, p. 315, note; Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 14, and note. See Dante, Inferno, xxviii, 55-60, as to Dolcino.

[1543] Lea, p. 125.

[1544] As to the external movements connected with Joachim's Gospel see Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 13-15. They were put down by sheer bloodshed. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 431; Lea, pp. 25-26, 86.

[1545] Hist. de France, vol. x; La Réforme, ed. 1884, p. 333.

[1546] See the author's notes to his ed. of Buckle (Routledge), 1904, pp. 539, 547.

[1547] U. R. Burke, History of Spain, Hume's ed. i, 109-10.

[1548] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ed. 1856, p. 41; Burke, as cited, ii, 55-56.

[1549] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 81.

[1550] Burke, i, 218.

[1551] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, ii, 54-55.

[1552] Id. ii, 58.

[1553] Lea, iii, 560.

[1554] Personally he discouraged heresy-hunting. Burke, ii, 66.

[1555] Burke, i, 268-73; Dunham, Hist. of Spain and Portugal, 1832, iv, 260.

[1556] Lea, iii, 24.

[1557] Burke, ii, 65.

[1558] Lea, ii, 183.

[1559] Id. i, 221.

[1560] Burke, ii, 66-67.

[1561] Lea, iii, 85-86.

[1562] Id. pp. 52-53; McCrie, Reformation in Spain, p. 20.

[1563] Bonet-Maury, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme, 1904, pp. 114-19.

[1564] Lea, iii, 86.

[1565] Burke, ii, 57.

[1566] Id. ii, 62-63.

[1567] Lea, iii, 564.

[1568] Id. ii, 187-88.

[1569] Lea, ii, 287; Burke, ii, 67-69.

[1570] Burke, ii, 77, citing Lafuente, ix, 233.

[1571] Id. citing Bergenroth, Calendar, etc. i, 37.

[1572] Even as late as 1591, in Aragon, when in a riot against the Inquisition the Inquisitors barely escaped with their lives. Burke, ii, 80, note.

[1573] Id. pp. 81-82.

[1574] There had previously been sharp social persecution by the Cortès, in 1480, on "anti-Semitic" grounds, the Jews being then debarred from all the professions, and even from commerce. They were thus driven to usury by Christians, who latterly denounce the race for usuriousness. Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884, p. 15, note.

[1575] The number has been put as high as 800,000. Cp. F. D. Mocatta, The Jews and the Inquisition, 1877, p. 54; E. La Rigaudière, Hist. des Perséc. Relig. en Espagne, 1860, pp. 112-14; Prescott, Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella, Kirk's ed. 1889, p. 323; and refs. in ed. of Buckle cited, p. 541.

[1576] Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, ed. 1818, i, 280. As to Llorente's other estimates, which are of doubtful value, cp. Prescott's note, ed. cited, p. 746. But as to Llorente's general credit, see the vindication of U. R. Burke, ii, 85-87.

[1577] Llorente, i, 281.

[1578] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ch. viii.

[1579] Cp. La Rigaudière, pp. 309-14; Buckle, as cited, pp. 514, 570; U. R. Burke, i, 59, 85.

[1580] Cp. Émile Charles, Roger Bacon, Paris, 1861, p. 23.

[1581] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. ii, 1880, vol. ii, p. 79.

[1582] This sum of libri has been taken by English writers to stand for English "pounds." It may however have represented Parisian livres.

[1583] Prof. Brewer, Introd. to Opera Inedita of Roger Bacon, 1859, pp. xiv-xxiii.

[1584] Id. p. xlvi.

[1585] Id. p. xxx, sq.

[1586] Id. pp. liv-lv.

[1587] Compendium Philosophiæ, cap. i, in Op. Ined., pp. 398-401.

[1588] Id. p. 401. Cp. p. 412 as to the multitude of theologians at Paris banished for sodomy.

[1589] Id. p. 422.

[1590] Id. cc. ii-v, pp. 404-32.

[1591] Brewer, p. xciii, note, cites this in an extract from the Chronicle of Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, a late writer of the fifteenth century, who "gives no authority for his statement." Dr. Bridges, however, was enabled by M. Sabatier to trace the passage back to the MS. Chronica xxiv Generalium Ordinis Minorum, which belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century; and the passage, as M. Sabatier remarks, has all the appearance of being an extract from the official journal of this Order. (Bridges, The "Opus Majus" of Roger Bacon, Suppl. vol. 1900, p. 158.)

[1592] "Il etait né rebelle." "Le mépris systématique de l'autorité, voilà vraiment ce qu'il professe." (Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 76, 85.)

[1593] See the sympathetic accounts of Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, pp. 100-12; White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 379-91.

[1594] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 476.

[1595] Humboldt, Examen Crit. de l'hist. de la Géographie, 1836-39, i, 64-70, gives the passages in the Opus Majus and the Imago Mundi, and paraphrase of the latter in Columbus's letter to Ferdinand and Isabella from Jamaica (given also in P. L. Ford's Writings of Christopher Columbus, 1892, p. 199 sq.). Cp. Ellis's note to Francis Bacon's Temporis Partus Masculus, in Ellis and Spedding's ed. of Bacon's Works, iii, 534. It should be remembered in this connection that Columbus found believers, in the early stage of his undertaking, only in two friars, one a Franciscan and one a Dominican. See Ford's ed. of the Writings, p. 107.

[1596] Cp. Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 95.

[1597] Opus Majus, Pars ii, cap. 5.

[1598] Renan, Averroès, p. 263. Bacon mentions Averroës in the Opus Majus, P. i, cc. 6, 15; P. ii, c. 13; ed. Bridges, iii (1900), 14, 33, 67. In the passage last cited he calls him "homo solidae sapientiae, corrigens multa priorum et addens multa, quamvis corrigendus sit in aliquibus, et in multis complendus."

[1599] See the careful notice by Prof. Adamson in Dict. of Nat. Biog. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 152-60; Lewes, Hist. of Philos. ii, 77-87.

[1600] Two Englishmen, the Carmelite John of Baconthorpe (d. 1346) and Walter Burleigh, were among the orthodox Averroïsts; the latter figuring as a Realist against William of Occam.

[1601] Legend of Good Women, ll. 1039-43; Parliament of Fowls, ll. 199-200.

[1602] Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, 438 (440).

[1603] Id. 653-61 (655-63). Cp. Tale of the Wife of Bath; 1-25.

[1604] Legend of Good Women, prol. ll. 1-9; Knight's Tale, ll. 1951-56 (2809-14 of MS. group A).

[1605] The notion connects with the spurious Ploughman's Tale and Pilgrim's Tale, as to which see Lounsbury, as cited, i, 460-73; ii, 460-69.

[1606] Vision of Piers Ploughman, ll. 5809 sq. Wright's ed. i, 179-80.

[1607] Chaucer's Boece, B. I. Prose iv. ll. 223-26, in Skeat's Student's Chaucer.

[1608] Mosheim, 14 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 36, and note. Cp. Green, Short History of the English People, ch. v, § 3, ed. 1881, p. 235.

[1609] Cp. Green, Short Hist. ch. v, § 5; Massingberd, The English Reformation, p. 171.

[1610] Cited by Lechler, Wycliffe and his English Precursors, Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 440.

[1611] Cp. Prof. Montagu Burrows, Wiclif's Place in History, 1884, p. 49. Maitland (Eight Essays, 1852) suggested derivation from the movement of Abbot Joachim and others of that period.

[1612] Wilkins' Concilia, ii, 124.

[1613] Cp. Vaughan, as cited by Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 402.

[1614] Hardwick, pp. 417, 418. The doctrine of purgatory was, however, soon renounced by the Lollards (id. p. 420).

[1615] See the passages cited in Lewis's Life of Wiclif, ed. 1820, pp. 224-25. Cp. Burrows, as cited, p. 19; Le Bas, Life of Wiclif, 1832, pp. 357-59.

[1616] Lechler, Wycliffe and his Eng. Precursors, pp. 371-76; Hardwick, p. 412.

[1617] Cp. Green, Short History, ch. v, § 4.

[1618] Lechler, p. 236. It forms bk. vi of Wiclif's theological Summa.

[1619] Baxter, in his address "To the doubting and unbelieving readers" prefixed to his Reasons of the Christian Religion, 1667, names Savonarola, Campanella, Ficinus, Vives, Mornay, Grotius, Cameron, and Micraelius as defenders of the faith, but no writer of the fourteenth century.

[1620] Cp. Le Bas, pp. 342-43; and Hardwick, Church Hist.: Middle Age, p. 415.

[1621] Lechler, p. 236.

[1622] Blunt, Reformation of the Church of England, 1892, i, 284, and refs.

[1623] It is noteworthy that French culture affected the very vocabulary of Dante, as it did that of his teacher, Brunetto Latini. Cp. Littré, Etudes sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e édit. pp. 399-400. The influence of French literature is further seen in Boccaccio, and in Italian literature in general from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. Gebhart, pp. 209-21.

[1624] Saintsbury, Short Hist. of French Lit. 1882, p. 57.

[1625] Passage not translated in the old Eng. version.

[1626] Cp. Lenient, pp. 159-60.

[1627] Lenient, p. 169.

[1628] This declaration, as it happens, is put in the mouth of "False-Seeming," but apparently with no ironical intention.

[1629] Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 132.

[1630] Id. p. 135.

[1631] Duruy, Hist. de France, ed. 1880, i, 440-41; Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais. pp. 2, 19, 24-29, 32-35, 41-50; Le Clerc and Renan, Hist. Litt. de la France au XIVe Siècle, i, 4; ii, 123; Littré, Études, as cited, pp. 424-29.

[1632] Duruy, i, 409 sq., 449; Gebhart, pp. 35-41; Morin, Origines de la Démocratie: La France au moyen âge, 3e édit. 1865, p. 304 sq.

[1633] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, vii, Renaissance, Introd. § ii. Between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries, he insists, "le jour baisse horriblement."

[1634] Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 47, 78, 108-10.

[1635] Littré, Études, as cited, pp. 411-13.

[1636] Le Clerc, as cited, p. 259; Gebhart, pp. 48-49.

[1637] Sir James F. Stephen, Horæ Sabbaticæ, 1892, i, 42.

[1638] The Italians said of the French Pope Clement VI (1342-52) that he had small religion. M. Villani, Cronica, iii, 43 (ed. 1554).

[1639] Cp. Dr. T. Arnold, Lect. on Mod. Hist. 4th ed. pp. 111-18; Buckle, 3 vol. ed. i, 326-27 (1-vol. ed. p. 185); Stephen, as cited, i, 121. "It is hardly too much to say that Comines's whole mind was haunted at all times and at every point by a belief in an invisible and immensely powerful and artful man whom he called God" (last cited).

[1640] Buckle, i, 329 (1-vol. ed. p. 186).

[1641] Buckle, ii, 133 (1-vol. ed. p. 361); Hallam, Middle Ages, iii, 395-96. Religious ceremonies were attached to the initiation of knights in the 13th century. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civilisation, ii, 15.

[1642] Duruy, i, 368, 373-74. Cp. J. Jolly, Philippe le Bel, 1869, l. iii, ch. iv, p. 249. It is to be remembered that Philippe had for years been sorely pressed for money to retrieve his military disasters. See H. Hervieu, Recherches sur les premiers états généraux, 1879, pp. 89 sq., 99 sq. He used his ill-gotten gains to restore the currency, which he had debased. Id. pp. 101-102.

[1643] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, vol. ii, 359-60.

[1644] Poole, Illustrations, p. 265. Cp. Villari, Life and Times of Machiavelli, ii, 64-67; Tullo Massarani, Studii di politica e di storia, 2a ed. 1899, pp. 112-13; Neander, Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. 1855, ix, 33.

[1645] Poole, pp. 266-76. Cp. Hardwick, Church History, Middle Age, 1853, pp. 346-47.

[1646] Ueberweg, i, 461-62.

[1647] "His (Occam's) philosophy is that of centuries later." (Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 148. Cp. pp. 150-51.)

[1648] Cp. Hardwick, p. 377, and Rettberg, as there cited.

[1649] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76; Mosheim, 14 C. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5. As to his religious bigotry, see Milman, p. 142, notes.

[1650] Ueberweg, i, 460-64; cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 275-81.

[1651] James Mill, Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind, ed. 1869, i, 250-51.

[1652] Cp. Ueberweg, p. 464. Mr. Poole's judgment (p. 280) that Occam "starts from the point of view of a theologian" hardly does justice to his attitude towards theology. Occam had indeed to profess acceptance of theology; but he could not well have made less account of its claims.

[1653] Ueberweg, pp. 465-66.

[1654] Id. p. 466.

[1655] Id. ib.

[1656] Poole, p. 281.

[1657] Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 37, citing John of Goch, De libertate Christiana, lib. i, cc. 17, 18. Compare the Averroïst propositions of 1269-1277, given above, pp. 319-20.

[1658] Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 187-88 (Eng. tr. i, 225-26).

[1659] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 164.

[1660] Gervinus, Gesch. der deutschen Dichtung, 5te Ausg. i, 489-99. Even in the period before the Minnesingers the clerical poetry had its anti-clerical side. Id. p. 194. Towards the end of the 12th century Nigellus Wireker satirized the monks in his Brunellus, seu speculum stultorum. Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 252. See Menzel's note, before cited, for a remarkable outbreak of anti-clerical if not anti-Christian satire, in the form of sculpture in an ancient carving in the Strasburg Cathedral.

[1661] Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung, ii, 62-63; Gervinus, i, 523; ii, 69; Kurtz, Gesch. der deutschen Litteratur, 1853, i, 428, col. 2.

[1662] Milman, Latin Chr., ix, 125. Albert was an Aristotelian--a circumstance which makes sad havoc of Menzel's proposition (Geschichte, Cap. 251) that the "German spirit" did not take naturally to Aristotle. Menzel puts the fact and the theory on opposite pages.

[1663] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 258. Cp. p. 261.

[1664] For a full account of Eckhart's teaching see Dr. A. Lasson's monograph (§ 106) in Ueberweg's Hist. of Philos., i, 467-84; also Ullmann, Reformers before the Ref., ii, 23-31. Cp. Lea, Hist. of Inquis., ii, 354-59, 362-69, as to the sects. As to Tauler, see Milman, ix, 255-56. He opposed the more advanced pantheism of the Beghards. Id. p. 262.

[1665] In the 400 years following its publication there were published over 6,000 separate editions.

[1666] Bk. i, ch. ii, 1, 2.

[1667] Bk. i, ch. iii. 1, 2.

[1668] Id. § 5.

[1669] J. A. Symonds writes that in the age of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio "what we call the Renaissance had not yet arrived" (Renaissance in Italy: Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 9).

[1670] Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. pp. 280-82, 295; Lewes, Hist. of Philos., 4th ed. ii, 67; Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 139-41. It is noteworthy that the troubadour, Austore d'Orlac, in cursing the crusades and the clergy who promoted them, suggests that the Christians should turn Moslems, seeing that God is on the side of the unbelievers (Gieseler, Per. III. Div. III, § 58, note 1).

[1671] Cp. Burckhardt, Civ. of the Renais. in Italy, Eng. tr. ed. 1892, pp. 490, 492.

[1672] Id. p. 333.

[1673] Hardwick, p. 354, note.

[1674] Cp. Hardwick, p. 361; "Janus," The Pope and the Council, p. 308.

[1675] Burckhardt, p. 497, note.

[1676] Villari, Life and Times of Machiavelli, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. vol. i, introd. p. 115. Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 35, 226.

[1677] As to its history see "Janus," The Pope and the Council, p. 131 sq.

[1678] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98, 108.

[1679] It is noteworthy, however, that he did not detect, or at least did not declare, the spuriousness of the text of the three witnesses (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii, 58, note). Here the piety of Alfonso, who knew his Bible by heart, may have restrained him.

[1680] See the passages transcribed by Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 148.

[1681] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98-101.

[1682] Cp. Gebhart, Renaissance en Italie, pp. 72-73; Burckhardt, pp. 458-65; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 5-4. "The authors of the most scandalous satires were themselves mostly monks or benficed priests." (Burckhardt, p. 465.)

[1683] Burckhardt, pp. 451-61; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy: The Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 359; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 153.

[1684] See it well analysed by Owen, pp. 147-60. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 199. M. Perrens describes Pulci as "emancipated from all belief"; but holds that he "bantered the faith without the least design of attacking religion" (La Civilisation florentine, p. 151). But cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 159-60.

[1685] Owen, p. 160. So also Hunt, and the editor of the Parnaso Italiano, there cited.

[1686] Below, § 4.

[1687] Above, p. 361.

[1688] Lea, ii, 271-72. Cp. pp. 282-84.

[1689] Burckhardt, p. 502.

[1690] Id. p. 500.

[1691] Id. p. 502.

[1692] Id. p. 503, note.

[1693] Cp. R. C. Christie's essay, "Pomponatius--a Skeptic," in his Selected Essays and Papers, 1902, pp. 131-32; Renan, Averroès, pp. 345-352.

[1694] Comm. in Aristot. de Gen. et Corr., lib. i, fol. 29 G. cited by Ellis in note on Bacon, who quotes a version of the phrase in the De Augmentis, B. v, end. As to Nifo see Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875, ch. xii.

[1695] As to ribald blasphemies by the Roman clergy see Erasmus, Epist. xxvi, 34 (ed. le Clerc), cited by Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 378, note.

[1696] Lit. Hist. of Europe, i, 142. Following Eichhorn, Hallam notes vindications by Marsilio Ficino, Alfonso de Spina (a converted Jew), Æneas Sylvius, and Pico di Mirandola; observing that the work of the first-named "differs little from modern apologies of the same class."

[1697] Cp. Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. ed. 1908, i, 58.

[1698] Epist. above cited; Burigni, Vie d'Erasme, 1757, i, 148-49.

[1699] Paul Canensius, cited by Ranke.

[1700] This view seems to solve the mystery as to Perugino's creed. Vasari (ed. Milanesi, iii, 589) calls him "persona di assai poca religione." Mezzanotte (Della vita di P. Vanucci, etc. 1836, p. 172 sq.) indignantly rejects the statement, but notes that in Ciatti's MS. annals of Perugia, ad ann. 1524, the mind of the painter is said to have been come una tavola rasa in religious matters. Mezzanotte holds that Pietro has been there confounded with a later Perugian painter.

[1701] Leonardo da Vinci, Frammenti letterari e filosofici, trascelti par Dr. Edmondo Solmi. Firenze, 1900. Pensieri sulla scienza, 19, 20.

[1702] Ib. 14, 22, 23, 24, 92.

[1703] Ib. 36-38, 41.

[1704] Some of the humanists called him unlettered (omo senza lettere), and he calls them gente stolta, a foolish tribe.

[1705] Ib. 44, 46, 47, 48, 58, 60, 63, etc.

[1706] Ib. 45.

[1707] Ib. 30.

[1708] Ib. 57.

[1709] Ib. 66. Cp. 67-69.

[1710] Id. Pensieri sulla natura. 80-86.

[1711] Shortly after Leonardo we find Girolamo Fracastorio (1483-1553) developing the criticism further, and in particular disposing of the futile formula, resorted to by the scientific apriorists of the time, that the "plastic force of nature" created fossils like other things.

[1712] Id. Pensieri sulla morale, passim.

[1713] Ib. 7.

[1714] Ib. 44, 45.

[1715] Ib. 46, 47.

[1716] Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 524, 541, notes; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 124. "It was easy to see by his words that he hoped for the restoration of the pagan religion" (Id. Life of Savonarola, Eng. tr. p. 51).

[1717] Only a few fragments of it survive. Villari, Life of Savonarola, p. 51.

[1718] Carriere, Philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1847, p. 13.

[1719] Cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 128-34.

[1720] Cp. Perrens, Hist. de Florence (1434-1531), i, 258.

[1721] Id. p. 257. Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 132; Savonarola, p. 60.

[1722] "Of the majority of the twenty-two languages he was supposed to have studied, he knew little more than the alphabet and the elements of grammar" (Villari, Machiavelli, i, 135). As to Pico's character, which was not saintly, see Perrens, Histoire, as cited, i, 561-62.

[1723] Cp. Greswell, Memoirs of Politianus, Picus, etc. 2nd ed. 1805, 235; McCrie, The Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 33, note.

[1724] Greswell, pp. 330-31.

[1725] Cp. K. M. Sauer, Gesch. der italien. Litteratur, 1883, p. 109; Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.

[1726] Villari, Machiavelli, i, 133.

[1727] Greswell, pp. 331-32.

[1728] Discorsi sopra Tito Livio, i, 12.

[1729] Istorie fiorentine, liv. i; Discorsi, i, 12.

[1730] Discorsi, ii, 2.

[1731] For another point of view see Owen, as cited, p. 167.

[1732] In the Italian translation of Bacon's essays, made for Bacon in 1618 by an English hand, Machiavelli is branded in one passage as an impio, and in another his name is dropped. See Routledge ed. of Bacon's Works, pp. 749, 751. The admiring Paolo Giovio called him irrisor et atheos; and Cardinal Pole said the Prince was so full of every kind of irreligion that it might have been written by the hand of Satan (Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875, p. 4).

[1733] Burckhardt, pp. 499-500. Cp. Owen, pp. 165-68. It is thus impossible to be sure of the truth of the statement of Gregorovius (Lucrezia Borgia, Eng. tr. 1904, p. 25) that "There were no women skeptics or freethinkers; they would have been impossible in the society of that day." Where dissimulation of unbelief was necessarily habitual, there may have been some women unbelievers as well as many men.

[1734] Owen's characterization of Machiavelli's Asino d'oro as a "satire on the freethought of his age" (p. 177) will not stand investigation. See his own note, p. 178.

[1735] Discorsi, i, 56.

[1736] As we saw, Polybius in his day took a similar view, coming as he did from Greece, where military failure had followed on a certain growth of unbelief. Machiavelli was much influenced by Polybius. Villari, ii, 9.

[1737] Cp. Tullo Massarani, Studii di letteratura e d'arte, 1809, p. 96.

[1738] Discorsi, i, 15.

[1739] Id. i, 11, end.

[1740] Villari, ii, 93-94.

[1741] Burckhardt, p. 464; Owen, p. 180, and refs.

[1742] Owen, p. 181. See the whole account of Guicciardini's rather confused opinions.

[1743] Though Italy had most of what scientific knowledge existed. Burckhardt, p. 292.

[1744] "A man might at the same time be condemned as a heretic in Spain for affirming, and in Italy for denying, the reality of the witches' nightly rides" (The Pope and the Council, p. 258).

[1745] The Pope and the Council, pp. 249-61. It was another Spina who wrote on the other side.

[1746] F. Fiorentino, Pietro Pomponazzi, 1868, p. 30.

[1747] Owen, pp. 197-98; Renan, Averroès, pp. 353-62; Christie, as cited, p. 133.

[1748] Cp. Owen, pp. 201, 218; Lange, i, 183-87 (tr. i, 220-25). He, however, granted that the mass of mankind, "brutish and materialized," needed the belief in heaven and hell to moralize them (Christie, pp. 140-41).

[1749] This principle, though deriving from Averroïsm, and condemned, as we have seen, by Pope John XXI, had been affirmed by so high an orthodox authority as Albertus Magnus. Cp. Owen, pp. 211-12, note. While thus officially recognized, it was of course denounced by the devout when they saw how it availed to save heretics from harm. Mr. Owen has well pointed out (p. 238) the inconsistency of the believers who maintain that faith is independent of reason, and yet denounce as blasphemous the profession to believe by faith what is not intelligible by philosophy.

[1750] Owen, pp. 209, note. "Son école est une école de laïques. de médecins, d'esprits forts, de libres penseurs" (Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartèsienne, 1854, i, 3).

[1751] Owen. p. 210; Christie, p. 151.

[1752] Christie, pp. 141-47.

[1753] Id. p. 149.

[1754] Burckhardt, p. 291.

[1755] Gebhart, pp. 59-63; Burckhardt, p. 211.

[1756] Cp. Burckhardt, p. 291.

[1757] Burckhardt, pp. 279-80; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, pp. 106-107.

[1758] Burckhardt, pt. iii, ch. xi.

[1759] Dr. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i, 265. Cp. Renan, Averroès, Avert.

[1760] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 213, 420-21.

[1761] Notice of Bonaventure Desperiers, by Bibliophile Jacob [i.e. Lacroix], in 1841 ed. of Cymbalum Mundi, etc.

[1762] For a solution of the enigma of the title see the Clef of Eloi Johanneau in ed. cited, p. 83. Cymbalum mundi was a nickname given in antiquity to (among others) an Alexandrian grammarian called Didymus--the name of doubting Thomas in the gospel. The book is dedicated by Thomas Du Clevier à son ami Pierre Tyrocan, which is found to be, with one letter altered (perhaps by a printer's error), an anagram for Thomas Incrédule à son ami Pierre Croyant, "Unbelieving Thomas to his friend Believing Peter." Clef cited, pp. 80-85.

[1763] Origen, Against Celsus, vi, 78.

[1764] The readiness of piety in all ages to invent frightful deaths for unbelievers must be remembered in connection with this and other records. Cp. Notice cited, p. xx, and note. The authority for this is Henri Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, liv. i, chs. 18, end, and 26.

[1765] So Charles Nodier, cited in the Notice by Bibliophile Jacob, pp. xxiii-xxiv. The English translator of 1723 professed to see no unbelief in the book.

[1766] Perrens, Les Libertins en France au XVIIe siècle, 1896, p. 41.

[1767] Notice historique in Bibliophile Jacob's ed. of Rabelais, 1841; Stapfer, Rabelais, pp. 6, 10; W. F. Smith, biog. not. to his trans. of Rabelais, 1893, i, p. xxii.

[1768] Rathery, notice biog. to ed. of Burgaud des Marets, i, 12. Jacob's account of his relations with his friends Budé and Amy at this stage is erroneous. See Rathery, p. 14.

[1769] Le Double, Rabelais anatomiste et physiologiste, 1889, pp. 12, 425; and pref. by Professor Duval, p. xiii; Stapfer, p. 42; A. Tilley, François Rabelais, 1907, pp. 74-76.

[1770] In the same year he was induced to publish what turned out to be two spurious documents purporting to be ancient Roman remains. See Heulhard, Rabelais légiste, and Jacob, Notice, p. xviii.

[1771] Rathery, p. 23.

[1772] Jacob, p. xix.

[1773] As to this see Tilley, p. 53.

[1774] See it at the end of the ed. of Bibliophile Jacob.

[1775] Cp. Stapfer, pp. 24-25; Rathery, p. 26.

[1776] Rathery, p. 30.

[1777] Cp. Jacob, Notice, p. xxxviii; Smith, ii, 524.

[1778] Rathery, p. 71; Stapfer, pp. 42-43.

[1779] Stapfer, p. 53.

[1780] Jacob, p. xxxix.

[1781] Rathery, pp. 44-49. The notion of Lacroix, that Rabelais visited England, has no evidence to support it. Cp. Rathery, p. 49, and Smith, p. xxiii.

[1782] Cp. Jacob, p. lx. Ramus himself, for his attacks on the authority of Aristotle, was called an atheist. Cp. Waddington, Ramus, sa vie, etc., 1855, p. 126.

[1783] See the list in the avertissement of M. Burgaud des Marets to éd. Firmin Didot. Cp. Stapfer, pp. 63, 64. For example, the "theologian" who makes the ludicrous speech in Liv. i, ch. xix, becomes (chs. 18 and 20) a "sophist"; and the sorbonistes, sorbonicoles, and sorbonagres of chs. 20 and 21 become mere maistres, magistres, and sophistes likewise.

[1784] It is doubtful whether Rabelais wrote the whole of the notice prefixed to the next edition, in which this attack was made; but it seems clear that he "had a hand in it" (Tilley, François Rabelais, p. 87).

[1785] R. Christie, Étienne Dolet, pp. 369-72. Christie, in his vacillating way, severely blames Dolet, and then admits that the book may have been printed while Dolet was in prison, and that in any case there was no malice in the matter. This point, and the persistent Catholic calumnies against Dolet, are examined by the author in art. "The Truth about Étienne Dolet," in National Reformer, June 2 and 9, 1889.

[1786] Epistre, pref. to Liv. iv. Ed. Jacob, p. 318.

[1787] Cp. W. F. Smith's trans. of Rabelais, 1893, ii, p. x. In this book, however, other hands have certainly been at work. Rabelais left it unfinished.

[1788] Jacob, Notice, p. lxiii; Stapfer, p. 76.

[1789] So Rathery, p. 60; and Stapfer, p. 78. Jacob, p. lxii, says he resigned only one. Rathery makes the point clear by giving a copy of the act of resignation as to Meudon.

[1790] A Discourse ... against Nicholas Machiavel, Eng. tr. (1577), ed. 1608, Epist. ded. p. 2.

[1791] Liv. iv, ch. xliii.

[1792] Liv. iii, ch. xxiii.

[1793] Liv. iv, ch. xlv-xlviii.

[1794] Liv. iv, ch. xlix sq.

[1795] Liv. iv, ch. xxxii.

[1796] Prof. Stapfer, Rabelais, sa personne, son génie, son oeuvre, 1889, pp. 365-68. Cp. the Notice of Bibliophile Jacob, ed. 1841 of Rabelais, pp. lvii-lviii; and Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 39. In his youth he affirmed the doctrine. Stapfer, p. 23.

[1797] Cp. René Millet, Rabelais, 1892, pp. 172-80.

[1798] Liv. iii, ch. xxxvi.

[1799] The description of him by one French biographer, M. Boulmier (Estienne Dolet, 1857), as "le Christ de la pensée libre" is a gross extravagance. Dolet was substantially orthodox, and even anti-Protestant, though he denounced the cruel usage of Protestants.

[1800] Wallace (Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, ii. 2) asserts that Dolet "not only became a convert to the opinions of Servetus, but a zealous propagator of them." For this there is not a shadow of evidence.

[1801] Cp. Voltaire, Lettres sur Rabelais, etc. i.

[1802] Cp. author's art. above cited; R. C. Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. 1890, p. 100; Octave Galtier, Étienne Dolet (N.D.), pp. 66, 94, etc.

[1803] Christie, as cited, pp. 50-58, 105-106; Galtier, p. 26 sq.

[1804] It is to this that Rabelais alludes (ii, 5) when he tells how at Toulouse they "stuck not to burn their regents alive like red herrings."

[1805] Christie, p. 80.

[1806] Liv. iii, ch. xxix.

[1807] Christie, p. 86.

[1808] One of his enemies wrote of him that prison was his country--patria Doleti.

[1809] Procès d'Estienne Dolet, Paris, 1836, p. 11; Galtier, pp. 65-70; Christie, pp. 389-90.

[1810] Procès, p. viii.; Galtier, p. 78.

[1811] Galtier, p. 101 sq.; Christie, p. 461.

[1812] A modern French judge, the President Baudrier, was found to affirm that the laws, though "unduly severe," were "neither unduly nor unfairly pressed" against Dolet! Christie, p. 471.

[1813] Concerning whom see Christie, as cited, pp. 29 01.

[1814] Tilley, as last cited, p. 69.

[1815] Christie, p. 317.

[1816] Christie, as cited, pp. 465-67; Lutteroth, La Reformation en France pendant sa première période, 1850, pp. 39-40; Prof. H. M. Baird, Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i, 240 sq.

[1817] Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43; Patin, Lettres, ed. Reveillé-Parise, 1846, i, 210.

[1818] Wriothesley's Chronicle (Camden Society, 1875), pp. 107-108.

[1819] Nodier, quoted by Bibliophile Jacob in ed. of Cymbalum Mundi, as cited, p. xviii.

[1820] Cp. Brantome, Des dames illustres, OEuvres, ed. 1838, ii, 186.

[1821] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Marguerite de Navarre (the First), notes F and G.

[1822] Bayle, note N. Cp. Nodier, as cited, p. xix, as to the collaboration of Desperiers and others.

[1823] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note D.

[1824] Garasse, La Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits de ce Temps, 1623, pp. 126-27. Ronsard replied to the charge in his poem, Des misères du temps.

[1825] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note O. Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43.

[1826] MS. 1588. First printed in 1841 by Guhrauer, again in 1857 by L. Noack.

[1827] As before noted, he was one of the first to use the word. Cp. Lechler, Geschichte des englischen Deismus, pp. 31, 455, notes.

[1828] Bayle, art. Bodin, note O. Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. p. 424; and the Lettres de Gui Patin, iii, 679 (letter of 27 juillet, 1668), cited by Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43. Leibnitz, in an early letter to Jac. Thomasius, speaks of the MS. of the Colloquium, then in circulation, as proving its writer to be "the professed enemy of the Christian religion," adding: "Vanini's dialogues are a trifle in comparison." (Philosophische Schriften, ed. Gerhardt, i, 26; Martineau, Study of Spinoza, p. 77.) Carriere, however, notes (Weltanschauung, p. 317) that in later years Leibnitz learned to prize Bodin's treatise highly.

[1829] Cp. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 66, 87-91. In the République too he has a chapter on astrology, to which he leans somewhat.

[1830] République, Liv. iv, ch. ii.

[1831] Id. Liv. iv, ch. vii. "Bodin in this sophistry was undoubtedly insincere" (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 159).

[1832] Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins. p. 43.

[1833] Cp. Villemain, Vie de L'Hopital, in Études de l'hist. moderne, 1846. pp. 363-68, 428.

[1834] Buckle (3-vol. ed. ii, 10; 1-vol. ed. p. 291) errs in representing L'Hopital as the only statesman of the time who dreamt of toleration. It is to be noted, on the other hand, that the Huguenots themselves protested against any toleration of atheists or Anabaptists; and even the reputed freethinker Gabriel Naudé, writing his Science des Princes, ou Considérations politiques sur les Coups d'état, in 1639, defended the massacre on political grounds (Owen, Skeptics of the French Renaissance, p. 470, note). Bodin implicitly execrated it. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 162.

[1835] Villemain, p. 429.

[1836] Garasse, Doctrine Curieuse, pp. 125~26; Mémoires de Garasse, ed. Ch. Nisard, 1860, pp. 77-78; Perrens, p. 43.

[1837] Bibliophile Jacob, Introd. to Beroalde de Verville.

[1838] Estienne's full title is: L'Introduction au traité de la conformité des merveilles, anciennes avec les modernes: ou, Traité préparatif à l'Apologie pour Hérodote.

[1839] Apologie pour Hérodote, ed. 1607, pp. 97, 249 (liv. i, chs. xiv, xviii.) Cymbalum Mundi, ed. Bibliophile Jacob, pp. xx, 13.

[1840] The index was specially framed to call attention to these items. The entry, "Fables des dieux des payens cousines germaines des legendes des saints," is typical.

[1841] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Castalion; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 81; Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, ii, 46-49. Hallam finds Castalio's letter to the Duke of Wirtemberg "cautious"; but Lecky quotes some strong expressions from what he describes as the preface of Martin Bellius (Castalio's pseudonym) to Cluten's De Haereticis persequendis, ed. 1610. Castalio died in 1563. As to his translations from the Bible, see Bayle's note.

[1842] Hallam, ii, 83; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 231.

[1843] Even Stähelin (Johannes Calvin, ii, 303) condemns Calvin's action and tone towards Castalio, though he makes the significant remark that the latter "treated the Bible pretty much as any other book."

[1844] Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, p. 169.

[1845] Burckhardt, p. 195.

[1846] Prof. Fortunat Strowski, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France au 17e siècle, Ptie i, De Montaigne à Pascal, 1907, pp. 19-23.

[1847] "Du Vair ne songe pas au Médiateur; s'il y a dans son traité des allusions à Notre Seigneur, le nom de Jésus-Christ ne s'y trouve, je crois bien, pas une fois. Il songe encore moins aux pieux adjuvants qui excitent l'imagination; pas un mot de l'invocation des saints, pas un mot des sacrements" (Strowski, as cited, p. 78).

[1848] Cp. Prof. Thorold Rogers, Economic Interpretation of History, p. 83.

[1849] In 1387 the Lollards were denounced under that name by the Bishop of Worcester as "eternally damned sons of Antichrist."

[1850] See the Repressor, Babington's ed. in the Rolls Series, 1860, Part ii.

[1851] Hook, Lives of the Archbishops (Life of Bourchier), 1867, v, 294-306.

[1852] He repels, e.g., Wiclif's argument that a priest's misconduct sufficed to destroy his right to his endowments. Repressor, Babington's ed. as cited, ii, 413.

[1853] Hook, as cited, v, 309.

[1854] Gardiner, Student's History, p. 330. Cp. Green, ch. vi, § i, 2, pp. 267, 275; Stubbs Const. Hist., iii, 631-33.

[1855] Cp. Pauli, Pictures of Old England, Eng. tr. Routledge's rep. pp. 332-36.

[1856] Pauli, p. 332.

[1857] See Arber's reprint.

[1858] Cp. Souchay, Gesch. der deutschen Monarchie, 1861-62, iii, 230-31.

[1859] On this cp. Souchay, pp. 234-39.

[1860] See a good synopsis in Pünjer's History of the Christian Philosophy of Religion, Eng. tr. pp. 68-89; and another in Moritz Carriere's Die philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1847, pp. 16-25, which, however, is open to Pünjer's criticism that it is coloured by modern Hegelianism.

[1861] Dr. Paul Frédéricq, Geschiedenis der Inquisitie in de Nederlanden, 1025-1520, Gent, 1892-1897, ii, 4-9.

[1862] Michelet, Hist. de France, vii--éd. 1857, pp. 125, 172.

[1863] This name has many forms; and it is contended that Sabieude is the correct one. See Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, 1881, ii, 423.

[1864] Cp. Hallam, Introd. to Lit. of Europe, ed. 1872, i, 142-44, and the analysis in Prof. Dowden's Montaigne, 1905, p. 127 sq.

[1865] Van Hoogstraten, in Frédéricq, as cited below.

[1866] Dr. Frazer's assumption (Golden Bough, 3rd ed. pt. i, i, 224) that magic assumes an invariable order of nature, is unsubstantiated even by his vast anthropological erudition. Magic varies arbitrarily, and the idea of a fixed "order" does not belong to the magician's plane of thought.

[1867] Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie, 4e éd. pp. 214-16.

[1868] "Judicial astrology ... which supplanted and degraded the art of medicine" (Prof. Clifford Allbutt, Harveian Oration on Science and Medieval Thought, 1901, App. p. 113). There is a startling survival of it in the physiology of Harvey. Id. p. 45.

[1869] Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim.

[1870] Above, p. 385.

[1871] Who, however, was no rationalist, but an orientalizing mystic. Cp. Carriere, Die philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1846, pp. 36-38.

[1872] Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Ref. in Germany, bk. ii, ch. i (Eng. tr. Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 129). The point is fairly put by Audin in the introduction to his Histoire de Luther. Compare Green: "The awakening of a rational Christianity, whether in England or in the Teutonic world at large, begins with the Florentine studies of Sir John Colet" (Short Hist. ch. vi, § iv). Colet, however, was strictly orthodox. Ulrich von Hutten spent five of the formative years of his life in Italy.

[1873] Hamilton, Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, 1852, p. 205.

[1874] As to the general resentment of the money drain cp. Strauss, Gespräche von Ulrich von Hutten, 1860, Vorrede, p. xiv, and the dialogues, pp. 159. 363. Cp. Ranke, bk. ii, ch. i (Eng. tr. as cited, pp. 123-26).

[1875] See Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, passim. Even the Peasants' Rising was adumbrated in the movement of Hans Böheim of Nikleshausen (fl. 1476), whose doctrine was both democratic and anti-clerical. (Work cited, ii, 380-81; cp. Bezold, Gesch. der deutschen Reform. 1890, ch. vii.)

[1876] See Guicciardini's analysis of the parties, cited by E. Armstrong in the "Cambridge Modern History," vol. i, The Renaissance, p. 170.

[1877] Burckhardt, Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. pp. 476-77.

[1878] See the sympathetic analysis of the book by Villari, Life of Savonarola, Eng. tr. pp. 582-94, where it is much overrated.

[1879] As to the education of the Florentine common people in the fourteenth century cp. Burckhardt, pp. 203-204; Symonds, Age of the Despots, p. 202.

[1880] Cp. Armstrong, as cited, pp. 150-51.

[1881] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 28-30, 41.

[1882] Id. pp. 54, 68.

[1883] Id. p. 45, citing Reynald's Annales, ad. ann. 1530; Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini und die Anti-trinitarier seiner Zeit, 1844, pp. 19-35.

[1884] McCrie reasons otherwise, from the fact that the sack of Rome was by many Catholics regarded as a divine judgment on the papacy; but he omits to mention the pestilence which followed and destroyed the bulk of the conquering army (Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 390).

[1885] McCrie, pp. 59-60.

[1886] Id. p. 66.

[1887] Id. pp. 112, 115.

[1888] Id. pp. 89, 98, 215. McCrie thinks it useful to suggest (p. 95) that anti-trinitarianism seems to have begun at Siena, "whose inhabitants were proverbial among their countrymen for levity and inconstancy of mind"--citing Dante, Inferno, canto xxix, 121-23. Thus does theology illumine sociology. In a note on the same page the historian cites the testimony of Melanchthon (Epist. coll. 852, 941) as to the commonness of "Platonic and skeptical theories" among his Italian correspondents in general; and quotes further the words of Calvin, who for once rises above invective to explain as to heresy (Opera, viii, 510) that "In Italis, propter rarum acumen, magis eminet." The historian omits, further, to trace German Unitarianism to the levity of a particular community in Germany.

[1889] A. von Reumont, The Carafas of Maddaloni, Eng. tr. 1854, pp. 33-37; McCrie, p. 122. It was not Protestantism that made the revolt. The contemporary historian Porzios states that the Lutherans were so few that they could easily be counted. Von Reumont, as cited, p. 33. It was not heresy that moved the Neapolitans, but the knowledge that perjurers could be found in Naples to swear to anything, and that the machine would thus be made one of pecuniary extortion.

[1890] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 131.

[1891] McCrie, pp. 143-44.

[1892] Id. pp. 158-61.

[1893] Id. pp. 161-63. This seems to have been one of the latest instances of enslavement in Italy. As to the selling of many Capuan women in Rome after the capture of Capua in 1501, see Burckhardt, p. 279, note.

[1894] McCrie, pp. 140-43.

[1895] Domenico Orano, Liberi Pensatori bruciati in Roma dal XVI al XVIII Secolo, Roma, 1904. Giordano Bruno is 77th in the list; and there are only eight more. The 85th case was in 1642; and the last--the burning of a dead body--in 1761.

[1896] Orano, p. 13.

[1897] Signor Orano gives the name as Buzio, citing the 1835 Italian translation of McCrie, and pronouncing Cantù (ii, 338) wrong in making it Mollio. But in the 1856 ed. of McCrie's work the name is given (pp. 57-58, 168-69) as John Mollio. Cantù then appears to have been right; but the date he gives, 1533, seems to be a blunder.

[1898] McCrie gives this name as Tisserano.

[1899] Orano, p. 6; McCrie, pp. 169-70.

[1900] McCrie, p. 212; Orano, p. 33.

[1901] Orano, pp. 15-16. McCrie, p. 165, says he was strangled; but the official record is "fu mozza la testa."

[1902] Orano, p. 22. As to Carnesecchi's career see McCrie, pp. 173-79; and Babington's ed. of Paleario, 1855, Introd. pp. lxv-lxvi.

[1903] McCrie, p. 164. See Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini, p. 35, as to Baldo Lupetino.

[1904] As to whom see McCrie, pp. 81-84, 179-82, and the copious Life and Times of Aonio Paleario, by M. Young. 2 vols. 1860.

[1905] Marini, Galileo e l'Inquisizione, Roma, 1850, p. 37, note.

[1906] Babington's ed. p. 46 sq.

[1907] It was afterwards unearthed, however; and Babington's ed. (1855) is an almost facsimile reprint, with old French and English versions.

[1908] Cp. McCrie, pp. 114-17.

[1909] Cp. McCrie, Ref. in Italy, ch. v; Ref. in Spain, ch. viii; Green, Short Hist. pp. 358, 362.

[1910] Huss, in his youth, at first turned from Wiclif's writings with horror. Bonnechose, The Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1844, i, 72.

[1911] Cp. Krasinski, Histor. Sketch of the Reformation in Poland, 1838, i, 58.

[1912] Krasinski, Sketch of Relig. Hist. of Slav. Nations, ed. 1851, pp. 26-27.

[1913] Neander, ix, 242 sq.; Hardwick, pp. 426-27. Militz effected a remarkable reformation of life in Prague. Neander, p. 241.

[1914] See the very intelligent survey of the situation in Kautsky's Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, p. 35 sq.

[1915] Kautsky, p. 42.

[1916] K. Raumer, Contrib. to the Hist. of the German Universities, New York, 1859, p. 19; Dr. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. ii, pt. i, 223-26; Bonnechose, i, 78; Mosheim, 15 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 6; Gieseler, Per. iii, Div. v, § 150; Krasinski, as cited, pp. 31-33.

[1917] Krasinski, Sketch, p. 33; Kautsky, p. 43; Maclaine's note to Mosheim, as last cited; Rashdall, pp. 225-26, 254. The exodus has been much exaggerated. Only 602 were enrolled at Leipzig.

[1918] Many of these were of great beauty and value, and must have been owned by rich men. Krasinski, Sketch, p. 34.

[1919] Hardwick. p. 433. Jerome caused the bull to be "fastened to an immodest woman," and so paraded through the town before being burnt. Gieseler, iv, 114, note 15.

[1920] Bonnechose, ii, 122; Gieseler, as cited.

[1921] See Mosheim's very interesting note; and Gieseler, iv, 104-105.

[1922] Krasinski, p. 51.

[1923] For an account of the devices of Catholic historians to explain away the Council's treachery see Bonnechose, note E. to vol. i, p. 270. The Council itself simply declared that faith was not to be kept with a heretic. Id. p. 271; Gieseler, p. 121.

[1924] Bonnechose, ii, 118-20. Cp. Krasinski, p. 37.

[1925] Kautsky, pp. 48-49.

[1926] Id. p. 51.

[1927] Id. p. 52.

[1928] Krasinski, p. 65.

[1929] See their principles stated in Kautsky, p. 59.

[1930] Æneas Sylvius, who detested the Taborites, declared them to have only one good quality, the love of letters. Letter to Carvajal, cited by Krasinski, p. 93, note.

[1931] Kautsky, pp. 59-67.

[1932] Id. p. 76.

[1933] Kautsky, pp. 78-82. See further the account of Helchitsky's book in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You, ch. i.

[1934] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary (anon.), Eng. tr. 1854, p. 17.

[1935] Id. p. 19.

[1936] Id. pp. 23, 28.

[1937] Id. pp. 24, 32, citing the chronicler Thurnschwamm.

[1938] Id. pp. 29-31.

[1939] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 34.

[1940] Id. p. 37.

[1941] Id. p. 58.

[1942] Id. pp. 69-70.

[1943] Id. pp. 45, 73.

[1944] Id. p. 45.

[1945] Called Blandvater in the History above cited, which is copied in this error by Hardwick.

[1946] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 708.

[1947] Cp. Mosheim, last cit.

[1948] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 86.

[1949] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biog. ii, 257-60. Schlegel, as cited. Biandrata later gave up his Unitarianism, turning either Jesuit or Protestant. He was murdered by his nephew for his money. Wallace, ii, 144.

[1950] History cited, p. 109. As to the persecutions see pp. 108-15.

[1951] Id. pp. 128-29, 132.

[1952] Id. p. 134.

[1953] Krasinski, Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, 1838, i, 29-30.

[1954] Id. pp. 30-34.

[1955] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, p. 38.

[1956] Id. i. 40-42.

[1957] Id. p. 45.

[1958] Id. pp. 55-56.

[1959] Id. pp. 47-50.

[1960] Id. pp. 65-66.

[1961] Id. p. 67.

[1962] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, i, 91-98.

[1963] Id. pp. 111-16.

[1964] Id. p. 134.

[1965] Id. pp. 139, 345, following Wengierski; Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. ii, Art. 41.

[1966] Krasinski, pp. 143, 344, note.

[1967] Id. i, 163.

[1968] Id. p. 173, note.

[1969] Id. pp. 176-77.

[1970] I.e., Peter of Goniond, a small town in Podlachia.

[1971] Krasinski, i, 346-48; Mosheim. 16 Cent. sect. III, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 7; and Schlegel's and Reid's notes.

[1972] Cp. Mosheim, chapter last cited, § 15 sq.

[1973] Krasinski, i, 357.

[1974] Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. ii, 181-82.

[1975] Krasinski, pp. 357-60.

[1976] Id. p. 363.

[1977] Krasinski, Ref. in Poland, ii, 93-94; Rel. Hist. of Slav. Nations, p. 188.

[1978] Lutteroth, La Reformation en France pendant sa première période, p. 2.

[1979] A. A. Tilley, in vol. ii of Camb. Mod. Hist. The Reformation, ch. ix. p. 281.

[1980] Prof. H. M. Baird, Hist. of the Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i, 33.

[1981] Id. i, 35.

[1982] Tilley, as cited, p. 281.

[1983] Lutteroth, pp. 14-16.

[1984] Tilley, p. 282. The translation was notable as a revision of the Vulgate version, which was printed side by side with it.

[1985] Lutteroth, pp. 3-4; Baird, i, 79.

[1986] Michelet, Hist. de France, tom. x, La Réforme, ch. viii.

[1987] Lutteroth, p. 9.

[1988] Michelet. éd. 1884, x, 308; Baird, i, 80, note.

[1989] See Baird, i, 91, note, as to the dates, which are usually put a year too early.

[1990] Baird, i, 95-96, and note.

[1991] Id. p. 132.

[1992] Michelet, x, 314; Baird, i, 133-37.

[1993] Lutteroth, p. 15; Michelet. x, 337.

[1994] Other such outrages followed, and did much to intensify persecution.

[1995] Erasmus had said that one pamphlet of Béda's contained "eighty lies, three hundred calumnies, and forty-seven blasphemies" (Michelet, x, 320).

[1996] Baird, i, 143-44; Michelet, x, 321-26.

[1997] Michelet, x, 338-39.

[1998] Baird, i, 149.

[1999] Cp. Tilley, p. 285.

[2000] Lutteroth, p. 17; Michelet, x, 340 (giving the text of a contemporary record); Baird, i, 173-78--a very full account.

[2001] See Baird, i, 176, note, as to the authenticity of the utterance, which was doubted by Voltaire.

[2002] Michelet, x, 342; Baird, i, 169.

[2003] Cit. by Baird, i, 24, note.

[2004] Baird, i, 221-22.

[2005] It is endorsed by Professor Clifford, Lectures and Essays, 2nd ed. p. 335.

[2006] Hist. de la Civ. en France, 13e édit. i, 18.

[2007] See the case well made out by Buckle, ch. viii--1-vol. ed. pp. 311-13.

[2008] See above, p. 348.

[2009] Stubbs, Const. Hist., 3rd ed. ii, 469, 471, 510.

[2010] Cp. Froude, Hist. of England, ed. 1872, i, 173; Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation, Nares' ed. i, 17-18. Henry, says Burnet, "cherished Churchmen more than any king in England had ever done." Compare further Shaftesbury, Miscellaneous Reflections, in the Characteristics, Misc. iii, ch. i, ed. 1733, vol. iii, p. 151; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, as cited above, p. 316.

[2011] Rev. Dr. J. H. Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 72-100. Wolsey was more patient with Protestant heresy than Henry ever was, though on his death-bed he counselled the king to put down the Lutherans.

[2012] Cp. Burnet, as cited, pref. p. xl, and p. 3; Heylyn, Hist. of the Ref. pref.; Blunt, i, 293-94. In 1530 the king had actually repudiated his debts, cancelling borrowings made under the Privy Seal, and thus setting an example to the Catholic King Philip II in a later generation.

[2013] Heylyn, as cited, and i, 123-27, ed. 1849; A. F. Leach, English Schools at the Reformation, 1896, pp. 5-6; J. E. G. De Montmorency, State Intervention in English Education, 1902, pp. 62-65.

[2014] The subject is treated at some length in The Dynamics of Religion, by "M. W. Wiseman" (J. M. R.), 1897, pp. 3-46; and in The Saxon and the Celt, pp. 92-97.

[2015] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, 3rd ed. iii, 638. Cp. Bishop Creighton, The Age of Elizabeth, p. 6; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 366.

[2016] Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, p. 60; Hardwick, Church History: Reformation, ed. 1886, p. 250.

[2017] Much of this has never been published. Most of it is in a MS. Codex of the City Library at Frankfurt. Extracts in Tentzel's Supplementum Historiæ Gothanæ, 1701, in the Narratio de Eobano Hesso of J. Camerarius, 1553, etc. See Strauss's Ulrich von Hutten, 2te Aufl. 1871, p. 32, n. (ed. 1858, i, 44) et seq.

[2018] Eccles. Hist., bk. i, ch. iv.

[2019] Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, as cited, pp. 33-35; Bezold, Gesch. der deutschen Reformation, 1890, p. 226. Bezold describes Mutianus as "der freigeistige Kanonikus zu Gotha," and points out, concerning his universalism, that "the historic Christ thus slips through his fingers."

[2020] Bezold, as last cited. "Here is the skepticism kept in the background by Mutianus and Celtis, popularized in the rudest way."

[2021] Briefe, ed. De Wette, iii, 60.

[2022] Karl Hagen, Deutschlands lit. u. relig. Verhältnisse im Reformations-zeitalter, 1868, ii, 110; letter of Capito to Zwingli, Ep. Zwinglii i, 47; F. C. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 450; Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, 1839-44, i, 13-16, 33; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, i, art. 3, 4, 5.

[2023] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 689; Baur, iv, 450; Trechsel, i, 13-16.

[2024] See a good account of him by Beard, Hibbert Lectures on The Reformation, p. 204 sq.

[2025] For an impartial criticism of their language see Henderson's Short Hist. of Germany, i, 321-23. Cp. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 73-76; A. F. Pollard in Camb. Mod. Hist. ii, 192-95; Beard, Hibbert Lect. on The Reformation, p. 200; and Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, pp. 117-28.

[2026] Kohlrausch, Hist. of Germany, Eng. tr. p. 397.

[2027] To the same effect Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Capp. 391, 492.

[2028] Pollard, as cited, p. 175.

[2029] Id. p. 178.

[2030] Id. pp. 179, 193.

[2031] Id. p. 193.

[2032] Id. p. 192.

[2033] Ranke, as cited, pp. 459-64.

[2034] Id. p. 461.

[2035] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, La Réforme, ed. 1882, pp. 104, 332.

[2036] Cp. Burckhard, De Ulrichi Hutteni Vita Commentarius, 1717, i, 65. For a general view see Ranke, pp. 126-39.

[2037] Jakob Marx, Die Ursachen der schnellen Verbreitung der Reformation, 1847, § 12.

[2038] Prof. J. M. Vincent, in Prof. S. M. Jackson's Huldreich Zwingli, 1901, p. 37.

[2039] Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 19; ii, passim; Mosheim, 15 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 22; and Bonet-Maury's thesis, De Opera Scholastica Fratrum Vitæ Communis, 1889.

[2040] Burton, History of Scotland, iii, 399-401. But the end in view was probably, as Burton half admits, the recruiting of the Church. Cp. Cosmo Innes, Sketches of Early Scotch History, p. 134 sq., and Scottish Legal Antiquities, pp. 129-30.

[2041] Menzel, Cap. 492.

[2042] Menzel, Cap. 492 (ed. 1837, p. 762).

[2043] Ranke (p. 466) becomes positively lyrical over the happy lot of the peasant who received Luther's Catechism (1529). "It contains enduring comfort in every affliction, and, under a slight husk, the kernel of truths able to satisfy the wisest of the wise." Such declamation holds the place that ought to have been filled by an account of economic conditions.

[2044] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, iii. 627. The bishop, however, holds that in the time of Lollard prosperity the ability to read was widely diffused in England (p. 628); and it seems certain that in the first half of the sixteenth century printing multiplied enormously. Cp. Michelet. Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884. p. 103 sq.

[2045] Cp. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, bk. ii. ch. i; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, éd. abrég. ch. xxiv-xxvii; and essay on "Machiavelli and Calvin" in the present writer's Essays in Sociology, 1903. vol. i.

[2046] Werke., ed. Walch. viii. 2043 (On Ep. to Galat.), cited by Beard.

[2047] Id. viii, 1181 (On 1 Cor. xv). Cp. other citations in Beard, pp. 161-65.

[2048] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § v, p. 315.

[2049] Cp. Stäbelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863. ii, 282-83.

[2050] He was educated at Basel and Berne and at Vienna University, and of all the leading reformers he seems to have had most knowledge of classical literature. Hess, Life of Zwingle, Eng. tr. 1812, pp. 2-7, following Myconius and Hottinger.

[2051] Chr. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, der Charakter seiner Theologie, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Pico von Mirandula, 1855, pp. 14-26. Prof. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 85, note, states that Sigwart later modified his views.

[2052] So states Melanchthon, cited by Jackson, p. 85, note. Cp. pp. 201, 390-92.

[2053] Cited by Jackson, p. 316.

[2054] Id. p. 295.

[2055] Id. p. 361.

[2056] Id. p. 361, note.

[2057] Id. According to Heylyn, the Earl of Warwick countenanced the Zwinglians in his intrigues against the Protector Somerset; and their views were further welcomed by other nobles as making for the plundering of rich altars. Hist. of the Reform. of the Ch. of Eng., ed. 1849. pref. p. vii. But Heylyn appears to identify the Zwinglians at this stage with the Calvinists. Cp. p. x.

[2058] Henry, Das Leben Calvins, ii, Kap. 13, and Beilage 16 (Appendix not given in the English translation); Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863, i, 399-400.

[2059] Cp. Calvin's letter to Viret, July 2, 1547 (Letters of Calvin, ed. Bonnet, Eng. tr. 1857, ii, 109), where it is alleged that in the two pages "the whole of Scripture is laughed at, Christ aspersed, the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable, and finally the whole of religion torn in pieces. I do not think he is the author of it," adds Calvin; "but as it is in his handwriting he will be compelled to appear in his defence."

[2060] Stähelin, i, 400. Henry avows that Gruet was "subjected to the torture morning and evening during a whole month" (Eng. tr. ii. 66). Other biographers dishonestly exclude the fact from their narratives.

[2061] Cp. Calvin's letter to the Seigneury of Geneva, in Letters, ii. 254-56.

[2062] Henry, Life of Calvin, Eng. tr. ii, 47-48. Gruet's fragment can hardly have been the De Tribus Impostoribus, inasmuch as Calvin makes no mention of any reference to Mohammed in his fragment, whereas the title of the other book proceeded on the specification of Mohammed as well as Jesus and Moses. The existing treatise of that name, in any case, is of later date. Of the famous treatise in question, which was not published till long afterwards, Henry admits that it "professes to show tranquilly, and with regret, but without abuse," the fraudulent character of the three revealed religions. Concerning Gruet's essay he asks: "What are all the anti-Christian writings of the French Revolution compared with the hellish laughter which seemed to peal from its pages?" For this description he has not a line to cite.

[2063] For instance, one man was accused of having blasphemed against a storm which terrified the pious.

[2064] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884-87, ii, 559; above, p. 2.

[2065] Mark Pattison, Essays, 1889, ii, 37.

[2066] Dändliker, as cited, endorsing Roget. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 306, and Hamilton, Discus. on Philos. and Lit., 2nd ed. p. 497, as to the "dissolution of morals" in the Lutheran world.

[2067] Mosheim, 14 Cent. sec. iii, Pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 38-41; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, chs. xxix, xxx.

[2068] Histoire de la vie, moeurs, actes, doctrine, constance et mort de Iean Calvin, jadis ministre de Geneue, receuilly par M. Hierosme Hermes Bolsec, docteur médecin à Lyon. Lyon, 1577.

[2069] The reprint of Bolsec's book prepared by M. L. F. Chastel (Lyon, 1875) appears to be faithful; but the Catholic animus shown deprives the annotations of critical value.

[2070] Stähelin, ii, 293-301.

[2071] Stähelin, ii, 293. Arminius pointed to this letter as a proof that Melanchthon had abandoned his early predestinarianism (Declaratio of 1608, xx. 2; Works of Arminius, ed. Nichols, i. 578). But of course Melanchthon had previously guarded himself in his Loci Communes (1545) and elsewhere. (Id. pp. 597-98.)

[2072] Stähelin, ii. 304.

[2073] Latinized name of Miguel Servedo, alias Reves, born at Tudela in Navarre in 1511, son of Hernando Villanueva, a notary of an Aragonese family, of which Villanueva had been the seat. The statement of De la Roche that Servetus was born in Aragon, though long current, is now exploded.

[2074] De la Roche, Mémoires de Littérature, cited in An Impartial History of Servetus, 1724, p. 27.

[2075] Christianismi Restitutio, h.e. Totius ecclesiæ apostolicæ ad sua limina vocatio in integrum, restituta cognitione Dei, fidei christianæ, justificationis nostræ, regenerationis, baptismi, Coenæ Domini manducationis. Restituto denique nobis regno coelesti, Babylonis impia captivitate solutâ, et antichristo cum suis penitus destructo, 1553. Of this book De la Roche (1711) knew of no printed copy, having read it solely in MS. Perfect copies, however, are preserved in Vienna and Paris; and an imperfect one in Edinburgh University Library has been completed from the original draft, which has matter not in the printed copy. It has been pointed out that the book is not absolutely anonymous, inasmuch as it has at the end the initials M. S. V.--the V. standing for the name Villanova or Villanovanus, which he bore as a student at Louvain and put on the title-pages of his scientific works; and Servetus is actually introduced as an interlocutor in one of the dialogues.

[2076] It is to be remembered, however, that he pronounced all Trinitarians to be "veros Atheos." History of Servetus, p. 131.

[2077] "Mihi ob eam rem moriendum esse certo scio."

[2078] Melanchthon, Epist., lib. i, ep. 3; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 96; Trechsel, Lelio Sozini, 1844, pp. 38-41.

[2079] Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, p. 117.

[2080] See the careful account of Dr. Austin Flint, of Now York, in his pamphlet, Rabelais as a Physiologist, rep. from New York Medical Journal of June 29, 1901.

[2081] Willis, p. 53.

[2082] Letter to Farel, Aug. 20. 1553 (Letters, Eng. tr. ii, 399). Cp. Henry, ii, 195-96.

[2083] Id. ch. xix. See the letter of Trie, given in Henry's Life of Calvin (Eng. tr. ii, 181-85), with the admission that Trie was in Calvin's counsels. Henry vainly endeavours to make light (pp. 181-82) of Calvin's written words to Farel concerning Servetus: "Si venerit, modo valeat mea autoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar." Still, it must in fairness be remembered that Trie, by his own account, persuaded Calvin, who was reluctant, to his act of complicity with the inquisitors of Lyons. Cp. Bossert, Calvin, pp. 160-64.

[2084] Willis, ch. xx. Cp. pp. 457, 503. The defence of Calvin in Mackenzie's Life (1809, p. 79) on the score that he was not likely to communicate with Catholic officials does not meet the case as to Trie. And cp. p. 83.

[2085] Ten years after the death of Servetus, Calvin calls him a "dog and wicked scoundrel" (Willis, p. 530; cp. Hist. of Servetus, p. 214, citing Calvin's Comm. on Acts xx); and in his Commentary on Genesis (i, 3, ed. 1838, p. 9) he says of him: "Latrat hic obscoenus canis." And Servetus had asked his pardon at the end.

[2086] White, Warfare of Science with Theology, 1896, i, 113; History of Servetus, 1724, p. 93 sq.: Willis, Servetus and Calvin, p. 325.

[2087] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, i, 430.

[2088] See Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii, 300-308.

[2089] F. A. Cox. Life of Melanchthon, 1815, pp. 523-24; Willis, pp. 47, 511.

[2090] Table Talk, ch. 43. Cp. Michelet's Life of Luther, Eng. tr. 1846, pp. 195-96; and Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 360-65. Michelet's later enthusiasm for Luther (Hist. de France, x, ch. v, ed. 1884, pp. 96-97) is oblivious of many of the facts noted in his earlier studies.

[2091] Bayle, Art. Gribaud; Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. pp. 303-305. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 18.

[2092] Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876. pp. 268-72, 287-92.

[2093] McCrie, p. 230; Audin, ch. xxxv; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino, p. 297.

[2094] Cp. Pusey, Histor. Enquiry into Ger. Rationalism, 1828, p. 14 sq.; Beard, p. 183.

[2095] Stähelin, ii. 337. Biandrata went to Hungary, where, as we saw (p. 421), he turned persecutor, and then Protestant.

[2096] Mosheim, 16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 6; Audin, pp. 394-99; Aretius, Short Hist. of Valentinus Gentilis, Eng. tr. 1696; Stähelin, ii, 338-45; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 20.

[2097] See the Historical Account of his life and trial in the Harleian Miscellany, iv, 168 sq.

[2098] See Stähelin, ii, 293, 304, etc.

[2099] Cp. Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, 3te Aufl. Cap. 417; A. F. Pollard, in Cam. Mod. Hist., vol. ii, ch. vii, p. 223; The Dynamics of Religion, pp. 6-8.

[2100] See Beard, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 189-90, 196. The same avowal was made in the eighteenth century by Mosheim (16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, § 5).

[2101] F. A. Cox, Life of Melanchthon, 1815, p. 544, citing Adam, Vitæ philosophorum (p. 934). Cp. pp. 528-29.

[2102] K. von Raumer, as cited, pp. 32-37.

[2103] Id. pp. 42-52; Pusey, as cited, p. 112.

[2104] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, ii, 556-59, 622 sq., 728-29.

[2105] See the extracts in Beard's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 340-41.

[2106] Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, Cap. 417.

[2107] Cp. Hamilton, Discussions in Philosophy and Literature, 1852, pp. 493-94, note.

[2108] Mosheim, Reid's ed. pp. 625-26. Such solutions were common in papal polity. Id. p. 767.

[2109] Bishop Schuster, Johann Kepler und die grossen kirchlichen Streitfragen seiner Zeit, 1888, p. 178 sq. It is noteworthy that Kepler's mother was sentenced for witchcraft, and saved by the influence of her son. Johann Keppler's Leben und Werken nach neuerlich aufgefundenen MSS., von G. L. C. Freiherrn von Breitschwert, 1831, p. 97 sq.

[2110] "There is much reason to believe that the fetters upon scientific thought were closer under the strict interpretation of Scripture by the early Protestants than they had been under the older church" (White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 212). Concerning the Protestant hostility to the Copernican system and to Kepler, see Schuster, as cited, pp. 87 sq., 191 sq.

[2111] White, as cited, i, 129.

[2112] Id. i, 213.

[2113] Id. p. 147.

[2114] Menzel, Cap. 431; Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884, ii, 743. The cantons of Glarus, Outer Appenzell, St. Gall, and the Grisons formally rejected the Gregorian Calendar. Id. ib. Zschokke (Des Schweizerlands Geschichte, 9te Ausg. 1853, p. 179) implies that the Protestants in general ignored it. Ranke (Hist. of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, i, 337) mentions that "all Catholic nations took part in this reform."

[2115] Blunt, Ref. of the Church of England, ed. 1892, ii, 76. Of the twenty-six cathedrals in the reign of Henry VIII, thirteen had been monastic churches, and these were "razed to the smallest possible dimensions as to number and endowments." Id. p. 77.

[2116] Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, ed. 1848, ii, 89.

[2117] Blunt, i, 160-61.

[2118] Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Parker Society, 1816, i, 66.

[2119] Bishop Burnet (Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, Art. 18) has given currency to the pretence that the words "saved by the law" are meant to exclude the sense "saved in the law," the latter salvation being allowed as possible. That there was no such thought on the part of the framers of the Article is shown by the Latin version, where the expression is precisely "in lege." Burnet prints the Latin, yet utterly ignores its significance.

[2120] Book II of the Utopia was written at Antwerp, during his six months' stay there on an embassy.

[2121] Bk. ii, sec. "Of the Religions" (Arber's ed. pp. 143-47; Morley's ed. pp. 151-53).

[2122] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § 4; 1881 ed. p. 311. Compare Green's whole estimate. Michelet's hostile criticism (x, 356) is surprisingly inept. For the elements of naturalism in the Utopia see bk. ii, sections "Of their Journeying" and "Of the Religions."

[2123] Cp. T. C. Grattan, The Netherlands, 1830, pp. 231-43.

[2124] Who, as it happened, avowed that "religion was almost extinct" in Europe at the time of the rise of the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresies. Concio xxviii. Opera, vi, 296, ed. 1617, cited by Blunt, Ref. of Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 4, note.

[2125] Cp. The Works of Arminius, ed. by James Nichols, 1825, i, 580, note.

[2126] Id. p. 581 note.

[2127] Cp. Schuster, as cited, pp. 191 sq., 202 sq.

[2128] Nichols's Arminius, i, p. 233.

[2129] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 406-416; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, 2nd ed. pp. 447-48. As to Casaubon's own intolerance, however, see p. 446.

[2130] Hallam, ii, 411, 416.

[2131] Beard, Hibbert Lectures, p. 298.

[2132] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Viret, note D.

[2133] Calvin, scenting his heresy, warned him in 1552 (Bayle, art. Marianus Socin, the first, note B); but they remained on surprisingly good terms till Lelio's death in 1562. Cp. Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii. 321-28.

[2134] Cp. the English History of Servetus, 1724, p. 39, and Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini und die Antitrinitarier seiner Zeit (Bd. ii. of Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier), 1844, pp. 38-41.

[2135] Cited by Trechsel, p. 42, note.

[2136] Cp. Bayle, art. Ochin; Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne, p. 266; Owen, French Skeptics, p. 588; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876, pp. 268-72. McCrie mentions (Ref. in Italy, p. 228, note) that Ochino's dialogue on polygamy has been translated and published in England "by the friends of that practice." (In 1657. Rep. 1732.)

[2137] Above, pp. 458-59, Sermons (orthodox) by Ochino were published in English in 1548, and often reprinted.

[2138] D'Ewes, Journals of Parliament in the Reign of Elizabeth, 1682, p. 65.

[2139] See above, p. 459.

[2140] The Scholemaster, Arber's rep. p. 82.

[2141] E.g., work cited, pt. ii, Max. 1, and Max. 6, end. Eng. tr. 1608, pp. 93, 128.

[2142] Mark Pattison, Essay on Joseph Scaliger, in Essays, Routledge's ed. i, 114.

[2143] When Pattison declares that Italian curiosity had bred "not secret unbelief but callous acquiescence" he sets up a spurious antithesis; and when he generalizes that in Italy "men did not disbelieve the truths of the Christian religion," he understates the case. He errs equally in the opposite direction when he alleges (ib. p. 141) that in the France of Montaigne "a philosophical skepticism had become the creed of all thinking men." Such a difference between France and Italy was impossible.

[2144] See McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 96-99.

[2145] Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, i (1839), 56; Mosheim, 16 Cent. 3rd sec. pt. ii, ch. iv, § 3.

[2146] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 82.

[2147] Art. Acontius, in Dict. of National Biog. Cp. J. J. Tayler. Retrospect of the Religious Life of England, 2nd ed. pp. 205-206. As to the attack on latitudinarianism in the Thirty-nine Articles, see above, p. 460.

[2148] Bacon, Adv. of Learning, bk. i; Filum Labyrinthi, § 7 (Routledge ed. pp. 50, 63, 200).

[2149] Cp. Zeller, Hist. de l'Italie, pp. 400-12; Green, Short Hist. ch. viii, § 2.

[2150] McCrie, p. 164. It was said by Scaliger that "in the time of Pius IV [between Paul IV and Pius V] people talked very freely in Rome." Id. ib. note. "It was even considered characteristic of good society in Rome to call the principles of Christianity in question. 'One passes,' says P. Ant. Bandino, 'no longer for a man of cultivation unless one put forth heterodox opinions concerning the Christian faith.'" Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Bohn, tr. ed. 1908, i, 58, citing Caracciolo's MS. Life of Paul IV.

[2151] Hallam, ii, 116.

[2152] Under the alternative titles of The Examination of Men's Wits and A Trial of Wits. Rep. 1596, 1604, 1616.

[2153] Carew's tr. ed. 1596, p. 15.

[2154] Id. p. 17.

[2155] Id. p. 19.

[2156] According to Henri Estienne, Postell himself vended strange heresies, one being to the effect that to make a good religion there were needed three--the Christian, the Jewish, and the Turkish. Apologie pour Hérodote, liv. i, ed. 1607, pp. 98-100.

[2157] Published at Antwerp. It was reprinted in 1582, 1583, and 1590; translated into Latin in 1583, and frequently reprinted in that form; translated into English (begun by Sir Philip Sidney and completed by Arthur Golding) in 1587, and in that form at least thrice reprinted in blackletter.

[2158] Ed. 1582, p. 18. Eng. tr. 1601, p. 10.

[2159] Or even in modifying philosophic doctrine, save perhaps as regards Descartes, later. Cp. Bartholmess, Hist. crit. des doctr. relig. de la philos. moderne, 1855, i, 21-22.

[2160] See Owen, Skeptics of the French Renaissance, pp. 631-36--a fairer and more careful estimate, than that of Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 111-13.

[2161] Essais, bk. ii, ch. xiii, ed. Firmin-Didot, vol. ii, 2-3; King Lear, i, 2, near end; Les Amants Magnifiques, i, 2; iii, 1. Montaigne echoes Pliny (Hist. Nat. ii, 8), as Molière does Cicero, De Divinatione, ii, 43.

[2162] "Our religion," he writes, "is made to extirpate vices; it protects, nourishes, and incites them" (Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii; éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 464). "There is no enmity so extreme as the Christian." (I quote in general Florio's translation for the flavour's sake; but it should be noted that he makes many small slips.)

[2163] Owen was mistaken (Skeptics of the French Renaissance, p. 414) in supposing that Montaigne spent several years over this translation. By Montaigne's own account at the beginning of the Apologie, it was done in a few days. Cp. Miss Lowndes's excellent monograph, Michel de Montaigne, pp. 103, 106.

[2164] Éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 469.

[2165] Miss Lowndes, p. 145. Cp. Champion, Introd. aux Essais de Montaigne, 1900.

[2166] Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii; liv. iii, ch. v. Ed. cited, i, 65; ii, 309.

[2167] For a view of Montaigne's development see M. Champion's excellent Introduction--a work indispensable to a full understanding of the Essais.

[2168] Liv. ii, ch. xi.

[2169] Cp. the Essais, liv. iii, ch. i (ed. cited, ii, 208). Owen gives a somewhat misleading idea of the passage (French Skeptics, p. 486).

[2170] Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne, p. 131. Cp. Owen, p. 414.

[2171] He was consistent enough to doubt the new cosmology of Copernicus (Essais, as cited, i, 615); and he even made a rather childish attack on the reform of the Calendar (liv. iii, chs. x, xi); but he was a keen and convinced critic of the prevailing abuses in law and education. Owen's discussion of his opinions is illuminating; but that of Champion makes a still more searching analysis as regards the conflicting tendencies in Montaigne.

[2172] Liv. i, ch. liv.

[2173] Liv. i, ch. xx, end.

[2174] Liv. i, ch. xxii.

[2175] Liv. ii, ch. ix.

[2176] Liv. ii, ch. xvii. Ed. cited, ii, 58.

[2177] Id. p. 59.

[2178] Liv. iii, ch. xiii. Ed. cited, ii, 572.

[2179] Cp. the clerical protests of Sterling (Lond. and Westm. Rev. July, 1838, p. 346) and Dean Church (Oxford Essays, p. 279) with the judgment of Champion, pp. 159-73. Sterling piously declares that "All that we find in him [Montaigne] of Christianity would be suitable to apes and dogs...."

[2180] Liv. i, ch. xxii. Cp. liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2181] Below, § 5.

[2182] Liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2183] Liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2184] Cp. citations in Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 18, note 42 (1-vol. ed. p. 296); Locky. Rationalism, i, 92-95; and Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 44.

[2185] As to Henri IV see Perrens, p. 53.

[2186] Not, as Owen states (French Skeptics, p. 569), the sister of Francis I, who died when Charron was eight years old, but the daughter of Henri II, and first wife of Henri of Navarre, afterwards Henri IV.

[2187] Cp. Prof. Strowski, De Montaigne à Pascal, as cited, p. 170 sq., and the Discours Chrétien of Charron--an extract from a letter of 1589--published with the 1609 ed. of the Sagesse.

[2188] Cp. Sainte-Beuve, as cited by Owen, p. 571, note, and Owen's own words, p. 572.

[2189] Owen, p. 571. Cp. pp. 573, 574.

[2190] Bayle, art. Charron. "A brutal atheism" is the account of Charron's doctrine given by the Jesuit Garasse. Cp. Perrens, p. 57.

[2191] Owen (p. 570) comes to this conclusion after carefully collating the editions. Cp. p. 587, note. The whole of the alterations, including those proposed by President Jeannin, will be found set forth in the edition of 1607, and the reprints of that. One of the modified passages (first ed. p. 257; ed. 1609, p. 785) is the Montaignesque comment (noted by Prof. Strowski, p. 195) on the fashion in which men's religion is determined by their place of birth. "C'est du Montaigne aggravé," complains M. Strowski. And it is left unchanged in substance.

[2192] "The first ... attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of morals without the aid of theology" (3-vol. ed. ii, 19; 1-vol. ed. p. 296).

[2193] Cp. Owen, pp. 580-85.

[2194] Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 21; 1-vol. ed. p. 297.

[2195] E.g., the preface to the first edition, ad init.

[2196] E.g., liv. ii, ch. xxviii of revised ed. (ed. 1609, p. 399).

[2197] See the biog. pref. of Labitte to the Charpentier edition, p. xxv. The Satyre in its own turn freely charges atheism and incest on Leaguers; e.g., the Harangue de M. de Lyon, ed. cited, pp. 79, 86. This was by Rapin, whom Garasse particularly accuses of libertinage. See the Doctrine Curieuse, as cited, p. 124.

[2198] It had to be four times reprinted in a few weeks; and the subsequent editions are innumerable. Ever since its issue it has been an anti-fanatical force in France.

[2199] Cp. Ch. Read's introd. to ed. 1886 of the Satyre, p. iii. (An exact reprint.) The Satyre anticipates (ed. Read, p. 281; ed. Labitte, p. 227) the modern saying that the worst peace is better than the best war.

[2200] De Thou, T. v, liv. 98, p. 63, cited in ed. 1699 of the Satyre, p. 489. De Thou was one of the Catholics who loathed the savagery of the Church; and was accordingly branded by the pope as a heretic. Buckle, 1-vol. ed. pp. 291, 300, notes.

[2201] M. Labitte, himself a Catholic, speaks of Garasse's "forfanterie habituelle" and "ton d'insolence sincère qui déguise tant de mensonges" (Pref. cited, p. xxxi.). Prof. Strowski (p. 130) admits too that "Il ne faut pas trop s'attacher aux révélations sensationelles du père Garasse: les maximes qu'il prête aux beaux esprits, il les leur prête en effet, elles ne leur appartient pas toutes. La société secrète, la Confrérie des Bouteilles, ou il les dit engagés, est un invention de sa verve bouffonne." But the Professor, with a "N'importe!", forgives him, and trades on his matter.

[2202] Owen, French Skeptics, p. 659. Cp. Lecky, Rationalism, i, 97, citing Maury, as to the resistance of libertins to the superstition about witchcraft.

[2203] Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits, as cited, p. 208. This is one of the passages which fully explain the opinion of the orthodox of that age that Garasse "helped rather than hindered atheism" (Reimmann, Hist. Atheismi, 1725, p. 408).

[2204] Mersenne ascribed the quatrains to a skilled controversialist. Quæstiones, pref.