Chapter XXI…

Chapter XXI

ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND (FIRST) AND OF HARRISON, 1885-1893.

Grover Cleveland--Completion of the Washington Monument--The Bartholdi Statue--Death of General Grant--Death of Vice-President Hendricks--The First Vice-President to Die in Office--George Clinton--Elbridge Gerry--William R. King--Henry Wilson--Death of General McClellan--Of General Hancock--His Career--The Dispute Between Capital and Labor--Arbitration--The Anarchistic Outbreak in Chicago--The Charleston Earthquake--Conquest of the Apaches--Presidential Election of 1888--Benjamin Harrison--The Johnstown Disaster--Threatened War with Chili--The Indian Uprising of 1890-91--Admission of New States--Presidential Election of 1892.

THE TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENT.

The city of Buffalo, N.Y., has the distinction of being the only one in the United States which has furnished two presidents of the country. Millard Fillmore hailed from Buffalo and Grover Cleveland went from that city to occupy the highest office in the gift of the American people. His native place, however, was Caldwell, New Jersey, where he was born, March 18, 1837. He was the son of a clergyman and received a fair education in the public schools, and became an instructor for a time in an institution for the blind at Clinton, N.Y. He removed to Buffalo in 1855, and, having engaged in the study of law, soon became prominent at the bar. He was appointed assistant district attorney in 1863, and in 1870 was elected sheriff of the county. His course gained the confidence of the community and led to his election as mayor of Buffalo, in 1881, though the city was naturally strongly Republican in politics.

Mr. Cleveland added to his popularity by his able administration and was nominated for governor of the State in the autumn of the following year. His success by the unprecedented majority of 192,854 attracted national attention and led the Democrats to believe he was their most available candidate for the presidency. His course as governor commended itself to his friends, who were so numerous that, when his name was presented at Chicago, he received 683 votes against 137 for all others.

It will be noted that Mr. Cleveland was the first Democratic President since the opening of the war. He assumed his office with the best wishes of the people, though it is worth noting in this place that the majority by which he was elected was much less than a glance at the returns would suggest. At a public reception of Mr. Blaine, during the canvass, a clergyman referred to the Democratic party as that of "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion." This unfortunate expression drove away a number of votes from Mr. Blaine, who was defeated in New York by a few hundreds only; but they were sufficient to turn the thirty-six electoral votes to Mr. Cleveland and secure his election by the majority already named.

COMPLETION OF THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT.

For years preceding the Civil War, and for a long time afterward, the Washington monument was a source of reproach and jest among the people, because so long a period was allowed to pass before its completion. The corner-stone was laid July 4, 1848, at which time Robert C. Winthrop, Speaker of the House of Representatives, delivered the address. The occasion was made notable by the presence of Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and President Polk. The memorial to the greatest American orator that ever lived was allowed to stand uncompleted for thirty-seven years, its formal dedication taking place February 21st (the 22d fell on Sunday), 1885. The address of the venerable W.W. Corcoran, first vice-president of the Washington Monument Society, formed in 1833, was read by Dr. J.C. Welling, president of Columbia University, and the ceremonies were of an interesting character. The Masonic services were conducted by the Grand Lodge of the District of Columbia, which used the gavel that Washington had employed in laying the corner-stone of the national capitol, September 18, 1793, while the Bible was the one upon which he took his vows when made a Mason. A second Bible was the one upon which he was sworn into office, April 30, 1789, when inaugurated President of the United States. This relic is now the property of St. John Lodge, No. 1, of New York City.

President Arthur's address was as follows:

"FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN: Before the dawn of the century whose eventful years will soon have faded into the past--when death had but lately robbed the republic of its most beloved and illustrious citizen--the Congress of the United States pledged the faith of the nation that in this city, bearing his honored name, and then, as now, the seat of the general government, a monument should be erected 'to commemorate the great events of his military and political life.'

"The stately column that stretches heavenward from the plain whereon we stand bears witness to all who behold it that the covenant which our fathers made their children have fulfilled. In the completion of this great work of patriotic endeavor there is abundant cause for national rejoicing; for while this structure shall endure it shall be to all mankind a steadfast token of the affectionate and reverent regard in which this people continue to hold the memory of Washington. Well may he ever keep the foremost place in the hearts of his countrymen; the faith that never faltered; the wisdom that was broader and deeper than any learning taught in schools; the courage that shrank from no peril and was dismayed by no defeat; the loyalty that kept all selfish purposes subordinate to the demands of patriotism and honor; the sagacity that displayed itself in camp and cabinet alike; and, above all, that harmonious union of moral and intellectual qualities which has never found its parallel among men; these are the attributes of character which the intelligent thought of this century ascribes to the grandest figure of the last.

"But other and more eloquent lips than mine will to-day rehearse to you the story of his noble life and its glorious achievements. To myself has been assigned a simpler and more formal duty, in fulfillment of which I do now, as President of the United States and in behalf of the people, receive this monument from the hands of the builder, and declare it dedicated from this time forth to the immortal name and memory of George Washington."

The ceremonies at the monument being completed, those within the capitol followed. General Sheridan was in charge of the military, and the oration of Robert C. Winthrop, who was kept away by illness, was read by Governor Long. John W. Daniel, a leading soldier on the side of the Confederacy during the Civil War and afterward a member of Congress from Virginia, delivered a graphic sketch of Washington, and closed with the eloquent peroration:

"Long live the republic of Washington! Respected by mankind, beloved by all its sons, long may it be the asylum of the poor and oppressed of all lands and religions--long may it be the citadel of that liberty which writes beneath the eagle's folded wings: 'We will sell to no man, we will deny to no man right and justice.'

"Long live the United States of America! Filled with the free, magnanimous spirit, crowned by the wisdom, blessed by the moderation, hovered over by the guardian angel of Washington's example, may they ever be worthy in all things to be defended by the blood of the brave who knew the rights of man--may they each be a column, and all together, under the Constitution, a perpetual temple of peace, unshadowed by a Caesar's palace, at whose altar may freely commune all who seek the union of liberty and brotherhood.

"Long live our country! Oh, long through the undying ages may it stand, far removed in fact, as in space, from the Old World's feuds and follies--solitary and alone in its grandeur and glory--itself the immortal monument of him whom Providence commissioned to teach man the power of truth, and to prove to the nations that their Redeemer liveth."

It is worth noting that the Washington Monument with its 555 feet is the highest in the world; the Cathedral at Cologne, 511 feet, is next; while the height of the Great Pyramid is 486 feet. The cap-stone was put in position December 6, 1884, and the whole cost of the monument was $1,187,710, of which Congress furnished $900,000. An iron stairway of 900 steps and an elevator provide means for ascending the interior.

THE BARTHOLDI STATUE.

When a person enters New York harbor on his visit or return to the New World, the most striking object upon which his eyes rest is the Statue of Liberty. This represents the idea of Liberty enlightening the world, as conceived by Frederick Auguste Bartholdi, the eminent French sculptor. He began circulating his subscriptions for the work through France in 1874. The popularity of the scheme is attested by the fact that contributions were received from 180 cities, forty general councils, a large number of chambers of commerce and of societies, and more than 10,000 subscribers. On the 22d of February, 1877, Congress voted to accept the gift, and set apart Bedlow's Island for the site. The statue was finished in 1883, and displayed to public view for some time in Paris. Its official presentation to the minister of the United States took place July 4, 1884.

The French transport Isere, with the Liberty statue on board, arrived at New York, June 24, 1885, and was saluted and welcomed by a hundred different vessels. The dedication ceremonies, October 28, 1886, were among the most impressive ever witnessed in the metropolis of our country. Among those on the reviewing stand, near the Worth Monument, were President Cleveland, General Sheridan, the members of the President's cabinet, M. Bartholdi, M. de Lesseps, representative of the diplomatic corps at Washington, and many distinguished American citizens.

The following facts will give an idea of the size of this great statue: the forefinger is more than eight feet long; the second joint is about five feet in circumference; the finger-nail is a foot long, and the nose nearly four feet; the head is fourteen and a half feet high, and can accommodate forty persons, while the hollow torch will hold twelve persons. The copper sheets which form the outside of the statue weigh eighty-eight tons. From the base to the top of the torch is slightly more than 150 feet, which is 305 feet above low-water mark.

DEATH OF GENERAL GRANT.

In no event of Cleveland's first administration was the public more deeply concerned than in the death of General Grant, the foremost defender of the Union. After his return from his triumphant journey around the world, he engaged in business in the city of New York. The soul of honor himself, it was hard for him to believe the dishonesty of others; but he became the victim of unscrupulous persons, and lost not only all his own savings but those of many of his friends. He did everything in his power to make good his losses, but succeeded only to a slight extent. He was ruined financially, though a grateful nation would never permit him to suffer want.

It was at this sad period that a cancer developed at the root of his tongue, and, though he received the best medical attention in the country, the malignant excrescence soon made it evident that he was beyond human help. He devoted himself heroically to writing his memoirs, and, with the grim determination which was so marked a feature of his character, he fought off the last great enemy until the valuable work was finished.

General Grant's last days were spent with his family at Mount McGregor in New York State, where he quietly breathed his last on the evening of July 22, 1885. The body was embalmed and removed to the City Hall in New York, where it was viewed by mourning thousands before its removal to the last resting-place in Riverside Park. The final impressive scenes, when the remains were deposited in the mausoleum on the banks of the Hudson, took place in 1897.

DEATH OF VICE-PRESIDENT HENDRICKS.

Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice-President of the United States, died November 25, 1885, at his home in Indianapolis, from paralysis of the heart. He was born in Ohio in 1819, studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1843. He was elected to the Indiana Legislature in 1848, and three years later became Democratic member of Congress from the central district of Indiana. He was chosen a United States senator in 1868, and strongly opposed the impeachment of President Johnson. He was prominently named several times for the presidency of the United States. In Indianapolis, where he had long made his home, he was universally respected by members of all parties.

OTHER VICE-PRESIDENTS WHO DIED IN OFFICE.

Since Mr. Hendricks was not the first Vice-President to die in office, it will be interesting to complete the list. George Clinton served one term under Jefferson, and had nearly ended another under Madison, when he died in 1812. His career had been extraordinary. He was a soldier in the French and Indian War, was a sailor on a privateer, and became a brigadier-general in the Revolution, but was unsuccessful in his defense of the Highland forts in 1777. At one time he was a member of the Provincial Congress and was the first governor of New York, serving for eighteen years, from 1777 to 1795, and again 1801-04, when he became Vice-President. His death occurred in Washington, and the eight pall-bearers were Revolutionary soldiers.

It was a curious coincidence that the next Vice-President to die in office was the immediate successor of Clinton, Elbridge Gerry, who died November 23, 1814. He was a native of Massachusetts, a member of its colonial House of Representatives and a delegate to the Continental Congress. He signed the Declaration of Independence and aided in framing the Constitution, though he refused to sign it, on the ground that it conferred too much power on the national government. He held a number of important public offices and was governor of Massachusetts in 1810 and 1811. In the latter year, the Republicans (modern Democrats) carried out a redistricting scheme by which the Essex district took a form which many fancied bore a resemblance to a salamander. It was from this incident that the word "gerrymander," so often heard in politics in these days, took its name.

It will be recalled that when Franklin Pierce became President, the Vice-President, William R. King, was an invalid in Cuba, where he took the oath of office before the American consul. He was in the last stages of consumption and died shortly after his return to his home in Alabama.

Henry Wilson, Vice-President with General Grant, died November 25, 1875, his death being hastened, it is believed, by the news of the death of his intimate friend, Senator Ferry, of Connecticut.

The death of General McClellan has already been mentioned as taking place on the 29th of October, 1885. A few months later, February 9, 1886, General Hancock died at his home on Governor's Island.

DEATH OF GENERAL HANCOCK--HIS CAREER.

General Winfield Scott Hancock was an ideal American soldier and officer, brave, chivalrous, courteous to foe as well as friend, patriotic, a gentleman at all times and under all circumstances, genial, remarkably handsome and prepossessing in manner, who made friends everywhere. His conduct of political affairs in a section of the South during the troublous reconstruction days won the commendation of his government and the respect of the South, who pronounced him a "just man," for whom they formed a strong personal affection. But for Hancock's unfortunate slip, he assuredly would have been elected President of the United States in 1880.

The two peculiarities of Hancock's birth was that he was a twin and was born on St. Valentine's day, February 14, 1824, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Appointed to West Point, he found among his fellow-cadets U.S. Grant, G.B. McClellan, Rosecrans, Longstreet, and Stonewall Jackson.

Hancock entered the Mexican War as second lieutenant, taking part in three engagements, receiving a wound and winning the brevet of first lieutenant. He was appointed quartermaster in 1855, with the rank of captain. Three years later he was a member of the expedition to Utah to bring the Mormons to terms. When the Civil War broke out, he was at Los Angeles, Southern California, where considerable sympathy was shown for the Southern Confederacy. The tact of the United States forces in that section held the State true, a patriotic speech of General Hancock contributing greatly to the same end.

His patriotism would not allow him to remain idle, and, when he learned of the grave condition of affairs in the East, he applied to be called thither. The request was granted, and he was so anxious to serve his country that he did not pause to call on his parents while on the way to Washington.

Hancock's first appointment was as quartermaster-general in General Robert Anderson's command in Kentucky; but McClellan, who knew his worth, made a personal request of President Lincoln to appoint him brigadier-general. His commission was dated September 23, 1861. McClellan said of him: "He was a man of the most chivalrous courage and of superb presence, especially in action; he had a wonderfully quick and correct eye for ground and for handling troops; his judgment was good, and it would be difficult to find a better corps commander."

General Hancock gave invaluable help in moulding the Army of the Potomac into the magnificent form it attained, and his brigade was conceded to be the finest and most effective in the whole army at the time the landing was made on the peninsula between Chesapeake Bay and the James River.

In the bloody battle of Williamsburg, his skill and personal courage were of the highest order. Making a feint of retreating, he drew the enemy after him into the position he intended, when he turned and assailed them with a furious musketry fire. It was his men who captured the first colors taken by the Army of the Potomac, and it was on that occasion that Hancock used the expression which has been often quoted. In the midst of the tumult and swirl of battle he shouted: "Now, gentlemen, we will give them the bayonet!" Hancock received the personal thanks of McClellan for his fine work.

He was always loyal to his superiors, McClellan, Burnside, McClellan again, Hooker, and Meade, rapidly rising in prominence until at the great battle of Gettysburg he contributed perhaps more than any single man to the success of the Union arms. Among the titles applied to him by his admiring countrymen were "The Superb" and "The Hero of Gettysburg."

The Confederates who came in contact with him expressed their admiration of his dauntless courage and coolness. He was painfully wounded, but, while lying on a stretcher, he sent a message to General Meade that the Confederate army was in retreat. Meade replied with his grateful thanks and sympathy, and Congress also thanked him.

His ardent patriotism placed him in the saddle before his wound had healed, and at one time during the battle of the Wilderness he was obliged to give up his command. At Chancellorsville he captured the whole division of General Edward Johnson. When that officer was brought into Hancock's tent the latter extended his hand to his old acquaintance, exclaiming heartily, "How are you, Ned?"

"I refuse to take your hand," replied the humiliated prisoner.

"All right," said Hancock, "I shouldn't have offered it to you under any other circumstances."

Hancock was in command of the Second Army Corps for the last time at the battle of Boydton. His remarkable skill in training soldiers caused Secretary Stanton to assign to him the task of organizing the First Veteran Corps, composed of soldiers, all of whom had been in service two years. He afterward commanded the Army of the Shenandoah, and was in charge at Washington at the time of the assassination of Lincoln.

In 1869, he was transferred from the command of the division of the Atlantic and assigned to that of Dakota, where he remained until 1872, when he resumed command of the division of the Atlantic. His last public appearance was when he commanded the military forces which assisted in the funeral ceremonies of General Grant.

As a proof that General Hancock's skill with the pen was hardly less than that with the sword, the following extract is given from an article by him on the battle of Gettysburg:

"Cemetery Hill has since become consecrated ground. The place where General Howard was superseded in command on the first day of the fight is now covered with the graves of thousands of gallant soldiers whose bones lie buried at the base of the beautiful monumental column which commemorates their fame. Two of the marble statues ornamenting the pedestal personify War and History. War, symbolized by a soldier resting from the conflict, narrates to History the story of the struggle and the deeds of the martyr-heroes who fell in that famous battle. In remembrance of these noble comrades who laid down their lives for the general weal, it were simply sacrilege for any survivor to pour into the ears of History an incorrect account of the contest, still more to assume to himself honors belonging perhaps less to the living than to the dead.

"The historian of the future who essays to tell the tale of Gettysburg undertakes an onerous task, a high responsibility, a sacred trust. Above all things, justice and truth should dwell in his mind and heart. Then, dipping his pen as it were in the crimson tide, the sunshine of heaven lighting his page, giving 'honor to whom honor is due,' doing even justice to the splendid valor alike of friend and foe, he may tell the world how the rain descended in streams of fire, and the floods came in the billows of rebellion, and the winds blew in blasts of fraternal execration, and beat upon the fabric of the Federal Union, and that it fell not, for, resting on the rights and liberties of the people, it was founded upon a rock." General Hancock died February 9, 1886.

CAPITAL AND LABOR.

Perhaps the gravest problem which confronts our country is the eternal strife between capital and labor. It is a problem which when solved will prove one of the most beneficent boons that ever blessed mankind. Disputes continually arise between employers and employees; strikes have occurred without number, many of them attended by violence, the destruction of property and lamentable loss of life. Arbitration is the best and most sensible cure for the grave peril which at times has seemed to threaten the safety of our institutions, and when the employer and those dependent upon him for the support of themselves and families meet in a friendly spirit and discuss their differences, they are certain to reach an amicable agreement.

That men have the right to strike and combine against a lowering of their wages or for the purpose of increasing them is beyond all dispute. That they have the right to destroy property or prevent other men from taking their places is contended by no intelligent person, but, so long as human nature remains as it is, they will do so, with the result that in almost every instance it is the laborers themselves who are the greatest losers and sufferers.

One fact for which all ought to be grateful is that the murderous anarchists who once plotted and struck with the venom of rattlesnakes have either disappeared or ceased their evil work. They are scarcely heard of in these days, and that it may ever remain thus is the fervent wish of every patriotic and right-minded citizen.

It is inevitable that so long as the United States remains an asylum for the persecuted and oppressed of all nations, it must receive many of the miscreants that have been compelled to flee from their own countries to escape the penalty of their crimes. Despite the ravings of the anarchists, we have good-naturedly let them alone, not believing they would ever dare to carry out any of the threats which they were so fond of making. Thus they became emboldened and finally ventured to put their execrable principles into practice.

There were a good many strikes in different parts of the country in the early months of 1886. A number were settled by arbitration, such as the strike on the elevated railroads in New York City, but others were fought out to the bitter end.

A strike occurred on the Missouri Pacific Railroad in the spring of 1886. The strikers became violent, destroyed property, and a number of lives were lost. The end came in May, and, as is generally the case, it was against the employes, many of whom were unable to regain the places that had been taken by others.

ANARCHISTIC OUTBREAK IN CHICAGO.

The cry for eight hours, at the same rate of wages previously paid for ten, was raised in New York and Chicago in May, 1886. Here and there a compromise of nine hours was agreed upon with a half of each Saturday for the employes, but in other cases the employers would not yield anything. This issue led to the strike of 40,000 workmen in Chicago, who were chiefly lumbermen, brickmakers, freight-handlers, iron-workers, and men employed in factories. So many people were idle that business of all kinds suffered. Naturally there were many parades and much speech-making. That "an idle mind is the devil's workshop" was proven by the appearance of the communistic red flag in some of the parades and by the savage utterances of their speech-makers.

The pork packers and brewers amicably adjusted the strikes of their men, but the majority of the employers refused to concede anything. Sunday, the 2d of May, passed without incident, but the police knew the anarchists were plotting and trouble was at hand. Probably 12,000 strikers gathered the next day at the McCormick Reaper Works on Western Avenue, where they shattered the windows with stones. At the moment an attack was about to be made upon the buildings, a patrol wagon dashed up with twelve policemen, who sprang to the ground. Drawing their revolvers they faced the mob and ordered them to disperse. They were answered with a volley of stones. The policemen fired twice over the heads of the rioters, thereby encouraging instead of intimidating them. Seeing the folly of throwing away their shots, the policemen now fired directly at the rioters, who answered with pistol-shots, but they did not hit any of the officers.

Other patrol wagons hurried up, and the officers did not wait until they could leap out before opening fire. Their brave attack forced back the mob, and in the course of an hour the streets were cleared. The terrified workmen were escorted by the policemen to their homes. But for such protection they would have been killed by the infuriated rioters.

Tuesday was marked by many affrays between the officers and law-breakers, but no serious conflict occurred. Placards were distributed during the day, calling upon the "workingmen" to meet that evening at the old Haymarket Place, and the organ of the anarchists urged the men to arm against the police. At the meeting the most incendiary speeches were made, and the speakers had roused the several thousand listeners to the highest pitch of excitement, when Inspector Bonfield at the head of a column of officers forced his way to the stand, ordered the speaker to stop, and commanded the crowd to disperse. He was answered with jeers and a storm of missiles. While the policemen were calmly awaiting the orders of the inspector, some one in the crowd threw a sputtering dynamite bomb at the feet of the officers.

A moment later it exploded, killing seven and crippling eleven for life. The enraged survivors dashed into the mob, shooting and using their clubs with fearful effect. Within five minutes the crowd was scattered, but many lay dead and wounded on the ground. In the investigation that followed, it was shown that the anarchists had planned to slay hundreds of innocent people and plunder the city. Their leaders were brought to trial, ably defended, and the most prominent sentenced to death. One committed suicide, a number were hanged, and others sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. All of the latter were pardoned by Governor Altgeld when he assumed office. Since that time, as has been stated, the anarchists have given little trouble.

THE CHARLESTON EARTHQUAKE.

The year 1886 was marked by one of the most terrifying visitations that can come to any country. Earthquake shocks have been felt in different places in the United States, and the earth-tremors are so frequent in California that they cause little alarm, for very few have inflicted any damage to property or life.

On the night of August 31st, the city of Richmond, Virginia, was thrown into consternation by a series of earthquake shocks. The convicts in the penitentiary became so panic-stricken that the militia had to be called out to control them. The shock was felt still more violently in Columbia, South Carolina. The buildings swayed as if rocked in a gale, and hundreds of citizens rushed into the street in their night robes. The scenes were less startling in Memphis, Nashville, Raleigh, Chattanooga, Selma, Lynchburg, Norfolk, Mobile, St. Louis, Cleveland, Indianapolis, Chicago, Pittsburg, while the tremor was felt as far north as Albany, N.Y.

The most fearful visitation, however, was at Charleston, South Carolina. Telegraphic communication was cut off with the rest of the world, and for hours the horrifying belief prevailed that the city had been entirely destroyed. Such, happily, was not the fact, though never in all the stormy history of Charleston did she pass through so terrible an experience.

Late on the evening named, the inhabitants found themselves tossed about, with their houses tumbling into ruins. They ran in terror into the streets, many not stopping until they reached the open country, while others flung themselves on their knees and begged heaven to save them.

The shocks that night were ten in number, each less violent than its predecessor. Fires started in several quarters, and twenty houses were burned before the firemen gained control. The next morning vibrations again shook the city, all coming from the southeast and passing off in a northwesterly direction. The first warning was a deep, subterraneous rumbling, then the earth quivered and heaved, and in a few seconds the terrific wave had gone by. When night came again, 50,000 people--men, women, and children--were in the streets, none daring to enter their houses. They fled to the open squares to escape being crushed by the falling buildings. Many believed the day of judgment had come and the negroes were frenzied with terror.

Singular effects of the earthquake showed themselves. In some places, the covers were hurled from the wells and were followed by geysers of mud and water. Some wells were entirely emptied, but they soon refilled. The shocks continued at varying intervals for several weeks, though none was as violent as at first. In Charleston fully a hundred people were killed and two-thirds of the city required rebuilding. While damage was done at other points, none equaled that at Charleston.

The country was quick to respond to the needs of the smitten city. Contributions were forwarded from every point as freely as when Chicago was devastated by fire. Tents, provisions, and many thousands of dollars were sent thither. Even Queen Victoria telegraphed her sympathy to President Cleveland. One of the mitigations of such scourges is that they seem to draw humanity closer into one general brotherhood.

CONQUEST OF THE APACHES.

An important work accomplished during the first administration of Cleveland was the conquest and subjection of the Apaches of the Southwest. These Indians are the most terrible red men that ever lived anywhere. They are incredibly tough of frame, as merciless as tigers, and capable of undergoing hardships and privations before which any other people would succumb. They will travel for days without a mouthful of food, will go for hour after hour through a climate that is like that of Sahara without a drop of moisture, will climb precipitous mountains as readily as a slight declivity, will lope across the burning deserts all day without fatigue, or, if riding one of their wiry ponies, will kill and eat a portion of them when hunger must be attended to, and then continue their journey on foot.

If a party of Apache raiders are hard pressed by cavalry, they will break up and continue their flight singly, meeting at some rendezvous many miles away, after the discouraged troopers have abandoned pursuit. They seem as impervious to the fiery heat of Arizona and New Mexico as salamanders. Tonight they may burn a ranchman's home, massacre him and all his family, and to-morrow morning will repeat the crime fifty miles distant.

No men could have displayed more bravery and endurance in running down the Apaches than the United States cavalry. The metal-work of their weapons grew so hot that it would blister the bare hands, and for days the thermometer marked one hundred and twenty degrees.

Captain Bourke, who understands these frightful red men thoroughly, gives the following description of the Apache:

"Physically, he is perfect; he might be a trifle taller for artistic effect, but his apparent 'squattiness' is due more to great girth of chest than to diminutive stature. His muscles are hard as bone, and I have seen one light a match on the sole of his foot. When Crook first took the Apache in hand, he had few wants and cared for no luxuries. War was his business, his life, and victory his dream. To attack a Mexican camp or isolated village, and run off a herd of cattle, mules, or sheep, he would gladly travel hundreds of miles, incurring every risk and displaying a courage which would have been extolled in a historical novel as having happened in a raid by Highlanders upon Scotchmen; but when it was your stock, or your friend's stock, it became quite a different matter. He wore no clothing whatever save a narrow piece of calico or buckskin about his loins, a helmet also of buckskin, plentifully crested with the plumage of the wild turkey and eagle, and long-legged moccasins, held to the waist by a string, and turned up at the toes in a shield which protected him from stones and the 'cholla' cactus. If he felt thirsty, he drank from the nearest brook; if there was no brook near by he went without, and, putting a stone or a twig in his mouth to induce a flow of saliva, journeyed on. When he desired to communicate with friends at home, or to put himself in correspondence with persons whose co-operation had been promised, he rubbed two sticks together, and dense signal smoke rolled to the zenith, and was answered from peaks twenty and thirty miles away. By nightfall, his bivouac was pitched at a distance from water, generally on the flank of a rocky mountain, along which no trail would be left, and up which no force of cavalry could hope to ascend without making noise enough to wake the dead."

This graphic picture of the dusky scourge of the Southwest will explain the dread in which he was held by all who were compelled to live away from the towns. When practicable, the ranchmen combined against the Apaches, but, from the necessities of the case, they were powerless to extirpate the pests. Unsuccessful attempts were made by the military forces, but nothing definite was accomplished until General George Crook took the work in hand.

Crook was an old Indian campaigner who thoroughly understood the nature of the difficult task before him. His preparations being completed, he ordered his different columns to converge, December 9, 1872, on Tonto Basin, which was one of the principal strongholds of the Apaches in Arizona. The section is inclosed by the Mogollen, the Mazatzal, and the Sierra Ancha Mountains, and the timbered region is so elevated that during the winter months it is covered with snow. Crook himself took station at Camp Grant, one of the most unattractive posts in the country.

This officer having started on his campaign pushed it with untiring energy. He had selected the best Indian fighters to be found anywhere, and they pursued and rounded up the bucks with amazing skill and persistency. As soon as they corralled a party of hostiles, they impressed the best trailers and used them in running down the others. The Indians were allowed no time to rest. When they had fled many miles, and supposed their pursuers were left far out of sight, as had hitherto been the case, they discovered them at their heels. Plunging into their fastnesses in the mountains did not avail, for the white and the red trailers could follow and did follow them wherever they took refuge.

The pursuing detachments frequently crossed one another's trails, often met and kept within supporting distance. The danger which threatened the Apaches was as present in the darkness as when the sun was shining. One of the seemingly inaccessible strongholds was reached by the troopers pushing the pursuit all through the night. As a proof of the skill of the Apache trailers, it may be said they were often guided in the gloom by the feeling of their feet, which told them when they were on the trail of the enemy. Captain Bourke, whom we have quoted, was in command of a detachment of the best Indian trailers and sharpshooters. He thus describes the scene and incidents, when, after hours of stealthy pursuit through the rough region, they came upon the hostiles, who believed themselves beyond reach of the most persistent enemies of any race:

"Lieutenant William J. Ross, of the Twenty-first Infantry, was assigned to lead the first detachment, which contained the best shots from among the soldiers, packers, and scouts. The second detachment came under my own orders. Our pioneer party slipped down the face of the precipice without accident, following a trail from which an incautious step would have caused them to be dashed to pieces; after a couple of hundred yards this brought them face to face with the cave, and not two hundred feet from it. In front of the cave was the party of raiders, just returned from their successful trip of killing and robbing in the settlement near Florence on the Gila River. They were dancing to keep themselves warm and to express their joy over their safe return. Half a dozen or more of the squaws had arisen from their slumbers and were bending over a fire and hurriedly preparing refreshments for their victorious kinsmen. The fitful gleam of the glowing flame gave a Macbethian tinge to the weird scene, and brought into bold relief the grim outlines of the cliffs, between whose steep walls, hundreds of feet below, growled the rushing current of the swift Salado.

"The Indians, men and women, were in high good humor, and why should they not be? Sheltered in the bosom of these grim precipices, only the eagle, the hawk, the turkey buzzard, or the mountain sheep could venture to intrude upon them. But hark! What is that noise? Can it be the breeze of morning which sounds 'click, click?' You will know in one second more, poor, deluded, red-skinned wretches, when the 'bang! boom!' of rifles and carbines, reverberating like the roar of a cannon, from peak to peak, shall lay six of your number dead in the dust.

"The cold, gray dawn of that chill December morning was sending its first rays above the horizon and looking down upon one of the worst bands of Apaches in Arizona, caught like wolves in a trap. They rejected with scorn our summons to surrender, and defiantly shrieked that not one of our party should escape from the canyon. We heard their death-song chanted, and then out of the cave and over the great pile of rocks, which protected the entrance like a parapet, swarmed the warriors. But we outnumbered them three to one, and poured in lead by the bucketful. The bullets, striking the mouth and roof of the cave, glanced among the savages in rear of the parapet, and wounded some of the women and children, whose wails filled the air.

"During the heaviest part of the firing, a little boy not more than four years old, absolutely naked, ran out at the side of the parapet and stood dumfounded between the two fires. Nantaje, without a moment's pause, rushed forward, grasped the trembling infant by the arm, and escaped unhurt with him, inside our lines. A bullet, probably deflected from the rocks, had struck the boy on top of his head and plowed around to the back of his neck, leaving a welt an eighth of an inch thick, but not injuring him seriously. Our men suspended their firing to cheer Nantaje and welcome the new arrival; such is the inconsistency of human nature.

"Again the Apaches were summoned to surrender, or, if they would not do that, to let such of their women and children as so desired pass out between the lines; again they yelled their refusal. Their end had come. The detachment led by Major Brown at the top of the precipice, to protect our retreat in case of necessity, had worked its way over to a high shelf of rock overlooking the enemy beneath, and began to tumble down great bowlders, which speedily crushed the greater number of the Apaches. The Indians on the San Carlos reservation still mourn periodically for the seventy-six of their relatives who yielded up the ghost that morning. Every warrior died at his post. The women and children had hidden themselves in the inner recesses of the cave, which was of no great depth, and were captured and taken to Camp McDowell. A number of them had been struck by glancing bullets or fragments of falling rock. As soon as our pack trains could be brought up, we mounted the captives on our horses and mules and started for the nearest military station, the one just named, over fifty miles away."

This was one of the most decisive blows received by the hostiles. No more murderous band had ever desolated the ranches of Southern Arizona. It had been virtually wiped out by the troopers, who, complete as was their work, lost only a single man.

A GREAT TRANSFORMATION.

This achievement may illustrate the manner in which the American troopers did their work. A few days later a blow almost as destructive was delivered at Turret Butte, and within a month a hundred and ten Apaches in the Superstition Mountains surrendered to Major Brown and accompanied him to Camp Grant. The Indians understood the character of the man who was pressing them so remorselessly. They offered to surrender to General Crook, who told them that, if they would stop killing people and live peaceful lives, he would teach them to work, find a market for their products, and prove himself the truest friend they could have.

They accepted the offer, for they knew Crook could be trusted. Strange as it may appear, he had all the Apaches within a month at work digging ditches, cutting hay and wood, planting vegetables, and as peaceful and contented as so many farmers in the interior of one of our own States. This transformation included all the Apaches in Arizona, excepting the Chiricahuas, who were not within the jurisdiction of Crook.

The terrible scourge that had so long desolated the Southwest was gone, and all would have been well but for the vicious "Indian Ring" in Washington, or, as it was more popularly known, the "Tucson Ring," who secured legislation by which the 6,000 Apaches were ordered to leave the reservation and go to that of San Carlos, where the soil is arid, the water brackish, and the flies make life intolerable. As was inevitable, the Indians were exasperated and revolted. They preferred to be shot down while resenting the injustice than to submit quietly to it. Again the reign of terror opened, and the blood of hundreds of innocent people paid for the villainy of the rapacious miscreants who were beyond reach.

GERONIMO, THE FAMOUS APACHE CHIEF.

The most famous chief of the Warm Spring Apaches was Geronimo. Another hardly less prominent was his cousin Chato, who joined the whites in their attempts to run down Geronimo. They professed to hate each other, but there is ground for believing the two were secret allies, and kept up continual communication by which Geronimo was able to avoid his pursuers and continue his fearful career.

General Crook took the saddle again, when Geronimo escaped from Fort Apache in May, 1885, with a band of more than a hundred warriors, women, and children. They traveled one hundred and twenty miles before making their first camp. Try as they might, the cavalry could not get within gunshot, and, though the chase was pressed for hundreds of miles, the fugitives placed themselves beyond reach for a time in the Sierra Madre Mountains.

But Crook never let up, and finally corralled Geronimo. He held him just one night, when he escaped. The wily leader stole back to camp the next night, carried off his wife, and was beyond reach before pursuit could be made.

There was an agreement between the United States and Mexico by which the troops of the former were allowed to follow any marauding Indians beyond the Rio Grande when they were seeking escape by entering Mexico. General H.W. Lawton (who won fame in Cuba during our late war with Spain and still more in the Philippines) took the field with the Fourth Cavalry, May 5, 1885. Lawton is a giant in stature and strength, with more endurance than an Indian, absolutely fearless, and he was resolute to run down the Apaches, even if compelled to chase them to the city of Mexico.

And he did it. Geronimo was followed with such untiring persistency, losing a number of his bucks in the attacks made on him, that in desperation he crossed the Rio Grande and headed again for the Sierra Madre. A hot chase of two hundred miles brought the Apaches to bay, and a brisk fight took place within the confines of Mexico. The Indians fled again, and Lawton kept after them. The pursuit took the troopers 300 miles south of the boundary line, the trail winding in and out of the mountains and canyons of Sonora, repeatedly crossing and doubling upon itself, but all the time drawing nearer the dusky scourges, who at last were so worn out and exhausted that when summoned to surrender they did so.

Geronimo, one of the worst of all the Apaches, was once more a prisoner with his band. But he had been a prisoner before, only to escape and renew his outrages. So long as he was anywhere in the Southwest, the ranchmen felt unsafe. Accordingly, he and his leading chiefs were sent to Fort Pickens, Florida, the others being forwarded to Fort Marion, St. Augustine. Their health after a time was affected, and they were removed to Mount Vernon, Alabama. The prisoners, including the women and children, number about 400. A school was opened, whither the boys and girls were sent to receive instruction, and some of the brightest pupils in the well-known Indian School at Carlisle were the boys and girls whose fathers were merciless raiders in Arizona only a few years ago, and who are now quiet, peaceful, contented, and "good Indians." The Apaches have been thoroughly conquered, and the ranchmen and their families have not the shadow of a fear that the terror that once shadowed their thresholds can ever return.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1888.

Although President Cleveland offended many of his party by his devotion to the policy of civil service reform, he was renominated in 1888, while the nominee of the Republicans was Benjamin Harrison. Other tickets were placed in the field, and the November election resulted as follows: Grover Cleveland and Allen G. Thurman, Democrats, 168 electoral votes; Benjamin Harrison and Levi P. Morton, Republicans, 233; Clinton B. Fisk and John A. Brooks, Prohibition, received 249,907 popular votes; Alson J. Streeter and C.E. Cunningham, United Labor, 148,105; James L. Curtis and James R. Greer, American, 1,591.

THE TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT.

Benjamin Harrison was born at North Bend, Ohio, August 20, 1833. His father was a farmer, and his father was General William Henry Harrison, governor of the Northwest Territory, and afterward President of the United States, and the first to die in office. His father was Benjamin Harrison, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Thus the twenty-third President possesses illustrious lineage.

Benjamin Harrison entered Miami University when a boy, and was graduated before the age of twenty. He studied law, and upon his admission to the bar settled in Indianapolis, which has since been his home. He volunteered early in the war, and won the praise of Sheridan and other leaders for his gallantry and bravery. He was elected to the United States Senate in 1881, and his ability placed him among the foremost leaders in that distinguished body. As a debater and off-hand speaker, he probably has no superior, while his ability as a lawyer long ago placed him in the very front rank of his profession.

THE JOHNSTOWN DISASTER.

The Conemaugh Valley, in the eastern part of Pennsylvania, is about twenty miles in length. The city of Johnstown lies thirty-nine miles west-southwest of Altoona and seventy-eight miles east-by-south of Pittsburg. It is the seat of the Cambria Iron Works, which give employment to fully 6,000 men, and is one of the leading industrial establishments of the country. Conemaugh Lake is at the head of the winding valley, eighteen miles away, and was the largest reservoir of water in the world. It was a mile and a half wide at its broadest part, and two miles and a half long. Most of the lake was a hundred feet deep. The dam was a fifth of a mile wide, ninety feet thick at its base, and one hundred and ten feet high. The mass of water thus held in restraint was inconceivable.

The people living in the valley below had often reflected upon the appalling consequences if this dam should give way. Few persons comprehend the mighty strength of water, whose pressure depends mainly upon its depth. A tiny stream, no thicker than a pipe-stem, can penetrate deeply enough into a mountain to split it apart, and, should the reservoir ever burst its bounds, it would spread death and desolation over miles of country below.

There had been several alarms, but the engineers sent to make an examination of the dam always reported it safe, and the people, like those who live at the base of a volcano, came to believe that all the danger existed in their imagination.

On the 31st of May, 1889, the dam suddenly gave way, sliding from its base, like an oiled piece of machinery, and the vast mass of water shot forward at the speed of more than two miles a minute. Seven minutes after the bursting of the dam, the head of the resistless flood was eighteen miles down the valley. A man on horseback had started, at a dead-run, some minutes before the catastrophe, shouting a warning to the inhabitants, some of whom, by instantly taking to flight up the mountain side, were able to save themselves, but the majority waited too long.

A FURIOUS TORRENT.

Imagination cannot picture the awful power of this prodigious torrent. Trees were uptorn or flattened to the earth, houses, locomotives, and massive machinery were tumbled over and over and bobbed about like so many corks, and the flood struck Johnstown with the fury of a cyclone, sweeping everything before it, as if it were so much chaff. Tearing through the city and carrying with it thousands of tons of wreckage of every description, it plunged down the valley till it reached the railroad bridge below Johnstown. There, for the first time, it encountered an obstruction which it could not overcome. The structure stood as immovable as a solid mountain, and the furious torrent piled up the debris for a mile in width and many feet in depth. In this mass were engines, houses, trees, furniture, household utensils, iron in all forms, while, winding in and out, were hundreds of miles of barbed wire, which knit the wreckage together. In many of the dwellings people were imprisoned, and before a step could be taken to relieve them fire broke out and scores were burned to death.

How many people lost their lives in the Johnstown flood will never be known. The remains of bodies were found for months and even years afterward. The official list, when made up, was 2,280, of which 741 bodies were unidentified; but there is little doubt that the loss was fully twice the number given. Nothing of the kind has ever before occurred in the history of our country, and it is to be hoped that such a disaster will never be repeated.

Again the calamity awoke an instant sympathetic response. Provisions, tents, and money were sent to the sufferers from all parts of the Union, and nothing that could relieve them was neglected. Johnstown was soon rebuilt, and to-day there are no signs of the fearful visitation it received, only a comparatively short time since. On November 14, 1892, at the payment of the annuity provided for the orphans of Johnstown, the sum of $20,325 was distributed.

We came very near to having a war with Chili in the latter part of 1891. On the 16th of October of that year, some forty men, attached to the American warship Baltimore, lying in the harbor of Valparaiso, obtained leave to go ashore. Sailors at such times are as frolicksome as so many boys let out for a vacation, and it cannot be claimed that these Jackies were models of order and quiet behavior. They were in uniform and without weapons.

They had been in the city only a short time, when one of them became involved in a wrangle with a Chilian. His companions went to his assistance whereupon a native mob quickly gathered and set upon them. The Chilians detest Americans, and, seeing a chance to vent their feelings, they did so with vindictive fury. They far outnumbered the sailors, and besides nearly every one of them was armed. The boatswain's mate of the Baltimore, Riggin by name, was killed and several seriously wounded, one of whom afterward died from his injuries. Thirty-five of the Americans were arrested and thrown into prison, but as they could not be held upon any criminal charge they were released.

The captain of the Baltimore was the present Rear-Admiral Schley, who rescued the Greely party of Arctic explorers, and gave so good an account of himself, while in command of the Brooklyn, during the destruction of Cervera's fleet off Santiago, July 3, 1898. When our government learned of the affair, it directed Captain Schley to make a full investigation. He did so, and his report left no doubt that the Chilians had committed a gross outrage against our flag.

The next act of our government was to demand an apology from Chili and the payment of an indemnity to the sufferers and to the families of those who had been killed by the attack of the mob. Chili is a fiery nation, and her reply was so insolent that preparations were set on foot to bring her to terms by force of arms. At the moment, as may be said, when war impended, she sent an apology and forwarded a satisfactory indemnity, whereupon the flurry subsided.

A GREAT INDIAN WAR THREATENED IN 1890-1891.

A still greater danger threatened the country in the winter of 1890-1891, when we were menaced by the most formidable Indian uprising that has ever occurred in the history of our country.

Indian wars hitherto had been confined to certain localities, where, by the prompt concentration of troops, they were speedily subdued; but in the instance named the combination was among the leading and most warlike tribes, who roamed over thousands of square miles of the Northwest. A fact not generally suspected is that the red men of this country are as numerous to-day as they ever were. While certain tribes have disappeared, others have increased in number, with the result that the sentimental fancy that at some time in the future the red man will disappear from the continent has no basis in fact. The probability is that they will increase, though not so rapidly as their Caucasian brethren.

The strongest tribe in the Northwest is the Sioux. It was they who perpetrated the massacres in Minnesota in 1862. If necessary they could place 5,000 warriors in the field, with every man a brave and skillful fighter in his way. It was they, too, who overwhelmed Custer and his command on the Little Big Horn in June, 1876. When it is added that the squaws are as vicious fighters as their husbands, it will be understood what a war with them means, especially since they have the help of neighboring tribes.

For a long time there have been two classes of Indians. The progressives favor civilization, send their children to Carlisle and other schools, engage in farming, and, in short, are fully civilized. They remain on their reservation and give the government no trouble. Opposed to them are the barbarians, or untamable red men, who refuse to accept civilization, hate the whites, and are ready to go to war on a slight pretext, even though they know there can be but one result, which is their own defeat.

The Indians are among the most superstitious people in the world. When, therefore, a number of warriors appeared among them, dressed in white shirts, engaging in furious "ghost dances," and declaring that the Messiah was about to revisit the earth, drive out the white men, and restore the hunting grounds to the faithful Indians, the craze spread and the fanatical promises of the ghost dancers were eagerly accepted by thousands of red men.

SITTING BULL.

The most dangerous Sioux Indian was the medicine man known as Sitting Bull, already referred to in our account of the Custer massacre. He always felt bitter against the whites, and had caused them a good deal of trouble. He saw in the ghost dance the opportunity for which he longed, and he began urging his people to unite against their hereditary enemies, as he regarded them.

It soon became apparent that, unless he was restrained, he would cause the worst kind of trouble, and it was determined to arrest him. The most effective officers employed against the men are the Indian police in the service of the United States government. These people did not like Sitting Bull, and hoped they would have trouble in arresting him, since it would give the pretext they wanted for shooting him.

Sitting Bull's camp was forty miles northwest of Fort Yates, North Dakota, whither the Indian police rode on the morning of December 15, 1890, with the United States cavalry lingering some distance in the rear. The taunts of Sitting Bull's boy Crowfoot caused him to offer resistance, and in a twinkling both parties began shooting. Sitting Bull, his son, and six warriors were killed, while four of the Indian police lost their lives, among them the one who had fired the fatal shot at the medicine man.

The remaining members of Sitting Bull's command fled to the "Bad Lands" of Dakota, but a number were persuaded to return to Pine Ridge Agency. There were so many, however, who refused to come in that the peril assumed the gravest character. The only way to bring about a real peace was to compel the disarming of the Indians, for so long as they had weapons in their hands they were tempted to make use of them.

It was the time for coolness, tact, and discretion, and the American officers displayed it to a commendable degree. They carefully avoided giving the Indians cause for offense, while insisting at the same time upon their being disarmed.

On December 28th, a band of malcontents were located near Wounded Knee Creek, by the Seventh Cavalry, who had been hunting several days for them. They were sullen, but, when ordered to surrender their weapons, made a pretense of doing so. Emerging from their tepees, however, they produced only a few worthless weapons. Being sharply ordered to bring the remainder, they suddenly wheeled and began firing upon the soldiers. In an instant, a fierce fight was in progress, with the combatants standing almost within arm's reach of one another.

SQUAWS AS VICIOUS AS WILDCATS.

Twenty-eight soldiers were killed and thirty wounded, while fully as many of the Indians were shot down. In the fighting, the squaws were as vicious as wildcats, and fought with as much effectiveness as the warriors. A wounded officer was beaten to death by several of them before he could be rescued. Finally, the Indians fled and joined the malcontents, already assembled in the Bad Lands.

This affair made the outlook still darker. The Seventh Cavalry had just reached camp on the morning of December 30th, when a courier dashed up to Pine Ridge, with word that the Catholic Mission building was on fire and the Indians were killing the teachers and pupils. The wearied troopers galloped hurriedly thither, but found the burning building was the day school, a mile nearer Pine Ridge. A strong force of Indians were gathered beyond, and the Seventh attacked them. The Sioux were so numerous that the cavalry were in great danger of being surrounded, when a vigorous attack by the Ninth Cavalry (colored) on the rear of the Indians scattered them.

Warriors continued to slip away from the agency and join the hostiles. Their signal fires were seen burning at night, and recruits came all the way from British America to help them. It was remarked at one time that the only friendly Indians were the police, a few Cheyennes, and the scouts, including a few Sioux chiefs, among whom American Horse was the most conspicuous. He never wavered in his loyalty to the whites, and boldly combated in argument his enemies, at the risk of being killed at any moment by his infuriated countrymen.

THE ALARMING CLOUD DISSOLVED.

There were a number of skirmishes and considerable fighting, but General Miles, who assumed charge of all the military movements, displayed admirable tact. When the Sioux began slowly coming toward the agency, it was under orders from him that not a gun should be fired nor a demonstration made except to repel an attack or to check a break on the part of the Indians. This course was followed, the troopers keeping at a goodly distance behind the hostiles, who seemed more than once on the point of wheeling about and assailing them, despite their promises to come into the agency and surrender their arms.

The Sioux, however, kept their pledge, and, on the 15th of January, 1891, the immense cavalcade entered the agency. Everyone was amazed at the strength displayed by the Indians, which was far greater than supposed. In the procession were 732 lodges, and careful estimates made the whole number 11,000, of whom 3,000 were warriors. Had these red men broken loose and started upon the war trail, the consequences would have been frightful.

While the weapons turned in by the Indians were only a few in number and of poor quality, General Miles was satisfied the trouble was over and issued a congratulatory address to those under his command. His opinion of the situation proved correct, and the alarming war cloud that had hung over the Northwest melted and dissolved. While there have been slight troubles in different parts of the country since, none assumed a serious character, and it is believed impossible that ever again the peril of 1890-91 can threaten the country.

ADMISSION OF NEW STATES.

Several States were admitted to the Union during Harrison's administration. The first were North and South Dakota, which became States in November, 1889. The Dakotas originally formed part of the Louisiana purchase. The capital was first established at Yankton in March, 1862, but was removed to Bismarck in 1883. The two States separated in 1889.

In November of the latter year Montana was admitted, and in July following Idaho and Wyoming. Montana was a part of Idaho Territory until May, 1864, when it was organized as a separate Territory. Idaho itself was a part Of Oregon Territory until 1863, and, when first formed, was made up of portions of Oregon, Washington, Utah, and Nebraska. The boundaries were changed in 1864 and a part added to Montana. Wyoming gained its name from the settlers who went thither from Wyoming Valley, Pennsylvania. It first became a Territory in 1863.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1892.

The Republicans renominated President Harrison in 1892, with Whitelaw Reid the candidate for Vice-President, while the Democrats put forward ex-President Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson. The result of the election was as follows:

Grover Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson, Democrats, 277 electoral votes; Benjamin Harrison and Whitelaw Reid, Republicans, 144. Of the popular vote, James B. Weaver and James G. Field, People's Party, received 1,041,028 votes; John Bidwell and James B. Cranfil, Prohibition, 264,133; and Simon Wing and Charles M. Matchett, Social Labor, 21,164 votes.

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XXII. ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND (SECOND), 1893-1897

Repeal of the Purchase Clause of the Sherman Bill--The World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago--The Hawaiian Imbroglio--The Great Railroad Strike of 1894--Coxey's Commonweal Army--Admission of Utah--Harnessing of Niagara--Dispute with England Over Venezuela's Boundary--Presidential Election of 1896.

REPEAL OF THE PURCHASE CLAUSE OF THE SHERMAN BILL.

Grover Cleveland was the first President of the United States who had an interval between his two terms. His inauguration was succeeded by a financial stringency, which appeared in the summer and autumn of 1893. There seemed to be a weakening of general confidence in all parts of the country, and much suffering followed, especially in the large cities, greatly relieved, however, by the well-ordered system of charity. Many people thought that one cause of the trouble was the Sherman Bill, which provided for a large monthly coinage of silver. Congress was convened in extraordinary session August 7th by the President, who recommended that body to repeal the purchase clause of the Sherman act. Such a repeal was promptly passed by the House, but met with strong opposition in the Senate. There is less curb to debate in that branch of Congress, and the senators from the silver States, like Colorado, Idaho and Nevada, where the mining of silver is one of the most important industries, did what they could to delay legislation. Some of the speeches were spun out for days, with no other purpose than to discourage the friends of the measure by delaying legislation. Finally, however, a vote was reached October 30th, when the bill passed and was immediately signed by the President.

THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION.

The most notable event of Cleveland's second administration was the World's Columbian Exposition, held in Chicago. Properly the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America should have taken place in 1892, but the preparations were on so grand a scale that they could not be completed in time.

The part of the government in this memorable celebration was opened by a striking naval parade or review of the leading war-ships of the world. They assembled at Hampton Roads, Virginia, coming from points of the globe thousands of miles apart. Steaming northward to New York, the review took place April 27, 1893. In addition to the thirty-five war-ships, there were the three Columbian caravels sent by Spain and presented to the United States. When ranged in two lines on the Hudson, these ships extended for three miles, and represented, besides our own country, Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Italy, Spain, Brazil, Holland, and Argentina. The steel-clad yacht Dolphin steamed between these two lines, bearing President Cleveland and his cabinet, while each ship as she came opposite thundered her salute. No conqueror of ancient or modern times ever received so magnificent a tribute.

Chicago, having won the prize of the location of the World's Fair, selected the site on the 2d of July, 1890. This covered nearly 700 acres of beautiful laid-out grounds and parks, extending from the point nearest the city, two and a half miles, to the southern extremity of Jackson Park. The site selected by the directors was the section known as Jackson Park and the Midway Plaisance. The park has a frontage of one and a half miles on Lake Michigan and contains 600 acres, while the Midway Plaisance, connecting Jackson and Washington Parks, afforded eighty-five acres more. It is 600 feet wide and a mile in length. Since world's fairs have become a favorite among nations, the following statistics will give a correct idea of the vastness of the one held in Chicago, from May 1 to November 1, 1893:

London, 1857, 21-1/2 acres occupied; 17,000 exhibitors; total receipts, $1,780,000

Paris, 1855, 24-1/2 " " 22,000 exhibitors; total receipts, 6,441,200

London, 1862, 23-1/2 " " 28,633 exhibitors; total receipts, 1,644,260

Paris, 1867, 37 " " 52,000 exhibitors; total receipts, 2,103,675

Vienna, 1873, 280 " " 142,000 exhibitors; total receipts, 6,971,832

Philadelphia, 1876, 236 " " 30,864 exhibitors; total receipts, 3,813,724

Paris, 1878, 100 " " 40,366 exhibitors; total receipts, 2,531,650

Paris, 1889, 173 " " 55,000 exhibitors; total receipts, 8,300,000

Chicago, 1893, 645 " " 65,422 exhibitors; total receipts, 33,290,065

The countries which made generous appropriations for exhibits were: Argentine Republic, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Denmark, Danish West Indies, Ecuador, France, Germany, Great Britain, Barbadoes, British Guiana, British Honduras, Canada, Cape Colony, Ceylon, India, Jamaica, Leeward Islands, New South Wales, New Zealand, Trinidad, Greece, Guatemala, Hawaii, Honduras, Haiti, Japan, Liberia, Mexico, Morocco, Netherlands, Dutch Guiana, Dutch West Indies, Nicaragua, Norway, Orange Free State, Paraguay, Peru, Russia, Salvador, San Domingo, Spain, Cuba, Sweden, Uruguay.

All the States in the Union entered heartily into the scheme, their total appropriations amounting to $6,000,000. The original plan called for ten main buildings: Manufactures, Administration, Machinery, Agriculture, Electricity, Mines, Transportation, Horticulture, Fisheries, and the Venetian Village; but there were added: the Art Galleries, the Woman's Building, the Forestry, Dairy, Stock, Pavilion, Terminal Station, Music Hall, Peristyle, Casino, Choral, Anthropological, and many others.

OPENING OF THE GROUNDS AND BUILDINGS.

The grounds and buildings were opened October 21, 1892, with appropriate ceremonies by Vice-President Morton and other distinguished citizens. The most important exhibits were as follows:

The Transportation Building displayed about everything that could be possibly used in transportation, from the little baby-carriage to the ponderous locomotive. The progress of ship-building from its infancy to the present was shown, among the exhibits being an accurate model of the Santa Maria, the principal ship of Columbus, which was wrecked in the West Indies, on his first voyage. The Bethlehem steam hammer, the largest in the world, was ninety-one feet high and weighed 125 tons.

Among the locomotives were the "Mississippi," built in England in 1834; a model of Stephenson's "Rocket;" a steam carriage, used in France in 1759; and a model of Trevithick's locomotive of 1803. There were also the first cable car built, the boat and steam fixtures made and navigated by Captain John Stevens in 1804, and the "John Bull," used on the Camden and Amboy Railroad, and which, it is claimed, is the oldest locomotive in America.

The exhibit in the Mines and Mining Building were divided into 123 classes, including cement from Heidelberg, mosaics in Carlsbad stone, French asphalt specimens, French work in gold, platinum, and aluminum, silver and ores from nearly every part of the world, and ores from different sections of our own country.

The Government Building was specially attractive, with its exhibits of the several departments of the United States government. A case of humming birds contained 133 varieties, and in another case were represented 106 families of American birds. There were stuffed fowls, flamingoes, nests, Rocky Mountain goats and sheep, armadilloes from Texas, sea otters, American bisons, a Pacific walrus, 300 crocodiles of the Nile, crocodile birds, fishes and reptiles, and an almost endless display of coins and metals.

The Department of Ethnology contained figures of Eskemos and specimens of their industry, Canadian Indians, Indian wigwam, ancient pottery, models of ruins found in Arizona, a brass lamp used at a feast 169 years before Christ; scrolls of the law of Tarah, made in the tenth century in Asia; silver spice-box of the time of Christ; phylacteries, used by the Jews at morning prayers, except on Saturday; knife used by priests in slaying animals for sacrifice.

In the State Department thousands of people gazed with awe upon what was believed to be the original Declaration of Independence as it came from the hand of Thomas Jefferson. It was, however, only a close copy, since the government under no circumstances will permit the original to leave the archives at Washington. But among the original papers were the petition of the United Colonies to George III., presented by Benjamin Franklin in 1774; the original journal of the Continental Congress; Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation; an autograph letter of George III.; and various proclamations issued by Presidents, with their autographs and letters, by Washington, Franklin, the Adamses, Jefferson, Madison, Polk, Van Buren, Monroe, Lincoln, Grant, Arthur, and Hayes.

WONDERFUL HISTORIC RELICS.

The most interesting historic papers were letters penned by Napoleon, Alexander of Russia, and other foreign potentates, the Webster-Ashburton treaty signed by Queen Victoria, and a shark's tooth sent as a treaty by the king of Samoa. Precious relics were Washington's commission as commander-in-chief of the colonial forces, his sword, his diary, and his account books and army reports; the sash with which Lafayette bound up his wound at Brandywine; the calumet pipe which Washington smoked when seventeen years old; Benjamin Franklin's cane; the sword of General Jackson; a waistcoat embroidered by Marie Antoinette; wampum made before the discovery of America; camp service of pewter used by Washington throughout the Revolution; Bible brought over by John Alden in the Mayflower; and a piece of torch carried by "Old Put" (General Israel Putnam) into the den of the wolf which he killed.

A section of one of the big trees of California was 20 feet in diameter at the top and 26 feet at the base.

The dreadful sufferings of persons imprisoned for debt in England, which led to the founding of Georgia, were recalled by a warrant for the arrest and imprisonment of one of the unfortunates, issued in 1721.

There also were to be seen a page from the Plymouth records of 1620 and 1621; a land patent of 1628; the royal commission creating the common pleas court of Massachusetts in 1696; a page from the horrible witchcraft trials in Salem in 1692; a door-knocker brought to this country in the Mayflower; and portraits of many historical persons.

In the War Department were shown a six-pounder bronze gun presented by Lafayette to the colonial forces; the four-pounder gun that fired the first shot in the Civil War; the rifled gun that fired the last shot; cannon used in the Mexican War; cast-iron cannon found in the Hudson River; Chinese cannon captured at Corea; cannon captured at Yorktown; boot-legs from which the starving members of the Greely Arctic expedition made soup; relics of Sir John Franklin; a wagon used by General Sherman throughout all his marches; the sacred shirt worn by Sitting Bull at the time of the massacre of Custer and his command on the Little Big Horn.

EXHIBITS OF THE TREASURY AND POSTOFFICE DEPARTMENTS.

In the Treasury Department was represented the United States Mint in operation, besides historic medals, ancient and modern coins, including those of foreign countries, a ten-thousand gold dollar certificate and a silver certificate of the same denomination.

The eyes of the philatelists sparkled at the treasures in the Postoffice Department, which included all the issues of stamps from 1847 to 1893. Some of the single stamps were worth thousands of dollars, and it would have required a fortune to purchase the whole collection, had it been for sale. The methods of carrying the mail were illustrated by a representation of dogs drawing a sled over the snow and a Rocky Mountain stage-coach. It would require volumes to convey an intelligent idea of the display in the Patent Office, Interior Department, Geological Survey, Agricultural Department, and the United States Commission.

Everybody knows that wonderful discoveries have been made in electricity, and no doubt we are close upon still greater ones. The name of Edison is connected with the marvelous achievements in this field, and there was much food for thought and speculation in the exhibits of the Electricity Building. These, while profoundly interesting, were mainly so in their hints of what are coming in the near future.

Machinery Hall was a favorite with thousands of the visitors. The exhibits were so numerous that they were divided into eighty-six classes, grouped into:

1. Motors and apparatus for the generation and transmission of power, hydraulic and pneumatic apparatus.

2. Fire-engines, apparatus and appliances for extinguishing fire.

3. Machine tools and machines for working metals.

4. Machinery for the manufacture of textile fabrics and clothing.

5. Machines for working wood.

6. Machines and apparatus for type-setting, printing, stamping and embossing, and for making books and paper making.

7. Lithography, zincography, and color painting.

8. Photo-mechanical and other mechanical processes for illustrating, etc.

9. Miscellaneous hand-tools, machines and apparatus used in various arts.

10. Machines for working stones, clay, and other minerals.

11. Machinery used in the preparation of foods, etc.

OTHER NOTABLE EXHIBITS.

The cost of the model of the Convent of Santa Maria de la Rabida, where the wearied Columbus stopped to crave food for himself and boy, was $50,000. The relics of the great explorer were numerous and of vivid interest.

Hardly less interesting was the reproduction of the Viking ship unearthed in a burial mound in Norway in 1880, the model being precisely that of the vessels in which the hardy Norsemen navigators crossed the Atlantic a thousand years ago. It was seventy-six feet in length, the bow ornamented with a large and finely carved dragon's head and the stern with a dragon's tail. Rows of embellished shields ran along the outside of the bulwarks, and all was open except a small deck fore and aft, while two water-tight compartments gave protection to the men in stormy weather. The rigging consisted of one mast with a single yard, that could be readily taken down, but there were places for immense oars, whose handling must have required tremendous muscular power.

The Agricultural Building had an almost endless variety of articles, such as cocoa, chocolate, and drugs from the Netherlands; wood pulp from Sweden; odd-looking shoes and agricultural products from Denmark and from France, the most striking of which was the Menier chocolate tower that weighed fifty tons; fertilizers and products from Uruguay; an elephant tusk seven and a half feet long; woods, wools, and feathers from the Cape of Good Hope; a Zulu six feet and seven and a half inches tall; a Canadian cheese weighing eleven tons, with other exhibits from various countries, and specimens of what are grown in most of our own States. The articles were so numerous that a list is too lengthy to be inserted in these pages.

The Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building was of such unprecedented size that its ground area was more than thirty acres, and its gallery space forty-four acres. Its roof structure surpassed any ever made, and it was the largest building in the world. So vast indeed was it that it is worth our while to impress it upon our minds by several comparisons. Any church in Chicago, which contains numerous large ones, can be placed in the vestibule of St. Peter's at Rome, but the latter is only one-third of the size of the Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building. The Coliseum of ancient Rome would seat 80,000 persons, but in the central hall of the Chicago building, which is a single room without a supporting column, 75,000 people could be comfortably seated, while the building itself would seat 300,000 persons. The iron and steel in the roof would build two Brooklyn bridges, and it required eleven acres of glass to provide for the skylights. In its construction 17,000,000 feet of lumber, 13,000,000 pounds of steel, and 2,000,000 pounds of iron were used, with a total cost of $1,700,000. The ground plan was twice the size of the pyramid of Cheops.

We have recorded enough, however, to give some idea of the wealth of treasures exhibited at Chicago in 1893, and which drew visitors from all parts of the world. It is not worth while to refer at length to the display of the foreign countries, for those who had the pleasure of looking upon them will always carry their pleasant memory, while those who were deprived of the privilege can gain no adequate idea from the most extended description. The Midway Plaisance was a unique feature, with its Hungarian Orpheum, Lapland Village, Dahomey Village, the captive balloon, Chinese Village, Austrian Village, Cyclorama of the volcano of Kilauea, the Algerian and Tunisian Village, the Ferris Wheel, the never-to-be-forgotten street in Cairo, the numerous natives, and other scenes that were not always on the highest plane of morality.

THE GRAND WORK BY THE STATES.

We as Americans are prone to forget some of the important events in our history. The memory of them fades too soon. A hundred, years must pass before our country will look upon another Columbian Exposition. That, in the nature of things, will surpass the one in 1893, as far as that surpassed the ordinary country fairs of our grandparents. When that great year--1992--comes around, none of us will be here to look upon its wonders. It seems proper, therefore, that, in dismissing the subject, we should place on record the amount contributed by each State, without which the grand success of the enterprise could never have been attained.

Alabama.................. $38,000 Nebraska................. $85,000 Arizona.................. 30,000 Nevada................... 10,000 Arkansas................. 55,000 New Hampshire............ 25,000 California............... 550,000 New Jersey............... 130,000 Colorado................. 167,000 New Mexico............... 35,000 Connecticut.............. 75,000 New York................. 600,000 Delaware................. 20,000 North Carolina........... 45,000 Florida.................. 50,000 North Dakota............. 70,000 Georgia.................. 100,000 Ohio..................... 200,000 Idaho.................... 100,000 Oklahoma................. 17,500 Illinois................. 800,000 Oregon................... 60,000 Indiana.................. 135,000 Pennsylvania............. 360,000 Iowa..................... 130,000 Rhode Island............. 57,500 Kansas................... 165,000 South Carolina........... 50,000 Kentucky................. 175,000 South Dakota............. 85,000 Louisiana................ 36,000 Tennessee................ 25,000 Maine.................... 57,000 Texas.................... 40,000 Maryland................. 60,000 Utah..................... 50,600 Massachusetts............ 175,000 Vermont.................. 39,750 Michigan................. 275,000 Virginia................. 75,000 Minnesota................ 150,000 Washington............... 100,000 Mississippi.............. 25,000 West Virginia............ 40,000 Missouri................. 150,000 Wisconsin................ 212,000 Montana.................. 100,000 Wyoming.................. 30,000 ---------- Total................$6,060,350

The islands composing the group known under the general name of Hawaii have long been of interest to different nations, and especially to our country. A treaty was made in 1849 between Hawaii and the United States, which provided for commerce and the extradition of criminals, and in 1875 a reciprocity treaty was concluded. This gave a marked impetus to the sugar industry, which was almost wholly in the hands of foreigners. Further treaty rights were confirmed by Congress in 1891.

David Kalakaua became king of Hawaii in 1874. He had slight ability, and was fonder of the pleasures of life than of measures for the good of his country and subjects. He was displeased to see the hold gained by foreigners in his country and their rapidly growing power. He joined with the native Legislature in its cry of "Hawaii for the Hawaiians," and did all he could to check the material progress of the islands. Progressive men, however, gained control, and in 1887 Kalakaua was compelled to sign a new constitution which deprived him of all but a shadow of authority. The white residents were granted the right of suffrage and closer relations were established with the United States.

While engaged in negotiating a treaty with our country Kalakaua died, in 1891, in San Francisco, and his sister, Liliuokalani, succeeded him as queen. She was much of the same mould as her brother, but of a more revengeful nature. She was angered against the foreigners and the progressive party, and alert for an opportunity to strike them a fatal blow. She thought the time had come in January, 1893, when the leading party was bitterly divided over important measures. She summoned the Legislature and urged it to adopt a new constitution, which took away the right of suffrage from the white residents and restored to the crown the many privileges that had been taken from it. She was so radical in her policy that her friends induced her to modify it in several respects. She was thoroughly distrusted by the white residents, who did not doubt that she would break all her promises the moment the pretext offered. Nor would they have been surprised if a general massacre of the white inhabitants were ordered.

So deep-seated was the alarm that the American residents appealed for protection to the United States man-of-war Boston, which was lying in the harbor of Honolulu. The commander landed a company of marines, against the protest of the queen's minister of foreign affairs and the governor of the island, although they were assured that no attempt would be made to interfere with their rights. In the face of this assurance, a revolt took place, the monarchy was declared at an end, and a provisional government was organized, to continue until terms of union with the United States could be agreed upon.

More decided steps followed. On February 1, 1894, the government was formally placed under the protectorate of the United States, and the Stars and Stripes was hoisted over the government building by a party of marines. There was a strong sentiment in favor of annexation, and the American minister was highly pleased.

President Harrison was of the same mind, and authorized the presence on the island of troops that might be needed to protect the lives and property of Americans there, but he disavowed the protectorate. No doubt, however, he favored the movement, but thought it wise to "make haste slowly."

In a short time, a treaty was framed which was acceptable to the President. It provided that the government of Hawaii should remain as it was, the supreme power to be vested in a commissioner of the United States, with the right to veto any of the acts of the local government. The public debt was to be assumed by the United States, while Liliuokalani was to be pensioned at the rate of $20,000 a year, and her daughter was to receive $150,000. President Harrison urged upon the Senate the ratification of the treaty, fearing that delay would induce some other power to step in and take the prize.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S CHANGE OF POLICY.

Such was the status when President Cleveland came into office on the 4th of March, 1893. His views were the very opposite of his predecessor's, and he took steps to enforce them. He maintained there would have been no revolution in Hawaii had not the force of marines landed from the Boston. He withdrew the proposed treaty from the Senate, and sent James H. Blount, of Georgia, to Hawaii as special commissioner to make an investigation of all that had occurred, and to act in harmony with the views of the President. On the 1st of April, Blount caused the American flag to be hauled down, and formally dissolved the protectorate. Minister Stevens was recalled and succeeded by Mr. Blount as minister plenipotentiary. Steps were taken to restore Liliuokalani, and her own brutal stubbornness was all that prevented. She was determined to have the lives of the leaders who had deposed her, and to banish their families. This could not be permitted, and the Dole government refused the request to yield its authority to the queen.

The situation brought President Cleveland to a standstill, for he had first to obtain the authority of Congress in order to use force, and that body was so opposed to his course that it would never consent to aid him. The provisional government grew stronger, and speedily suppressed a rebellion that was set on foot by the queen. It won the respect of its enemies by showing clemency to the plotters, when it would have been legally justified in putting the leaders to death. The queen was arrested, whereupon she solemnly renounced for herself and heirs all claim to the throne, urged her subjects to do the same, and declared her allegiance to the republic.

ANNEXATION OF HAWAII.

Let us anticipate a few events. In May, 1898, Representative Newlands introduced into the House a resolution providing for the annexation of Hawaii. Considerable opposition developed in the Senate, but the final vote was carried, July 6th, by 42 to 21. The President appointed as members of the commission, Senators Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois; John T. Morgan, of Alabama; Representative Robert R. Hitt, of Illinois; and President Dole and Chief Justice Judd, of the Hawaiian Republic. All the congressmen named were members of the Committee on Foreign Relations and Foreign Affairs.

The news of the admission of Hawaii to the Union was received in the islands with great rejoicing. A salute of one hundred guns was fired on the Executive Building grounds at Honolulu, and the formal transfer, August 12th, was attended with appropriate ceremonies. A full description of these interesting islands, their history and their products, will be found in Chapter XXVI. of this volume.

THE GREAT RAILROAD STRIKE OF 1894.

One of the greatest railroad strikes in this country occurred in the summer of 1894. Early in the spring of that year, the Pullman Car Company, whose works are near Chicago, notified their employes that they had to choose between accepting a reduction in their wages or having the works closed. They accepted the cut, although the reduction was from twenty-five to fifty per cent. of what they had been receiving.

When May came, the distressed workmen declared it impossible for them and their families to live on their meagre pay. They demanded a restoration of the old rates; but the company refused, affirming that they were running the business at a loss and solely with a view of keeping the men at work. On the 11th of May, 3,000 workmen, a majority of the whole number, quit labor and the company closed their works.

The American Railway Union assumed charge of the strike and ordered a boycott of all Pullman cars. Eugene V. Debs was the president of the Union, and his sweeping order forbade all engineers, brakemen, and switchmen to handle the Pullman cars on every road that used them. This was far-reaching, since the Pullman cars are used on almost every line in the country.

A demand was made upon the Pullman Company to submit the question to arbitration, but the directors refused on the ground that there was nothing to arbitrate, the question being whether or not they were to be permitted to operate their own works for themselves. A boycott was declared on all roads running out of Chicago, beginning on the Illinois Central. Warning was given to every road handling the Pullman cars that its employes would be called out, and, if that did not prove effective, every trade in the country would be ordered to strike.

The railroad companies were under heavy bonds to draw the Pullman cars, and it would have cost large sums of money to break their contracts. They refused to boycott, and, on June 26th, President Debs declared a boycott on twenty-two roads running out of Chicago, and ordered the committees representing the employes to call out the workmen without an hour's unnecessary delay.

The strike rapidly spread. Debs urged the employes to refrain from injuring the property of their employers, but such advice is always thrown away. Very soon rioting broke out, trains were derailed, and men who attempted to take the strikers' places were savagely maltreated. There was such a general block of freight that prices of the necessaries of life rose in Chicago and actual suffering impended. So much property was destroyed that the companies called on the city and county authorities for protection. The men sent to cope with the strikers were too few, and when Governor Altgeld forwarded troops to the scenes of the outbreaks, they also were too weak, and many of the militia openly showed their sympathy with the mob.

Growing bolder, the strikers checked the mails and postal service and resisted deputy marshals. This brought the national government into the quarrel, since it is bound to provide for the safe transmission of the mails. On July 2d a Federal writ was issued covering the judicial district of northern Illinois, forbidding all interference with the United States mails and with interstate railway commerce. Several leaders of the strike were arrested, whereat the mob became more threatening than ever. The government having been notified that Federal troops were necessary to enforce the orders of the courts in Chicago, a strong force of cavalry, artillery, and infantry was sent thither. Governor Altgeld protested, and President Cleveland told him in effect to attend to his own business and sent more troops to the Lake City.

There were several collisions between the mob and military, in which a number of the former were killed. Buildings were fired, trains ditched, and the violence increased, whereupon the President dispatched more troops thither, with the warning that if necessary he would call out the whole United States army to put down the law-breakers.

The strike, which was pressed almost wholly by foreigners, was not confined to Chicago. A strong antipathy is felt toward railroads in California, owing to what some believe have been the wrongful means employed by such corporations on the Pacific coast.

There were ugly outbreaks in Los Angeles, Oakland, and Sacramento, the difficulty being intensified by the refusal of the militia to act against the strikers. A force of regular soldiers, while hurrying over the railroad to the scene of the disturbance, was ditched by the strikers and several killed and badly hurt. The incensed soldiers were eager for a chance to reach the strikers, but they were under fine discipline and their officers showed great self-restraint.

END OF THE STRIKE.

The course of all violent strikes is short. The savage acts repel whatever sympathy may have been felt for the workingmen at first. Few of the real sufferers took part in the turbulent acts. It was the foreigners and the desperate men who used the grievances as a pretext for their outlawry, in which they were afraid to indulge at other times. Then, too, the stern, repressive measures of President Cleveland had a salutary effect. Many labor organizations when called upon to strike replied with expressions of sympathy, but decided to keep at work. President Debs, Vice-President Howard, and other prominent members of the American Railway Union were arrested, July 10th, on the charge of obstructing the United States mails and interfering with the execution of the laws of the United States. A number--forty-three in all--was indicted by the Federal grand jury, July 19th, and the bonds were fixed at $10,000 each. Bail was offered, but they declined to accept it and went to jail. On December 14th, Debs was sentenced to six months' imprisonment for contempt, the terms of the others being fixed at three months.

On August 5th, the general committee of strikers officially declared the strike at an end in Chicago, and their action was speedily imitated elsewhere.

COXEY'S COMMONWEAL ARMY.

One of the most remarkable appeals made directly to the law-making powers by the unemployed was that of Coxey's "Commonweal Army." Despite some of its grotesque features, it was deserving of more sympathy than it received, for it represented a pitiful phase of human poverty and suffering.

The scheme was that of J.S. Coxey, of Massillon, Ohio, who left that town on the 25th of March, 1894, with some seventy-five men. They carried no weapons, and believed they would gather enough recruits on the road to number 100,000 by the time they reached Washington, where their demands made directly upon Congress would be so imposing that that body would not dare refuse them. They intended to ask for the passage of two acts: the first to provide for the issue of $500,000,000 in legal-tender notes, to be expended under the direction of the secretary of war at the rate of $20,000,000 monthly, in the construction of roads in different parts of the country; the second to authorize any State, city, or village to deposit in the United States treasury non-interest-bearing bonds, not exceeding in amount one-half the assessed valuation of its property, on which the secretary of the treasury should issue legal-tender notes.

This unique enterprise caused some misgiving, for it was feared that such an immense aggregation of the unemployed would result in turbulence and serious acts of violence. Few could restrain sympathy for the object of the "army," while condemning the means adopted to make its purpose effective.

The result, however, was a dismal fiasco. The trampers committed no depredations, and when they approached a town and camped near it the authorities and citizens were quite willing to supply their immediate wants in order to get rid of them. But, while a good many recruits were added, fully as many deserted. At no time did Coxey's army number more than 500 men, and when it reached Washington on the 1st of May it included precisely 336 persons, who paraded through the streets. Upon attempting to enter the Capitol grounds they were excluded by the police. Coxey and two of his friends disregarded the commands, and were arrested and fined five dollars apiece and sentenced to twenty days' imprisonment for violating the statute against carrying a banner on the grounds and in not "keeping off the grass." The army quickly dissolved and was heard of no more.

Similar organizations started from Oregon, Montana, Colorado, Wyoming, and different points for Washington. In some instances disreputable characters joined them and committed disorderly acts. In the State of Washington they seized a railroad train, had a vicious fight with deputy marshals, and it was necessary to call out the militia to subdue them. Trouble occurred in Kansas, Illinois, and Pennsylvania. The total strength of the six industrial armies never reached 6,000.

ADMISSION OF UTAH.

On the 4th of January, 1896, Utah became the forty-fifth member of the Federal Union. The symbolical star on the flag is at the extreme right of the fourth row from the top. The size of the national flag was also changed from 6 by 5 feet to 5 feet 6 inches by 4 feet 4 inches.

Utah has been made chiefly famous through the Mormons, who emigrated thither before the discovery of gold in California. Its size is about double that of the State of New York, and its chief resources are mineral and agricultural. It forms a part of the Mexican cession of 1848, and its name is derived from the Ute or Utah Indians. Salt Lake City was founded, and Utah asked for admission into the Union in 1849, but was refused. A territorial government was organized in 1860, with Brigham Young as governor. It has been shown elsewhere that in 1857 it was necessary to send Federal troops to Utah to enforce obedience to the laws. Polygamy debarred its admission to the Union for many years.

The constitution of the State allows women to vote, hold office, and sit on juries, and a trial jury numbers eight instead of twelve persons, three-fourths of whom may render a verdict in civil cases, but unanimity is required to convict of crime. The constitution also forbids polygamy, and the Mormon authorities maintain that it is not practiced except where plural marriages were contracted before the passage of the United States law prohibiting such unions.

It has been said by scientists that the power which goes to waste at Niagara Falls would, if properly utilized, operate all the machinery in the world. The discoveries made in electricity have turned attention to this inconceivable storage of power, with the result that Niagara has been practically "harnessed."

In 1886, the Niagara Falls Power Company was incorporated, followed three years later by that of the Cataract Construction Company. Work began in October, 1890, and three more years were required to complete the tunnel, the surface-canal, and the preliminary wheel-pits.

The first distribution of power was made in August, 1895, to the works of the Pittsburg Reduction Company, near the canal. Other companies were added, and the city of Buffalo, in December, 1895, granted a franchise to the company to supply power to that city. The first customer was the Buffalo Railway Company. November 15, 1896, at midnight, the current was transmitted by a pole line, consisting of three continuous cables of uninsulated copper, whose total length was seventy-eight miles. Since that date, the street cars have been operated by the same motor, with more industrial points continually added.

While our past history shows that we have had only two wars with Great Britain, yet it shows also that talk of war has been heard fully a score of times. Long after 1812, we were extremely sensitive as regarded the nation that the majority of Americans looked upon as our hereditary foe, and the calls for war have been sounded in Congress and throughout the land far oftener than most people suspect. That such a calamity to mankind has been turned aside is due mainly to the good sense and mutual forbearance of the majority of people in both countries. England and the United States are the two great English-speaking nations. Together they are stronger than all the world combined. With the same language, the same literature, objects, aims, and religion, a war between them would be the most awful catastrophe that could befall humanity.

The last flurry with the "mother country" occurred in the closing weeks of 1895, and related to Venezuela, which had been at variance with England for many years. Until 1810, the territory lying between the mouths of the Orinoco and the Amazon was known as the Guianas. In the year named Spain ceded a large part of the country to Venezuela, and in 1814 Holland ceded another to Great Britain. The boundary between the Spanish and Dutch possessions had never been fixed by treaty, and the dispute between England and Venezuela lasted until 1887, when diplomatic relations were broken off between the two countries.

Venezuela asked that the dispute might be submitted to arbitration, but England would not agree, though the territory in question was greater in extent than the State of New York. The United States was naturally interested, for the "Monroe Doctrine" was involved, and in February, 1895, Congress passed a joint resolution, approving the suggestion of the President that the question should be submitted to arbitration, but England still refused. A lengthy correspondence took place between Great Britain and this country, and, on December 17, 1895, in submitting it to Congress, President Cleveland asked for authority from that body to appoint a commission to determine the merits of the boundary dispute, as a guide to the government in deciding its line of action, insisting further that, if England maintained her unwarrantable course, the United States should resist "by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory, which after investigation we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela."

There was no mistaking the warlike tone of these words. The country and Congress instantly fired up and the land resounded with war talk. Congress immediately appropriated the sum of $100,000 for the expense of the commission of inquiry, and two days later the Senate passed the bill without a vote in opposition. The committee was named on the 1st of the following January and promptly began its work.

But the sober second thought of wise men in both countries soon made itself felt. Without prolonging the story, it may be said that the dispute finally went to arbitration, February 2, 1897, where it should have gone in the first place, and it was settled to the full satisfaction of Great Britain, the United States, and Venezuela. Another fact may as well be conceded, without any reflection upon our patriotism: Had England accepted our challenge to war, for which she was fully prepared with her invincible navy, and we were in a state of unreadiness, the United States would have been taught a lesson that she would have remembered for centuries to come. Thank God, the trial was spared to us and in truth can never come, while common sense reigns.

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1896.

The presidential election in the fall of 1896 was a remarkable one. The month of September had hardly opened when there were eight presidential tickets in the field. Given in the order of their nominations they were:

Prohibition (May 27th)--Joshua Levering, of Maryland; Hale Johnson, of Illinois.

National Party, Free Silver, Woman-Suffrage offshoot of the regular Prohibition (May 28th)--Charles E. Bentley, of Nebraska; James H. Southgate, of North Carolina.

Republican (June 18th)--William McKinley, of Ohio; Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey.

Socialist-Labor (July 4th)--Charles H. Matchett, of New York; Matthew Maguire, of New Jersey.

Democratic (July 10th to 11th)--William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska; Arthur Sewall, of Maine.

People's Party (July 24th to 25th)--William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska; Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia.

National Democratic Party (September 8th)--John McAuley Palmer, of Illinois; Simon Boliver Buckner, of Kentucky.

As usual, the real contest was between the Democrats and Republicans. The platform of the former demanded the free coinage of silver, which was opposed by the Republicans, who insisted upon preserving the existing gold standard. This question caused a split in each of the leading parties. When the Republican nominating convention inserted the gold and silver plank in its platform, Senator Teller, of Colorado, led thirty-two delegates in their formal withdrawal from the convention. A large majority of those to the National Democratic Convention favored the free coinage of silver in the face of an urgent appeal against it by President Cleveland. They would accept no compromise, and, after "jamming" through their platform and nominating Mr. Bryan, they made Arthur Sewall their candidate for Vice-President, though he was president of a national bank and a believer in the gold standard.

In consequence of this action, the Populists or People's Party refused to accept the candidature of Mr. Sewall, and put in his place the name of Thomas E. Watson, who was an uncompromising Populist.

There was also a revolt among the "Sound Money Democrats," as they were termed. Although they knew they had no earthly chance of winning, they were determined to place themselves on record, and, after all the other tickets were in the field, they put Palmer and Buckner in nomination. In their platform they condemned the platform adopted by the silver men and the tariff policy of the Republicans. They favored tariff for revenue only, the single gold standard, a bank currency under governmental supervision, international arbitration, and the maintenance of the independence and authority of the Supreme Court.

Mr. Bryan threw all his energies into the canvass and displayed wonderful industry and vigor. He made whirlwind tours through the country, speaking several times a day and in the evening, and won many converts. Had the election taken place a few weeks earlier than the regular date, it is quite probable he would have won. Mr. McKinley made no speech-making tours, but talked many times to the crowds who called upon him at his home in Canton, Ohio. The official vote in November was as follows:

McKinley and Hobart, Republican, 7,101,401 popular votes; 271 electoral votes.

Bryan and Sewall, Democrat and Populist, 6,470,656 popular votes; 176 electoral votes.

Levering and Johnson, Prohibition, 132,007 popular votes.

Palmer and Buckner, National Democrat, 133,148 popular votes.

Matchett and Maguire, Socialist-Labor, 36,274 popular votes.

Bentley and Southgate, Free Silver Prohibition, 13,969 popular votes.

Despite the political upheavals that periodically occur throughout our country, it steadily advances in prosperity, progress and growth. Its resources were limitless, and the settlement of the vast fertile areas in the West and Northwest went on at an extraordinary rate. In no section was this so strikingly the fact as in the Northwest. So great indeed was the growth in that respect that the subject warrants the special chapter that follows.

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XXIII. ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND (SECOND-CONCLUDED), 1893-1897

THE GREAT NORTHWEST.

BY ALBERT SHAW, PH.D.,

Editor "Review of Reviews," formerly editor of "Minneapolis Tribune."

Settling the Northwest--The Face of the Country Transformed--Clearing Away the Forests and its Effects--Tree-planting on the Prairies--Pioneer Life in the Seventies--The Granary of the World--The Northwestern Farmer--Transportation and Other Industries--Business Cities and Centres--United Public Action and its Influence--The Indian Question--Other Elements of Population--Society and General Culture.

"Northwest" is a shifting, uncertain designation. The term has been used to cover the whole stretch of country from Pittsburg to Puget Sound, north of the Ohio River and the thirty-seventh parallel of latitude. Popularly it signified the old Northwestern Territory--including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin--until about the time of the Civil War. In the decade following the war, Illinois and Iowa were largely in the minds of men who spoke of the Northwest. From 1870 to 1880, Iowa, Kansas, northern Missouri, and Nebraska constituted the most stirring and favored region--the Northwest par excellence. But the past decade has witnessed a remarkable development in the Dakotas; and Minnesota, North and South Dakota, and Montana, with Iowa and Nebraska, are perhaps the States most familiarly comprised in the idea of the Northwest. These States are really in the heart of the continent--midway between oceans; and perhaps by common consent the term Northwest will, a decade hence, have moved on and taken firm possession of Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and Wyoming, while ultimately Alaska may succeed to the designation.

But for the present the Northwest is the great arable wedge lying between the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, and between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains. It is a region that is pretty clearly defined upon a map showing physical characteristics. For the most part, it is a region of great natural fertility, of regular north-temperate climate, of moderate but sufficient rainfall, of scant forests and great prairie expanses, and of high average altitude without mountains. In a word, it is a region that was adapted by nature to the cultivation of the cereals and leading crops of the temperate zone without arduous and time-consuming processes for subduing the wilderness and redeeming the soil.

SETTLING THE NORTHWEST.

This "New Northwest," in civilization and in all its significant characteristics, is the creature of the vast impulse that the successful termination of the war gave the nation. No other extensive area was ever settled under similar conditions. The homestead laws, the new American system of railroad building, and the unprecedented demand for staple food products in the industrial centres at home and abroad, peopled the prairies as if by magic. Until 1870, fixing the date very roughly, transportation facilities followed colonization. The railroads were built to serve and stimulate a traffic that already existed. The pioneers had done a generation's work before the iron road overtook them. In the past two decades all has been changed. The railroads have been the pioneers and colonizers. They have invaded the solitary wilderness, and the population has followed. Much of the land has belonged to the roads, through subsidy grants, but the greater part of the mileage has been laid without the encouragement of land subsidies or other bonuses, by railway corporations that were willing to look to the future for their reward.

It would be almost impossible to over-estimate the significance of this method of colonization. Within a few years it has transformed the buffalo ranges into the world's most extensive fields of wheat and corn. A region comprising northern and western Minnesota and the two Dakotas, which contributed practically nothing to the country's wheat supply twelve or fifteen years ago, has, by this system of railroad colonization, reached an annual production of 100,000,000 bushels of wheat alone--about one-fourth of the crop of the entire country. In like manner, parts of western Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas, that produced no corn before 1875 or 1880, are now the centre of corn-raising, and yield many hundreds of millions of bushels annually. These regions enter as totally new factors into the world's supply of foods and raw materials. A great area of this new territory might be defined that was inhabited in 1870 by less than a million people, in 1880 by more than three millions, and in 1899 by from eight to ten millions.

Let us imagine a man from the East who has visited the Northwestern States and Territories at some time between the years 1870 and 1875, and who retains a strong impression of what he saw, but who has not been west of Chicago since that time, until, in the World's Fair year, he determines upon a new exploration of Iowa, Nebraska, the Datokas, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. However well informed he had tried to keep himself through written descriptions and statistical records of Western progress, he would see what nothing but the evidence of his own eyes could have made him believe to be possible. Iowa in 1870 was already producing a large crop of cereals, and was inhabited by a thriving, though very new, farming population. But the aspect of the country was bare and uninviting, except in the vicinity of the older communities on the Mississippi River. As one advanced across the State the farm-houses were very small, and looked like isolated dry-goods boxes; there were few well-built barns or farm buildings; and the struggling young cottonwood and soft-maple saplings planted in close groves about the tiny houses were so slight an obstruction to the sweep of vision across the open prairie that they only seemed to emphasize the monotonous stretches of fertile, but uninteresting, plain. Now the landscape is wholly transformed. A railroad ride in June through the best parts of Iowa reminds one of a ride through some of the pleasantest farming districts of England. The primitive "claim shanties" of thirty years ago have given place to commodious farm-houses flanked by great barns and hay-ricks, and the well-appointed structures of a prosperous agriculture. In the rich, deep meadows herds of fine-blooded cattle are grazing. What was once a blank, dreary landscape is now garden-like and inviting. The poor little saplings of the earlier days, which seemed to be apologizing to the robust corn-stalks in the neighboring fields, have grown on that deep soil into great, spreading trees. One can easily imagine, as he looks off in every direction and notes a wooded horizon, that he is--as in Ohio, Indiana, or Kentucky--in a farming region which has been cleared out of primeval forests. There are many towns I might mention which twenty-five years ago, with their new, wooden shanties scattered over the bare face of the prairie, seemed the hottest place on earth as the summer sun beat upon their unshaded streets and roofs, and seemed the coldest places on earth when the fierce blizzards of winter swept unchecked across the prairie expanses. To-day the density of shade in those towns is deemed of positive detriment to health, and for several years past there has been a systematic thinning out and trimming up of the great, clustering elms. Trees of from six to ten feet in girth are found everywhere by the hundreds of thousands. Each farm-house is sheltered from winter winds by its own dense groves. Many of the farmers are able from the surplus growth of wood upon their estates to provide themselves with a large and regular supply of fuel. If I have dwelt at some length upon this picture of the transformation of the bleak, grain-producing Iowa prairies of thirty years ago into the dairy and live-stock farms of to-day, with their fragrant meadows and ample groves, it is because the picture is one which reveals so much as to the nature and meaning of Northwestern progress.

CLEARING AWAY THE FORESTS AND ITS EFFECTS.

Not a little has been written regarding the rapid destruction of the vast white-pine forests with which nature has covered large districts of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. It is true that this denudation has progressed at a rate with which nothing of a like character in the history of the world is comparable. It is also true, doubtless, that the clearing away of dense forest areas has been attended with some inconvenient climatic results, and particularly with some objectionable effects upon the even distribution of rainfall and the regularity of the flow of rivers. But most persons who have been alarmed at the rapidity of forest destruction in the white-pine belt have wholly overlooked the great compensating facts. It happens that the white-pine region is not especially fertile, and that for some time to come it is not likely to acquire a prosperous agriculture. But adjacent to it and beyond it there was a vast region of country which, though utterly treeless, was endowed with a marvelous richness of soil and with a climate fitted for all the staple productions of the temperate zone. This region embraced parts of Illinois, almost the whole of Iowa, southern Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, and parts of Montana--a region of imperial extent. Now, it happens that for every acre of pine land that has been denuded in Michigan, northern Wisconsin, and northern Minnesota there are somewhere in the great treeless region further south and west two or three new farm-houses. The railroads, pushing ahead of settlement out into the open prairie, have carried the white-pine lumber from the gigantic sawmills of the Upper Mississippi and its tributaries; and thus millions of acres of land have been brought under cultivation by farmers who could not have been housed in comfort but for the proximity of the pine forests. The rapid clearing away of timber areas in Wisconsin has simply meant the rapid settlement of North and South Dakota, western Iowa, and Nebraska.

TREE PLANTING ON THE PRAIRIES.

The settlement of these treeless regions means the successful growth on every farm of at least several hundred trees. Without attempting to be statistical or exact, we might say that an acre of northern Minnesota pine trees makes it possible for a farmer in Dakota or Nebraska to have a house, farm buildings, and fences, with a holding of at least one hundred and sixty acres upon which he will successfully cultivate several acres of forest trees of different kinds. Even if the denuded pine lands of the region south and west of Lake Superior would not readily produce a second growth of dense forest--which, it should be said in passing, they certainly will--their loss would be far more than made good by the universal cultivation of forest trees in the prairie States. It is at least comforting to reflect, when the friends of scientific forestry warn us against the ruthless destruction of standing timber, that thus far at least in our Western history we have simply been cutting down trees in order to put a roof over the head of the man who was invading treeless regions for the purpose of planting and nurturing a hundred times as many trees as had been destroyed for his benefit! There is something almost inspiring in the contemplation of millions of families, all the way from Minnesota to Colorado and Texas, living in the shelter of these new pine houses and transforming the plains into a shaded and fruitful empire.

PIONEER LIFE IN THE SEVENTIES.

The enormous expansion of our railway systems will soon have made it quite impossible for any of the younger generation to realize what hardships were attendant upon such limited colonization of treeless prairie regions as preceded the iron rails. In 1876 I spent the summer in a part of Dakota to which a considerable number of hardy but poor farmers had found their way and taken up claims. They could not easily procure wood for houses, no other ordinary building material was accessible, and they were living in half-underground "dugouts," so-called. There was much more pleasure and romance in the pioneer experiences of my own ancestors a hundred years ago, who were living in comfortable log-houses with huge fire places, and shooting abundant supplies of deer and wild turkey in the deep woods of southern Ohio. The pluck and industry of these Dakota pioneers, most of whom were Irish men and Norwegians, won my heartiest sympathy and respect. Poor as they were, they maintained one public institution in common--namely, a school, with its place of public assemblage. The building had no floor but the beaten earth, and, its thick walls were blocks of matted prairie turf, its roof also being of sods supported upon some poles brought from the scanty timber-growth along the margin of a prairie river. To-day these poor pioneers are enjoying their reward. Their valley is traversed by several railroads; prosperous villages have sprung up; their lands are of considerable value; they all live in well-built farm-houses; their shade trees have grown to a height of fifty or sixty feet; a bustling and ambitious city, with fine churches, opera-houses, electric illumination, and the most advanced public educational system, is only a few miles away from them. Such transformations have occurred, not alone in a few spots in Iowa and South Dakota, but are common throughout a region that extends from the British dominions to the Indian Territory, and from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains--a region comprising more than a half-million square miles.

THE GRANARY OF THE WORLD.

Naturally the industrial life of these Northwestern communities is based solidly upon agriculture. There is, perhaps, hardly any other agricultural region of equal extent upon the face of the earth that is so fertile and so well adapted for the production of the most necessary articles of human food. During the past decade the world's markets have been notably disturbed and affected, and profound social changes and political agitations have occurred in various remote parts of the earth. It is within bounds to assert that the most potent and far-reaching factor in the altered conditions of the industrial world during these recent years has been the sudden invasion and utilization of this great new farming region. Most parts of the world which are fairly prosperous do not produce staple food supplies in appreciable surplus quantities. Several regions which are not highly prosperous sell surplus food products out of their poverty rather than out of their abundance. That is to say, the people of India and the people of Russia have often been obliged, in order to obtain money to pay their taxes and other necessary expenses, to sell and send away to prosperous England the wheat which they have needed for hungry mouths at home. They have managed to subsist upon coarser and cheaper food. But in our Northwestern States the application of ingenious machinery to the cultivation of fertile and virgin soils has within the past twenty-five years precipitated upon the world a stupendous new supply of cereals and of meats, produced in quantities enormously greater than the people of the Northwestern States could consume. These foodstuffs have powerfully affected agriculture in Ireland, England, France, and Germany, and, in fact, in every other part of the accessible and cultivated globe.

THE NORTHWESTERN FARMER.

So much has been written of late about the condition of the farmer in these regions that it is pertinent to inquire who the Western farmer is. In the old States the representative farmer is a man of long training in the difficult and honorable art of diversified agriculture. He knows much of soils, of crops and their wise rotation, of domestic animals and their breeding, and of a hundred distinct phases of the production, the life, and the household economics that belong to the traditions and methods of Anglo-Saxon farming. If he is a wise man, owning his land and avoiding extravagance, he can defy any condition of the markets, and can survive any known succession of adverse seasons. There are also many such farmers in the West. But there are thousands of wheat-raisers or corn-growers who have followed in the wake of the railway and taken up government or railroad land, and who are not yet farmers in the truest and best sense of the word. They are unskilled laborers who have become speculators. They obtain their land for nothing, or for a price ranging from one dollar and fifty cents to five dollars per acre. They borrow on mortgage the money to build a small house and to procure horses and implements and seed-grain. Then they proceed to put as large an acreage as they can manage into a single crop--wheat in the Dakotas, wheat or corn in Nebraska and Kansas. They speculate upon the chances of a favorable season and a good crop safely harvested; and they speculate upon the chances of a profitable market. They hope that the first two crops may render them the possessor of an unincumbered estate, supplied with modest buildings, and with a reasonable quantity of machinery and live stock. Sometimes they succeed beyond their anticipations. In many instances the chances go against them. They live on the land, and the title is invested in them; but they are using borrowed capital, use it unskillfully, meet an adverse season or two, lose through foreclosure that which has cost them nothing except a year or two of energy spent in what is more nearly akin to gambling than to farming, and finally help to swell the great chorus that calls the world to witness the distress of Western agriculture. It cannot be said too emphatically that real agriculture in the West is safe and prosperous, and that the unfortunates are the inexperienced persons, usually without capital, who attempt to raise a single crop on new land. For many of them it would be about as wise to take borrowed money and speculate in wheat in the Chicago bucket-shops.

The great majority, however, of these inexperienced and capital-less wheat and corn producers gradually become farmers. It is inevitable, at first, that a country opened by the railroads for the express purpose of obtaining the largest possible freightage of cereals should for a few seasons be a "single-crop country." Often the seed-grain is supplied on loan by the roads themselves. They charge "what the traffic will bear." The grain is all, or nearly all, marketed through long series of elevators following the tracks, at intervals of a few miles, and owned by some central company that bears a close relation to the railroad. Thus the corporations which control the transportation and handling of the grain in effect maintain for their own advantage an exploitation of the entire regions that they traverse, through the first years of settlement. Year by year the margin of cultivation extends further West, and the single-crop sort of farming tends to recede. The wheat growers produce more barley and oats and flax, try corn successfully, introduce live stock and dairying, and thus begin to emerge as real farmers.

Unless this method of Western settlement is comprehended, it is not possible to understand the old Granger movement and the more recent legislative conflicts between the farmers of Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Minnesota, and the Dakotas, on the one hand, and the great transportation and grain-handling corporations on the other. It was fundamentally a question of the division of profits. The railroads had "made" the country: were they entitled to allow the farmers simply a return about equal to the cost of production, keeping for themselves the difference between the cost and the price in the central markets, or were they to base their charges upon the cost of their service, and leave the farmers to enjoy whatever profits might arise from the production of wheat or corn? Out of that protracted contest has been developed the principle of the public regulation of rates. The position of these communities of farmers with interests so similar, forming commonwealths so singularly homogeneous, has led to a reliance upon State aid that is altogether unprecedented in new and sparsely settled regions, where individualism has usually been dominant, and governmental activity relatively inferior.

TRANSPORTATION AND OTHER INDUSTRIES.

But agriculture, while the basis of Northwestern wealth, is not the sole pursuit. Transportation has become in these regions a powerful interest, because of the vast surplus agricultural product to be carried away, and of the great quantities of lumber, coal, salt, and staple supplies in general, to be distributed throughout the new prairie communities. The transformation of the pine forests into the homes of several million people has, of course, developed marvelous sawmill and building industries; and the furnishing of millions of new homes has called into being great factories for the making of wooden furniture, iron stoves, and all kinds of household supplies. In response to the demand for agricultural implements and machinery with which to cultivate five hundred million acres of newly utilized wild land, there have come into existence numerous great establishments for the making of machines that have been especially invented to meet the peculiarities and exigencies of Western farm life.

Through Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas, Indian corn has become a greater product in quantity and value than wheat; while in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and North and South Dakota the wheat is decidedly the preponderant crop. Although in addition to oats and barley, which flourish in all the Western States, it has been found possible to increase the acreage of maize in the northern tier, it is now believed that the most profitable alternate crop in the latitude of Minneapolis and St. Paul is to be flax. Already a region including parts of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, and the Dakotas has become the most extensive area of flax culture in the whole world. The crop has been produced simply for the seed, which has supplied large linseed oil factories in Minneapolis, Chicago, and various Western places. But now it has been discovered that the flax straw, which has heretofore been allowed to rot in the fields as a valueless product, can be utilized for a fibre which will make a satisfactory quality of coarse linen fabrics. Linen mills have been established in Minneapolis, and it is somewhat confidently predicted that in course of time the linen industry of that ambitious city will reach proportions even greater than its wonderful flour industry, which for a number of years has been without a rival anywhere in the world.

THE "TWIN CITIES."

The railroad system of the Northwest has been developed in such a way that no one centre may be fairly regarded as the commercial capital of the region. Chicago, with its marvelous foresight, has thrown out lines of travel that draw to itself much of the traffic which would seem normally to belong to Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Duluth on the north, or to St. Louis and Kansas City on the south. But in the region now under discussion, the famous "Twin Cities," Minneapolis and St. Paul, constitute unquestionably the greatest and most distinctive centre, both of business and of civilization. They are beautifully situated, and they add to a long list of natural advantages very many equally desirable attractions growing out of the enterprising and ambitious forethought of the inhabitants. They are cities of beautiful homes, pleasant parks, enterprising municipal improvements; advanced educational establishments, and varied industrial interests. Each is a distinct urban community, although they lie so near together that they constitute one general centre of commerce and transportation when viewed from a distance. Their stimulating rivalry has had the effect to keep each city alert and to prevent a listless, degenerate local administration. About the Falls of St. Anthony, at Minneapolis, great manufacturing establishments are grouping themselves, and each year adds to the certainty that these two picturesque and charming cities have before them a most brilliant civic future.

UNITED PUBLIC ACTION AND ITS INFLUENCE.

The tendency to rely upon united public action is illustrated in the growth of Northwestern educational systems. The universities of these commonwealths are State universities. Professional education is under the State auspices and control. The normal schools and the agricultural schools belong to the State. The public high school provides intermediate instruction. The common district school, supported jointly by local taxation and State subvention, gives elementary education to the children of all classes. As the towns grow the tendency to graft manual and technical courses upon the ordinary public school curriculum is unmistakably strong. The Northwest, more than any other part of the country, is disposed to make every kind of education a public function.

Radicalism has flourished in the homogeneous agricultural society of the Northwest. In the anti-monopoly conflict there seemed to have survived some of the intensity of feeling that characterized the anti-slavery movement; and a tinge of this fanatical quality has always been apparent in the Western and Northwestern monetary heresies. But it is in the temperance movement that this sweep of radical impulse has been most irresistible. It was natural that the movement should become political and take the form of an agitation for prohibition. The history of prohibition in Iowa, Kansas, and the Dakotas, and of temperance legislation in Minnesota and Nebraska, reveals--even better perhaps than the history of the anti-monopoly movement--the radicalism, homogeneity, and powerful socializing tendencies of the Northwestern people. Between these different agitations there has been in reality no slight degree of relationship; at least their origin is to be traced to the same general conditions of society.

The extent to which a modern community resorts to State action depends in no small measure upon the accumulation of private resources. Public or organized initiative will be relatively strongest where the impulse to progress is positive but the ability of individuals is small. There are few rich men in the Northwest. Iowa, great as is the Hawkeye State, has no large city and no large fortunes. Of Kansas the same thing may be said. The Dakotas have no rich men and no cities. Minnesota has Minneapolis and St. Paul, and Nebraska has Omaha; but otherwise these two States are farming communities, without large cities or concentrated private capital. Accordingly the recourse to public action is comparatively easy. South Dakota farmers desire to guard against drought by opening artesian wells for irrigation. They resort to State legislation and the sale of county bonds. North Dakota wheat-growers are unfortunate in the failure of crops. They secure seed-wheat through State action and their county governments. A similarity of condition fosters associated action and facilitates the progress of popular movements.

In such a society the spirit of action is intense. If there are few philosophers, there is remarkable diffusion of popular knowledge and elementary education. The dry atmosphere and the cold winters are nerve-stimulants, and life seems to have a higher tension and velocity than in other parts of the country.

THE INDIAN QUESTION.

The Northwest presents a series of very interesting race problems. The first one, chronologically at least, is the problem that the American Indian presents. It is not so long ago since the Indian was in possession of a very large portion of the region we are now considering. A number of tribes were gradually removed further West, or were assigned to districts in the Indian Territory. But most of them were concentrated in large reservations in Minnesota, Nebraska, North and South Dakota, Montana, and Wyoming. The past few years have witnessed the rapid reduction of these reservations, and the adoption of a policy which, if carried to its logical conclusion with energy and good faith, will at an early date result in the universal education of the children, in the abolition of the system of reservations, and in the settlement of the Indian families upon farms of their own, as fully enfranchised American citizens.

OTHER ELEMENTS OF POPULATION.

The most potent single element of population in the Northwest is of New England origin, although more than half of it has found its way into Iowa, Minnesota, the Dakotas, Nebraska, and Kansas, by filtration through the intermediate States of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois. But there has also been a vast direct immigration from abroad; and this element has come more largely, by far, from the northern than from the central and southern races of Europe. The Scandinavian peninsula and the countries about the Baltic and North Seas have supplied the Northwest with a population that already numbers millions. From Chicago to Montana there is now a population of full Scandinavian origin, which, perhaps, may be regarded as about equal in numbers to the population that remains in Sweden and Norway. In Wisconsin, Minnesota, North Dakota, and South Dakota, as well as in northern Iowa and in some parts of Nebraska, there are whole counties where the population is almost entirely Scandinavian. Upon all this portion of the country for centuries to come the Scandinavian patronymics will be as firmly fixed as they have been upon the Scotch and English coasts, where the Northmen intrenched themselves so numerously and firmly about nine hundred or a thousand years ago. The Scandinavians in the Northwest become Americans with a rapidity unequaled by any other non-English-speaking element. Their political ambition is as insatiate as that of the Irish, and they already secure offices in numbers. Their devotion to the American school system, their political aptitude and ambition, and their enthusiastic pride in American citizenship are thoroughly hopeful traits, and it is generally believed that they will contribute much of strength and sturdiness to the splendid race of Northwestern Americans that is to be developed in the Upper Mississippi and Missouri Valleys. The Northwestern Germans evince a tendency to mass in towns, as in Milwaukee, and to preserve intact their language and national traits.

SOCIETY AND GENERAL CULTURE.

The large towns of the Northwest are notable for the great numbers of the brightest and most energetic of the young business and professional men of the East that they contain. While they lack the leisure class and the traditions of culture that belong to older communities, they may justly claim a far higher percentage of college-bred men and of families of cultivated tastes than belong to Eastern towns of like population. The intense pressure of business and absorption of private pursuits are, for the present, seeming obstacles to the progress of Western communities in the highest things; but already the zeal for public improvements and for social progress in all that pertains to true culture is very great. Two decades hence no man will question the quality of Northwestern civilization. If the East is losing something of its distinctive Americanism through the influx of foreign elements and the decay of its old-time farming communities, the growth of the Northwest, largely upon the basis of New England blood and New England ideas, will make full compensation.

Every nation of the world confronts its own racial or climatic or industrial problems, and nowhere is there to be found an ideal state of happiness or virtue or prosperity; but, all things considered, it may well be doubted whether there exists any other extensive portion, either of America or of the world, in which there is so little of pauperism, of crime, of social inequality, of ignorance, and of chafing discontent, as in the agricultural Northwest that lies between Chicago and the Rocky Mountains. Schools and churches are almost everywhere flourishing in this region, and the necessities of life are not beyond the reach of any element or class. There is a pleasantness, a hospitality, and a friendliness in the social life of the Western communities that is certainly not surpassed.

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XXIV. ADMINISTRATION OF McKINLEY, 1897-1901

William McKinley--Organization of "Greater New York"--Removal of General Grant's Remains to Morningside Park--The Klondike Gold Excitement--Spain's Misrule in Cuba--Preliminary Events of the Spanish-American War.

THE TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENT.

William McKinley was born at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, January 29, 1843, of Scotch ancestry, his father, David, being one of the pioneers of the iron business in Eastern Ohio.

The parents were in moderate circumstances, and the son, having prepared for college, was matriculated at Alleghany College, Meadville, Pennsylvania, but his poor health soon obliged him to return to his home. He became a schoolteacher at the salary of $25 per month, and, as was the custom in many of the country districts, he "boarded round;" that is, he made his home by turns with the different patrons of his school. He used rigid economy, his ambition being to save enough money to pay his way through college.

Destiny, however, had another career, awaiting him. The great Civil War was impending, and when the news of the firing on Fort Sumter was flashed through the land, his patriotic impulses were roused, and, like thousands of others, he hurried to the defense of his country. He enlisted in Company E, as a private. It was attached to the Twenty-third Ohio regiment, of which W.S. Rosecrans was colonel and Rutherford B. Hayes major. Of no other regiment can it be said that it furnished two Presidents to the United States.

For more than a year Private McKinley carried a musket, and on the 15th of April, 1862, was promoted to a sergeancy. Looking back to those stirring days of his young manhood, President McKinley has said:

"I always recall them with pleasure. Those fourteen months that I served in the ranks taught me a great deal. I was but a schoolboy when I went into the army, and that first year was a formative period of my life, during which I learned much of men and affairs. I have always been glad that I entered the service as a private and served those months in that capacity."

McKinley made a good soldier and saw plenty of fighting. Six weeks after leaving Columbus, his regiment was in the battle of Carnifex Ferry, Western Virginia, where the only victories of the early days of the war were won. It was the hardest kind of work, hurrying back and forth through the mountains, drenched by rains, and on short rations most of the time. The boy did his work well and was soon ordered to Washington, where he became one of the units in the splendid Army of the Potomac under General McClellan.

At Antietam, the bloodiest battle of the war, McKinley's gallantry was so conspicuous that he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He was sent to West Virginia again, where he was fighting continually. As an evidence of the kind of work he did, it may be said that one morning his regiment breakfasted in Pennsylvania, ate dinner in Maryland, and took supper in Virginia.

Winning promotion by his fine conduct, he became captain, July 25, 1864, and was brevetted major, on the recommendation of General Sheridan, for conspicuous bravery at Cedar Creek and Fisher's Hill. The title, "Major McKinley," therefore, is the military one by which the President is remembered.

With the coming of peace, the young man found himself a veteran of the war at the age of twenty-two, and compelled to decide upon the means of earning his living. He took up the study of law, and was graduated from the Albany, N.Y., law school, and admitted to the bar in 1867. He began practice in Canton, Ohio, and, by his ability and conscientious devotion, soon achieved success. He early showed an interest in politics, and was often called upon to make public addresses. He identified himself with the Republican party, and was elected district attorney in Stark County, which almost invariably went Democratic. In 1876, he was elected to Congress, against a normal Democratic majority, for five successive terms, being defeated when he ran the sixth time through the gerrymandering of his district by his political opponents.

During his seven terms in Congress, Mr. McKinley was noted for his clear grasp of national questions and his interest in tariff legislation. It was in 1890 that he brought about the passage of the tariff measure which is always associated with his name. In the same year he was defeated, but, being nominated for governor, he was elected by 80,000 majority. As in the case of Mr. Cleveland, this triumph attracted national attention, and his administration was so satisfactory that he could have received the nomination for the presidency twice before he accepted it.

The presidential administration of McKinley has proven one of the most eventful in our history, for, as set forth in the following chapters, it marked our entrance among the leading nations of the world, in the field of territorial expansion beyond the limits of our own continent and hemisphere. Before entering upon the history of this phase of our national existence, attention must be given to important happenings of a different nature. One of these was the organization of what is popularly known as "Greater New York."

"GREATER NEW YORK."

For a number of years, a prominent question among the inhabitants of the metropolis and outlying cities was that of their union under one government. The New York Legislature in 1890 appointed a committee to inquire into and report upon the subject. After several years of discussion, the Legislature provided for a referendum, the result of which showed a large majority in favor of uniting the cities referred to. A bill was carefully framed, passed both branches of the law-making body by a strong vote in February, 1897, and was signed by the mayors of Brooklyn and of Long Island City. Mayor Strong, of New York, however, vetoed the bill, but the Legislature immediately repassed it, and it was signed by Governor Black.

The expanded metropolis began its official existence January 1, 1898, the government being vested in a mayor and a municipal assembly, which consists of two branches elected by the people. The population at the time named was about 3,400,000, the daily increase being 400. Should this rate continue, the total population at the middle of the twentieth century will be 20,000,000, which will make it the most populous in the world, unless London wakes up and grows faster than at present.

The area of Greater New York is 317.77 square miles. Its greatest width from the Hudson River to the boundary line across Long Island beyond Creedmoor is sixteen miles, and the extreme length, from the southern end of Staten Island to the northern limits of Yonkers, is thirty-two miles. Within these bounds are the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Long Island City, Jamaica, all of Staten Island, the western end of Long Island, Coney Island, Rockaway, Valley Stream, Flushing, Whitestone, College Point, Willets' Point, Fort Schuyler, Throggs' Neck, Westchester, Baychester, Pelham Manor, Van Cortlandt, Riverdale, and Spuyten Devil.

REMOVAL OF GENERAL GRANT'S REMAINS TO MORNINGSIDE PARK.

The removal of the remains of General Grant to their final resting-place in the magnificent tomb on Morningside Heights, on the banks of the Hudson, took place during the first year of McKinley's administration, and was marked by ceremonies among the most impressive ever witnessed in the metropolis of the country. The final tributes to the foremost defender of the country were made by eloquent tongues, and pens, and by the reverent affection of the nation itself.

There have been many attempts made to analyze the character of this remarkable man. Some of his most intimate friends failed to understand him. Among the best of these analyses is that of Lieutenant-General John M. Schofield. In this our last reference to General Grant, the words of his trusted confidant deserve record:

"General Sherman wrote that he could not understand Grant, and doubted if Grant understood himself. A very distinguished statesman, whose name I need not mention, said to me that, in his opinion, there was nothing special in Grant to understand. Others have varied widely in their estimates of that extraordinary character. Yet I believe its most extraordinary quality was its extreme simplicity, so extreme that many have entirely overlooked it in their search for some deeply hidden secret to account for so great a character, unmindful of the general fact that simplicity is one of the most prominent attributes of greatness.

"The greatest of all the traits of Grant's character was that which lay always on the surface, visible to all who had eyes to see it. That was his moral and intellectual honesty, integrity, sincerity, veracity, and justice. He was incapable of any attempt to deceive anybody, except for a legitimate purpose, as in military strategy; and, above all, he was incapable of deceiving himself. He possessed that rarest of all human faculties, the power of a perfectly accurate estimate of himself, uninfluenced by vanity, pride, ambition, flattery, or self-interest. Grant was very far from being a modest man, as the word is generally understood. His just self-esteem was as far above it as it was above flattery. The highest enconiums were accepted for what he believed them to be worth. They did not disturb his equilibrium in the slightest degree. Confiding, just, and generous to everybody else, he treated with silent contempt any suggestion that he had been unfaithful to any obligation. He was too proud to explain where his honor had been questioned.

"While Grant knew his own merits as well as anybody did, he also knew his own imperfections and estimated them at their real value. For example, his inability to speak in public, which produced the impression of extreme modesty or diffidence, he accepted simply as a fact in his nature which was of little or no consequence, and which he did not even care to conceal. He would not, for many years, even take the trouble to jot down a few words in advance, so as to be able to say something when called upon. Indeed, I believe he would have regarded it as an unworthy attempt to appear in a false light if he had made preparations in advance for an 'extemporaneous' speech. Even when he did in later years write some notes on the back of a dinner-card, he would take care to let everybody see that he had done so by holding the card in plain view while he read his little speech. After telling a story, in which the facts had been modified somewhat to give the greater effect, which no one could enjoy more than he did, Grant would take care to explain exactly in what respects he had altered the facts for the purpose of increasing the interest in his story, so that he might not leave any wrong impression.

"When Grant's attention was called to any mistake he had committed, he would see and admit it as quickly and unreservedly as if it had been made by anybody else, and with a smile which expressed the exact opposite of that feeling which most men are apt to show under like circumstances. His love of truth and justice was so far above all personal considerations that he showed unmistakable evidence of gratification when any error into which he might have fallen was corrected. The fact that he had made a mistake and that it was plainly pointed out to him did not produce the slightest unpleasant impression; while the further fact, that no harm had resulted from his mistake, gave him real pleasure. In Grant's judgment, no case in which any wrong had been done could possibly be regarded as finally settled until that wrong was righted, and if he himself had been, in any sense, a party to that wrong, he was the more earnest in his desire to see justice done. While he thus showed a total absence of any false pride of opinion or of knowledge, no man could be firmer than he in adherence to his mature judgment, nor more earnest in his determination, on proper occasions, to make it understood that his opinion was his own and not borrowed from anybody else. His pride in his own mature opinion was very great; in that he was as far as possible from being a modest man. This absolute confidence in his own judgment upon any subject which he had mastered, and the moral courage to take upon himself alone the highest responsibility, and to demand full authority and freedom to act according to his own judgment, without interference from anybody, added to his accurate estimate of his own ability and clear perception of the necessity for undivided authority and responsibility in the conduct of military operations, and in all that concerns the efficiency of armies in time of war, constituted the foundation of that very great character.

"When summoned to Washington to take command of all the armies, with the rank of lieutenant-general, he determined, before he reached the capital, that he would not accept the command under any conditions than those above stated. His sense of honor and of loyalty to the country would not permit him to consent to be placed in a false position, one in which he could not perform the service which the country had been led to expect from him, and he had the courage to say so in unqualified terms.

"These traits of Grant's character must now be perfectly familiar to all who have studied his history, as well as to those who enjoyed familiar intercourse with him during his life. They are the traits of character which made him, as it seems to me, a very great man, the only man of our time, so far as we know, who possessed both the character and the military ability which were, under the circumstances, indispensable in the commander of the armies which were to suppress the great rebellion.

"It has been said that Grant, like Lincoln, was a typical American, and for that reason was most beloved and respected by the people. That is true of the statesman and the soldier, as well as of the people, if it is meant that they were the highest type, that ideal which commands the respect and admiration of the highest and best in a man's nature, however far he may know it to be above himself. The soldiers and the people saw in Grant or in Lincoln, not one of themselves, not a plain man of the people, nor yet some superior being whom they could not understand, but the personification of their highest ideal of a citizen, soldier, or statesman, a man whose greatness they could see and understand as plainly as they could anything else under the sun. And there was no more mystery about it all, in fact, than there was in the popular mind."

To the widow of General Grant was given the right to select the spot for the last resting-place of his remains, she to repose after death beside her husband. She decided upon Riverside. It then became the privilege of his friends to provide a suitable tomb for the illustrious soldier. The funds needed, amounting to nearly half a million dollars, were raised by subscription, ground was broken on the anniversary of Grant's birthday, April 27, 1891, and a year later the corner-stone was laid by President Harrison.

The tomb of General Grant, standing on the banks of the Hudson, is an imposing structure, square in shape, ninety feet on each side, and of the Grecian-Doric order. The entrance on the south side is guarded by a portico in double lines of columns, approached by steps seventy feet in width. The tomb is surmounted at a height of seventy-two feet with a cornice and parapet, above which is a circular cupola, seventy feet in diameter, terminating in a top the shape of a pyramid, which is 280 feet above the river.

The interior of the structure is of cruciform form, seventy-six feet at its greatest length, the piers of masonry at the corners being connected by arches which form recesses. The arches are fifty feet in height, and are surmounted by an open circular gallery, capped with a panneled dome, 105 feet above the floor. Scenes in General Grant's career are depicted with sculpture on the plane and relieved surfaces in alto rilievo. The granite of the structure is light in color, and the sarcophagus of brilliant reddish porphyry. The crypt rests directly under the centre of the dome, stairways connecting with the passage surrounding the sarcophagus, where the remains of the widow of General Grant are eventually to repose.

The ceremonies attending the removal of the remains on April 27, 1897, included three impressive displays, the ceremony at the tomb, the parade of the army--the National Guard and civic bodies--and the review of the navy and merchant marine on the Hudson. Those who gathered to take part in the final tribute to the great soldier included the President, Vice-President of the United States, the Cabinet, many State governors, prominent American citizens, and representatives of foreign nations. From 129th Street to the Battery, and from Whitehall up East River to the Bridge, thousands of American and foreign flags were displayed, while the parade of men on foot included 60,000 persons.

Bishop Newman opened the exercises with prayer, and President McKinley made one of the finest speeches of his life, the opening words of which were:

"A great life, dedicated to the welfare of the nation, here finds its earthly coronation. Even if this day lacked the impressiveness of ceremony and was devoid of pageantry, it would still be memorable, because it is the anniversary of the birth of the most famous and best beloved of American soldiers."

The President concluded with the words:

"With Washington and Lincoln, Grant had an exalted place in the history and the affections of the people. To-day his memory is held in equal esteem by those whom he led to victory, and by those who accepted his generous terms of peace. The veteran leaders of the Blue and Gray here meet not only to honor the name of Grant, but to testify to the living reality of a fraternal national spirit which has triumphed over the differences of the past and transcends the limitations of sectional lines. Its completion--which we pray God to speed--will be the nation's greatest glory.

"It is right that General Grant should have a memorial commensurate with his greatness, and that his last resting-place should be in the city of his choice, to which he was so attached, and of whose ties he was not forgetful even in death. Fitting, too, is it that the great soldier should sleep beside the noble river on whose banks he first learned the art of war, and of which he became master and leader without a rival.

"But let us not forget the glorious distinction with which the metropolis among the fair sisterhood of American cities has honored his life and memory. With all that riches and sculpture can do to render the edifice worthy of the man, upon a site unsurpassed for magnificence, has this monument been reared by New York as a perpetual record of his illustrious deeds, in the certainty that, as time passes, around it will assemble, with gratitude and reverence and veneration, men of all climes, races, and nationalities.

"New York holds in its keeping the precious dust of the silent soldier, but his achievements--what he and his brave comrades wrought for mankind--are in the keeping of seventy millions of American citizens, who will guard the sacred heritage forever and forevermore."

General Horace Porter, president of the Grant Memorial Association, made an address, giving the history of the crowning work of the association, rendering acknowledgment to those who had given valuable help, and closing with a masterly and eloquent tribute to the great citizen whom all had gathered to honor.

THE KLONDIKE GOLD EXCITEMENT.

There was much excitement throughout the country in 1897 over the reported discoveries of rich deposits of gold in the Klondike, as the region along the Yukon River in Alaska is called. These reports were discredited at first, but they were repeated, and proof soon appeared that they were based upon truth. In the autumn of 1896, about fifty miners visited the section, led thither by the rumors that had come to them. None of the men carried more than his outfit and a few hundred dollars, but when they returned they brought gold to the value of from $5,000 to $100,000 apiece, besides leaving claims behind them that were worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. In July, 1897, a party of miners arrived at Seattle from the Klondike, bringing with them nuggets and gold-dust weighing more than a ton and worth a million and a half of dollars. Besides this, other men continually came back with such quantities of the precious metal that it was apparent that not only were the reports justified, but, what is the exception in such cases, the whole truth had not been told.

The natural consequence was that a rush set in for the Klondike, which is the name of a tributary of the Yukon, and flows through the richest gold fields, where the mining days of early California were repeated. Dawson City was founded at the mouth of the Klondike, and in a short time had a population of 5,000. Before the year closed, 500 claims were located, with more taken up daily. As was inevitable, there was much suffering, for the Yukon is closed by ice during the greater part of the year, and the winter climate is of Arctic severity. The most productive fields were found to be not in Alaska, but in the British provinces known as the Northwest Territories. While many gathered fortunes in the Klondike, the majority, after great hardships and suffering, returned to their homes poorer than when they left them.

SPAIN'S MISRULE IN CUBA.

The administration of McKinley occupies a prominent place in American history because of our brief and decisive war with Spain. A full account is given in the pages that follow, but it is proper in this chapter to set forth some historical facts, that will serve to clear the way to a proper understanding of the story of the war itself.

Spain may best illustrate the certain decline of the Latin race and the rise of the Anglo-Saxon. When America was discovered, she was the leading maritime power of the world, but she was corrupt, rapacious, ferocious, and totally devoid of what is best expressed by the term "common sense." So lacking indeed was she in this prime requisite that she alienated, when it was just as easy to attract, the weaker nations and colonies with which she came in contact. It has been shown in the earlier chapters of this work that when her exploring expeditions into the interior of America were obliged to depend for their own existence upon the good-will of the natives, and when they could readily gain and retain that good-will, they roused the hatred of the simple-minded natives by their frightful cruelties. The chief amusement of the early Spaniards was killing Indians. They did it from the innate brutality of their nature, when they could have gained tenfold more by justice and kindness.

The treatment of those poor people was precisely what on a larger scale has been shown to her colonies. England wins and holds her dependencies through her liberality and justice; Spain repels hers through her treachery, falsehoods, and injustice. As a consequence, England has become one of the mightiest nations in the world, while Spain has steadily declined to a fourth-rate power. With the example of the results of her idiocy, to say nothing of its dishonor, ever before her, she has persisted in that idiocy, never learning from experience, but always selfish, short-sighted, cruel, treacherous, and unjust.

The steadiness with which Cuba clung to the mother country won for her the title of the "Ever Faithful Isle." Had she received any consideration at all, she still would have held fast. She poured princely revenues into the lap of Spain; when other colonies revolted, she refused to be moved. It required long years of outrage, robbery, and injustice to turn her affection into hate, but Spain persisted until the time came when human nature could stand no more. The crushed worm turned at last.

When Napoleon Bonaparte deposed the Bourbon King, Ferdinand VII., in 1808, and placed his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain, Cuba declared her loyalty to the old dynasty, and the king made many promises of what he would do to prove his gratitude when he should come to his own. This took place five years later, whereupon the king violated every pledge he had made.

The truth gradually worked its way into the Cuban mind that the only thing a Spaniard could be depended upon to do is to violate his most solemn promises. Secret societies began assuming form in the island, whose plotting and aim were to wrest their country from Spain, on the ground of the non-fulfillment of the pledges made by Ferdinand VII. of what he would do when he came to the throne.

Preparations were made for a revolt, whose avowed object was the establishment of a Cuban republic. A certain night in 1823 was fixed upon for a general uprising, but there were traitors in the councils, who notified the authorities, and, before the date named, the leaders were arrested and the revolt quenched ere a blow could be struck.

These severe measures could not quell the spirit of liberty that was abroad. It was not long before the Black Eagle Society was formed. It included many hundred members, had its headquarters in Mexico, and boldly secured recruits in the United States. But again the cause was betrayed by its members, the leaders were arrested and imprisoned, and Spain was secure for a time in the control of the island.

As an illustration of that country's course against suspected citizens, it may be said that in 1844 a rumor spread that large numbers of the slaves on the plantations near Matanzas were making secret preparations to rise and slay their masters. Investigation failed to establish the truth of these charges, but many were put to the torture to compel them to confess, and nearly a hundred were condemned and shot in cold blood.

Naturally the affairs of Cuba from its proximity were always of great interest to the United States, and a number of filibustering expeditions landed on the island and aided the Cubans in their futile revolts against Spain. These attempts at their best could only keep the island in a turmoil, and give Spain the pretext for using the most brutal measures of repression.

In 1868 a revolution occurred in Spain itself, and Queen Isabella, one of the worst rulers that sorely accursed country ever had, was driven into exile. Cuba had not forgotten the lesson of the opening of the century, and, instead of proclaiming her loyalty to the deposed dynasty, she seized what promised to be a favorable opportunity for gaining her own independence.

One of the fairest and most impartial publications anywhere is the Edinburgh Review, which used the following language in giving the reasons for the Cuban revolt of 1868:

"Spain governs the island of Cuba with an iron and blood-stained hand. The former holds the latter deprived of political, civil, and religious liberties. Hence the unfortunate Cubans being illegally prosecuted and sent into exile, or executed by military commissions, in times of peace; hence their being kept from public meetings, and forbidden to speak or write on affairs of State; hence their remonstrances against the evils that afflicted them being looked upon as the proceedings of rebels, from the fact that they are obliged to keep silence and obey; hence the never-ending plague of hungry officials from Spain to devour the product of their industry and labor; hence their exclusion from the art of government; hence the restrictions to which public instruction with them is subjected in order to keep them so ignorant as not to be able to know and enforce their rights in any shape or form whatever; hence the navy and the standing army, which are kept in their country at an enormous expenditure from their own wealth to make them bend their knees and submit their necks to the iron yoke that disgraces them; hence the grinding taxation under which they labor, and which would make all perish in misery but for the marvelous fertility of their soil."

The opportunity was a golden one for Spain to win back the affection of Cuba by generosity and justice. What steps did she take to do so?

Although the Cubans were ground to the very dust by taxation, levied in all cases by Spaniards, and not by their own officials, Spain proposed, in 1868, to add to the burden. In October of that year Carlos M. de Cespedes, a lawyer of Bayamo, raised the standard of revolt, placed himself at the head of a handful of patriots, which were soon joined by thousands, and in April, 1869, a republican constitution was adopted, slavery declared abolished, Cespedes was elected president, Francisco Aguilero vice-president, and a legislature was called together.

There never was hope of this insurrection securing the independence of Cuba. The patriots were too few in number, too badly armed and equipped, and not handled so as to be effective. But they caused great suffering and ruin throughout the island. They instituted a guerrilla system of warfare, and cost Spain many valuable lives. The wet and rainy seasons came and went, and still the savage fighting continued, until at last the rebels as well as the Spaniards were ready to welcome peace.

Martinez Campos was the Spanish commander, and he promised General Maximo Gomez, leader of the insurgents, that the reforms for which he and his comrades were contending should be granted on condition that they laid down their arms. The pledge was a sacred one, and no doubt Campos meant honestly to keep it. Unfortunately, however, there were higher powers than he behind him. Gomez accepted the promises of a brother soldier, and on February 10, 1878, the treaty of El Zanjon was signed.

This treaty guaranteed representation to the Cubans in the Spanish Cortes, and all who took part in the insurrection were pardoned.

Now the lesson of all this was so plain that the wayfaring man, though a fool, had no excuse for erring. Spain had bitterly learned the temper of the Cubans. She could not fail to see that but one possible way existed for her to retain control of them, and, of course, that was the very way she avoided. The Madrid authorities thought they did a wise thing when they secured control of the polls, and made sure that the delegates elected were their own. Schools, sewerage, roads, everything that could help the island were neglected and taxation increased. The reforms promised to the insurgents upon condition of laying down their arms proved a delusion and a snare. Thus the "captain-general" had his name changed to "governor-general," but his tyrannical powers remained the same as before. The right of banishment was formally repealed, but the outrages continued under another law that was equally effective, and so on to the end of the chapter. Once again the Cubans had been fooled by trusting to Spanish honor. They resolved that as soon as arrangements could be effected, they would set another insurrection on foot, which would be fought out to the death or until independence was secured.

Several important ends were accomplished by the Ten Years' War. Slavery was abolished in 1886, and the island was divided into the present six provinces. As in previous instances the United States was counted upon for the greatest material assistance in prosecuting the revolution. The spirit of adventure is always strong among Americans, and the filibustering enterprises appealed strongly to them. The spice of danger by which they were attended was their chief attraction. Our government was bound by treaty to prevent them, so far as she could, and it went to great expense in doing so. A number of expeditions were unable to get away from New York, but others escaped the vigilance of officials, and landed guns, ammunition, and men at different points on the island. One of the greatest helps in this unlawful business was the dishonesty of the officials employed by Spain to prevent the landing of supplies and men. There was never any difficulty in bribing these officers, who stumbled over one another in their eagerness to be bribed.

THE LAST CUBAN REVOLUTION LAUNCHED.

Meanwhile, the leaders in the former late revolt were consulting upon the best steps to launch the new revolution. Maximo Gomez was living in San Domingo, and, when he was offered the command of the revolutionary forces, he promptly accepted the responsibility. The offer came to him through Jose Marti, the head of the organization.

The grim veterans were resolute in their purpose. After studying the situation, they agreed that a general uprising should be set on foot in all the provinces on February 24, 1895. It was impossible to do this, but the standard of revolt was raised on the date named in three of the provinces.

One Spanish official read truly the meaning of the signs. He was Calleja, the captain-general. Though the revolt in the province of Santiago de Cuba looked trifling, he knew it was like a tiny blaze kindled in the dry prairie grass. He wished to act liberally toward the insurgents, but the blind government at Madrid blocked his every step. Since it had played the fool from the beginning, it kept up the farce to the end. They ordered Calleja to stamp out the rebellion, and he did his utmost to obey orders.

Could the royal and insurgent forces be brought to meet in fair combat, the latter would have been crushed out of existence at the first meeting. But the insurgent leaders were too shrewd to risk anything of that nature. They resumed their guerrilla tactics, striking hard blows, here, there, anywhere that the chance offered, and then fled into the woods and mountains before the regulars could be brought against them.

Such a style of warfare is always cruel and accompanied by outrages of a shocking character. The Cubans were as savage in their methods as the Spaniards. They blew up bridges and railroad trains with dynamite, regardless of the fact that, in so doing, it was the innocent instead of the guilty who suffered. They burned the sugar cane, destroyed the tobacco and coffee plantations, and impoverished the planters in order to shut off the revenues of Spain and deprive her forces of their needed supplies; they spread desolation and ruin everywhere, in the vain hope that the mother country could thus be brought to a realizing sense of the true situation.

But Spain was deaf and blind. She sent thousands of soldiers across the Atlantic, including the members of the best families in the kingdom, to die in the pestilential lowlands of Cuba, while trying to stamp out the fires of revolution that continually grew and spread.

The island was cursed by three political parties, each of which was strenuous in the maintenance of its views. The dominant party of course was the loyalists, who held all the offices and opposed any compromise with the insurgents. They were quite willing to make promises, with no intention of fulfilling them, but knew the Cubans could no longer be deceived.

The second party was the insurgents, who, as has been shown, had "enlisted for the war," and were determined not to lay down their arms until independence was achieved. The autonomists stood between these extremes, favoring home rule instead of independence, while admitting the misgovernment of Cuba.

The Spaniards were determined to prevent the coming of Antonio Maceo, a veteran of the Ten Years' War, possessed of great courage and resources, who was living in Costa Rica. They knew he had been communicated with and his presence would prove a tower of strength to the insurgents. Bodies of Spanish cavalry galloped along the coasts, on the alert to catch or shoot the rebel leader, while the officials closely watched all arrivals at the seaports for the feared rebel.

Despite these precautions, Maceo and twenty-two comrades of the previous war effected a landing on the eastern end of the island. They were almost immediately discovered by the Spanish cavalry, and a fierce fight followed, in which several Cubans were killed. Maceo fought furiously, seemingly inspired by the knowledge that he was again striking for the freedom of his country, and he came within a hair of being killed. He eluded his enemies, however, and, plunging into the thickets, started for the interior to meet the other insurgent leaders. The abundance of tropical fruits saved him from starving, and it was not long before he met with straggling bodies of his countrymen, who hailed his coming with enthusiasm. Recruits rapidly gathered around him, and he placed himself at the head of the ardent patriots.

It was just ten days after the landing of Maceo that Gomez and Jose Marti, coming from Santo Domingo, landed on the southern coast of Cuba. They had a lively time in avoiding the Spanish patrol, but succeeded in reaching a strong force of insurgents, and Gomez assumed his duties as commander-in-chief. Recruits were gathered to the number of several thousand, and Gomez and Marti started for the central provinces with the purpose of formally establishing the government. Marti was led astray on the road by a treacherous guide and killed.

Fully alive to the serious work before him, Captain-General Calleja called upon Spain for help in quelling the rebellion. She sent 25,000 troops to Cuba and Calleja was relieved by Field-Marshal Campos. This was a popular move, for it was Campos who brought the Ten Years' War to a close, and it was generally believed he would repeat his success.

The first important act of Campos was to divide Cuba into zones, by means of a number of strongly guarded military lines, extending north and south across the narrower part of the island. They were called "trochas," and were expected to offer an impassable check to the insurgents, who, thus confined within definite limits, could be crushed or driven into the sea with little difficulty.

The scheme, however, was a failure. The rebels crossed the trochas at will, kept up their guerrilla tactics, picked off the regulars, destroyed railroad trains, and went so far as to shoot the messengers who dared to enter their camp with proposals for making peace on other terms than independence.

The Cubans were full of hope. They had their old leaders with them, men who had led them in former campaigns and proven their courage and skill. Recruits flocked to their standards, until it has been estimated that by the close of the year fully 20,000 insurgents were in the field. With such strong commands, the leaders were able to attain several important successes. Considerable bodies of the regulars were defeated with serious losses, and, in one instance, Campos succeeded in saving himself and command only by the artillery he happened to have with him.

Campos had prosecuted the war through civilized methods, and, therefore, fell into disfavor at home. He was not a representative Spanish commander, and was now superseded by General Valeriano Weyler, who arrived in Havana in February, 1896. This man had as much human feeling in his heart as a wounded tiger. His policy was extermination. He established two powerful trochas across the island, but they proved as ineffective as those of Campos. Then he ordered the planters and their families, who were able to pick up a wretched living on their places, to move into the nearest towns, where they would be able to raise no more food for the insurgents. It mattered not to Weyler that neither could these reconcentrados raise any food for themselves, and therefore must starve: that was no concern of his. As he viewed it, starvation was the right method of ridding Cuba of those who yearned for its freedom.

No pen can picture the horrors that followed. The woeful scenes sent a shudder throughout the United States, and many good people demanded that the unspeakable crime should be checked by armed intervention. To do this meant war with Spain, but we were ready for that. A Congressional party visited Cuba in March, 1898, and witnessed the hideous suffering of the Cubans, of whom more than a hundred thousand had been starved to death, with scores still perishing daily. In referring to what they saw, Senator Proctor, of Vermont, said: "I shall refer to these horrible things no further. They are there. God pity me, I have seen them; they will remain in my mind forever, and this is almost the twentieth century. Christ died nineteen hundred years ago, and Spain is a Christian nation. She has set up more crosses in more lands, beneath more skies, and under them has butchered more people than all the other nations of the earth combined. God grant that before another Christmas morning the last vestige of Spanish tyranny and oppression will have vanished from the western hemisphere."

The ferocious measures of Weyler brought so indignant a protest from our country that he was recalled, and his place taken by General Ramon Blanco, who reached Havana in the autumn of 1897. Under him the indecisive fighting went on much as before, with no important advantage gained by either side. Friends of Cuba made appeals in Congress for the granting of belligerent rights to the insurgents, but strict international law demanded that their government should gain a more tangible form and existence before such rights could be conceded.

Matters were in this state of extreme tension when the blowing-up of the Maine occurred. While riding quietly at anchor in the harbor of Havana, on the night of February 15, 1898, she was utterly destroyed by a terrific explosion, which killed 266 officers and men. The news thrilled the land with horror and rage, for it was taken at once for granted that the appalling crime had been committed by Spaniards, but the absolute proof remained to be brought forward, and the Americans, with their proverbial love of justice and fair-play, waited for such proof.

Competent men were selected for the investigation, and they spent three weeks in making it. They reported that it had been established beyond question that the Maine was destroyed by an outside explosion, or submarine mine, though they were unable to determine who was directly responsible for the act.

The insistence of Spain, of course, was that the explosion was accidental and resulted from carelessness on the part of Captain Sigsbee and his crew; but it may be doubted whether any of the Spanish officials in Havana ever really held such a belief. While Spain herself was not directly responsible for the destruction of the warship and those who went down in her, it was some of her officials who destroyed her. The displacement of the ferocious Weyler had incensed a good many of his friends, some of whom most likely expressed their views in this manner, which, happily for the credit of humanity, is exceedingly rare in the history of nations.

The momentous events that followed are given in the succeeding chapters.

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