A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume III (part 9 of 9)

A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume III (part 9 of 9)

The Labarum of Constantine was the Greek cross with four equal arms, a symbol frequently seen on Chaldean and Assyrian cylinders. Oppert attaches to it the root [Hebrew: L.B.R לבר], thus explaining the word Labarum, the derivation of which has never been understood (Oppert et Menant, Documents juridiques de l'Assyrie, Paris, 1877, p. 200). The fetichism connected with the cross probably took its rise from the Labarum. Maxentius, we are told, was an ardent adept in magic, and relied upon it for success against Constantine, who was much alarmed until reassured by the vision of the cross and its starry inscription, "In hoc vince" (Euseb. H. E. IX. 9; Vit. Const, I. 28-31, 36.--Pauli Diac. Hist. Miscell. Lib. XI.--Zonaræ Annal. T. III.). The melting of pagan superstitions into Christian is illustrated by the incident that when Constantine routed Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge he was preceded in battle by an armed cavalier bearing a cross, and at Adrianople two youths were seen who slaughtered the troops of Licinius (Zonaræ Annal. T. III.). The Christian annalists had no difficulty in identifying with angels of God those whom Pagan writers would designate as Castores.

[423] Cohen, Les Pharisiens, I. 311.--Lightfooti Horæ Hebraicæ, Matt. XXIV. 24.--Mishna, Sanhedrin, VII. 7; x. 16.--Talmud Babli, Shabbath, 75 a (Buxtorfi Lexicon, p. 1170).

[424] Minuc. Felic. Octavius (Bib. Mag. Pat. III. 7-8).--Tertull. Apol. 35; de Anima 57.--Acta SS. Justin. et Cyprian. (Martene Thesaur. II. 1629).--Constitt. Apostol. II. 66.--Lactant. Divin. Inst. II. 17.--Concil. Ancyrens. ann. 314 c. 24.--C. Laodicens. ann. 320 c. 36.--C. Eliberitan. circa 324 c. 6.

[425] Cato. Rei Rust. 5.--Sueton. Tiber. 63.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi. 1-6.

For the care with which the Romans suppressed unauthorized soothsaying see Livy, xxxix. 16, and Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v. xxi. 1, 2, 3.

[426] Ammian. Marcellin. XIX. xii. 14; XXVI. iii.; XXIX. i. 5-14, ii. 1-5.--Zozimi IV. 14.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi. 7-12.

Yet favoritism led Valens to pardon Pollentianus, a military tribune, who confessed that, for the purpose of ascertaining the destiny of the imperial crown, he had ripped open a living woman and extracted her unborn babe to perform a hideous rite of necromancy (Am. Marcell. XXIX. ii. 17). In the later Roman augury, contaminated with Eastern rites, omens of the highest significance were found in the entrails of human victims, especially in those of the fœtus (Æl. Lamprid. Elagabal. 8.--Euseb. H. E. VII. 10, VIII. 14.--Paul. Diac. Hist. Miscell. XI.).

[427] Augustin. de Civ. Dei x. 9; XXI. 6; de Genesi ad Litteram XI.; de Divinat. Dæmon, v.; de Doctr. Christ. II. 20-4; Serm. 278.--Concil. Carthag. IV. ann. 398, c. 89.--Dracont. de Deo II. 324-7.--Leon. PP. I. Serm. XXVII. c. 3.

[428] Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2-6.--Basilicon Lib. LX. Tit. xxxix. 3, 28-32.--Photii Nomocanon. Tit. ix. cap. 25.--Nicet. Choniat. Man. Comnen. Lib. IV.; Andron. Lib. II.

[429] Edict. Theodorici c. 108.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. Lib. I. c. 4.--Cassiodor. Variar. IV. 22, 23, IX. 18.--Gregor. PP. I. Epist. XI. 53.

[430] LI. Wisigoth. II. iv. 1; VI. i. 4; VI. ii. 1, 3, 4, 5.--Fuero Juzgo II. iv. 1; VI. ii. 1, 3, 5.--Concil. Bracarens. II. ann. 572 c. 71.--Conc. Toletan. IV. ann. 633 c. 28.--Isidor. Hispalens. Etymol. VIII. 9; de Ord. Creatur. viii.--S. Pirmiani de Libb. Canon. Scarapsus.

[431] Haddan and Stubbs, Concil. III. 37.--Bedæ H. E. II. 15.

[432] Haddan and Stubbs, II. 320-3. Three stanzas of the eleven of which the hymn consists will show its character as an incantation:

1. I bind to myself to-day The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity, The faith of the Trinity in Unity, The Creator of the elements.

4. I bind to myself to-day The power of Heaven, The light of the Sun, The whiteness of Snow, The force of Fire, The flashing of Lightning, The velocity of Wind, The stability of the Earth, The hardness of Rocks.

6. I have set around me all these powers, Against every hostile savage power, Directed against my body and my soul, Against the incantations of false prophets, Against the black laws of heathenism, Against the false laws of heresy, Against the deceits of idolatry, Against the spells of women and smiths and druids, Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man.

[433] Grimm's Teutonic Mythol., Stallybrass's Transl. III. 1028.--Trithem. Lib. Quæst. Q. VI.

[434] Volsunga Saga, XXIV., XXV., XXXII.--Gripispa.--Keyser's Religion of the Northmen, Pennock's Transl. pp. 191, 285-7.--Tacit. Histor. IV. 61, 65; German. viii.--Volüspa, 2, 21, 22.

[435] Saxo. Grammat. Lib. I.--Havamal, 159.--Grougaldr, 1.--Vegtamskvida, 9.

[436] Cæsar. de Bell. Gall. I. 53.--Remberti Vit. S. Anscharii c. 16, 23, 24, 27.--Tacit. German. x.--Ammian. Marcellin. XXXI. 2.--Carolomanni Capit. II. ad Liptinas.--Carol. Mag. Capit. de Partibus Saxon. c. 23.

[437] Tacit. German. ix., x.

[438] Adam. Bremens. IV. 16, 31.--Saxon. Grammat. Lib. I.--Yuglinga Saga, 6, 7 (Laing's Heimskringla).

The Finns were not behind their neighbors in the powers attributed to spells and incantations. In the Kalevala, Louhi, the sorceress of the North, steals the sun and moon, which had come down from heaven to listen to Wainamoinen's singing, and hides them in a mountain, but is compelled to let them out again through dread of counter-spells. The powers of magic song are fairly summarized in the final contest between Wainamoinen and Youkahainen:

"Bravely sang the ancient minstrel, Till the flinty rocks and ledges Heard the trumpet tone and trembled, And the copper-bearing mountains Shook along their deep foundations, Flinty rocks flew straight asunder, Falling cliffs afar were scattered, All the solid earth resounded, And the ocean billows answered. And, alas! for Youkahainen, Lo! his sledge so fairly fashioned, Floats, a waif upon the ocean. Lo! his pearl-enamelled birch-rod Lies, a weed upon the margin. Lo! his steed of shining forehead Stands, a statue in the torrent, And his hame is but a fir-bough And his collar naught but corn-straw. Still the minstrel sings unceasing, And, alas! for Youkahainen, Sings his sword from out his scabbard, Hangs it in the sky before him As it were a gleam of lightning; Sings his bow, so gayly blazoned, Into driftwood on the ocean; Sings his finely feathered arrows Into swift and screaming eagles; Sings his dog, with crooked muzzle, Into stone-dog squatting near him; Into sea-flowers sings his gauntlets, And his vizor into vapor, And himself, the sorry fellow, Ever deeper in his torture, In the quicksand to the shoulder, To his hip in mud and water."

--Porter's Selections from the Kalevala, pp. 84-5.

[439] Havamal, 142, 150-63.--Harbarsdliod, 20.--Sigrdrifumal, 6-13, 15-18.--Skirnismal, 36.--Rigsmal, 40, 41.--Grougaldr, 6-14.

[440] Harbardsliod, 20.--Skirnismal, 26-34.--Keyser, op. cit. pp. 270, 293.--Hyndluliod, 43.--Lays of Sigurd and Brynhild.--Gudrunarkvida, II. 21.--Sigrdrifumal, 4.

At the close of the fifteenth century, Sprenger relates (Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 9) as a recent occurrence in a town in the diocese of Strassburg, that a laborer cutting wood in a forest was attacked by three enormous cats, which after a fierce encounter he succeeded in beating off with a stick. An hour afterwards he was arrested and cast in a dungeon on the charge of brutally beating three ladies of the best families in the town, who were so injured as to be confined to their beds, and it was not without considerable difficulty that he proved his case and was discharged under strict injunctions of secrecy. Gervais of Tilbury, early in the thirteenth century, had already referred to such occurrences as an established fact (Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 93).

The same belief was current among the Slavs. Prior to the conversion of Bohemia, in a civil war under Necla, a youth summoned to battle had a witch stepmother who predicted defeat, but counselled him, if he wished to escape, to kill the first enemy he met, cut off his ears and put them in his pocket. He obeyed and returned home in safety, but found his dearly beloved bride dead, with a sword-thrust in the bosom and both ears off--which he had in his pocket.--Æn. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 10.

[441] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 37 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga Saga, VII., XXVII.--Sigurdtharkvida Fafnisbana I. 37, 38.

[442] Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 204, 240 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga Saga, III. 15.--Keyser, op. cit. p. 294.

[443] Havamal, 157.--Harbardsliod, 20.--L. Salic. Tit. lxiv. (First Text of Pardessus).

[444] Grougaldr.--Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 8.--Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 85-7. (Laing's Heimskringla).

[445] Keyser, op. cit. pp. 268, 271-2.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 34 (Laing's Heimskringla).--All this is nearly equalled by the powers attributed in 1437 by Eugenius IV. to the witches of his time, who by a simple word or touch or sign could regulate the weather or bewitch whom they pleased (Raynald. ann. 1437, No. 27).

[446] L. Salic. Text. Herold, Tit. lxvii (also in the third text of Pardessus, and the L. Emendata Tit. lxvii., but not in the others).--Capit. Carol. Mag. de Partibus Saxoniæ ann. 794, c. vi.--Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 151 (Laing's Heimskringla). Cf. Horace (Ars Poet.), "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo."

[447] Grimm, op. cit. III. 1044, 1050-1.

[448] L. Salic. First Text, Tit. lxiv. § 2; Text. Herold. Tit. lxvii.; Third Text, Tit. lxiv.--Blackwell's Mallet, Bohn's Ed. p. 524.--Keyser, op. cit. pp. 266-7.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 25, 36 (Laing's Heimskringla).

[449] L. Salic. Text. Herold. Tit. xxii.; MS. Guelferbit. Tit. xix.--L. Ripuar. Tit. lxxxiii.

[450] Greg. Turon. de Mirac. Lib. II. c. 45; de Mirac. S. Martini Lib. I. c. 26.--Concil. Venetic. ann. 465 c. 16.--Concil. Agathens. ann. 506 c. 42, 68.--C. Aurelianens. I. ann. 511 c. 30.--C. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 4.--C. Narbonnens. ann. 589 c. 14.--C. Remens. ann. 630 c. 14.--C. Rotomagens. ann. 650 c. 4.--Greg. Turon. Hist. Francor. VII. 44.

The hostility of Christian magic to its rivals extended even to rational medicine. Gregory of Tours develops the teaching of St. Nilus by giving examples to show that it was a sin to have recourse to natural remedies, such as blood-letting, instead of trusting wholly to the intercession of saints.--Hist. Franc. v. 6; de Mirac. S. Martini II. 60.

It was in vain for the Church to proscribe goetic magic while it fostered the beliefs on which the superstition was based by encouraging the practice of sacred magic. For example, there was little use in endeavoring to suppress amulets and charms while the faithful were taught to carry the Agnus Dei, or figure of a lamb stamped in wax remaining from the paschal candles, and consecrated by the pope. In forbidding the decoration and sale of these in 1471, Paul II. expatiates on their efficacy in preserving from fire and shipwreck, in averting tempests and lightning and hail, and in assisting women in childbirth.--Raynald. ann. 1471, No. 58.

[451] Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. v. 40; VII. 35.

[452] L. Langobard. II. xxxviii. l. 2 (Liutprand).--I. ii. 9 (Rotharis).

[453] Concil. Suessionens. ann. 744.--Zachar. PP. Epist. 9, 10.--Bonifacii Epist. lvii.--Synod. Roman. ann. 745 (Bonifacii Opp. III. 10).--Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 16.--Capit. Herardi Archiep. Turon. ann. 838 c. 3 (Baluz. Capitular. I. 677).--Atton. Vercell. Capitular. c. 48.

[454] Gregor. PP. II. Capit. data legatis in Bavariam, c. 8, 9.--Concil. German. I. (Caroloman. Capit. I., Baluz. I. 104-5).--Concil. Liptinens. ann. 743 (Caroloman. Capit. II., Baluz. I. 106-8).--Bonifac. Epistt. 49, 63.--Zachar. PP. Epist. II. c. 6.

[455] Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 18, 63; Capit. II. ann. 806 c. 25; Capit. de Partibus Saxon. ann. 789 c. 6, 23.--S. Gregor. PP. III. De Crimin. et Remed. 16.--Theodori Pœnitent. Lib. I. c. XV. (Haddan and Stubbs. III. 190).--Egberti Pœnitent. VIII. 1 (Ib. p. 424).--Burchardi Decret. x. 8, 24, 28, 31.--Ghaerbaldi Instruct. Pastoral, c. x.; Judic. Sacerdotal. c. x., xi., xx., xxiv., xxv., xxxi., xxxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 25-33).--Libell. de Remed. Peccat. c. 9 (Ib. p. 44).--Concil. Paris, ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2 (Harduin. IV. 1352).--Herardi Turon. Capit. iii. ann. 838 (Baluz. I. 1285).--Capitul. I. 21, 63; v. 69; VI. 215; Addit. II. c. 21.--Rabani Mauri de Magicis Artibus.--Hincmar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.

[456] Nithardi Hist. Lib. I. c. 5, ann. 834.--Concil. Bracarens. I. ann. 563 c. 8.--Burchard. Decret. X. 8.--Ivon. Decret. XI. 36.--Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.--Ghaerbald. Judic. Sacerd. 20.--Herard. Turon. capit. iii.--Conc. Paris. ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2.--S. Agobardi Lib. de Grandine c. 1, 2, 15, 16.

Even as late as the eleventh century Bishop Burchard prescribes penance for believing that sorcerers can affect the weather or influence the human mind to affection or hatred (Decret. XIX. 5). In less than two centuries and a half Thomas of Cantimpré shows that it was perfectly orthodox to assert that tempests were caused by demons (Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 56).--It could scarce be otherwise when we consider the complete control over the weather attributed to sorcerers in Norse magic, and the adoption of the heathen superstitions by mediæval Christianity.

[457] Concil. Ticinens. ann. 850 c. 25.--Annal. Corbeiens. ann. 914 (Leibnit. S. R. Brunsvic. II. 299).--Atton. Vercell. Capit. c. 48.--Sigebert. Gemblacens. ann. 995.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 998, 999, 1002.--Cæsar. Heisterbach. Dist. v. c. 18.

For the acquirements of Gerbert of Aurillac see Richeri Hist. Lib. II. c. xliii. sqq. A man capable of making, in the tenth century, a sphere to represent the earth, with the Arctic Circle and Tropic of Cancer traced on it, might well pass for a magician, although the sphericity of the earth was no secret to the Arabic philosophers (Avicenna de Cœlo et Mundo c. x.). How durable was Gerbert's unsavory reputation is seen in the retention of the stories concerning him by the mediæval historians down to the time of Platina (Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XVIII. c. vi.-viii.--Platinæ Vit. Pontif. s. v. Silvest. II.)

[458] Synod. Patricii c. 16 (Haddan and Stubbs, II. 329).--Gregor. PP. VII. Regist. VII 21.--Reginon. de Discip. Eccles. II. 347 sqq.--Burchardi Decret. Lib. X., Lib. XIX. c. 5.--Ivon. Decreti P. XI.--Ivon. Panorm. VI. 117; VIII. 61 sqq.--P. II. Decret. caus. XXXIII. Q. 1, c. 4.--Mall. Maleficar. P. I. Q. 8.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua I. 12.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1193.--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV., Partic. IV., Rubr. de Frigidis, etc.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. 9-12.--Pet. Blesens. Epist. 65.

The belief in "ligatures" is one of the oldest and most universal of superstitions. Herodotus (II. 181) relates that Amasis who reigned in Egypt about the middle of the sixth century B. C., found himself thus afflicted when he married the Cyrenean princess Ladice. Notwithstanding the political importance of maintaining the alliance cemented by the marriage, he accused her of employing sorcery and threatened her with death. In her extremity she made a vow in the temple of Venus to send a statue of the goddess to Cyrene. Her prayer was heard and her life was saved.

[459] Gest. Treviror. Archiep. c. 19.--Lambert. Hersfeld. Annal. ann. 1074.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. xvi.

[460] Chron. Turon. ann. 1061.--Chron. Halberstadiens. (Leibnit. S. R. Brunsv. II. 127-8).--Gest. Treviror. c. 38 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 181-2).

[461] Laws of Edward and Guthrum, 11.--Laws of Ethelred, v. 7.--Cnut Secular. 4 (Ed. Kolderup Rosenvinge p. 36).--Athelstan's Dooms, I. 6.--Laws of Edward the Elder, 6.--Ll. Henrici lxxi. § 1.--Ingulph's Chron. Contin. (Bohn's Edition, p. 258).

[462] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 69, 70, 83 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Kristinrettr Thorlaks oc Ketils, c. xvi.

For the intimate connection between sorcery and malignant spirits, see Finn Magnusen's Priscæ Vet. Boreal. Mythologiæ Lexicon, s. v. Tröll, pp. 474 sqq.

[463] Wibaldi Epist. 157 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 352).--Baron. Annal. ann. 1181, No. 6-10.--C. 1 Extra. XLV. 3.--C. 2 Extra, v. 21.--Johan. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.

Catoptromancy was a practice duly handed down from classical times. Didius Julianus, during his short reign, found time to obtain foreknowledge of his own downfall and the succession of Septimius Severus, by means of a boy who with bandaged eyes looked into a mirror after proper spells had been muttered over him (Æl. Spartiani Did. Julian. 7), and Hippolytus of Porto gives us in full detail the ingenious frauds by which this and similar feats were accomplished (Refut. omn. Hæres. IV. 15, 28-40).

[464] Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1189 c. 29 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. I. 97).--Concil. Paris, ann. 1212 P. v. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 105).--Cæsar. Heisterb. IV. 99.

[465] Cæsar. Heisterb. V. 2, 3.

[466] Cæsar. Heisterb. II. 12; V. 18; XII. 23.

In spite of their lifelike contemporary details, these stories are evidently founded on that of Theophilus of Cilicia, which had so great a currency during the Middle Ages. He was archdeacon until dismissed by his bishop, when in despair he had recourse to Satan, to whom he gave a written compact pledging himself to endure the pains of hell throughout eternity. He was forthwith restored to his position and enjoyed high consideration until, overwhelmed with remorse, he appealed to the Virgin. By assiduous penitence he won her aid, and she caused the compact to be returned to him.--Hroswithæ de Lapsu et Convers. Theophili.

[467] Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis Operibus Artis c. i., ii. (M.R. Series, pp 523-7).--Th. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. II. c. 56.--Præcept. Antiq. Rotomag. c. 109 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. II. 67, 76).--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV. Partic. IV. Rubr. de Sortilegiis.--Synod. Andegavens. ann. 1294 c. 2 (D'Achery, I. 737).

[468] Britton, ch. 29.--Owen's Laws and Institutes of Wales, II. 910-2.--P. Exon. Summula exigendi Confess. (Harduin VII. 1126).--Myrror of Justice c. I. § 4; c. II. § 22; c. III. § 14.--Regiam Majest. Scotiæ, Edinburgi, 1609, fol. 163-7.

[469] Livres de Jostice et de Plet, pp. 177-83, 284 (Dig. XLVIII. viii. 3., Marcianus).--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, Cap. XI. §§ 25, 26.--Olim, II. 205, 619.--Vaissette, IV. 17-18; Chron. Bardin, Ib. IV. Pr. 5.

[470] José Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVII. pp. 382, 384-5, 388, 392-3; T. XVIII. p. 6).--Concil Legionens. ann. 1012 c. 19; C. Compostellan. ann. 1031 c. 6; C. Coyacens. ann. 1050 c. 4; C. Compostellan. ann. 1056 c. 6 (Aguirre, IV. 388, 396, 405, 414).--Histor. Compostellan. Lib. I. c. lxiv.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 590.

[471] Partidas, P. VII. Tit. ix. l. 17; Tit. xxiii. 11. 1, 2, 3.

[472] Constitt. Sicular. III. xlii. 1-3.--Cechetti, La Republica di Venizia e la Corte di Roma I. 15.--Chron. Senoniens. Lib. IV. c. 4 (D'Achery II. 631).--Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. pp. DXXV., DXXX.--Assises de Jerusalem, Baisse Court c. 271 (Ed. Kausler, Stuttgart, 1839).--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 91.

Frederic's reputation is indicated in the lines--

"Amisit astrologos et magos et vates. Beelzebub et Astaroth, proprios penates Tenebrarum consulens per quos potestates Spreverat Ecclesiam et mundi magnates."

(Huillard-Bréholles, l. c.).

And Michael Scot, to succeeding generations, was not the philosopher, but the magician--

"Michele Scotto fu, che veramente Delle magiche frode seppe il giuoco"--(INFERNO, XX.)

whose wonders are commemorated in the "Lay of the Last Minstrel"--

"In these fair climes it was my lot To meet the wondrous Michael Scott, A wizard of such dreaded fame That when in Salamanca's cave Him listed his magic wand to wave, The bells would ring in Nôtre Dame."

[473] Treuga Henrici, No. 21 (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78).--Sachsenspiegel Lib. II. c. 13.--Schwabenspiegel, c. CXVI. § 12 (Ed. Senckenberg); Cod. Uffenbach. c. CCLXXI. § 6.--Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städten Braunsberg, Königsberg, 1861, p. 70.--Iarnsida, Mannhelge c. vi., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ, 1847, pp. 22, 46).--Ll. Gulathingens. Mannhelge-Bolkr, c. iv., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ, 1817, pp. 137, 197).

[474] Leges Scaniæ Provin. Andreæ Sunonis Archiep. Lunden. (Thorsen, Skanske Lov, Kjobenhavn, 1853).--Raguald. Ingermund. Ll. Succor. Lib. x. c. 5 (Stockholmiæ, 1614).--Canut. Episc. Vibergens. Exposit. Legum Juciæ Lib. III. c. lxix. (Hafniæ, 1508).--Ancher, Farrago Legum Antiq. Daniæ (Hafniæ, 1776).--Leges Opstalbomicæ ann. 1323 (Gaertner Saxonum Leges Tres, Lipsiæ, 1730).--Olai Magni de Gent. Septentrion. Lib. III. c. 22.

[475] Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 12 (Harduin. VII. 427).--C. Cenomanens. ann. 1248 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1377).--C. Mogunt. ann. 1261 c. 30 (Hartzeim III. 604).--C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1290 c. 4 (Hard. VII. 1161).--C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 63 (Ib. VII. 1234).--C. Treverens. ann. 1310 c. 79-84 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 257-8).--C. Palentin. ann. 1322 c. 24 (Hard. VII. 1480).--C. Salmanticens. ann. 1335 c. 15 (Ib. VII. 1973-4).--Annal. Domin. Colmariens. ann. 1279 (Urstisii II. 16).

[476] Raynald. ann. 1258, No. 23.--Potthast. No. 17745, 18396.--Eymeric. p. 133.--C. 8, § 4, Sexto v. 2.--Chron. Bardin. ann. 1270 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).

[477] Archives de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--Bern. Guidon. Practica, P. III. c. 42, 43.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XC. 2; XCV. 4.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.--Bern. Basin de Artibus Magiæ, conclus. iii.-ix.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. III. c. 1.--Eymeric. pp. 342, 443.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 51, 284.--Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. c. 28.--Archidiac. Gloss. super c. accusatus § sane (Eymeric. 202).--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xii.; Epist. de Secret. Operibus Artis c. vi., vii., ix.-xi.

When, in 1473, some Carmelites of Bologna asserted that it was not heretical to obtain responses from demons, Sixtus IV. promptly ordered an investigation, and directed the results to be transmitted to him under seal.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 82.

Bernardo di Como draws the nice distinction that it is not heretical to invoke the devil to obtain the illicit love of a woman, for the function of Satan is that of a tempter.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Dæmones, No. 2.

In 1471 the arts of printing and alchemy were coupled together as reprehensible by the Observantine Franciscans, and their practice was forbidden under pain of disgrace and removal. Friar John Neyseeser disobeyed this rule, and "apostatized" to the Conventual branch of the Order, which was less rigid.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1471.

[478] Doat, XXVII. 7; XXX. 185.--Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis operibus Artis c. iii.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XCVI. i.--Ciruelo, Reprovacion de las Superstitiones, P. III. c. 1.--Grandes Chroniques V. 272.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Savonarola contra l' Astrologia, Vinegia, 1536, fol. 33.--Ars Notoria, ap. Cornel. Agrippæ Opp. Ed. Lugduni, I. 606.--The Notory Art of Solomon, translated by Robert Turner, London, 1657.

[479] Tacit. Annal. II. 28-32; III. 22; XII. 14, 52, 68; Histor. II. 62.--Zonaræ T. II. (pp. 185, 192).--Sueton. Vitell. 14.--Tertull. de Idololat. ix.--Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2.--Prudent. contra Symmach. II. 449-57.--Bedæ opp. Ed. Migne I. 963-66.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei Lib. v. c. 1-7.

[480] Rolandini Chron. Lib. XII. c. 2 (Murat. S.R.I. VIII. 344).--Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Ib. VIII. 705).--Raynald. ann. 1305, No. 7.--Savonarola contra l'Astrologia, fol. 25.--Villari, Storia di Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197-8.--MS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII. 258.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. xix., xx., xxv., xxvi.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. xcv.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.--D'Argentré, I. I. 263; II. 154.--Eymeric. p. 317.--Manilii Astron. Lib. IV.--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xi. (M. R. Series I. 35-6. Cf. 559-61).

[481] P. de Abano Conciliator Different. Philos. Diff. ix., x. (Ed. Venet. 1494, fol. 14-15.). Cf. Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus Tract III. Diff. i. (Aug. Vindel. 1489).

The Conciliator was a work of immense reputation. The preface of the edition of 1494 speaks of three or four previous printed editions, and there were repeated later ones up to 1596. Curiously enough, it was never included in the Roman and Spanish Indexes, though it appears in that of Lisbon of 1624 (Reusch, der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 35).

[482] Bayle, s. v. Apone.--G. Naudé, Apologie pour les Grands Hommes, Ch. XIV.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. III. 374-5.

For the printed works attributed to Peter of Abano, see Grässe, "Bibliotheca Magica et Pneumatica," Leipzig, 1843. The one by which he is best known is the "Heptameron seu Elementa Magiæ," a treatise on the invocation of demons, printed with the works of Cornelius Agrippa. This version, however, is incomplete. A fuller and better one is among the MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, No. 17870.

[483] The Sphæra of Sacrobosco is a remarkably lucid and scientific statement of all that was known, in the thirteenth century, about the earth in its cosmical relations. Although it accepts, of course, the current theory of the nine spheres, it indulges in no astrological reveries as to the influence of the signs and planets on human destiny. It remained for centuries a work of the highest authority, and so lately as 1604, sixty years after the death of Copernicus, and on the eve of the development of the new astronomy by Galileo, it was translated, with a copious commentary, by a professor of mathematics in the University of Siena, Francesco Pifferi, whose astrological credulity offers a curious contrast to the severe simplicity of the original.

[484] Villani x. 40, 41.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 593-4.--Raynald. ann. 1327, No. 46.--Cantù, Eretici d' Italia, I. 149-52.

I owe many of the above details to a sketch of Cecco's life in a Florentine MS. which I judge from the handwriting to be of the seventeenth century, and of which the anonymous author appears to be well informed; also, to a MS. copy of the elaborate sentence, much more full than the fragments given by Lami and Cantù.

[485] Petrarchi de Rebus Senilibus Lib. III. Epist. 1.--Eymeric. p. 443.--Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistt. pp. 111-19.--Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 9).--Novisima Recopilacion, Lib. XII. Tit. iv. l. 1.--Concord. Astron. Veritatis et Narrat. Histor. c. lix., lx. (August. Vindel. 1490).--Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid. vi.--Savonarola contra l' Astrol. fol. 26.--Bayle, s. v. Apone.--Malleus Malef. P. I. Q. xvi.

The supreme power of the conjunction of Jupiter and the moon above alluded to is probably based on Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus Tract. III. Diff. 2.

[486] D'Argentré I. II. 325-31.--Erasmi Encom. Moriæ, Ed. Lipsiens. 1829, III. 360.

The superstitions concerning comets scarce come within our present scope. They will be found ably discussed by Andrew D. White in the Papers of the American Historical Association, 1887. We are told by a contemporary that Henry IV. lost his life in 1610 through neglect of the warning sent him by the learned Doctor Geronymo Oller, priest and astrologer of Barcelona, based upon the portents of a comet which appeared in 1607.--(Guadalajara y Xavierr, Expulsion de los Moriscos, Pampeluna, 1613, fol. 107).

[487] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xiv.-xvii.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. xcv. 6.--Tertull. Apol. 23.

[488] Concil. Toletan. XVII. ann. 694, c. v.--Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 19).--Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, pp. xxxii.-xxxiii.--D'Argentré, I. II. 344-5.

[489] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930 fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII. 258.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 374.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.

Molinier (Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris, 1887, pp. 35, 45) mentions the occurrence of similar formulas in the other manuals of the period.

[490] Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. III. 42, 43; P. v. vii. 12.--Doat, XXVII. 150.

[491] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret c. xxii.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita c. 63 (Bergami, 1594).

[492] Differend de Boniface VIII. et de Ph. le Bel, Preuves, 103.--Rymer, Fœd. II. 931-4.--Joann. S. Victor. Vit. Clement. V. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 457).--Grandes Chroniques V. 217-20, 291.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1315, 1325.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270 fol. 37-8, 144-5.

Enguerrand de Marigny had been all-powerful under Philippe le Bel, controlling the papal as well as the royal court, and his marvellous rise from obscurity led to the popular impression that he must be a skilful necromancer--

"Ce fu cil qui fist cardonnaux, Et si le pape tint en ses las, Qui de petits clers fist prélats-- Si orent mainte gent créance Que ce par art de nigromance Fait, qu'en ce monde faisoit."-- Godefroi de Paris, v. 6620-9.

[493] Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 52-4; ann. 1318, No. 57; ann. 1320, No. 51; ann. 1327, No. 45.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 205.--Ripoll II. 192.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXIV. 181).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXV. 89).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.--Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 13.

[494] Molinier, Études de quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris, 1887, pp. 102-3.--Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 140, 156, 177, 192; XXVIII. 161.

[495] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Grandes Chroniques V. 269-73.--Statut Ord. Cisterc. ann. 1290 c. 2 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 1485).

[496] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 150).

[497] Matt. Neoburg. (Alb. Argentorat.) ann. 1323 (Urstisii II. 123).--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chroniken der deutschen Städte, VII. 467).

[498] Wright's Contemporary Narrative of the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc., 1843.

[499] Wright, op. cit. pp. xxiii.-xxix.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 173.--Raynald. ann. 1337, No. 30.

[500] Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städte Braunsberg, p. 113.--Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1366 c. 11 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1368).--Florez, España Sagrada, XLIX. 188.--Acquoy. Gerardi Magni Epistt. pp. 107-11.--Concil. Pragens. ann. 1355 c. 61 (Hartzheim, IV. 400).--Statuta brevia Arnesti ann. 1353 (Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. 2).--Concil. Pragens. ann. 1381 c. 7 (Ib. p. 28).--Statut. Synod. Pragens. ann. 1407, No. 6 (Ib. p. 59).--Dubrav. Hist. Bohem. Lib. XXIII.--Raynald. ann. 1400, No. 14.

[501] Bodini de Magor. Demonoman. Lib. IV. c. 1.

[502] Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, I. 332-63 (Paris, 1861).

[503] Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 438-46.

[504] D'Argentré I. II. 154. Cf. Bodin. de Magor. Demonoman.--Murner Tract. de Python. Contractu.--Basin de Artibus Magiæ.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 346.

[505] Gersoni Tract. de Error. circa Artem Magicam (Opp. Ed. 1494, xxi. G-H).--Mall. Maleficar. P. I. Q. 1, 8.

[506] Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI., Liv. XVII. ch. i., Liv. XVIII. ch. 8.--Juvenal des Ursins, Hist. de Charles VI. ann. 1403.--Raynald. ann. 1404, No. 22-3.--Concil. Suessionens. ann. 1403 c. 7.--Monstrelet, I. 39 (Ed. Buchon, 1843, pp. 80-3).--Chron. de P. Cochon (Ed. Vallet de Viriville, p. 385).

Valentine of Milan, wife of Louis of Orleans, and her father, Galeazzo Visconti, had the reputation of being addicted to magic and of being privy to the attempt on the life of the king (ubi sup.).

[507] Wright, Dame Kyteler, pp. ix., xv.-xx.--Rymer, Fœd. VII. 427; X. 505; XI. 851.

[508] Monstrelet, II. 248.--Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. ann. 1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).--Rob. Gaguin. Hist. Franc. Lib. X. c. 3.

[509] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886, pp. 16, 43, 49-51, 53, 57, Pr. p. clvii.

[510] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886, Pr. pp. liii., lxxvii., clii.

[511] Ibid. p. 21; Pr. pp. xlix., lviii.

[512] Ib. pp. 48-51; Pr. pp. xxi.-xxvi., xlvi., xlix.

[513] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886, pp. 61-66, 72-3, 78-81, 92-116, 173, 269; Pr. pp. cliv.-clv., clvii, clix.--Très-Ancien Coutume de Bretagne c. 83 (Bourdot de Richebourg, IV. 220).--D'Argentré, Comment. in Consuetud. Britann. pp. 1647-55.

[514] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxxiv.-xcii., xcv.-xcix.

[515] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxvi., xxxiv., xlvii.-lii., lv.-lvi., lxii.-lxxii., lxxxviii., xcviii., ci., cxvii.--Monstrelet, II. 248.

[516] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxv., lxxvii., lxxxviii.-xcii., xcv.-xcix., cxvii.-cxl.

[517] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 212-13; Pr. pp. xxiv., 1.

[518] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp xxvii.-xxviii., xlvi., xlvii., lii., lv., lviii., lxxii., lxxx.

[519] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 231-5; Pr. pp. xxix., cii.-cxvi., cliv.

[520] Très Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 62 (Bourdot de Richebourg IV. 216).--Bossard et Maulde, pp. 235-6; Pr. pp. liii., lxxi.

[521] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. i., ii., vi.-ix.

[522] Ibid. Pr. pp. iii.-iv., v.--Jean Chartier Hist. de Charles VII. ann. 1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).

[523] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. vi.-ix.

[524] Ibid. pp. ix., xii.

[525] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xi-xii.

[526] Ibid. Pr. pp. xiii.-xiv.

[527] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xvii.-xxx.

[528] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxxii.-xxxvi., xxxvii.-xxxviii., lxiv.-lxxii., lxxiii.-lxxxi., lxxxii.-xcii., xciii.-ci.

[529] Ibid. Pr. pp. xli.-xlii.

[530] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xliii.-xlv.

[531] Ibid. Pr. pp. xlv.-xlvii.

[532] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xlviii.-lviii.

[533] Ibid. Pr. pp. lxiii.-lxiv.

[534] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lx.-lxi.

[535] Bossard et Maulde, p. 333; Pr. pp. cxli.-cxliv.

[536] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 337-41.

[537] Très-Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 118 (Bourdot de Richebourg, IV. 228).--Bossard et Maulde, pp. 357, 377.

[538] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 370-82.

[539] Ibid. pp. 380; Pr. pp. cxlv.-cxlvi.

[540] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 406, 408, 412.

[541] La Puente Epit. de la Chronica del Rey don Juan II. Lib. III. c. 23; Lib. V. c. 27 (Fernan Perez de Guzman).--Monteiro, Hist. da Santa Inquisição, P. I. Lib. II. c. 40.--Paramo, p. 131.--La Fuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX. 60.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 582, 608-11.--Amador de los Rios, Revista de España, T. XVIII. pp. 15-16.

[542] Weber, Indische Skizzen, p. 112.--Wagenseilii Comment. ad Mishna, Sootah, I. 5.--Grimm's Teuton. Mythol. III. 1044.

[543] Frag. Capitular. c. 13 (Baluz. II. 365).--Reginon. de Eccles. Discip. II. 364.--Burchard. Decret. XI. 1, XIX. 5.--Ivon. Decret. XI. 30.--Gratian. Decret. II. XXVII. v. 12.--Servius in Virgil. Æneid. IV. 511, VI. 118.--Vit. S. Cæsar. Arelat. Lib. II. c. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 53.--Grimm's Teut. Mythol. I. 268 sqq.--Finn Magnusen Boreal. Mythol. Lexicon, pp. 7, 71, 567.--Lib. de Spiritu et Anima c. 28.--Augerii Cenomanens. Statut. (Du Cange s.v. Diana).--Conc. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 257).--Conc. Ambianens. cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1241).--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. xvii.--Grimm's Teut. Mythol. III. 1055-7.--Wright's Dame Kyteler, pp. iv., xxxvi.--Gervas. Tilberiens. Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 86, 93.--Jean de Meung says--

"Maintes gens par lor folie Cuident estre par nuict estrées Errant avecques Dame Habonde;

Et dient que par tout le monde Li tiers enfant de nacion Sunt de ceste condicion." (Roman de la Rose, 18624.--Wright loc. cit.).

A story in Jac. de Voragine's life of St. Germain l'Auxerrois illustrates the genesis of the belief concerning the Dame Habonde and her troop, who assisted in household work. On visiting a certain house St. Germain found that the supper-table was set by "the good women who walk by night." He remained up and saw a crowd of demons, in the shape of men and women, who came to set it; he commanded them to stay, and woke the family, who recognized in the intruders their neighbors, but the latter, on investigation, were found in their beds, and the demons confessed that the likenesses were assumed for the purpose of deception.--Jac. de Vorag. s.v. S. Germanus.

[544] Pauli Carnot. Vet. Agano. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Adhemari Cabannens. ann. 1022.--Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. 30.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I. c. 63.

[545] Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thes. IV. 257).--Concil. Ambianens. c. 1410 cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1241).--Eymeric. p. 341.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.--Albertini Repertor. Inquisit. s. v. Xorguinœ.

[546] Thom. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. II. c. 56.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.--Bern. Basin de Artibus Magicis.--Ulric. Molitor. de Python. Mulierib. Conclus. IV.--Th. Cantimprat. ubi sup.--Mall. Maleficar. P. ii. Q. i. c. 3.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. i. c. xiv., Lib. ii. c. 1.

Friar Thomas gives circumstantial contemporary instances occurring in Flanders, where women were carried away and their images were on the point of burial, when the deception was accidentally discovered, and the images, on being cut open, were found to consist of rotten wood covered with skin. He admits his inability to explain these cases, and says that on consulting Albertus Magnus about them the latter evaded a positive answer (Bonum universale, ubi sup.).

[547] Fr. Nich. Jaquerii Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. vii., xxviii.--Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. i. c. 10; P. II. Q. i. c. 3, 9.--G.F. Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, pp. 61, 73.--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 3-6.

[548] Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 49, 50, 52-3, 61-3, 65-6.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. II. c. 1.

Paramo (De Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 296) also adopts the date of 1404 as that of the origin of the sect of witches. This is probably founded on confusing Innocent VIII., who commenced to reign in 1484, with Innocent VII., who began in 1404. In the former's bull Summis desiderantes, dated in his first regnal year, he speaks of witches as a new sect, and Prierias refers this to 1404.

[549] Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 65.--Bart. Spinei de Strigibus, p. 175, Romæ, 1575.

[550] Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1460 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 502).--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 3.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. I. c. 2, 14; Lib. II. c. 1, 4.

[551] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 2, 4, 11, 15; Q. ii. c. 4.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 7, 9.--Ulric. Molitor. de Python. Mulierib.--Ripoll III. 193.--Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, pp. 84-5.--Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 7.

It is the universal testimony of the demonologists that vastly more women than men were thus involved in the toils of the Devil. To explain this, Sprenger indulges in a most bitter tirade against women, and piously thanks God for preserving the male sex from such wickedness (Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. vii.).

[552] Burchardi Decret. XIX. 5.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. xvii.--Grimm, Teut. Mythol. III. 1059.--Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tyrol, Innsbruck, 1874, p. 146.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese (Curiosità di Storia Subalpina, 1874, pp. 229, 234-5).--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 8.

A development of this belief is seen in the feat, referred to in the preceding chapter, of Zyto, the magician of the Emperor Wenceslas, who swallowed a rival conjurer and discharged him alive in a vessel of water.

Yet concurrently with this the belief existed in the absolute eating of children. Peter of Berne told Nider that in his district thirteen were thus despatched in a short time, and he learned from a captured witch that they were killed in their cradles with incantations, dug up after burial, and boiled in a caldron. The magic unguent was made out of the flesh, while the soup had the power of winning over to the sect of Devil-worshippers whoever partook of it.--Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c. iii.

[553] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. i. c. 13; P. III. Q. xxxiv.

[554] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xii., xv.

[555] In England, where torture was illegal, the growth of witchcraft was much slower. When the craze came an efficient substitute for torture was found in "pricking" or thrusting long needles in every part of the victim's body in search of the insensible spot which was a characteristic of the witch.

[556] Ripoll III. 193.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 83, 84, 85, 99, 105.--Approbat. Univ. Coloniens. in Mall. Malef.

For an official selection of papal bulls on the subject see Lib. Sept. Decret. Lib. V. Tit. xii.

[557] Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i., ii.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. p. 230.--Artic. Univers. Paris. No. 5.--Concil. Lingonens, ann. 1403 c. 4.--Prieriat de Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 10.--Bodini Magor. Dæmonoman. p. 288.

[558] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. ii.

[559] Bernard. Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.

[560] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i.; P. II. Q. viii.; P. III. Q. xv.--Prieriat. Lib. II. c. 9; Lib. III. c. 3.--Nider Formicar. Lib. v. c. 7.

[561] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q i.; Q. i. c. 4, 11; P. III. Q. xv.--Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 2.--Jahn, Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern, Breslau, 1886, p. 8.

[562] Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 13; ann. 1437, No. 27.--Ripoll II. 566-7; III. 193, 301.--Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 1.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 16; P. III. Q. i.--Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. xxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 59).

[563] Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. xxiii.

The constant recurrence of the toad in all the operations of witchcraft opens a suggestive question in zoological mythology. Space will not admit its discussion here, but I may mention, as a proof of the antiquity of the superstitions connected with the animal, that in Mazdeism the toad was one of the special creations of Ahriman, and was devoted to his service. It was a toad which he set to destroying the Gokard, or Tree of all plants, and which will always be endeavoring to do so until the resurrection (Bundehesh, ch. xviii.).

[564] Ulric. Molitoris de Python. Mulierib. c. iv.

[565] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. vii., xvi.; P. III. Q. xiii., xiv.

[566] Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1445 c. 6 (Bessin Concil. Rotomagens. I. 184).--C. Lexoviens. ann. 1448 c. 9 (Ibid. II. 482).--Nic. Jaquerii Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. 27.--Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xiv.; P. II. Q. i. c. 3, 16.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. III. c. 3.

[567] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. xiv.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. pp. 218-21, 232.

[568] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. III. Q. xii.

[569] Mall. Maleficar. P. III. Q. x., xi., xxxv.--Prieriat Lib. III. c. 3.

[570] P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. pp. 658-715.

[571] It will be remembered (Vol. II. p. 158) that by this time in France, Vaudois and Vaudoisie had become the designation of all deviations from faith, and was especially applied to sorcery. Hence is derived the word Voodooism, descriptive of the negro sorcery of the French colonies, transmitted to the United States through Louisiana.

[572] There was some debate whether the evidence of a witch as to those whom she had seen in the Sabbat was to be received, but it was settled in favor of the faith by the unanswerable argument that otherwise the principal means of detecting witches would be lost. If the accused alleged that the devil had caused an apparition resembling him to be present, he was to be required to prove the fact, which was not easy (Jaquerii Flagell. Hæret. Fascinar. c. 26).--Bernardo di Como (de Strigiis, c. 13, 14) says that the mere accusation of being seen in the Sabbat is not sufficient to justify arrest, as the individual may be personated by a demon, but it has to be reinforced by "conjectures and presumptions," which, of course, were never lacking.

[573] MSS. Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, No. 11209.

[574] This was, doubtless, in commutation for confiscation, and reveals the object of the whole affair. To estimate the magnitude of the fines, it may be mentioned that de Beauffort's annual revenue was estimated at five hundred livres. The richest citizens of Arras who were arrested were said to be worth from four hundred to five hundred livres a year.

[575] The belief in the imminent advent of Antichrist was as strong in the fifteenth century as in its predecessors. In 1445 the University of Paris was astonished by a young Spaniard, about twenty years of age, who came there and overcame the most learned schoolmen and theologians in disputation. He appeared equally at home in all branches of learning, including medicine and law; he was matchless with the sword, and played ravishingly on all instruments of music. After confounding Paris, he went to the Duke of Burgundy, at Ghent, and thence passed into Germany. The doctors of the University pondered over the apparition, and finally concluded that he was Antichrist, who, it was well known, would possess all arts and sciences by the secret aid of Satan, and would be a good Christian until he attained the age of twenty-eight (Chron. de Mathieu de Coussy, ch. VIII.). The wonderful stranger was Fernando de Cordoba, who settled in the papal court, and wrote several books, which have been forgotten. See Nich. Anton. Biblioth. Hispan. Lib. x. cap. xiii. No. 734-9.

[576] The Chronicler of Arras tells us that at this time there was no enforcement of the laws in Arras; every one did as he pleased, and no one was punished but the friendless. His statement is borne out by the cases of homicide and other crimes which he relates, and of which no notice was taken (Mém. de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 22, 24, 40, 41). Yet vigorous search was made for the author of this pasquinade, and Jacotin Maupetit was arrested by an usher-at-arms of the duke on the charge of writing it. He adroitly slipped out of his doublet, and sought asylum in three successive churches, finally succeeding in getting to Paris, where he constituted himself a prisoner of the Parlement, and returned to Arras free, to find that, meanwhile, his property had been confiscated and sold. (Ibid. ch. 24.)

[577] The details of this case have, fortunately, been preserved for us in the Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Livre IV., with the decree of Parlement in the appendix. Mathieu de Coussy (Chronique ch. 129) and Cornelius Zantfliet (Martene, Ampl. Coll. V. 501) also give brief accounts. Some details omitted by du Clercq are to be found in the learned sketch of Duverger, "La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon," Arras, 1885, which, it is to be hoped, will be followed by the more elaborate work promised by the author.

[578] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 10-11.

[579] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 14, 15, 28; Append, II.

[580] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4, 8.

[581] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 6, 11, 14, 28.--A copy of Jean Taincture's tract is in the Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, MSS. No. 2296.--About this time Jeannin, a peasant of Inchy, was executed at Cambrai, and at Lille Catharine Patée was condemned as a witch, but escaped with banishment, and the same was the case with Marguerite d'Escornay at Nivelles. One unfortunate, Noel Fern of Amiens, became insane on the subject, and after wandering over the land, accused himself at Mantes of belonging to the accursed sect. He was burned August 26, 1460. His wife, whom he had implicated, escaped sharing his fate by an appeal to the Parlement--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, pp. 52-3, 84.

[582] Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c. 3, 4, 7.--Grimm's Teutonic Mythol. III. 1066.--Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse, Stuttgart, 1843, p. 186.--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 4.--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Romæ ann. 1424 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1874-5).

Peter of Berne's efforts to purify his territory were fruitless, for we hear of witches burned in 1482 at Murten, Canton Berne (Valerius Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 224).

[583] Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, p. 22.--Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. 25-6 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 57-9).--Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. ann. 1453.--Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 11.--D'Argentré, I. II. 251.--Soldan, Gesch. der Hexenprocesse, p. 198.--Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städte Braunsberg, p. 70.

[584] Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.--Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 3.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet, ann. 1456 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 491).--Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 30.--Guill. Gruel, Chroniques d'Artus III. (Ed. Buchon, p. 405).

[585] Du Cange, s.v. Sortiarius.

[586] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. i. c. 1.

[587] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xi.; P. II. Q. i. c. 4, 12; P. III. Q. 15.

[588] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. i. c. 4.

Innocent's bull was not confined to Germany alone, but was operative everywhere. In an Italian inquisitorial manual of the period it is included in a collection of bulls "contra hereticam pravitatem," which also contains a letter on the subject from the future Emperor Maximilian, dated Brussels, November 6, 1486.--Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris, 1887, p. 72.

[589] Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, pp. 5-8, 12-13, 143 sqq.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. 1, c. 12; P. III. Q. 15.

[590] Molitoris Dial. de Pythonicis Mulieribus c. 1, 10.

The absurd contrast between the illimitable powers ascribed to the witch and her personal wretchedness was explained under torture by the victims as the result of the faithlessness of Satan, who desired to keep them in poverty. When steeped in misery he would appear to them and allure them into his service by the most attractive promises, but when he had attained his end those promises were never kept. Gold given to them would always disappear before it could be used. As one of the Tyrolese witches in 1506 declared, "The devil is a Schalk (knave)." (Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, p. 147.)

[591] Diefenbach, the latest writer on witchcraft (Die Hexenwahn, Mainz, 1886). sees clearly enough that the witch-madness was the result of the means adopted for the suppression of witchcraft, but in his eagerness to relieve the Church from the responsibility he attributes its origin to the Carolina, or criminal code of Charles V., issued in 1531, and expressly asserts that ecclesiastical law had nothing to do with it (p. 176). Other recent writers ascribe the horrors of the witch-process to the bull of Innocent VIII., and the Malleus Maleficarum (Ib. pp. 222-6). We have been able to trace, however, the definite development of the madness and the means adopted for its cure from the beliefs and the practice of preceding ages. It was, as we have seen, a process of purely natural evolution from the principles which the Church had succeeded in establishing.

[592] Fontanon, Edicts et Ordonnances, IV. 237.--Isambert, XI. 190, 253.

[593] Cornel. Agrippa de Occult. Philos. Lib. I. c. 40; Lib. III. c. 33; Epistt. II. 38, 39, 40, 59; De Vanitate Scientiarum c. xcvi.

[594] Raynald. ann. 1457, No. 90.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. p. 250.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 1, 12.--Ripoll IV. 190.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 105.--G.F. Pico, La Strega, p. 17.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 1, 5.--Ang. Politian. Lamia, Colon. 1518.

[595] G. de Castro, II Mondo Secreto, IX. 128, 133, 135-6.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 440, 617.--Archiv. di Venezia, Misti, Concil. X. Vol. 44, p. 7.

[596] Michelet, La Sorcière, Liv. II. ch. iii.--P. Vayra, op. cit. p. 255.--Annal. Novesiens. ann. 1586 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 717).--Paramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis. p. 296.

[597] Von der Hardt I. XVI. 829.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Dubius.

[598] R. Bacon Opp., M.R. Series, J.S. Brewer's Preface, p. xlv.

[599] Op. Minus, M.R Series I. 326-30.--Compend. Studii Philosoph. VII.--Brewer. Preface, p. li.

[600] Brewer, Pref. p. xcviii.--Wadding. ann. 1278, No. 26; ann. 1284, No. 12.--Wood's Life of Bacon (Brewer, pp. xciv.-xcv.).--C. Müller, Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, pp. 104-5.

[601] Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, p. 2.--J. Scoti Erigenæ de Divis. Naturæ I. 14; IV. 5.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1225.

[602] Tocco, p. 4.

[603] Johann. Saresberiens. Metalog. II. 17.--Tocco, 26, 39, 40, 57.

[604] Bruckeri Instit. Hist. Philos. Ed. 1756, p. 530.--D'Argentré I. II. 258-84, 298, 302-4.--Baluz. et Mansi, II. 293-6.--Isambert, X. 664-72.

[605] D'Argentré I. I. 275, 285-90, 323-30, 337-40; I. II. 249, 255.--R. Lullii Lamentatio Philosophiæ (Opp. Ed. 1651, p. 112).--Erasmi Encom. Moriæ (Ed. Lipsiens. 1828, p. 365).--Maimonides, Guide des Égarés P. III. ch. xxi. (Trad. Munk, III. 155).--Matt. Paris ann. 1201 (Ed. 1644, p. 144).

[606] Renan, Averrhoès et l'Averrhoïsme, 3e Éd. 1866, pp. 152-3, 156-60, 168.

[607] Renan, pp. 22, 29-36, 167-9, 297.

[608] Th. Cantimpr. Bon. Univers. Lib. II. c. 47.--Matt. Paris ann. 1238.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. Y. pp. 339, 349.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 507-8, 782-3.

One of these supposititious Traité des Trois Imposteurs, published at Yverdon in 1768, is written from a pantheistic standpoint, and not without a certain measure of learning. Although it quotes Descartes, there is a somewhat clumsy attempt to represent it as a translation of a tract sent by Frederic II. to Otho of Bavaria.

[609] Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxvi. l. 1.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1291 c. 8 (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VII. 294).--Renan, pp. 205-16.

[610] Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p. 415).--S. Bonaventuræ Serm. de decem Præceptia II. (Opp. Venet. 1584, II. 617).--D'Argentré I. I. 158-9, 186-88.

[611] D'Argentré I. I. 177-83.

[612] D'Argentré I. I. 185, 212-13, 234.

[613] D'Argentré I. I. 214-15, 235-6.--Renan, pp. 467-70.--Eymeric. pp. 238, 241.

[614] Renan, pp. 318-20, 322, 325, 339, 342, 345-6.--Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, p. 103.--Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epist. XVIII. Ejusd. contra Medicum Lib. II. (Ed. Basil. 1581, p. 1098).--Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 3.--Marina, Théorie des Cortès, Trad. Fleury, Paris, 1822, II, 515.

[615] Gerson. sup. Magnificat. Tract, IX. (Ed. 1489, 89f, 9lf).--Renan, p. 314.

[616] D'Argentré I. II. 342.--Alph. de Castro adv. Hæreses, Lib. II. s. v. Angelus.

[617] For a luminous presentation of the influence of Humanism on the policy of the Church in the fifteenth century, see Creighton's History of the Popes, II. 333 sqq. It was one of the complaints of Savonarola that learning and culture had supplanted religion in the minds of those to whom the destinies of Christianity were confided until they had become infidels--"Vattene a Roma e per tutto il Cristianesimo; nelle case de' gran prelati e de' gran maestri non s'attende se non a poesie e ad arte oratoria ...Essi hanno introdotto fra noi le feste del diavolo; essi non credono a Dio, e si fanno beffe dei misteri della nostra religione" (Villari, Storia di Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197, 199).

[618] Laurent. Vallæ in Donat. Constant. Declam. (Fasciculus Rer. Expetendar. L. 132, Ed. 1690).--Bayle, s. v. Valle.--Raynald. ann. 1446, No. 9.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 297.--Wagenmann, Real-Encykl. VIII. 492-3.--Creighton's Hist. of the Popes, II. 340.--Æn. Sylv. Comment. in Dict. et Fact. Alfonsi Regis Lib. I.--Erasmi Epistt. Lib. IV. Ep. 7; Lib. VII. Ep. 3.--Reusch, Der Index der Verbotenen Bücher, I. 227.

The immediate conviction wrought by Valla's criticism of the Donation of Constantine is shown in Æneas Sylvius's defence of the temporal power, where he abandons Constantine entirely, basing the territorial claims of the Holy See on the gifts of Charlemagne, and its authority over kings on the power of the keys and the headship granted to Peter (Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. pp. 571-81). Yet the Church soon rallied and renewed its claims. Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, in alluding to the Donation of Constantine, says, in 1533, that Lorenzo Valla endeavored to dispute its truth, but that every one else is united in maintaining it, so that to deny it is to come near heresy (Arn. Albertini Repetitio nova, Valentiæ, 1534, col. 32-3). Curiously enough, he adds that it is asserted in the bull Unam Sanctam, which is not the case (I. Extrav. Commun. Lib. I. Tit. viii.). In fact, Boniface VIII. founded his claims on Christ, and a reference to Constantine would only weaken them.

Valla's bitter and captious criticisms provoked sundry epigrams after his death.

"Nunc postquam manes defunctus Valla petivit, Non audet Pluto verba Latina loqui. Jupiter hunc cæli dignatus parte fuisset, Censorem linguæ sed timet esse suæ."

"Obe ut Valla silet solitus qui parcere nulli est! Si quæris quid agat nunc quoque mordet humum."--(Bayle, l.c.).

[619] Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 31; ann. 1461, No. 9, 10.--Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. pp. 453, 506-7, 524, 653.--B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli III.--Creighton, Hist. of the Popes, II. 440; III. 39.

[620] Gregor. Heymburg. Confut. Primatus Papæ (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. II. 117).--B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli II.--Cantù, I. 186-7, 198.

Creighton (Hist. of the Popes, III. 276 sqq.) has printed from a Cambridge MS. a curious correspondence between Pomponio, while imprisoned in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, and his jailer, Rodrigo de Arevalo, afterwards Bishop of Zamora. It shows how fragile was the philosophy of the Platonists when exposed to real privations.

[621] Marsil. Ficin. Epistt. Libb. VIII., XI., XII. (Opp. Ed. 1561, I. 866-7, 931, 946, 962-3); De Christ. Relig. c. 11, 13, 22, 24, 26 (I. 15, 18, 25, 29); De Vita Cœlitus comparanda Lib. III. c. 1, 2 (I. 532-33); In Platonem (II. 1390); In Plotinum c. 6, 7, 12, 15 (II. 1620-22, 1633, 1636).--Cantù, I. 179.

Yet we find him attributing a fever and diarrhœa to the influence of Saturn in the house of Cancer, for Saturn had been in his geniture from the beginning; and his cure he ascribes to a vow made to the Virgin.--Epistt. Opp. I. 644, 733.

[622] D'Argentré I. II. 250.--Cantù, I. 182, III. 699-700.

[623] J. Pic. Mirand. Vita, Conclusiones, Apologia, Alexand. PP. VI. Bull. Omnium Catholicor. (Opp. Basil. 1572). Cf. Cantù, I. 185.

[624] Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. VIII. (Harduin. IX. 1719).--Ripoll IV. 373.--Renan, pp. 53, 363.--P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. xiv.--Cantù, I. 179-81.--Bayle, s. v. Pomponace, Note D.

The device by which philosophers escaped responsibility for their philosophy is illustrated by the concluding words of Agostino Nifo's treatise De Cœlo et Mundo, in 1514: "In qua omnibus pateat me ornnia esse locutum ut phylosophum: quæ vero viderentur Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ dissonare illico revocamus, asserentes ea incuria nostra proficisci non autem a malitia, quare nostras bas interprætationes omnes et quascunque alias in quibusvis libris editis Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ submittimus."

And so Marsilio Ficino--"Nos autem in omnibus quæ scribimus eatenus affirmari a nobis aliisque volumus quatenus Christianorum theologorum concilio videatur"--De Immort. Animæ, Lib. XVIII. c. 5.

Pomponazio winds up his treatise on the immortality of the soul with "Hæc itaque sunt quæ mihi in hac materia dicenda videntur. Semper tamen in hoc et in aliis subjiciendo sedi Apostolicæ"--De Immort. Animæ c. xv.

[625] P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. iv., viii., xiv., xiv.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. I. c. iv., v.--Llorente, Hist. de l'Inq. d'Espagne, ch. xv. Art. ii. No. 4.

[626] Renan, pp. 367-72.--Cantù, I. 183.

[627] Villari, Frà Girolamo Savonarola, Ed. 1887, T. II. p. 3.

[628] Cartas de D. Fr. Feyjoo, Carta XXII. (T. I. p. 180).

[629] Historia General de Mallorca, III. 40-2 (Palma, 1841).--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 514-15.--Nic. Anton. Bibl. Hispan. Lib. IX. c. iii. No. 73.

[630] Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XV. c. 4.--Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, I. 601, III. 44-6.--Nic. Anton. l. c. No. 74.--Wadding. ann. 1275, No. 12.

[631] Wadding. ann. 1293, No. 3; ann. 1215, No. 2, 5.--C. 1. Clement. v. 1.--Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 76.--Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, II. 1058-9, 1063; III. 64-5, 72.

[632] Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 87-154.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 68, 70, 96-8.--R. Lullii Art. Mag. P. IX. c. 52 (Opp. Ed. Argentorati, 1651, p. 438).

For an account of Lully's poetical works, see Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, x. 379).

[633] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 71, 78.--Pelayo, I. 530, 535, 537, 539.--Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 82.--Gersoni Epist. ad. Bart. Carthus; Ejusd. De Exam. Doctr. P. II. Consid. 1.--Corn. Agrippæ de Vanitate Scient. c. 9.--Hieron. Cardan, de Subtil. Rer. Lib. xv.--Mariana, Lib. xv. c. 4.

[634] Pelayo, I. 519-23.--R. Lullii Lamentat. Philosoph.

[635] Pelayo, I. 499, 528.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 85.--D'Argentré I. I. 256-7, 259--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 67-8.--Bofarull. Documentos, VI. 360.

[636] Eymeric. Direct. pp. 255-61.

Pegna says (p. 262) that in the MSS. of Eymerich's work the list of errors is fewer than in the printed text, and this is confirmed by Father Denifle (Archiv. für Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 143). Apparently the Dominicans of the fifteenth century, when they printed the Directorium, interpolated errors to aid them in the controversy over Lully.

[637] D'Argentré I. I. 258, 260.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 82-4.--Pelayo, I. 784-5.

[638] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 59, 83-6.--Pelayo, I. 498, 787-88.--D'Argentré I. I. 259-61.--Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 78.--Ripoll II. 290.

[639] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 65-6, 92, 94-5.--Gabrieli Prateoli Elenchus Hæret. Colon. 1608, p. 423.--D'Argentré I. I. 259, 261.--Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 27-33.--Benedict. PP. XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatif. Lib. I. c. xl. § 4.--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 35.

In 1533 Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, complained bitterly of the injustice which ranked as a heretic such a man as Lully, who was inspired by God and was rather to be worshipped as a saint.--Albertini Repetitio nova, Valentia, 1534, col. 406.

The publication of a complete critical edition of Lully's works has recently been commenced at Padua by D. Jerón. Roselló, under the patronage of the Archduke Ludwig Salvator of Austria.

[640] S. Augustin, De Genesi ad litteram Lib. XII. c. 35, 36; De Civ. Dei Lib. XXII. c. 29. Cf. De Doctr. Christ. Lib. I. c. 31; Epistt. cxviii. § 14, clxix. § 3 (Ed. Benedict.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p. 415).--Th. Aquinat. Sum. Suppl. Q. xcii.--S. Bonavent. Breviloq. VII. 5, 7; Centiloq. III. 50; Pharetræ IV. 50.--W. Preger, Zeitschrift für die histor. Theol. 1869, pp. 41-2.

[641] C. 3, Clem. v. iii.--Ripoll II. 172.--Wadding. ann. 1331, No. 5.--Paul Lang. Chron. Citicens. (Pistor, I. 1207, 1210).--Gob. Person. Cosmodr. Æt. VI. c. 71.--D'Argentré I. I. 315 sqq.--P. de Herenthals Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1333 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 501).--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1331.--Villani, X. 226.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1331.

[642] W. Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII. pp. 14, 66, 69.--Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid. xii.--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1806-7).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1383.--D'Argentré I. I. 316-17. 319-22.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV. 387.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1333.--Raynald. ann. 1334, No. 27, 37, etc.--Wadding. ann. 1334, No. 14.--Villani, XI. 19.--Baluz. et Mansi, III. 350.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1334 (V. 97).

[643] Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, p. 116.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.--Benedict. XII Vit. Tert. ann. 1335-6 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 539-41).--Ejusd. Vit. Prim. ann. 1338 (Ibid. p. 534).--Eymeric. p. 421.--Concil. Florent. ann. 1439 P. II. Union. Decret. (Harduin. IX. 986).

A remark of Æneas Sylvius in 1453 shows that, notwithstanding these authoritative definitions, the old belief still lingered that the glory of the saints was postponed till the Day of Judgment (Opp. inedd.--Atti della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, p. 567).

[644] S. Anselmi Cur Deus Homo Lib. II. c. xvi.; Ejusd. Lib. de Conceptu Virginali.--S. Bernardi Epist. 174, ad Canon. Lugdun.--D'Argentré I. II. 60.--Pet. Lombardi Sententt. Lib. III. Dist. iii. Q. 1.--Innoc. PP. III. Sermo XII. in Purif. S. Mariæ.

[645] Pet. Blesens. Sermo XII., XXXIII.,XXXVIII.--S. Bonavent. Speculi Beatæ Virginis c. i., ii., viii., ix.--The mediæval conception of the Virgin, as the intercessor between God and man and the source of all good, is expressed by Fazio degli Uberti--

"Tu sola mitigasti la discordia Che fu tra Dio e l' uomo; e tu cagione Sei d' ogni bene che quaggiù si esordia."

[646] Thom. Aquin. Summ. I. ii. Q. 81, Art. 4; III. Q. 14, Art. 4, Q. 27.--D'Argentré I. I. 275.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. Art 52.--Chron. de Saint-Just (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 225).--Concil. Londin. ann. 1328 c. 2 (Harduin. VII. 1538).

The epitaph of Duns Scotus gives him the credit of defending the Immaculate Conception.

"Concepta est virgo primi sine labe parentis Hic tulit--" (Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 234.)

[647] Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. VII. 5; VIII. 2, 14; XXIII. 5.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 536.

[648] Wadding. Addit. ad T. V. No. 16 (T. VII. p. 491); ann. 1439, No. 47-8.--Concil. Basil. Sess. XXXVI. (Harduin. IX. 1160).--Concil. Florent. Decr. pro Jacobinis (Harduin. IX. 1024-5).

[649] Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1457 (Harduin. IX. 1388).--D'Argentré I. II. 252.

[650] Wadding. ann. 1477, No. 1; ann. 1479, No. 17-18.--C. 1, 2, Extrav. Commun. III. xii.

[651] D'Argentré I. II. 331-5, 343-3.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1498.--Wadding. ann. 1500, No. 29.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501.

[652] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1497.--D'Argentré I. II. 336-40, 347.--Ripoll IV. 267.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s.v. Hæresis, No. 23.

[653] I have followed a contemporary account of this curious affair--"De Quatuor Hæresiarchis in civitate Bernensi nuper combustis, A.D. 1509," 4to, sine nota (Strassburg, 1509), attributed to Thomas Murner. It accords sufficiently with the briefer reports of Trithemius (Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1509) and Sebastian Brandt (Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1509), and that of the Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501, 1506, 1507, 1509.--Garibay, Compendio Historial de España, Lib. xx. cap. 13.

The Bernese community was piously devoted to the Virgin. In 1489 a certain Nicholas Rotelfinger was inconsiderate enough to declare that she helped the wicked as well as the good. For this he was obliged to stand a whole day in an iron collar and to make oath that he would personally seek the pope and bring home a written absolution.--Valerius Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 355.

[654] Revocatio fratris Vuygandi Vuirt (apud Trebotes, sine anno).

[655] De Beatæ Virginia Conceptione Ducentorum et sexdecim Doctorum vera, tuta, et tenenda Sententia (sine nota. sed. c. 1500).--Concil. Trident. Sess. v. Decr. de Orig. Peccat. § 5.--Pauli PP. IV. Bull. Super speculum (Mag. Bull. Rom. II. 343).--Pauli PP. V. Bull. Regis pacifici (Ibid. p. 392).--Ejusd. Constit. Sanctissimus (Ib. p. 400).--Gregor. PP. XV. Constit. Sanctissimus (Ib. p. 477).--Ejusd. Bull. Eximii (Ib. p. 478).--Prattica del Modo da procedersi nelle Cause del S. Offitio, cap. xix. (MSS. Bib. Reg. Monachens. Cod. Ital. 598.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds italien, 139).--Gage, New Survey of the West Indies, London, 1677, p. 266.

[656] Alph. de Castro de justa Hæret. Punitione Lib. I. c. viii. Dub. 4.--Carenæ Tract. de Modo procedendi Tit. XVII. § 9.

Yet in Spain the intense popular devotion to the Virgin rendered the Inquisition very sensitive in its reverence for her. In 1642 an inquisitor, Diego de Narbona, in his Annales Tractatus Juris alluded to an assertion of Clement of Alexandria (Stromata, Lib. VII.) that some persons believed that after the Nativity the Virgin was inspected by the midwife to prove her virginity. Although he condemned the statement as most indecent and dishonoring to the Virgin, his work was denounced to the Inquisition of Granada, which referred it to the Inquisitor-general. Narbona in vain endeavored to defend himself. It was shown that in the Index Expurgatorius of 1640 the passage of Clement, as well as those in all other authors alluding to it, had been ordered to be borrado, or expunged, so that the very memory of so scandalous a tale might be lost. Narbona alleged in his defence a passage in Padre Basilio Ponce de Leon, but the Inquisition showed that this had likewise been borrado, and, as every one who possessed a copy of a book containing a prohibited passage was bound to blot it out and render it illegible, he was culpable in not having done so.--MSS. Bibl. Bodleian. Arch S. 130.

[657] Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, II. 843, 986.--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary s. v. Immaculate.

[658] Reusch, op. cit. II. 989.

[659] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 368, 378.--Eymeric. pp. 311-16.

[660] Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. vv. Libri, Scriptura.--Raynald. ann. 1501, No. 36.

[661] Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. IX. (Harduin. IX. 1779-81).

These rules were probably enforced only where there was an Inquisition in working order. In the edition of Nifo's work, De Cœlo et Mundo, printed at Naples in 1517, there is an imprimatur by Antonio Caietano, prior of the Dominican convent, reciting the conciliar decree, and stating that in the absence of the inquisitor he had been deputed by the Vicar of Naples to examine the work, in which he found no evil.

In the Venice editions of Joachim of Flora, printed in 1516 and 1517, there is not only the permission of the inquisitor and of the Patriarch of Venice, but also that of the Council of Ten, showing that the press was subjected to no little impediment.

In the contemporaneous Lyons edition of Alvaro Pelayo's De Planctu Ecclesiœ (1517), however, there is no imprimatur, and evidently there was no censorship, and the same is the case in such German books of the period as I have had an opportunity of examining.

[662] S. Raymondi Summ. I. VI. i.--I. Extrav. Commun. I. viii.--Lib. Carolin. III. 1, 3.--Harduin. Concil. IV. 131, 453-4, 747, 775, 970.--Hartzheim Concil. German. I. 390-6.--Eymeric. p. 325.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 389-90.--C. 9, 11, Extra, I. xi.

When Sigismund of Austria, in his quarrel with Nicholas of Cusa over the bishopric of Brixen, refused to observe the interdict cast on his territories, Pius II., in 1460, summoned him to trial within sixty days as a heretic, because his disobedience showed him to be notoriously guilty of that heresy of heresies, disbelief in the article of the Creed, "Credo in unam sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam ecclesiam" (Freher et Struv. II. 192).

[663] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. VII. 47.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. II. 355-6.--Ripoll I. 70-1, 186.--Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 8; ann. 1354, No. 4, 5.

[664] Innoc. PP. III.. Regest. VII. 2-12, 121, 152-4, 164, 203-5; IX. 243-6; X. 49-51.

[665] C. 35 Decr. P. II. Caus. xxiv. Q. 9.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 573, 1817.--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 1-15.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 725 (Pertz).--Buchon, Recherches et Matériaux, pp. 31, 40-2.

[666] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Meridional. I. 120.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 2058, 4053, 4750, 4769.--Barb, de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza II. 102.--Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 613-4.--Raynald. ann. 1318, No. 57.--Ripoll II. 172, 482.--B. Guidon. Practica P. II. No. 9; P. V. No. 11.--Eymeric. p. 303.--Harduin. VII. 1700, 1709, 1720.

The relations between the races in the Levant were not such as to win over the Greeks. A writer of the middle of the thirteenth century, who was zealous for the reunion of the churches, repeatedly alludes to the repulsion caused by the tyranny and injustice of the Latins towards the Greeks. Even the lowest of the former treated the Greeks with contempt, pulling them by the beard and stigmatizing them as dogs.--Opusc. Tripartiti P. II. c. xi., xvii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 215, 216, 221).

[667] Raynald. ann. 1373, No. 18; ann. 1375, No. 25.

[668] Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 10.--Ripoll IV. 72.

In 1718 the congregation of the Propaganda permitted the erection of a Greek episcopate in Calabria, to supply the spiritual needs of the Greek population. The Greeks in the Island of Sicily complained of the expense of sending their youths to Calabria or to Rome for ordination, and in 1784, at the instance of Ferdinand III., Pius VI. authorized the establishment of another Greek bishop in Palermo.--Gallo, Codice Ecclesiastico Siculo, IV. 47 (Palermo, 1852).

[669] Th. Cantimprat. Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. 2.--Humb. de Roman. Tract. in Concil. Lugdun. P. III. c. 8. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 197). Cf. Opusc. Tripart. P. III. c. viii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 227).

William Langland sets forth the popular appreciation of the Quæstuarii with sufficient distinctness--

"Here preched a Pardonere as he a prest were, Broughte forth a bulle with bishopes seles, And seide that hym-selfe myghte asoilen hem alle Of falshed of fastyng of vowes ybroken. Lewed men leued hym well and lyked his wordes ... ...Were the bischop yblissed and worth bothe his eares His seel shulde not be sent to deceyue the peple."

Piers Plowman, Prologue, 68-79.

[670] C. xi. § 2 Sexto v. ii.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Ed. Douais, p. 199).--Eymeric. pp. 107, 564.--Coll. Doat, XXVI. 314.

[671] 2 Clement, v. ix.--Concil. Senonens. ann. 1485, Art. II. c. 8 (D'Achery, I. 758).--C. Trident. Sess. xxi. De Reform. c. 9.

[672] Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 93.

[673] Carmina Burana, Breslau, 1883, pp. 22-3.--This was a favorite theme with the poetasters of the time--

"Cardinales ut prædixi novo jure crucifixi vendunt patrimoniam. Petrus foris, intus Nero, intus lupus, foris vero sicut agni ovium" (Ib. p. 18),

and this pervaded the whole Church--

"Veneunt altaria, venit eucharistia cum sit nugatoria gratia venalis."--(Ib. p. 41).

The honest Franciscan, John of Winterthur, attributed all the evils which oppressed the Church to its venality--

"Ecclesiam nummus vilem fecit meretricem, Nam pro mercede scortum dat se cupienti. Nummus cuncta facit nil bene justitia, Cunctis prostituens pro munere seque venalem, Singula facta negat vel agit pro stipite solo; Divino zelo nulla fere peragit." Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1343.

[674] C. 7, 20, 21 Decr. P. II. Caus. 1, Q. 1.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1.--Gloss. Bernardi; Gloss. Hostiens. (Eymeric. pp. 138, 143, 165).--Eymeric. p. 318.--Berger, Registres d'Inn. IV. No. 2977, 3010, 4668, 4718.--Thomas, Reg. de Boniface VIII. No. 547, 554, 557-8, 644, 726, 747.--Taxæ Sac. Pœnitent. Ed. Friedrichs, p. 35; Ed. Gibbings, p. 3 (cf. Van Espen, Dissert. in Jus Canon. noviss. P. III. p. 699).--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV. Partic. iv. Rubr. de Simonia.

Clement IV. was exceptional in seeking to repress the acquisitiveness of the curia. When, in 1266, Jean de Courtenai was elected Archbishop of Reims, and encumbered his see with a debt of twelve thousand livres to pay the Sacred College, Clement promptly excommunicated him and summoned him to reveal the names of all who participated in the spoils. Yet Clement had no scruple in following the example of his predecessor, Urban IV., in the negotiations which resulted in the crusade of Charles of Anjou against Manfred. Simon, Cardinal of S. Cecilia, sent to France for the purpose, was furnished with special powers to dispense for defects of age or birth or other irregularities in the acquisition of benefices, for holding pluralities, and for marriage within the prohibited grades, and was instructed to distribute these favors so as to remove obstacles to the enterprise (Urbani PP. IV. Epistt. 32-35, 40, 64-5, 68; Clement. PP. IV. Epistt. 8, 19, 20, 41, 383.--ap. Martene Thesaur. II.).

[675] Von der Hardt, I. XVI. 841.--D'Argentré I. II. 228.--Theod. a Niem de Schismate Lib. II. c. xiv.; Ejusd. Nemor. Unionis Tract. VI. c. 36, 37, 39.--Poggii Bracciol. Dialogus contra Hypocrisim.--Gobelini Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. V. c. 85.

The question as to the possibility of a pope committing simony was long under discussion. At the Council of Lyons, in 1245, Guiard, Bishop of Cambrai, was asked by a cardinal if he believed it possible, when he rendered a most emphatic answer in the affirmative (Th. Cantimprat. Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. 2). Thomas Aquinas not only asserts it, but adds that the higher the position of the offender the greater the sin (Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1, No. 7). Yet the venality of the Holy See was too notorious for concealment, and arguments were framed to prove that the pope had a right to sell preferments, for which see the Aureum Speculum Papœ, P. II. c. 1, written in 1404, under Boniface IX., and the laborious effort of William of Ockham to controvert the assertion. The ingenious methods of the curia to extract the last penny from applicants are described in P. I. c. v. of the Speculum. The author has no hesitation in pronouncing the curia to be in a state of damnation (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 63, 70, 81, 461). All who deplored the condition of the Church instinctively turned to the Holy See as the source of corruption and demoralization. Nothing can well be conceived more terrible than the account of it given about this time by Cardinal Matthew of Krokow in his tract De Squaloribus Romanœ Curiœ (Ib. II. 584-607).

[676] Gersoni Tract. de Symonia.--D'Argentré I. II. 234.--Goldast. Constit. Imp. I. 402.

In La déploration de l'Église militante of Jean Boucher, in 1512, simony is described as the chief source of trouble--

"Ceste sixte gloute et insatiable Du sanctuaire elle a fait ung estable, Et de mes loys coustume abhominable. Ha, ha, mauldicte et fausse symonie! Tu ne cessas jamais de m'infester.... Pour ung courtault on baille ung bénéfice; Pour ung baiser ou aultre malefice Quelque champis aura ung evesché; Pour cent escus quelque meschant novice, Plein de luxure et de tout aultre vice, De dignitez sera tout empesché." (Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Prot. Français, 1856, pp. 268-9).

[677] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 242, 254.--See the author's "Studies in Church History," 2 Ed. pp. 210 sqq.

[678] Nic. de Clemangis de Ruina Ecclesiæ, cap. xix.-xxxvi.

[679] S. Bonaventuræ Libell. Apologet. Quæst i.; Tractatus quare Fr. Minores prædicent.

[680] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 721-3, 735-6.

[681] Marsil. Patav. Defensor Pacis II. xi. Cf. cap. xxiii., xxiv.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. vii.--Baluz. et Mansi, III. 24-5.

[682] Chron. Glassberger ann. 1335.--Albert. Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1351.--Hist. Ordin. Carthus. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 187).

[683] Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epistt. vii., viii., ix., xii., xvi.--Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 2.

Petrarch's wrath at the papal court is explicable if there is truth in the disgusting story alleged in explanation of the enigmatical allusions in his Canzone XXII.--"Mai non vo' più cantor com'io soleva."

[684] Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. I. c. 41; Lib. IV. c. 33, 37, 142.

St. Birgitta was canonized in 1391 by Boniface IX., and after the Schism was healed this was confirmed in 1419 by Martin IV. Both popes ascribe her revelations to the Holy Ghost.

[685] Epistole della Santa Caterina da Siena, Lett. 9, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 35, 38, 39, 41, 44, 50, 91, etc. (Milano, 1843).

[686] Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus (Venet. 1516, fol. 11).--Henrici de Hassia Lib. contra Thelesphori Vaticinia c. i., ii., x., xx., xxxvi., xxxvii., xli., xlii., (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. T. I. P. II.).

Henry wrote a letter to the princes of the Church in the name of Lucifer, Prince of Darkness and Emperor of Acheron, similar to that which agitated Clement VI. in 1351 (Pez, Dissert, p. lxxix.).

[687] Libellus Supplex oblatus Papæ in Concilio Pisano (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1124-32).--Von der Hardt, IV. 1414, 1417-18, 1422-3, 1426-7, 1432.--Rymer, X. 433-6.--Gobelini Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. VI. cap. 96.

[688] Andreæ Gubernac. Concil. P. II., III., V. cap. 2 (Von der Hardt, VI. 175, 179, 209).--Nideri Formicar. Lib. I. c. vii.

[689] Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 68, 417; II. 105 (Ed. 1690).--Herm. Ryd de Reen de Vita Clericor. (Ib. II. 142).--Mém. de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 43.--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Roman. ann. 1474 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1939).--Wimpfeling de vita et moribus Episcoporum, Argentorati, 1512.--De Munditia et Castitate Sacerdotum (sine nota, sed Parisiis c. 1500).--Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, p. 148.

[690] Joann. de Trittenheim Lib. Lugubris de Statu et Ruina Monast. Ord. c. i., iii.--Angeli Rumpheri Hist. Formbach. Lib. II. (Pez, I. iii. 446, 451-2).

This is by no means a solitary case. In 1329 the Abbot of La Grasse was by a judgment of the Parlement of Paris deprived for life of haute justice, and the abbey condemned in a fine of thirty thousand livres to the king and six hundred livres damages to victims, for murders committed, illegal tortures, and other crimes.--A. Molinier, Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 417.

[691] Gersoni de Reform. Eccles. c. xxiv. (Von der Hardt, I. v. 125-8).--Theod. Vrie Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. IV. Dist. vii.--Revel. S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. cap. vii.

[692] Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. Art. i., ii.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ Lib. XIII. ann. 1379.--Religieux de S. Denys, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv. XVI. ch. 10; Liv. xxxv. ch. 8.--Wadding. ann. 1405, No. 7.--Æn. Sylvii opp. inedd. (Atti della Accad. del Lincei, 1883, pp. 558-9).--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. (Eccard. II. 1988, 1996-7).

[693] Pet. Alliacens. Principium in Cursum Bibliæ (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. II. 516).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Hœresis, No. 21.

[694] It would scarce seem possible that, in the full light of the nineteenth century, men could still be found hardy enough to defend the position of the Church towards heretics, but it is a sign of the progress of humanity that this is no longer done by justifying the irrefragable facts of history, but by boldly denying them. In a recent work by M. le Chanoine Claessens, "Camérier secret de Sa Saintété," who informs us that after long and serious study of the original sources he writes with scrupulous impartiality and with the calmness befitting history, we are told that the penalty of the Church for public and obstinate heretics is simply excommunication, and that it has never allowed itself to employ any direct constraint, whether for the conversion of Jews and Pagans or to bring back wandering Christians to unity. At the same time he is careful to make the reservation that the Church possesses an incontestable right to use physical means to compel those who have been baptized to fulfil the obligations thus assumed.--Claessens, L'Inquisition et le régime pénal pour la répression de l'hérésie dans les Pays-Bas du passé, Tournhout, 1886, p. 5.

[695] Jacques Fournier (subsequently Benedict XII.) was made Cardinal of S. Prisca in the creation of December 18, 1327, but he had been previously translated from the see of Pamiers to that of Mirepoix (Ciacconii Vit. Pontif. Ed. 1677, II. 424). Pierre Recordi's trial must, therefore, have endured for at least several years.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us