Chapter XXXII
Dr. E. White's letter to the Secretary of War.--Excitement among the Indians.--Visit to Nez Perces, Cayuses, and Wallawallas.--Destitution and degradation of the Coast Indians.--Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaughlin and the Hudson's Bay Company.--Schools and missions.--Mr. Jesse Applegate.--Dr. White's second letter.--Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson.--Seizure of a distillery.--Search for liquor.--Letter of James D. Saules.--Fight with Indians.--Death of Cockstock.--Description and character of him.--The Molallos and Klamaths.--Agreement with the Dalles Indians.--Presents to Cockstock's widow.--Dr. White's third letter.--Letter of Rev. G. Hines to Dr. White.--Letter of W. Medill.
WALLAMET VALLEY, OREGON,} November 15, 1843.}
HONORED SIR,--Since my arrival, I have had the honor of addressing you some three or four communications, the last of which left early in April, conveyed by the Hudson's Bay Company's express over the Rocky Mountains, via Canada, which I hope and judge was duly received.
Immediately after this, I received several communications from missionaries of the interior, some from the Methodists and others from those sent out by the American Board, representing the Indians of the interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. The excitement soon became general, both among whites and Indians, in this lower as well upper district; and such were the constantly floating groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citizens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of the colony. As in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained and expressed,--some pleading for me, at the expense of the general government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the colony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we might be prepared for extremities. Others thought it more advisable for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. A third party entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure.
As may be imagined, I felt the awkwardness of my position; but, without stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible clergyman and a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so managed as to throw myself immediately into their midst unobserved. The measure had the desired effect,--though, as in my report I will more fully inform you, it had like to have cost me my life.
The Indians flocked around me, and inquired after my party, and could not be persuaded for some time, but that I had a large party concealed somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to open a fire upon and cut them all off at a blow. On convincing them of my defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions, having learned I was soon to visit them with a large armed party, with hostile intentions, and I actually found them suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the Indians; each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last, though, fortunately, some three or four hundred miles apart.[8]
[Footnote 8] Who were the instigators of these alarms among the Indians?
The day following, we left these Wallawallas and Cayuses, to pay a visit to the Nez Perces, promising to call on our return, and enter into a treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to give general notice to all concerned of both tribes.
In two days we were at Mr. Spalding's station. The Nez Perces came together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for years, and all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us most cordially. Their improvement during the winter in reading, writing, etc., was considerable, and the enlargement of their plantations, with the increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of grains and products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the better state of cultivation and their universally good fences, were certainly most encouraging.
Spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to visit with me the Cayuses and Wallawallas, and assist by their influence to bring them into the same regulation they had previously adopted, and with which all were so well pleased.
Mr. Spalding, and Ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their women, accompanied us to Wailatpu, Doctor Whitman's station, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the Cayuses and Wallawallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the Cayuses into the civil compact; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the satisfaction of both whites and Indians, I ordered two fat oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly.----
This was the first feast at which the Indian women of this country were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased with it; and I believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by private instruction.
The feast broke up in the happiest manner, after Five Crows, the Cayuse chief, Ellis, and the old war chief of whom I made particular mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with Clarke and a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was done by all in great good humor.
From this we proceeded to the Dalles on the Columbia River, where I spent two months in instructing the Indians of different tribes, who either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, as they denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well, giving them greater security among themselves, and helping much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. Being exceedingly anxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, I begged money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women, for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clad at divine service, and a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast I ordered them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present.
During these two months I labored hard, visiting many of their sick daily; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, I am satisfied good was done. They gave evidence of attachment; and my influence was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly understood, by reason of my remaining so long among them.
During my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in almost all respects the Iowa code. In this I was consulted, and encouraged the measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the collection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse among the whites.
Thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answering well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is doubtful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind.
The Indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give considerable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. In mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of covering; lost to the use of the bow and arrow; laughed at, scoffed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the surrounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking generally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale. Were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign predominant among us. But thus far, it is but just to say, the Indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggressors; and though none of us now apprehend an Indian war or invasion, it appears to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other Indians of this country. I am doing what I can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with them in their numerous afflictions, and occasionally feeding, feasting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chiefs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my influence among them, unless the means are put in my hands to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. Good words, kind looks, and medicine have some power; but, honored and very dear sir, you and I know they do not tell with Indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. Sir, I know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the withering Indian tribes, in which God knows how fully and heartily I am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far as possible, render to these Indians an equivalent for their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire-arms coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for which they suffer. But, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. Many are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man's policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom; and come to me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and floating it to the falls of the Wallamet, and getting large sums for it; some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the intruders. So, sir, you see already I have my hands, head, and heart full; and if as yet I have succeeded in giving satisfaction,--as many hundreds that neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of the Indians, are now flocking in,--something more must be done, and that speedily, or a storm ensues.
I remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general interest and duty to themselves will admit.
The large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with their herds, having left the wagons at Wallawalla and the Dalles, which they intend to bring by land or water to the Wallamet in the spring. Whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. They are greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. Mr. Applegate, who has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such portions of Missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty and the finest soil he has seen.
The settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good this season. The little unhappy difference between the American settlers and the Hudson's Bay Company, arising from the last spring's petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet,--both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at present. And here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the Columbia to the Wallamet, entitle Governor McLaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the members of our government. And I hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the Wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. Sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world.
The last year's report, in which was incorporated Mr. Linn's Oregon speech and Captain Spalding's statements of hundreds of unoffending Indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, and is utterly without foundation,--no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves more judiciously among Indians than they uniformly have done in this country; and I am of the governor's opinion, who declares, openly, there have not been ten Indians killed by whites in this whole region west of Fort Hall, for the last twenty years, nor do I know of that number, and two of those were killed by our citizens. What were destroyed by the Hudson's Bay Company suffered for willful murder, none pretending a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.[9]
[Footnote 9] This statement of Dr. White's shows his disposition to misrepresent his own countrymen, to favor the Hudson's Bay Company and the foreign subjects who were disposed to flatter his vanity.
There are now four schools kept in the colony, of which I shall speak more fully in my annual report: one at the Tualatin Plains, under the direction and auspices of the Rev. Mr. Clark, a self-supporting missionary; a second (French and English) school is in successful operation by Mr. Blanchet, Roman Catholic missionary to this colony; a third is well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the Wallamet; a fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the Methodist Board of Missions, for the benefit of Indian youth, of which Mr. Lee will speak particularly. The location is healthy, eligible, and beautiful, and the noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and agents that founded it. And while here, allow me to say, Mr. Jesse Applegate, from Missouri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of which will be presented to the consideration of the members of our government, for acceptance or otherwise, of which I have but little to say, as I entertain no doubt but Mr. Lee's representation will be most faithful. Should the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much effected for the benefit of the Indians, I am not with him; for, with all that has been expended, without doubting the correctness of the intention, it is most manifest to every observer that the Indians of this lower country, as a whole, have been very little benefited. They were too far gone with scrofula and venereal. But should he insist, as a reason of his claim, the benefit arising to the colony and country, I am with him heartily; and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this country has been increased more by the mission operations than twice its amount in finance; besides, much has been done in advancing civilization, temperance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of the evils that must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence of all moral restraint. Mr. Lee was among the first pioneers to this distant land, has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen with its rise; and it is but just to say, he and his associates are exerting a considerable and most salutary influence all abroad among us. I hope his reception will be such that he will return from Washington cheered and encouraged to pursue his benevolent operations in this country. The Catholic and the different Protestant missions have been prosperous during the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the whites as could, from their different pursuits, have been expected.----
Great expectations are entertained, from the fact that Mr. Linn's bill has passed the Senate; and as it has been so long before the public, and favorably entertained at Washington, should it at last fail of passing the Lower House, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have been induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all, in Oregon.
As to the claim for the Oregon Institute, I need say nothing, having said enough in my last report; but, as that may have failed in reaching, I would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, and the site fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and beautiful.
I leave this subject with Mr. Lee and the members of our liberal government, not doubting but that all will be done for this Institute, and otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and broad the foundation of science and literature in this Country.----
Respectfully yours, ELIJAH WHITE, Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.
Hon. J. M. PORTER, Secretary of War.
* * * * *
WALLAMET, March 18, 1844.
SIR,--On the evening of the 1st February, the two following letters came to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the Wallamet, distance forty miles:--
"WALLAMET FALLS, January 29, 1844.
"DEAR SIR,--The undersigned would take this occasion to inform you that there have been of late in this place some few cases of intoxication from the effects of ardent spirits. It is currently reported that it is distilled in this place, and the undersigned have good reason to credit such reports. While, therefore, the undersigned will not trouble you, sir, with a detailed exposition of the facts, they must be permitted to express their deliberate conviction that that which has inflicted so much injury upon the morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, ought not to be permitted to be manufactured in this country under any circumstances. And your attention is respectfully invited to this subject.
"We have the honor to be, dear sir,
"PETER H. HATCH, President. "A. L. LOVEJOY, Vice-President. "A. F. WALLER, Secretary. "Dr. E. WHITE, "Sub-Agent for Indian Affairs, Oregon Territory."
"WALLAMET FALLS, January 26, 1844.
"DEAR SIR,--I do not know but you have been written to already on the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading, withering, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our race since the fall of Adam. As much as we regret it, deplore it, and anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and men, or rather biped brutes, get drunk. Now, we believe if there is any thing that calls your attention in your official capacity, or any thing in which you would be most cordially supported by the good sense and prompt action of the better part of the community, it is the present case. We do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best, begging pardon for intrusions.
"I am, dear sir, yours truly,
"W. H. WILSON.
"ELIJAH WHITE, Esq., "Sub-Agent Oregon Territory."
I accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached the falls at sunset. Without delay, I secured the criminal and his distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the Wallamet River. I put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of the case would admit,--$300,--few being willing to be his bondsmen even for this amount.
Mr. Pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being accused of keeping and selling wine and brandy, I searched, and found, as he had acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel of port wine, which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only for medicinal purposes; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, I required the delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the inclosed bond, which was most cheerfully and cordially given,--amount $1,000. I searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the citizens, but found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. Since this period, no attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend liquors; and the great majority of the colonists come warmly to my support in this matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our community.
On the evening of February 20, I received the following communication, accompanied by corroboratory statements from Mr. Foster, of Oregon City:--
"WALLAMET FALLS, February 16, 1844.
"SIR,--I beg leave to inform you that there is an Indian about this place, of the name of Cockstock, who is in the habit of making continual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and who has also murdered several Indians lately. He has conducted himself lately in so outrageous a manner, that Mr. Winslow Anderson has considered himself in personal danger, and on that account has left his place, and come to reside at the falls of the Wallamet; and were I in circumstances that I could possibly remove from my place, I would certainly remove also, but am so situated that it is not possible for me to do so. I beg, therefore, that you, sir, will take into consideration the propriety of ridding the country of a villain, against the depredations of whom none can be safe, as it is impossible to guard against the lurking attacks of the midnight murderer. I have, therefore, taken the liberty of informing you that I shall be in expectation of a decided answer from you on or before the 10th of March next; after that date, I shall consider myself justified in acting as I shall see fit, on any repetition of the threats made by the before-mentioned Indian or his party.
"I am, etc., with respect,
"JAMES D. SAULES.
"Dr. E. WHITE, Superintendent, etc."
As I well knew all the individuals concerned, I resolved to repair immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the Indian without bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes in this part of the Territory, though a very dangerous and violent character. Accordingly I started, and reaching the falls on the following evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure him while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a prisoner without resistance. The evening was stormy, and the distance some eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad streams to cross. Being on foot, my party declined the attempt till morning,--a circumstance I much regretted; yet, having no military force, I was compelled to yield. In the morning I headed the party of ten men to take this Indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to surprise and secure him without fighting,--enjoining my men, from many considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense. Unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered, and the Indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest, they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little more rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. Cockstock had sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his blood. Having no other means of securing him, I offered $100 reward to any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as I wished to convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the Nez Perces and Cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in inflicting a just sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved from an Indian war, so much to be dreaded in our present weak and defenseless condition.
Some six days subsequent, Cockstock and his party, six in all, came into town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded pistols, and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them out of his bosom or hand. He and his party were horridly painted, and rode about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies, construed it, the whole town at defiance. The citizens endured it for several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the river, and entered the Indian village opposite, and, as the chief states, labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn down the town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible. Failing in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much doubted by some, as the chief and whole Indian village were inimical to him, and doubtless wished, as he was a "brave," to make the whites the instrument of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and recrossed the river, as other Indians state, for the purpose of calling the whites to an explanation for pursuing him with hostile intentions. By this time, the excitement had become intense with all classes and both sexes among the whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in confusion and disorder toward the point where the Indians were landing,--some to take him alive and get the reward; others to shoot him at any risk to themselves, the wealthiest men in town promising to stand by them to the amount of $1,000 each. With these different views, and no concert of action, and many running merely to witness the affray, the Indians were met at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously on both sides, each party accusing the other of firing first. In the midst of a hot firing on both sides, Mr. George W. Le Breton, a respectable young man, rushed unarmed upon Cockstock, after the discharge of one or more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. A scuffle ensued, in which he fell with the Indian, crying out instantly, "He is killing me with his knife." At this moment a mulatto man ran up, named Winslow Anderson, and dispatched Cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. In the mean time the other Indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly escaped. Two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with arrows (Mr. Wilson slightly in the hip, and Mr. Rogers in the muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. The five Indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again commenced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. Attention was soon directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the Indians were soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray.
Mr. Le Breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed immediately to Vancouver, where he received every attention; but the canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three days from the moment of the horrid disaster. Mr. Rogers lived but one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of his arm. Mr. Wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not considered in a safe condition.
This unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the colony, and all abroad among the Indians of this lower district. Now, while I am penning these lines, I am completely surrounded by at least seventy armed Indians, just down from the Dalles of the Columbia, many of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the falls of the Wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to extort a present for the loss of their brother.
They appear well affected toward me; remarkably so, though armed to the teeth, and painted horridly. I am every moment expecting my interpreter, when I shall probably learn particulars respecting their intentions. In the mean time, I will give a few particulars respecting this deceased Indian's previous course, which led to the disaster, showing how much we need authorities and discipline in this country.
As it is said, a negro hired Cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a certain horse. Before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and land claim to another negro, the Indian finishing his time with the purchaser, according to agreement. Learning, however, to his chagrin and mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly; did so, and this led to a year's contention, many threats, some wounds, and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the horrors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. It was this identical Cockstock that occasioned much of the excitement last spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection.
I saw and had an interview with the Indians in June following, and settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily; but, four months subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among the Indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the house of the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, seizing his person, and attempting to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in November last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and all, of my house and office, with the breech of his gun; and it is but just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. He next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder; his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further violence.
I returned late in the evening,--this having occurred at three P.M.--when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though I pursued them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and as long after as we could trace them. This was regarded as a great outrage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community: especially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. Some four weeks subsequently, fifteen Indians came riding into the neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. I was the first, with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were Molallas and Klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. As this is quite out of their province, the proper homes of the Klamaths being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the Molallas, with whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the Cascade Mountains, a distance of from forty to eighty miles, I resolved at once to turn their visit to account; sent my steward to Chief Caleb's lodge, where all had arrived, he being a Callapooya, and with his band having previously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as I wished to see them and had some interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. The chiefs called in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and happy as Caleb. Of this I took no notice, but entered into cheerful conversation with Caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation and herds.
When we reached the cattle, I, as by accident, or incidentally, asked Caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. Answering in the negative, I told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. I need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and Caleb the happiest man in the world. Now the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began to relax; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about leaving for Caleb's camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me that they came over with very different feelings from what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to Caleb's advice, and called upon me. Professing to be very much engaged at the moment, I told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the following morning, I would come with my friend, Mr. Applegate, and make them a call.
They feasted to the full, and I found them in fine humor, and in a better condition to smoke than fight. After some casual conversation I asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact; and, while they were discussing the subject, this Indian (Cockstock) came first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, though I had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately broken to pieces the windows in my house and office.
They had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. They engaged to meet me on the 15th March, with the residue of their people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. The party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. As a part, however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous Cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray.
I repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. I learned there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like manner, ten months previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a fellow-traveler. On conveying this information to the citizens, all I believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the present.
Thus much for this Indian affair, which, my interpreter having arrived, I have settled to-day with the Dalles Indians most satisfactorily. As was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother. I prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case slowly and clearly to their understanding. I told them we had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one; and should our people learn that I had given them presents, without their giving me two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest displeasure from the whites. After much deliberation among themselves, they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my discretion.
I at once decided to give the poor Indian widow two blankets, a dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands. To this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. It is to be hoped that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the parties.
As I said before, I believe it morally impossible for us to remain at peace in Oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of vigorous civil or military law. For myself, I am most awkwardly situated; so much so, indeed, that I had seriously anticipated leaving this spring; but the late successful contest against the introduction of ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the unhappy disaster at the falls of the Wallamet, together with the fact of too many of our people being so extremely excitable on Indian and other affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and country, I have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some way relieved. I hope the draft that I have this day drawn in favor of John McLaughlin will be honored, as otherwise I may be thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country where I can draw such articles as I require for necessary presents to Indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc.
I have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble servant,
E. WHITE, Sub-Agent Indian Affairs.
Hon. J. M. PORTER, Secretary of War.
* * * * *
WALLAMET, March 22, 1844.
HONORED SIR,--The within accounts, as per voucher No. 1, drawn on the Hudson's Bay House at Vancouver, are in part pay for interpreters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of 1842 and spring of 1843, and other necessary voyages since, together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to prevent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country.
Those upon Mr. Abernethy and Mr. A. E. Wilson are for like purposes; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in this country.
As I hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer necessary, my interpreter's bills, including clerks and all assistants for the different tribes, do not exceed $300 per annum up to the present time; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, I was under the necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each.
Traveling expenses in 1842, three hundred and eighty dollars ($380). In 1843, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($396.50). In presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety dollars and seventy-five cents ($290.75); in medicines, hoes, and sundry useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence among them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable extent. Presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the long-continued and constant liberality of the Hudson's Bay Company toward the Indians of this country.
Had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, and no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have been avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will be increased, and trouble multiply; but at this moment, were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children's clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing and keeping up a military post,--such is their desire and thirst after the means to promote civilization.
As this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall I be allowed the sum usually allowed military officers, which Esquire Gilpin informs me is ten dollars per each hundred miles? I will place it down and leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what is proper and right in the premises. I shall charge only for such traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official business. With highest respect, I am, dear sir,
Your humble and obedient servant, ELIJAH WHITE, Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.
Hon. J. M. PORTER, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.
* * * * *
WALLAMET, Nov. 23, 1843.
MY DEAR SIR,--As, in the order of Divine Providence, it appears to be my duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the United States, and, as I have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with all the important transactions in which you have been engaged, in your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of 1842, I consider it a duty which I owe to yourself, to bear my unequivocal testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. Not pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office of an Indian agent, I flatter myself that I am capable of judging in reference to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation and prosperity of the Indians, and the peace and security of those whites who settle in the Indian country. As I can not speak particularly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to one expedition, which I consider to have been the most important of any in which you have been engaged, and in which I had the pleasure of being associated with you. I mean that long and excessively toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring. The causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. The whites in the country had been thrown into a panic by information received from the missionaries in the interior, that the Indians were forming a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. It was everywhere observed that our Indian agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, "for (it was repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer." Without delay the exposure was made. And though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. The plans proposed to quiet the Indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless conceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. The expenses incurred were no more than were absolutely necessary. And I doubt not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented, that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking.
With my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of unaltered friendship.
GUSTAVUS HINES, Missionary of the M. E. Church.
Dr. ELIJAH WHITE, Sub-Agent of Indian Affairs west of Rocky Mountains.
* * * * *
DEPARTMENT OF WAR,} OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Nov. 24, 1845.}
* * * * *
Two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains. They present that country in a new and important light to the consideration of the public.
The advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of Indians in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with so few advantages, is a matter of surprise. Indeed, the red men of that region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. A few years since the face of a white man was almost unknown to them; now, through the benevolent policy of the various Christian churches, and the indefatigable exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and well adapted rules for their government, which are observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites.
Numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their children are acquiring the most important and useful information. They have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period, be brought into intercourse. They are turning their attention to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet their every want.
Among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely abandoned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. The lands are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable, and uniform.
Under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the duty of the government of the United States to encourage their advancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civilization. I therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among them of a full agency, with power to the President to make it an acting superintendency; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper.
All which is respectfully submitted.
W. MEDILL.
Hon. WM. L. MARCY, Secretary of War.
* * * * *
The reader will observe the clear statement of the United States Indian policy in the above communication. That schools, farming, and civilization are prominent. That the Indians, as the whole of this report indicates, are rapidly improving under the instructions of the missionaries in the interior,--Spalding and Whitman in particular. That Dr. White, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts to include Blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefit of the Indians, while Spalding's and Whitman's stations were the only places where mills had been erected.
These facts brought so prominently before the British and foreign mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies; and national pride was so excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of the effort that was made in 1847-8. Subsequent Indian wars were but the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first.
It will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts of our foreign emissaries to excite the Indians in the settlement, and to disturb and divide the American population on the question of an organization.
Chapter XXXIII
First council to organize a provisional government.--Library founded.--Origin of the Wolf Association.--The Methodist Mission influence.--Dr. White exhibits his credentials.--First "wolf meeting."--Proceedings of the second "wolf meeting."--Officers.--Resolutions.--Bounties to be paid.--Resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.--Names of the members of the committee.
A consultation was held at the house of Gray to consider the expediency of organizing a provisional government. In it the whole condition of the settlement, the missions, and Hudson's Bay Company, were carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organization of a settlers' government were fully canvassed. The conclusion was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and failed, from the combined influence of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Roman Catholic and Methodist missions. To the writer, who up to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was doubtful. Two plans were suggested; one, at least, might succeed. The first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw attention and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure the influence of the Methodist Mission, as education was a subject they had commenced. We found no difficulty in the library movement from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. This was not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. The library prospered finely; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars a share; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in this institution, which was called the "Multnomah Circulating Library;" one hundred dollars were sent to New York for new books which arrived the following year. Now for the main effort to secure another position.
It will be remembered that in the winter of 1836-7 the Wallamet Cattle Company was formed. All the settlers that could raise the funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from those that would sell. Besides, part of the estate of Ewing Young had been sold and distributed, and the Hudson's Bay Company had also organized the Puget Sound Company, and had begun to distribute cattle; hence almost every settler, the missions, the Hudson's Bay Company, and some Indians were owning cattle.
The wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle of all alike. Here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. Accordingly, a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic animals, to meet at the house of W. H. Gray, on the 2d of February, 1843. This was the first move to the provisional government. While this was being done in the valley, at Wallamet Falls, since Oregon City, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum held at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally voted down. Dr. John McLaughlin took the side of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government. This idea was favored by Dr. White, upon condition that the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from the fact that he held the office of sub-Indian agent by the appointment of the President, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no additional expense to the settlers. This was a plausible argument, and had Dr. White been a man of moral principle and capable of understanding his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a doubt have adopted his suggestions; but, unfortunately for him, they had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in his ability to deal with Indians. Besides, the leading members of the Methodist Mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful course while one of their number, though Mr. Hines seems to have held to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all the disturbance he was capable of among the Indians, and being the dupe of the Hudson's Bay Company.
These facts were all known to the getters-up of the "Wolf Organization," as it was called. In fact, Le Breton had participated in the discussions at the Wallamet Falls, and reported them to those of us in the valley. Our idea was, to get an object before the people upon which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object,--self-preservation, both for property and person.
The "wolf meeting" was fully attended, and all took a lively interest in it, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a loser from wild animals. There was a little suspicion in this first meeting that more than protection for animals was meant.
Dr. Ira L. Babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, we supposed, would be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought "we had all the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called was a good and laudable one; we were all interested in it; we had all lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our property." This was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. He had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. As settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the Hudson's Bay Company, the missions, and Dr. White, and do all we could to protect their cattle and herds.
The Oregon archives show that there were persons present who were prepared for the occasion. The remarks of our chairman were appropriate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protection; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. It was moved that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers.
The chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a public meeting. Gray, Beers, and Wilson, already known to the reader, and Gervais and Lucie, Canadian-Frenchmen, who came to the country with Wilson G. Hunt's party, and Barnaby, a French Rocky Mountain hunter, were appointed.
These three men were the most intelligent and influential French settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence with the Canadian-French settlers, and generally favored American settlement and enterprise.
The preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by Alanson Beers to be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais on the first Monday in March next, at ten o'clock A.M., devolved on Gray, Beers, and Wilson. The giving of the notices, which Le Breton with his ready pen soon prepared, devolved on Gervais, Barnaby, and Lucie. Up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had been given to any member of the missions, or the Hudson's Bay Company. All was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in caring for and protecting our domestic animals. The "wolf meeting," and what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. Le Breton and Smith were busy in finding out the men who could be relied upon, and the men that would oppose the one great object we had determined to accomplish, so that on the first Monday in March, 1843, the settlement, except the clergy, were all present. If my memory serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman of any denomination. James A. O'Neil, who came to the country with Captain Wyeth in 1834, and had remained in it, presided at this meeting. He was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry through the "wolf meeting" business as soon as possible.
It will be seen that we had placed before the settlement, the Hudson's Bay Company, and both missions, an object they were deeply interested in. The clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the company, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were looking to a far more important object--our personal liberty; hence the settlers' "wolf meeting" did not call for their attention, but they all gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone.
The Methodist Mission influence was the most difficult to deal with. We were fully aware of their large pretensions to land, and of the consummate duplicity of White, in dealing with all parties. White, to secure the approval of the Methodist Mission, encouraged their large pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the Jesuit influence among the Indians; while, if he had had two grains of common sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was tending to destroy all of his, as well as all American influence in the country. Still his supremely selfish ideas of self-honor and official dignity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties.
During the time between the first and second "wolf meetings," White was called upon in a public manner to exhibit his authority from the President, which he was foolish enough to do. It was seen at once that he was in the country only as a spy upon the actions of the Hudson's Bay Company, while he assumed to make treaties with Indians, and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill.
As a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the "wolf meetings" are copied from the Oregon archives, which Mr. Hines, it seems, did not even know had an existence, showing, by his own statements, that he was so completely mixed up in his ideas of the origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct in his statements, yet he failed to distinguish the point of conception and birth of the oldest State on the Pacific, for I contend that justice to our effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have admitted us as a State instead of subjecting us to a Territorial annoyance, under such demagogues as were sent among us up to the time we became a State.
Proceedings of a Meeting held at the Oregon Institute, February 2, 1843.
A public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called at the house of W. H. Gray, in order to take into consideration the propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, etc., in this country.
On motion, Dr. I. L. Babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting.
Mr. W. H. Gray moved, and Mr. Torn seconded the motion, "that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report business, etc.," which motion was carried, and Messrs. Gray, Beers, Gervais, Wilson, Barnaby, and Lucie, were appointed said committee.
Mr. Beers moved "that a general meeting be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais, on the first Monday in March next, at ten o'clock, A.M.," which motion was carried.
W. H. WILSON, Secretary. I. L. BABCOCK, Chairman.
Journal of a Meeting at the house of J. Gervais, first Monday in March, 1843.
In pursuance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of Wallamet Valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, Mr. James O'Neil was chosen chairman. Mr. Martin was chosen as secretary, but declining to serve, Mr. Le Breton was chosen.
The minutes of the former meeting were read.
The committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report business, made the following report, to wit:--
"Your committee beg leave to report as follows: It being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals.
"Resolved, 1st. That we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs.
"2d. That a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, and dispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee.
"3d. That a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evidences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the Wallamet Valley.
"4th. That a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for a lynx; two dollars for a bear; and five dollars for a panther.
"5th. That no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty.
"6th. That the committee and treasurer form a Board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the animals named in the fourth resolution.
"7th. That the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants.
"8th. That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony."
On motion, the report was accepted.
It was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, which was carried.
It was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of the committee be adopted, which was carried.
It was moved and seconded the a sum be raised by contribution for the protection of our animals, which was carried.
It was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as amended, be adopted, which was carried.
It was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent. for collecting the same, and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, which was carried.
On motion, the fifth resolution was adopted.
On motion, it was resolved "that no one receive a bounty (except Indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars."
On motion, the seventh resolution was adopted.
On motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted.
It was moved and seconded that the Indians receive one-half as much as the whites.
It was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented within ten days from the time of becoming entitled to said bounties, and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty shall give his oath to the various circumstances; which was carried.
On motion, W. H. Gray was chosen treasurer.
It was moved that Messrs. McRoy, Gervais, Martin, S. Smith, Dougherty, O'Neil, Shortess, and Lucie be the standing committee; which motion was carried.
It was moved that G. W. Le Breton and Mr. Bridgers be the collectors. Carried.
On motion, the following resolutions were adopted:--
"Resolved, That no money be paid to any white, or his descendants, previous to the time of his subscription.
"Resolved, That the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardian.
"Resolved, That the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by Mr. Gray and Mr. Le Breton.
"Resolved, That drafts on Fort Vancouver, the Mission, and the Milling Company be received on subscriptions, as payment."
* * * * *
As a kind Providence would have it, the "wolf meeting" at Mr. Gervais' house on the Wallamet River was one of the most harmonious meetings I ever attended. Every one seemed to feel that a unanimous war had been declared against the despoilers of our domestic animals that were dependent upon us for protection.
It was stated by one speaker "that no one would question for a moment that this was right. This was just and natural protection for our property in animals liable to be destroyed by wolves, bears, and panthers. How is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our children and wives? Have we any organization upon which we can rely for mutual protection? Is there any power or influence in the country sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? Who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to protect our own, and the lives of our families? True, the alarm may be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over our defenseless families. Common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. We have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our cattle and domestic animals; now, fellow-citizens, I submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds:--
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony.
"Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons."
There was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. Drs. Babcock and White were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the feelings of the balance of the committee.
Messrs. Dr. Babcock, Dr. White, O'Neil, Shortess, Newell, Lucie, Gervais, Hubbard, McRoy, Gray, Smith, and Gay were appointed said committee.
Chapter XXXIV
First meeting of the committee of twelve.--All invited to participate.--The Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization.--Mr. Lee tells a story.--Letter from Governor Abernethy.--The main question at issue.--Drowning of Cornelius Rogers and party.--Conduct of Dr. White.--Methodist Mission.--Catholic boasts of conversions.
By mutual understanding the committee of twelve first met at Wallamet Falls, about the middle of March, 1843. My impression is that Dr. Babcock was not present with the committee, and that Dr. White was chosen temporary chairman. G. W. Le Breton was secretary of the committee. A motion was made and carried to invite the citizens of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Mr. Waller, Mr. Abernethy, R. Moore, in fact, nearly all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in the discussions.
We found Rev. Jason Lee and Mr. Abernethy disposed to ridicule the proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. Rev. Jason Lee in his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by telling us of a company of militia gotten up somewhere in Canada. He said "the requisite notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty were present on the day to elect the officers required for the company. When they had elected all their officers, there was one private soldier left. 'Well,' says the soldier, 'you may march me, you may drill me, you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much as you please, but for mercy's sake don't divide me up into platoons.'"
Mr. Abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organization, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices of the peace and three constables. We are now in receipt of an explanation from the governor in reference to the question of an independent government, as debated at the Lyceum, which we give verbatim, as it places the governor with his own explanation on that question, and I think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent government, but any effort for a provisional one, for at least four years,--which were not only the views of Mr. Abernethy, but those of Messrs. Lee, Leslie, Babcock, and Hines:--
PORTLAND, March 11, 1866.
DEAR SIR,--Allow me to correct one statement in your History of Oregon in the Gazette of 5th March. You speak of a debate in a Lyceum, and say: "Mr. Abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government." The facts are these: We had weekly meetings for discussion. Mr. Hastings, Dr. McLaughlin's lawyer, offered a resolution, "That it is expedient for the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government." This subject was warmly discussed, Mr. Abernethy being, with a few others, opposed to it. At the close of the discussion the vote was taken and decided in favor of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy then offered the following: "Resolved, That if the United States extends its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government," as the subject for the next discussion. This was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the United States government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. The resolution was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution.
You will see by this you have the thing all wrong.
Yours truly,
GEO. ABERNETHY.
P. S.--Dr. White, I think, was present; am not certain. This independent government move was a prominent scheme of Dr. McLaughlin.
The main question at issue before the committee at the Falls meeting was the office of governor. Dr. Bailey was in the Sandwich Islands; nothing was to be feared from him; but Dr. White was, to say the least, an impudent candidate. I have been informed that Dr. Bailey, an Englishman, came to that meeting February 18, 1841, with all his French voters trained to vote for himself for governor, and that he nominated himself, in opposition to Mr. Hines and Dr. Babcock, for that office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, and was the means of breaking up the proposed civil government, as what Americans there were then in the country found they would be outnumbered by the French and English (which was unquestionably the fact), and thus they would be completely at the disposal of English rule.
Such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated that effort, and I see no reason why Mr. Hines, in his account, and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a different impression, and say that "the officers of the squadron were consulted, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme." (Page 421 of his book.) This fact alone, and I have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of Mr. Hines. He either feared the influence of Bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers.
From the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of Dr. White, the committee at the Falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional government at Champoeg, on the 2d of May, 1843. This was effort number one of February and June, 1841, over again. Those of us who commenced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at Champoeg on the 2d of May, 1843.
We will let the provisional government rest till the 2d of May, 1843, while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. On the 2d of February our best and most esteemed friend, Cornelius Rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friendship, left our house for Oregon City, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of Rev. David Leslie, and her youngest sister. They took passage down the river with W. W. Raymond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of 1839-40. He was at that time a member of the Methodist Mission, in good standing. Dr. Elijah White and Esquire Crocker, of Lansingville, Tompkins County, New York, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of Chinook manufacturing. They arrived all safe at Canemah. It was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the Oregon City side, since blasted away for a canal and boat channel. In the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. There were two Indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stern. The one in the stern escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. White, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or perhaps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the current. The force of White's spring upon the canoe to reach the log threw it into the current, which was too strong for Raymond and his Indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the channel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. The force of the current threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an instant. All that went over were lost. Raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found White upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party.
Mr. Hines, I see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for White. I think this the nearest correct, as Raymond gave the alarm, and a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of Mr. Rogers before he sank to rise no more. His and Esquire Crocker's bodies were found and interred. Those of Mrs. Rogers and her sister were never found. Rev. G. Hines, W. H. Gray, and Robert Shortess, were appointed by Judge Babcock to appraise the estate of Mr. Rogers, which was found to be worth about $800, clear of all liabilities. His heirs at law resided in Utica, New York. Rev. Harvey Clark was appointed administrator, discharging that duty faithfully, and I think without compensation. None of the appraisers received a dime for their services. There followed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the Wallamet River. The appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety.
The Methodist Mission had extended their stations to Fort Nasqualla on Puget Sound and Clatsop Plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the Umpqua River. At this last-named place the Indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the Hudson's Bay Company and the Jesuit priests to destroy Lee and Hines, and commence the slaughter of the settlement. (See Hines' account of the trip, pages 100 to 110 inclusive, made in 1842.)
Messrs. Frost and Cowan had become disgusted with their missionary calling, and Rev. Dr. Richmond had also found his Nasqualla location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become convinced that he could not benefit the Indians about the fort, and made up his mind to leave.
It will be remembered that Vicar-General Brouillet, of Wallawalla, in his attempt to prove that the "Catholic stations and stationary priests" were early in the country, says "almost every Indian tribe possessed some Catholic members" as early as 1840, and that Mr. Demerse's labors among the Cayuses in 1840 "had made there a mission so fruitful that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them." (Page 87 of "Protestantism in Oregon," by Brouillet.) Neither Hines, Richmond, nor Smith could understand why it was that the Indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to 1840. In June, 1853, had either of those gentlemen picked up the New York Freeman's Journal, they would have seen the statement that, as early as 1840, "almost every Indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some Catholic members." A little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these Jesuit missions had become "so fruitful that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them." This was but the work of two years,--from 1838, late in the fall, to 1840. This was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this Jesuit blow his trumpet; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in British Columbia. Why, I ask, have states and countries in Europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the Roman Church? And why is England, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others?
Chapter XXXV
Meetings to oppose organization.--Address of the French-Canadians.--Criticisms on it by the author.--The Jesuits.--Jesuit oath.--Article from the Cincinnati Beacon.
Between the meeting of the committee of twelve at Wallamet Falls, about the 16th of March, and the called meeting by that committee on the 2d of May, the priests and the Hudson's Bay Company were not idle. They held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at Vancouver, and two in the French Prairie at the Catholic church. At all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the Catholic and French settlers was discussed and decided. The result of these meetings and discussions can be found on the 12th and 13th pages of the Oregon archives. The names of the signers should have been given. This document seems to be dated the 4th of March, 1843. The meeting at Gervais' was on the first Monday of March. So this document seems to have been prepared by our Jesuit Blanchet, just about the time the "wolf meeting" was convening, and in anticipation of the move for a provisional government. I am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the Legislative Committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the 5th of July, 1843.
G. W. Le Breton, clerk of the Legislative Committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark "it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposition. At the meeting of May 2, all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization.
"Address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at Champoeg, March 4, 1843," It will be seen it should have been dated May 2. This mistake simply shows that it was prepared March 4, 1843, in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held May 2, 1843.
The address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of history, and is as follows:--
"We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interest and reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare--
"1st. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors.
"2d. That we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time.
"3d. That we will not address a new petition to the government of the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the States fixed.
"4th. That we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken.
"5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country.
"6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people.
"7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate.
"8th. That the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representatives.
"9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them.
"10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of bad suspicion to the Indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at the same time, it is a load; we do not want it, either, at present.
"11th. That we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an English, Spanish, or American citizen.
"12th. So we, English subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from France, California, United States, or even natives of this country; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected.
"13th. That we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes.
"14th. That we do not forgot that we must make laws only for necessary circumstances. The more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day.
"15th. That we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on fulfilling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud.
"16th. In a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the less remains of industry.
"17th. That no one can be more desirous than we are for the prosperity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace."
Then follow our names and persons.
Which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been noticed in the legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. It was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the feelings of the subjects named in the twelfth paragraph, and that while they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per thirteenth paragraph. The second paragraph indicates an approval of previous political action. The third, their opposition to a connection with the United States. The fourth, their decided opposition to the proposed government. The fifth is a reason, and shows that they had no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves. The sixth indicates a preference for the Hudson's Bay Company's mode of government. The seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of government. The eighth to the government of the country by the clergymen in it. The ninth, opposition to taxes which the French, or the class represented in that protest, continually manifested in refusing to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. The tenth shows that they considered themselves safe from Indian hostility, and were only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a show of military strength. The eleventh affirms the freedom of the country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. The fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint. The fifteenth is considerably mixed; it is advisory. We admit that the object of it is beyond our comprehension. The sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical rule. The seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they may require a "guaranty" of their rights and liberties.
We have an article, published in the Cincinnati Beacon, August, 1843, giving the oath taken by the Jesuits, and a short account of their objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into Oregon by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1838, and commenced their operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settlement of this country:--
"The order of Jesuits was established by Loyola in 1535, having for its object the re-establishment of the pope's sway over the civil powers of the earth.
"At that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain to the pope what he had just lost by the Reformation, and this order was established for that object. Members of that society may be of any profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the object. They may prosecute their own business as merchants in foreign countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government except that under the 'sacred confirmation of the pope.'
"A dispensation is granted them, i.e., permission to lay aside all professions of regard to the Papal cause, and make outward professions to any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better 'do their utmost to EXTIRPATE the heretical Protestant doctrine, and destroy all its pretended powers, REGAL or otherwise.'
"Of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which so long distracted Europe. This is a prominent fact on the page of history. One after another of the European powers became aware of this, and each, especially of the Protestant powers, when their intrigues could no longer be endured, banished the Jesuits as seen above. We may add Oregon as another special field of their operations since 1838.
"The Jesuits are the most active and efficient agents of Popery in propagating the Catholic religion in foreign countries. In the following oath we notice:--
"1. An acknowledgment that Protestant governments are illegal, without the 'sacred confirmation' of the pope, and may safely be destroyed.
"2. A renunciation of 'any allegiance as due to any heretical' state, named Protestants.
"3. A solemn pledge to do their utmost to 'destroy all their pretended powers, regal or otherwise.'
"Comment on the relations which these agents of the pope sustain to our Protestant government is needless.
"The Oath of Secrecy of the Jesuits.
"'I, A. B., now in the presence of Almighty God, the blessed Virgin Mary, the blessed Michael the Archangel, the blessed St. John Baptist, the holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of heaven, and of you my ghostly father, do declare from my heart, without mental reservation, that his holiness the Pope Urban is Christ's vicar-general, and is the true and only head of the Catholic or Universal Church throughout the earth; and that, by the virtue of the keys of binding and loosing given to his holiness by my Saviour Jesus Christ, he hath power to depose heretical kings, princes, states, commonwealths, and governments, all being illegal without his sacred confirmation, and that they may safely be destroyed; therefore, to the utmost of my power, I shall and will defend this doctrine, and his holiness' rights and customs, against all usurpers of the heretical (or Protestant) authority whatsoever; especially against the now pretended authority and Church of England, and all adherents, in regard that they and she be usurpal and heretical, opposing the sacred mother church of Rome. I do renounce and disown any allegiance as due to any heretical king, prince, or state, named Protestant, or obedience to any of their inferior magistrates or officers. I do further declare, that the doctrine of the Church of England, of the Calvinists, Huguenots, and of others of the name of Protestant, to be damnable, and they themselves are damned, and to be damned, that will not forsake the same; I do further declare, that I will help, assist, and advise all or any of his holiness' agents in any place wherever I shall be, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, or in any other territory or kingdom I shall come to, and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical Protestant doctrine, and to destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise. I do further promise and declare, that notwithstanding I am dispensed with, to assume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church's interests, to keep secret and private all her agents' counsels from time to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever; but to execute all that shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. All which I, A. B., do swear, by the blessed Trinity, and blessed Sacrament, which I am now to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably: and do call all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real intentions, to keep this my oath. In testimony hereof, I take this most holy and blessed sacrament of the Eucharist; and witness the same further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this day of Anno Domini, etc.'
"The Jesuits were banished from England in 1606. They were expelled from France, A.D. 1764; from Spain and Sicily, A.D. 1767; from Portugal, A.D. 1789; and totally suppressed by Pope Clement XIV., A.D. 1773. Everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. The present pope has revived the order, and now we find the Jesuits secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked devices to re-establish his power in the United States, and in the Canadas."
Chapter XXXVI
The meeting at Champoeg.--Tactics of the Jesuit party.--Counter-tactics of the Americans.--A division and its result.--Public record.--Opposition to clergymen as legislators.--Mr. Hines as an historian.--His errors.--Importance of Mr. Hines' history.--Extract.--Difficulty among the Indians.--Cause of the difficulty.
The 2d of May, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organize a settlers' government, was close at hand. The Indians had all learned that the "Bostons" were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the English and French were going to meet with them, to oppose what the "Bostons" were going to do. The Hudson's Bay Company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the Rev. F. N. Blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of every American present, trained to vote "No" to every motion put; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted "Yes," it was "No." Le Breton had informed the committee, and the Americans generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instructions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. The priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, "considerable confusion was existing in consequence." By this time we had counted votes. Says Le Breton, "We can risk it; let us divide and count." "I second that motion," says Gray. "Who's for a divide?" sang out old Joe Meek, as he stepped out; "all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me." This was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know what to do, but every American was soon in line. Le Breton and Gray passed the line and counted fifty-two Americans, and but fifty French and Hudson's Bay Company men. They announced the count--"fifty-two for, and fifty against." "Three cheers for our side," sang out old Joe Meek. Not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout for liberty. They were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, Judge I. L. Babcock, called the meeting to order, when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left.
The minutes of the meeting are as follows:--
"At a public meeting of the inhabitants of the Wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, Dr. I. L. Babcock was chosen Chairman, and Messrs. Gray, Le Breton, and Wilson, secretaries.
"The committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost.
"Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by Mr. Le Breton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the meeting divide, preparatory to being counted; those in favor of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew.
"It was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article.
"A motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with probate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community.
"Moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that three constables be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this community, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance.
"A motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen.
"Moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot.
"A. E. Wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; G. W. Le Breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder; J. L. Meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; W. H. Wilson was chosen treasurer.
"Moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor.
"Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O'Neil, Moore, and Dougherty, were chosen to act as Legislative Committee; Messrs. Burns, Judson, and A. B. Smith were chosen to act as magistrates; Messrs. Ebbets, Bridgers, and Lewis, were chosen to act as constables; Mr. John Howard was chosen major; Messrs. Wm. McCarty, C. McRoy, and S. Smith were chosen captains.
"Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee make their report on the 5th day of July next, at Champoeg.
"Moved and carried, that the services of the Legislative Committee be paid for at $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscription.
"Moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen.
"Moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen.
"Mr. Compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. Mr. Matthew was chosen as an additional constable.
"Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee shall not sit over six days.
"The meeting was then adjourned.
"The question having arisen with regard to what time the newly-appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting.
"Attest, "G. W. LE BRETON."
* * * * *
It will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of the members of the Legislative Committee, Rev. J. S. Griffin was named as one of the committee. I am not positive that Mr. Griffin was present, but I remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the settlers. It was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous community; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. Besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. This request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our effort. In placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. Mr. Griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the Rev. Mr. Kone, from Clatsop, who, I think, was present.
We will now leave the Legislative Committee to do their business, as per instructions, and see what our very officious Indian agent and his friend, Rev. Mr. Hines, are about.
During the fall of 1842 and winter and spring of 1843, "our plot thickens." We must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that as soon as Uncle Samuel's exploring squadron had looked at Oregon a little and Dr. McLaughlin's good liquors more (when the infirmities of the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity of the Hudson's Bay Company, they also found it convenient to sanction the opposition to a temporary government for the settlement,--at least, Mr. Hines tells us they opposed it,--and leave the company to continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of opposition to all American settlements in the country. Their Jesuit missions were doing them good service in the interior. Their clerks and interpreters were ready to do their part. The puff-ball of folly and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-Indian agent, had been among the Indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements,--confirmed or made worse by such old liars as Toupin, as in the case of Parker,--that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do as he wished them. All things combined aroused Mr. Hines to the solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our sub-Indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the Indians. I suppose he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of state. He says, page 146: "In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls." Le Breton returned the next day, and reported that Anderson's horse was stolen by an Indian,--the same that had stolen one from Mr. Hines two years before. Hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but Anderson, who was a Swede, had not. This transaction, it will be remembered, was on April 17, a month after the organizing committee of twelve had been appointed at Gervais'. White and Hines are in council at Hines' house. The visit to the interior tribes is before the council. White had been up among the Nez Perces and Cayuses in the fall of 1842, and with the aid of McKay (who was the most reliable half-native servant the company ever had), the Indians were induced to form a combination, exactly such a one as Frank Ermatinger, in 1838, told the writer the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to resist the occupancy of the country by the American government. Mr. Hines' stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of White, and not that of the company. He says, at the bottom of page 142:
"It had been the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert." At the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. Mr. Hines believes that the American settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to Dr. White the opposite policy. He says, page 143, that "the sub-agent adopted a different policy."
How natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, and to say, on page 142, "Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution." Not the least suspicion of McKay's instructions and the Hudson's Bay Company's arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent was the very man the company was making use of to get their own trained and educated Indian (Ellis) at the head of the Nez Perce tribe, to accomplish the object they had in view. Mr. Hines has given us a good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also for the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combinations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism; and here allow me to say, is the reason that Whitman, Harvey Clark, Shortess, Smith, Cornelius Rogers, J. L. Meek, Couch, and fifty others, had no confidence in White or his advisers and friends.
Le Breton acted well his part; the company knew him better than Mr. Hines did; his death was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but the effort moved on. The act of a few Indians, in going to St. Louis in 1832, for religious knowledge, brought Mr. Hines to the country with others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stupidity, bigotry, and superstition.
And although many things have combined to keep them from any pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have saved as the golden gem of our great Republic, will seek to know who it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as were then held by the company, the Jesuit priests, Dr. White, and the Methodist Mission. We now know why our little settlement wept and mourned the death of Rogers, Le Breton, and Whitman, as they were substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. Does a simple slab mark the place of their rest? Their surviving associates are not able to answer in the affirmative.
It will be borne in mind that while Dr. Whitman was on his way to Washington, Dr. White and Thomas McKay visited the Indians in the interior, in October, 1842,--about one month after Dr. Whitman had left for the States. Mr. Spalding was really more stupid than Mr. Hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any object. His courage was strong in ignorance of danger. Mr. Hines had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. Dr. White was shrewd enough to make use of both. Mr. Spalding was taken with Dr. White's smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, powers, and duties. He was led to believe that White had all the powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to McKay to organize and combine the Indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing it for Dr. White and the American cause.
Messrs. Hines and Spalding were alike in this particular. The reader will not forget that I am speaking of men and their actions, and the influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions upon the Indians and the religious, political, and general interests of the country. Personally, I have no malice against a single man of whom I write; many of them I know are dead, and at the proper time I will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as I now do of their errors. Besides, I hope the children and friends of all of whom I write, will see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, and, as we are told, "try the spirits," or persons, "to know whether they are good or evil."
A large portion of the ninth chapter of Mr. Hines' book is too important in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are giving. The reader will understand the observations we have to make, bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a transaction that occurred four years later. He says:--
"April 14. This settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the Cayuse, Nez Perce, and Wallawalla Indians. It appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. Some time in October last, Indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the 'Boston' people, meaning those from the United States. This intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of Indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. On arriving among the Indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, but entered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the Nez Perces to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.
"It had been the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert. BUT THE SUB-AGENT ADOPTED A DIFFERENT POLICY. The individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the Nez Perces was one Ellis, as he was called by the English, who, having spent several years in the settlement on Red River, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the English language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course. The fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by Ellis with the utmost rigor. Individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. This occasioned suspicions in the minds of the Indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. They saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. The arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the United States, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. That a great excitement existed among the Indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from H. K. W. Perkins, at the Dalles, in which he informed us that the Wascopum and Wallawalla Indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: That the Indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the Nez Perces dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the Indians in the buffalo country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will bring back with him to settle the Nez Perce country; that the Indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the 'Boston' people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, and leave the rest, but that every one of them must be destroyed. This information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. In the estimation of some, the Indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days' travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution."
We have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of policy of the Hudson's Bay Company, the combining of the Nez Perce tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the Americans, and the failure of the sub-Indian agent to get the settlers to adopt his plan for protecting the settlement against the Indians. We will now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and cutting-up policy among the Indians.
The reader is requested to observe Mr. Hines' description of Ellis, Dr. White's Indian chief. It was this same Indian that drove the Rev. A. B. Smith in 1840 from his land, as stated by old Toupin on 15th page of Brouillet's history of the Whitman massacre. Up to this time he was not considered an important character by the company, on account of his self-importance and insolence. In this respect he resembled Tawatowe, of the Cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as to get possession of Fort Wallawalla, had tied Mr. P. C. Pambrun, and kept him tied till he agreed to give the Indians better prices for their horses and furs. As soon as they had liberated him, Mr. Pambrun made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced them to leave the fort. He sent at once to Vancouver and increased the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them up and broke their power as principal chiefs.
While the American fur trader, Captain Wyeth, was in the country, the company had increased their tariff, and paid the Indians more for their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the country, they reduced it to their own prices. The Indians did not understand why the company gave them so much less than the Americans, or Bostons, did for the same things.
The principal chiefs of the Nez Perces and Cayuses were together in the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the company, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among the tribes,--thus making it easy to control them. This statement of facts and policy I had from Mr. Pambrun and Mr. Ermatinger, both of the Hudson's Bay Company.
Mr. Hines, on page 143, in speaking about the laws adopted by the Indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort was then being made by the Hudson's Bay Company, as the conduct of the Indians plainly indicated, to drive all Americans from the country. The unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, were the legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. The same was the case in the inferences drawn about Dr. Whitman's visit to the States. While Governor Simpson sends on his Red River settlers, and goes to Washington to secure the country to the British crown, Dr. Whitman and his mission become the special objects of misrepresentation and hate among the Indians. His mill and all his grain are burned, while a large immigration of British subjects and the Jesuit missionaries are received with open arms. Dr. Whitman and the American settlement must be stopped at all hazards. An Indian is sent on snow-shoes to the Buffalo Indians east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with Dr. Whitman.
The American government, according to Dr. White, is about to take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first governor. He, to conciliate the Indians, adopts all the suggestions of the Hudson's Bay Company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with the aid of Mr. McKay. While he can do nothing to unite the settlers for their own defense, the divide-and-weaken policy of the company is changed from Indians to the American settlers. White and Hines are equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been successful in the other. That the transaction related by Mr. Hines on his 145th page, under date of April 17, may be better understood, we will, in the next chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. This document is mostly the work of Robert Shortess, and was signed by nearly every American in the country who had an opportunity.
Chapter XXXVII
Whitman's visit to Washington.--A priest's boast.--A taunt, and Whitman's reply.--Arrival in Washington.--Interview with Secretary Webster.--With President Tyler.--His return.--Successful passage of the Rocky Mountains with two hundred wagons.--His mill burned during his absence.
In September, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to visit a patient at old Fort Wallawalla. While there, a number of boats of the Hudson's Bay Company, with several chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. While at dinner, the overland express from Canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the Red River settlement was at Colville. This news excited unusual joy among the guests. One of them--a young priest--sang out: "Hurrah for Oregon, America is too late; we have got the country." "Now the Americans may whistle; the country is ours!" said another.
Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red River English settlers to come on to settle in Oregon, and at the same time Governor Simpson was to go to Washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundaries on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country.
The Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach Washington in time to prevent it. "It shall be prevented," said the Doctor, "if I have to go to Washington myself." "But you can not go there to do it," was the taunting reply of the Briton. "I will see," was the Doctor's reply. The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to Fort Boise, to understand what he meant when he said, "I will see." Two hours after this conversation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at Wailatpu. I saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. He soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming British territory.
Every thing was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. A. L. Lovejoy, Esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. It was proposed that he should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the States. They reached Fort Hall all safe; kept south into Taos, and thence to Bent's Fort, on the Arkansas River, when Mr. Lovejoy became exhausted from toil and exposure, and stopped for the winter, while the Doctor continued on and reached Washington.
Thus far in this narrative I give Dr. Whitman's, Mr. Lovejoy's, and my own knowledge. I find an article in the Pacific of November 9, from Mr. Spalding, which gives us the result:--
"On reaching the settlements, Dr. Whitman found that many of the now old Oregonians--Waldo, Applegate, Hamtree, Keizer, and others--who had once made calculations to come to Oregon, had abandoned the idea because of the representations from Washington that every attempt to take wagons and ox-teams through the Rocky and Blue Mountains to the Columbia had failed. Dr. Whitman saw at once what the stopping of wagons at Fort Hall every year meant. The representations purported to come from Secretary Webster, but were from Governor Simpson, who, magnifying the statements of his chief trader, Grant, at Fort Hall, declared the Americans must be going mad, from their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams through the impassable regions to the Columbia, and that the women and children of those wild fanatics had been saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and philanthropic labors of Mr. Grant, at Fort Hall, in furnishing them with horses. The Doctor told these men, as he met them, that his only object in crossing the mountains in the dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold sufferings, was to take back an American emigration that summer through the mountains to the Columbia, with their wagons and their teams. The route was practicable. We had taken our wagon, our cattle, and our families through, seven years before. They had nothing to fear; but to be ready on his return. The stopping of wagons at Fort Hall was a Hudson's Bay Company scheme to prevent the settling of the country by the Americans, till they could settle it with their own subjects from the Selkirk settlement. This news spread like wildfire through Missouri. The Doctor pushed on to Washington and immediately sought an interview with Secretary Webster,--both being from the same State,--and stated to him the object of his crossing the mountains, and laid before him the great importance of Oregon to the United States. But Mr. Webster lived too near Cape Cod to see things in the same light with his fellow-Statesman who had transferred his worldly interests to the Pacific coast. He awarded sincerity to the missionary, but could not admit for a moment that the short residence of six years could give the Doctor the knowledge of the country possessed by Governor Simpson, who had almost grown up in the country, and had traveled every part of it, and represents it as one unbroken waste of sand deserts and impassable mountains, fit only for the beaver, the gray bear, and the savage. Besides, he had about traded it off with Governor Simpson, to go into the Ashburton treaty, for a cod-fishery on Newfoundland.
"The Doctor next sought an interview with President Tyler, who at once appreciated his solicitude and his timely representations of Oregon, and especially his disinterested though hazardous undertaking to cross the Rocky Mountains in the winter to take back a caravan of wagons. He said that, although the Doctor's representations of the character of the country, and the possibility of reaching it by a wagon route, were in direct contradiction to those of Governor Simpson, his frozen limbs were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his missionary character was sufficient guaranty for his honesty, and he would therefore, as President, rest upon these and act accordingly; would detail Fremont with a military force to escort the Doctor's caravan through the mountains; and no more action should be had toward trading off Oregon till he could hear the result of the expedition. If the Doctor could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the Columbia River, pronounced impossible by Governors Simpson and Ashburton, he would use his influence to hold on to Oregon. The great desire of the Doctor's American soul, and Christian withal, that is, the pledge of the President that the swapping of Oregon with England for a cod-fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk of life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the promise or expectation of a dollar's reward from any source. And now, God giving him life and strength, he would do the rest; that is, connect the Missouri and Columbia rivers with a wagon-track so deep and plain that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out[10]. And when the 5th of September, 1843, saw the rear of the Doctor's caravan of nearly two hundred wagons, with which he started from Missouri last of April, emerge from the western shades of the Blue Mountains upon the plains of the Columbia, the greatest work ever accomplished by one man for Oregon was finished. And through that great emigration during that whole summer, the Doctor was their everywhere-present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending wagons, setting broken bones, hunting stray oxen, climbing precipices; now in the rear, now at the front; in the rivers, looking out fords through the quicksands; in the deserts, looking out for water; in the dark mountains, looking out passes; at noontide or midnight, as though those thousands were his own children, and those wagons and flocks were his own property. Although he asked not, nor expected, a dollar as a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded when he saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon route over the mountains established, and Oregon in a fair way to be occupied with American settlements and American commerce. And especially he felt himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his successful expedition, and standing alive at his home again on the banks of the Wallawalla, these hundreds of his fellow summer pilgrims, way-worn and sunbrowned, took him by the hand and thanked him with tears for what he had done.
"During the Doctor's absence, his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, had been burned, and, consequently, he found but a small supply at his station on his return, raised by Mr. Geiger, a young man. But what he had in the way of grain, garden vegetables, and cattle, he gladly furnished the needy immigrants at the very low figure of the Wallamet prices, which was six hundred per cent. lower than what they had been compelled to pay at Forts Hall and Boise, and one half lower than they are to-day in the same country. And this was his practice every year till himself and wife and fourteen immigrants were murdered in the fall of 1847, because, as Vicar-General Brouillet says, 'they were American citizens', and not, as I am bold to say and can prove, because he was a physician. Shame on the American that will intimate such a thing! This vicar-general of the Papal hosts on this coast does not thank you for such an excuse. He tells you plainly it was to break up the American settlements on this coast.
"Often the good Doctor would let every bushel of his grain go to the passing immigrants in the fall, and then would have to depend upon me for breadstuffs for the winter and the whole year till next harvest, for his own large family and the scores of immigrants who every year were obliged to stop at his station on account of sickness or give-out teams. Although the Doctor had done so much for his country, it seems his blood was necessary to arouse the government to take formal possession of this coast, as it was his death by savages that sent the devoted J. L. Meek over the mountains to Washington, in the spring of 1848, to beg the government, in behalf of the citizens of this coast, to send us help, and to extend its jurisdiction over us."
[Footnote 10] They reached Fort Hall in safety, but there, in the absence of Dr. Whitman from their camp, they were told by Captain Grant, in the interest of the Hudson's Bay Company, as others had been told before, that it was idle for wagons to attempt to reach the Columbia. For a time there was a heaviness of spirit among those families, which, like the Israelites of old, had penetrated the depths of the "great and terrible wilderness." But Dr. Whitman, on ascertaining what had happened, reassured them by his bold and manly words, saying to them, "My countrymen! you have trusted me thus far; believe me now, and I will take your wagons to Columbia River;" and he did so, and Oregon was saved by his patriotism to the Union.
Chapter XXXVIII
Petition of the citizens of Oregon in 1843.--Complaints against the Hudson's Bay Company.--The Milling Company.--Kicking the half-bushel.--Land claims of Dr. McLaughlin.--Names of the signers.--Reasons for not signing.--Notice, deed, and bond of John McLaughlin.--Claim of Alvin F. Waller.
Petition of Citizens of Oregon in 1843.
To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled:--
We, the undersigned, settlers south of the Columbia River, beg leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body:
As has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider ourselves citizens of the United States, and acknowledge the right of the United States to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of the present memorial is to ask that the protection of the United States may be extended to us as soon as possible. Hitherto, our numbers have been small, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement were speedily and satisfactorily settled. But, as our settlement increases in numbers, so our difficulties increase in number and importance; and, unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. Where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property can not be depended on.
The state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, etc., has already been laid before your honorable body, in Captain Wyeth's memoir, and in former memorials from the inhabitants of this place.
Laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty, and we feel the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, in their opposition to the improvement and enterprise of American citizens. You have been apprised already of their opposition to Captain Wyeth, Bonneville, and others; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. Some years ago, when the Hudson's Bay Company owned all the cattle in Oregon, they would not sell on any conditions; but they would lend their cows to the settler--he returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase; and in case of the death of a cow, he then had the privilege of paying for it. But after the settlers, at great risk and expense, went to California and purchased for themselves, and there was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the Hudson's Bay Company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than the settlers could sell.
In the year 1842, feeling the necessity of having mills erected that could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants formed themselves into a joint-stock company, for the purpose of supplying the growing wants of the community. Many of the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the Wallamet, and go six miles above Vancouver, on the Columbia River, making the whole distance about sixty miles, to get their wheat ground, at a great loss of time and expense. The company was formed and proceeded to select a site. They selected an island at the falls of the Wallamet, and concluded to commence their operations. After commencing, they were informed by Dr. McLaughlin, who is at the head of the Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west of the Rocky Mountains, that the land was his, and that he (although a chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company) claimed all the land on the east side of the Wallamet, embracing the falls down to the Clackamas River, a distance of about two miles. He had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. However, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to build under certain restrictions. They took the paper he wrote them, containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable.
Many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. This fate was predicted for the Milling Company. But, after much labor and difficulty, they succeeded in getting a saw-mill erected, and ready to run, and entered into a contract to have a grist-mill erected forthwith. And now, as they have succeeded, where is the Hudson's Bay Company? Dr. McLaughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw-mill, and erect it at Wallamet Falls; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gearing, which has been made at Vancouver, is brought up in boats; and that which cost a feeble company of American citizens months of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company in a few weeks. He has men and means, and it is said by him that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. And what will be the consequence? Why, if the Milling Company sell for $15 per thousand, he can sell for $12; if they reduce the price to $10, he can come to $8, or $5, or $2 per thousand. He says he will have a grist-mill started as soon as he gets the saw-mill in operation.
All the wheat in Oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to the Russians on the northwest coast. In the first place they measured the wheat in a half-bushel, called by them imperial measure, much larger than the standard measure of the United States; this not answering, they next proceeded to kick the half-bushel with the foot to settle the wheat; then they brought up a measure larger than the former one; and now they fill this measure, then strike it three times with a stout club, and then fill up, and call it fair measure. Against such proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed.
About twelve or fourteen years ago, the Hudson's Bay Company blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going to build, the timber for which is now lying at the falls rotting. They, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the Columbia, about six miles above Vancouver, on the north side of the river.
In the year 1837, agreeably to orders left by Mr. Slacum, a house was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him.
In 1840, the Methodist Mission erected buildings at the falls, and stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to build. A short time previous to this, Dr. McLaughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store wheat and other articles in, and as a trading-house during the salmon season.
After this, in 1841, a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the falls, whose business it was to trade with the Indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the doctor's claim, he said, and to forbid persons building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. This man was, and still is, a servant of the Hudson's Bay Company.
During the years 1841 and 1842, several families settled at the falls, when Dr. McLaughlin, who still resides at Fort Vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without his permission is held as a trespasser. Without reference to any person's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out the plat; and as a bill was before the Senate of the United States to grant to every white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit his views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it Oregon City. Although some, for peace's sake, asked him for the lots they had already in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper (marked A), which is the original; and all who had lots were required to pay Mr. Hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the grantor did not own, but that Congress will pass a special act granting to each man his lot and improvements. Those that applied received (if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed (marked B); if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, a copy of which is annexed (marked C). To those that applied and paid their five dollars all was right with the doctor; while those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. In one case the purchaser came to the original claimant and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had Dr. McLaughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots; and if he did not move the fence he would, and take forcible possession. Those who desired to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the doctor's promise, and all. And Mr. Hastings (the doctor's agent) is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings stand; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either contend or lose their buildings.
Dr. McLaughlin has held claims in other places south of the Columbia River: at the Tualatin Plains and Clackamas Plains he had huts erected, to prevent others from building; and such is the power of Dr. McLaughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situation known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. Letters were received here from Messrs. Ladd & Co., of the Sandwich Islands, in answer to a letter written by the late Mr. Ewing Young, for a few supplies, that orders were received forbidding the company's vessels carrying any goods for the settlers of Oregon. Every means will be made use of by them to break down every thing that will draw trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store.
One other item, and we are done. When the United States government officers of distinction arrive, Vancouver is thrown open, and every facility afforded them. They were even more condescending to the settlers during the time the exploring squadron was in the Columbia; nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company. Our Indian agent is entirely dependent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations.
And now your memorialists pray your honorable body that immediate action of Congress be taken in regard to this country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our Territory, as may, in your wisdom, be thought best for the good of the American citizens residing here.
And your memorialists will ever pray.
Robert Shortess, A. E. Wilson*, W. C. Remick*, Jeffrey Brown, E. N. Coombs, Reuben Lewis, George Davis, V. Bennett, J. Rekener, T. J. Hubbard, James A. O'Neil, Jer. Horregon, William McCarty, Charles Compo, John Howard*, R. Williams, G. Brown, John Turner*, Theodore Pancott, A. F. Waller, J. R. Robb, J. L. Morrison, M. Crawford, John Anderson, James M. Bates, L. H. Judson, Joel Turnham*, Richard H. Ekin, H. Campbell*, James Force, W. H. Wilson*, Felix Hathaway*, J. Lawson, Thomas J. Shadden*, Joseph Gibbs, S. Lewis, Jr., Charles Roy, William Brown, S. Davis, Joseph Yatten, John Hopstatter*, G. W. Bellomy*, William Brown, A. Beers, J. L. Parish, William H. Gray, A. D. Smith*, J. C. Bridgers*, Aaron Cook, A. Copeland, S. W. Moss, Gustavus Hines, George W. Le Breton*, Daniel Girtman, C. T. Arrendrill, A. Touner, David Carter*, J. J. Campbell*, W. Johnson*, John Edmunds, W. Hauxhurst, W. A. Pfieffer, J. Holman, H. B. Brewer, William C. Sutton. Sixty-five in all.
* It is understood that the persons whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are now dead; the balance are supposed to be still living.
The foregoing are all the names which appear to the petition printed as Senate document 105, and presented to the Senate at the first session of the twenty-eighth Congress.
W. J. MCDONALD, Principal Clerk of Sec'y Senate.
WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 5, 1866.
Mr. George Abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of injuring the Methodist Mission in its secular or business relations with the Hudson's Bay Company.
Hugh Burns would not sign it because he did not wish Congress to be asked to confirm his title to lots and improvements.
Jason Lee, though he thought it right to petition Congress for protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the Methodist Mission, and the influence of the company against them should he sign it, thought it best not to give his name.
Dr. I. L. Babcock refused, because, by signing, he would lose his influence with the company.
Walter Pomeroy, ditto.
Dr. Bailey did not wish any protection from the Congress of the United States.
Rev. H. K. W. Perkins was ashamed of the petition. "What does Congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies?"
George Gay did not care any thing about it. Congress might do as it pleased; he did not want its protection.
The people in Tualatin Plains did not have an opportunity to sign or refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. The bearer of it, William C. Sutton, was on his way to the States across the Rocky Mountains. Through the influence of Dr. White, who had clandestinely procured a copy of the petition and the names attached, and had made an effort to prevent its reaching Mr. Sutton, it had been delayed, but through the perseverance and promptness of Robert Shortess and A. E. Wilson, it was sent by Davis and Johnson and some Indians in an express canoe, and reached Mr. Sutton before he left the Cascades. For this service to his country and the persevering efforts of Mr. Shortess to maintain the rights of American citizens in it, he was early placed under the ban of the Hudson's Bay Company, and, it may be added, the Methodist Mission; and reports prejudicial to him have been freely and persistently kept before the public mind, as also against any others that have taken an active part against the infamous and despotic course of that company. This is to weaken their testimony, and to render them powerless to prevent the present proposed robbing of our national treasury. Instead of paying one dime to that company for doing all they dared to do to prevent the settlement of Oregon by Americans, a pension should be paid to Robert Shortess and many others who dared to maintain the rights of the American people to this western coast. Whitman periled every thing and lost his life to save the country. Shortess has periled all, and worn himself out in struggling under an influence that took the life of Dr. Whitman and many others, for which this Hudson's Bay Company are now to receive pay.
It is unnecessary for me to make a single remark in reference to this petition. It is a history in itself of the times and events then occurring. Mr. Hines refers to it as of little moment, and on page 150 says: "Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently, I obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I would be refused."
We would infer from this, that the Hudson's Bay Company did not regard it as a serious matter, but in the next line he tells us: "We remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and, after a close conversation with the gentlemen in command, were treated with great courtesy."
This lets us into the whole mystery of the affair. The gentlemen in charge of the fort had become satisfied that Mr. Hines in his visit among the Indians would not interfere with their arrangements already made with McKay and White; in fact, that Mr. Hines approved of Dr. White's policy of uniting the tribes in the interior to accomplish the one great object of the company. The documents that follow are given to show the fact stated in the petition, as also the high-handed measures of the company and Dr. McLaughlin.
A.
Notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those who have obtained grants of lots in Oregon City, will be expected to call upon L. W. Hastings, my authorized agent at Oregon City, and obtain a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. Those who hold claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite, on or before the first day of February next, will be entitled to their lot or lots; otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to make of them.
JOHN MCLAUGHLIN. January 18, 1843.
OREGON CITY, March 27, 1843.
We, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above notice of John McLaughlin was posted up in the most public places in this town.
R. SHORTESS. A. E. WILSON.
* * * * *
B.
Deed--John McLaughlin to Walter Pomeroy.
Know all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, for and in consideration of the sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by Walter Pomeroy, of Oregon City, of the Territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have this day, and do, by these presents, remit, release, and forever quit claim unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and singular, the following piece, parcel, and lot of land, bounded and described as follows, to wit: Commencing at the northeast corner, running thence southerly sixty-six feet to a stake, thence easterly one hundred feet to a stake at the place of beginning, being lot number four, in block number three, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of Oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and plan of said town:
To have and to hold the same, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, forever.
And I, the said McLaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that I am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of land, and that I have in myself full power, good right, and sufficient authority to remit, release, and quit my claim in and to said lot and premises, in manner and form aforesaid.
And I, the said McLaughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to warrant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said Pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, the claims of the government only excepted.
In testimony whereof, I, the said McLaughlin, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal, this the 2d of March, A.D. 1843.
JOHN MCLAUGHLIN. [L. S.] Per L. W. HASTINGS, his agent.
We, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true and correct copy of the original.
R. SHORTESS. A. E. WILSON.
* * * * *
C.
Bond--John McLaughlin to Albert E. Wilson.
Know all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, am held and firmly bound unto Albert E. Wilson, of Oregon City, in the Territory aforesaid, in the full sum of five hundred dollars, federal money; for the punctual payment of which, well and truly to be made, I bind myself, my heirs, executors or administrators, firmly by these presents.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto below set my hand and affixed my seal, this the 26th day of December, A.D. 1842.
Now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, that whereas the said Wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, purchase of the said McLaughlin all and singular the following pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: Lots Nos. four and five, in block No. two, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of Oregon, as is more fully shown by the map and plan of said town, and hath, and by these presents doth agree to build upon and improve each of the lots within the term of one year from the date of these presents. In consideration of which, the said McLaughlin hath, and doth by these presents covenant and agree to make the said Wilson a good and sufficient quit-claim deed for and to all and singular the above-mentioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he, the said Wilson, shall have complied with the above conditions on his part. Now, if the said McLaughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be made, the said deed to the said Wilson, upon the said Wilson's complying on his part with the above condition, then, and in such case, the within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect; otherwise to be and remain of full force and virtue.
JOHN MCLAUGHLIN. [L. S.]
Per L. W. HASTINGS, his agent.
We, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true and correct copy of the original.
R. SHORTESS. A. E. WILSON.
Our history would not be complete without these documents. It will be noticed in Mr. Pomeroy's deed, as also all the other deeds given by Dr. McLaughlin, that he "warrants and defends" against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, the claims of the government only excepted. He would not insert United States government, for he expected the English would get the country. He asserts in his deeds, "And I, the said McLaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that I am the true and proper claimant of, and to the said premises and lot of land, and that I have in myself full power and good right."
Any one questioning his power and authority was made to feel it in a manner more severe than that of any governor of a State or of the President of the United States.
It was unfortunate that, at the time Dr. McLaughlin was making his claim to the land and his improvements at Oregon City, it was not known that he had, or would, sever his connection with the Hudson's Bay Company, and become an American citizen, as he afterward did. It was his connection with, and apparent control over, the affairs of the company, that created the strong American prejudice against him, and deceived many as to his intentions, besides giving occasion for a strong feeling in favor of Rev. Mr. Waller, who employed a Mr. John Ricord to prepare a declaration setting forth his claim to that location, as follows:--
"To the People of Oregon:
"FELLOW-CITIZENS,--Having been retained professionally to establish the claim of Mr. Alvin F. Waller to the tract of land on the east side of the Wallamet River, sometimes called the Wallamet Falls settlement, and sometimes Oregon City, I consider it a duty to my client and to the public to state, briefly and concisely, the several circumstances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may not be impugned, nor his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented.
"The public are already aware that my client commenced the occupancy of this farm in the spring of A.D. 1840, when no one resided at the falls, and that, in the course of that summer, he built his house, moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the land; from which, in the ensuing years A.D. 1841 and 1842, he raised successive crops of corn, potatoes, and other vegetables usually cultivated by farmers. That he remained thus occupying undisturbed, until the month of December, A.D. 1842, about two years and six months, when Dr. John McLaughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the purpose of selling it in subdivisions to American citizens. It has since been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client had renounced his right in favor of Dr. McLaughlin. This I am authorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by Mr. Waller, which not only contains no renunciation, but, on the contrary, is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises; offering at the same time to relinquish his claim if the doctor would comply with certain very reasonable and just conditions. Upon this offer the parties had come to no final conclusion until my arrival in the colony, when Dr. McLaughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, disregarding the rights of all other persons, which I declined doing. Mr. Waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second time to the doctor for his acceptance or rejection, which I did in the following words:--
"'1st. That your pre-emptive line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist-mill, conceding to them as much water as may be necessary for the use of said mills.
"'2d. That Mr. Waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in superficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots of your present survey.
"'3d. That the Rev. Mr. Lee, on behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Mission, be, in like manner, secured in the lots claimed for the use of said mission.' They consist of church and parsonage lots, and are well known to the public.
"I received a letter from Dr. McLaughlin, dated November 10, 1843, in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above conditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his right of pre-emption. Under these circumstances Mr. Waller has now applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, under the Constitution, has original jurisdiction of 'all cases in law and equity, arising under treaties,' to grant him a commission for perpetuating the testimony of the facts in his case, de bene esse, in order that whenever Congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe, by law, the conditions and considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the United States a patent; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience.
"The legality of Mr. A. F. Waller's claim rests upon the following grounds:--
"1st. He was a citizen of the United States, of full age, and possessed of a family when he came to reside on the premises; 2d. He built a house upon them and moved his family into it, thus becoming in fact and in law a householder on the land; 3d. He cleared, fenced, and cultivated a portion of it during two years and six months before he was disturbed in his actual possession; and 4th. That he is not at this moment continuing to cultivate his farm is not his fault, since it was wrested from him.
"The illegality of Dr. McLaughlin's claim rests upon the following grounds:--
"1st. He was a British subject owing allegiance to a foreign power, and has so continued to be ever since the spring of A.D. 1840. For this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the United States.
"2d. He is chief officer of a foreign corporative monopoly. For this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the United States.
"3d. He does not now, and never did, reside on the land in question; but, on the contrary, he resides, and has always continued to reside, on the north bank of the Columbia River, the section of country actually in dispute between the two governments, about twenty miles from the land claimed by Mr. Waller, and there he is obliged to remain so long as he continues to be chief factor.
"4th. He is not in fact the claimant. The Hudson's Bay Company, a foreign corporation, is in fact the claimant, while Dr. McLaughlin only lends his name; well knowing that a corporation, even though it be an American one, can not acquire a pre-emption. This is evinced by the employment of men to be his agents, and to sell lots for him, who are at the same time partners in, and receiving dividends and salaries from, the company.
"5th. The pretensions of Dr. McLaughlin arose, if at all, two years and six months after the actual settlement of Mr. Waller; and therefore they are in direct violation of the treaty of A.D. 1827, converting the mutual and joint occupation into an exclusive occupancy by British subjects.
"6th. The treaty of joint occupation (1827) does not, and was never intended, on the part of the United States, to confer any rights of citizenship upon foreigners. The power to confer such rights is, by the Constitution, reserved to Congress. And the right to acquire title by pre-emption is peculiar to citizens.
"These, fellow-citizens, are the facts and some of the points of law in my client's case. Upon the same principle contended for by Dr. McLaughlin, any of you may incur the risk of being ousted from your farms in this colony, by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a fancy so to do, unless in the first instance you come unanimously forward and resist these usurpations. It is not my client's intention to wrong any who have purchased lots of the doctor; and to guard against the injury which might result to individuals in this respect, I have carefully drawn up the form of a bond for a warrantee deed, which Mr. Waller is at all times ready, without any further consideration, to execute to any person who has, in good faith, bought of the doctor, prior to the date of this notice, by being applied to at his residence. Mr. Waller does not require one cent of money to be paid to him as a consideration for his bonds--the trouble, expense, and outlays they have already incurred, with a desire to save all such persons harmless from pecuniary loss, is a good and sufficient consideration in law to bind him in the proposed penalty of one thousand dollars. (See Cowan's Digest--Assumpsit, B).
"I am of opinion that Mr. Waller has rights in the premises, which neither Dr. McLaughlin, nor even Congress, by any retrospective legislation, can take away from him,--and therefore, fellow-citizens, in sincere friendship, I would counsel you to lose no time in applying to him for your new bonds.
"JOHN RICORD,
"Counselor in the Supreme Court of the United States, and attorney for Alvin F. Waller.
"Dated December 20, 1843."
Chapter XXXIX
Extracts from Mr. Hines' history.--Attempt to capture an Indian horse-thief.--Dr. McLaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition.--Excitement in the settlement.--Interview with Dr. McLaughlin at Vancouver.
"April 14.--Information was brought to the settlement from the Clackamas tribe of Indians, who live three miles below the falls of the Wallamet, which served to increase the excitement occasioned by the reports from the interior. It appears that an Indian of the Molalla tribe, connected with the Clackamas Indians by marriage, stole a horse from a man by the name of Anderson, and when asked by the latter if he had stolen his horse and rode him off, answered, 'Yes, I stole your horse, and when I want another one I shall steal him also.' To this Anderson replied, 'If you stole my horse you must pay me for him.' 'Yes,' said the Indian, 'I will pay you for him, take that horse,' pointing to a very poor horse which stood near by, with one eye out, and a very sore back. Anderson replied, 'That is a very poor horse, and mine is a good one; I shall not take him, and if you don't bring him back I will report you to Dr. White.' 'I am not afraid of Dr. White,' said the Indian; 'let him come if he wants to, and bring the Boston people with him; he will find me prepared for him.'
"Anderson not being able to effect a settlement with the Indian, immediately reported him to the agent, whereupon the latter wrote to a man at the falls, by the name of Campbell, to take a sufficient number of men armed with muskets, and go very early in the morning to the Indian camp, and take the horse-thief a prisoner, and bring him to the falls.
"Accordingly, Campbell procured five men, and went to the camp as commanded, but found thirty or forty Indians painted in the most hideous manner, and armed with muskets, bows and arrows, tomahawks and scalping-knives, and determined at all events to protect the horse-thief, and drive back those that should come to take him. Campbell rushed on to take the rogue, but met with much resistance from superiority of numbers; and finding that the enterprise, if urged forward, would terminate in bloodshed, if not in the loss of all their lives, sounded a retreat, and extricating himself from the Indians, returned to the falls. He communicated the result of his attempt to Dr. White, and the doctor started off immediately in company with G. W. Le Breton, resolved to capture the thief and bring the tribe to terms."
This day's proceedings are given as a specimen of the foolish conduct of Dr. White and his friends.
"April 17.--The excitement still continues, former reports having been confirmed, and all were engaged in repairing guns, and securing ammunition. A report was in circulation that Dr. McLaughlin refused to grant supplies for any consideration, to all those persons who subscribed the memorial praying the Congress of the United States to extend jurisdiction over Oregon. If this be so, the American population (as nearly all signed the memorial) will not be able to obtain ammunition, however necessary it may be, as there is none in the country except what may by found within the stockades of Vancouver. I think, however, that the report is false. Report says, furthermore, that the Klikitat Indians are collecting together back of the Tualatin plains, but for what purpose is not known. The people on the plains, consisting of about thirty families, are quite alarmed. There is also a move among the Calapooyas. Shoefon, one of the principal men of the tribe, left this place a few days ago, and crossed the Wallamet River, declaring that he would never return until he came with a band of men to drive off the Boston people. He was very much offended because some of his people were seized and flogged, through the influence of Dr. White, for having stolen a horse from some of the missionaries, and flour from the mission mill. His influence is not very extensive among the Indians, or we might have much to fear.
"The colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition; two hundred Indians, divided into four bands, might destroy the whole settlement in one night.
"In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls. He and Mr. Le Breton attempted to go to the falls on horseback, but in trying to ford Haunchauke River, they found the water so deep they were obliged to swim, and the doctor turned his horse's head and came out the side he went in; but Le Breton, being the better mounted of the two, succeeded in gaining the opposite shore; and having the doctor's letters in his possession, continued on to the falls. The doctor returned to the settlement. Le Breton returned the following day, and brought information from the five men who had attempted to take the Indian who had stolen Anderson's horse, that soon after their retreat the Indians became alarmed and broke up in great haste; but, before they left, they informed Anderson that the horse they had stolen from him was worn out and good for nothing, and tying a good horse to a tree near Anderson's house, they told him that he must take that and be satisfied. They then hurried away, saying that they should not be seen in that region again. It was ascertained that the Clackamas Indians had nothing to do with the stolen horse; that it was a band of the Molallas, the very same rascals that stole a horse from me two years before, and after having him in their possession several weeks, brought him down within a few miles of my house, where they encamped, and where I went with one man and took him from the midst of more than fifty grim-looking savages."
This shows at least that Mr. Hines had personal courage.
"On the 20th of April a letter was received in the settlement, written by H. B. Brewer, at the Dalles, which brings the latest intelligence from the infected region. This letter states that the Indians in the interior talk much of war, and Mr. Brewer urges Dr. White to come up without delay, and endeavor to allay the excitement. He does not inform us that the Indians design any evil toward the whites, but says that the war is to be between themselves, but that the Boston people have much to fear. As the doctor, in his visit to the interior last October, left an appointment to meet the Wallawalla Indians and the Cayuses, in their own country, on the 10th of May, and believing that a great share of the excitement originated in a misunderstanding of the Indians, he came to the conclusion at all hazards to go among them. At the solicitation of the agent, I determined to accompany him on the expedition.
"The great complaint of the Indians was that the Boston people designed to take away their lands, and reduce them to slavery. This they had inferred from what Dr. White had told them in his previous visit; and this misunderstanding of the Indians had not only produced a great excitement among them, but had occasioned considerable trouble betwixt them and the missionaries and other whites in the upper country, as well as influencing them to threaten the destruction of all the American people. Individuals had come down from Fort Wallawalla to Vancouver, bringing information of the excited state of things among the Indians, and giving out that it would be extremely dangerous for Dr. White to go up to meet his engagements. Their opinion was, that in all probability he and the party which he might think proper to take with him would be cut off. But it was the opinion of many judicious persons in the settlement, that the welfare of the Indians, and the peace and security of the whites, demanded that some persons qualified to negotiate with the Indians should proceed immediately to the scene of disaffection, and if possible remove the cause of the excitement by correcting the error under which the Indians labored. Accordingly Dr. White engaged twelve men besides myself, mostly French-Canadians who had had much experience with Indians, to go with him; but a few days before the time fixed upon to start had arrived, they all sent him word that they had decided not to go. They were doubtless induced to pursue this course through the influence of Dr. McLaughlin and the Catholic priests."
Most likely, Mr. Hines, but you seem to be afraid to express a decided opinion, even after they have accomplished their object.
"When the day arrived for starting, we found ourselves abandoned by every person who had engaged to go, except Mr. G. W. Le Breton, an American, one Indian boy, and one Kanaka. With the two latter the doctor and myself left the Wallamet settlement on the 25th of April, 1843, and proceeded on horseback to the Butte, where we found Le Breton in waiting for us. He had provided a canoe and a few pieces of pork and beef for our use on the voyage.
"Here we met a letter from Dr. John McLaughlin, at Vancouver, discouraging us from our undertaking in view of the difficulties and dangers attending such an expedition; but we had counted the cost, and were not to be diverted from our purpose, though danger stared us in the face. We supposed that if the Indians entertained any hostile intentions against the whites in general, there could be no better way to defeat their purposes than to go among them; convince them that they had no grounds of fear; and that the whites, instead of designing to bring them into subjection, were desirous of doing them good. Prevented by one thing and another from setting sail, on the night of the 27th we slept on a bank of sand at the Butte, and next day proceeded in our little canoe down to Wallamet Falls, where we continued until the 29th. Here we received another package from Dr. McLaughlin, giving us information that Rev. Mr. Demerse, a Catholic priest, had just come down from the upper country, bringing intelligence that the Indians are only incensed against the Boston people; that they have nothing against the French and King George people; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the Boston people shall not have their lands, and take away their liberties.
"On receiving this intelligence from Mr. Demerse, Dr. McLaughlin advised the Frenchmen, who had engaged to go with Dr. White, to have nothing to do with the quarrel, to remain quiet at home, and let the Americans take care of themselves. He also expressed, in his letter, the opinion that all the people should remain quiet, and in all probability the excitement among the Indians would soon subside.
"Not seeing sufficient reason to change our course, on the morning of the 28th we left our hospitable friends at the falls and continued our course down the Wallamet toward Vancouver. At noon we had sailed twenty miles, and stopped for dinner within five miles of the mouth of the Wallamet, on a low piece of ground, overgrown with luxuriant grass, but which is always overflowed at the rise of the Columbia, or about the first of June. Weighed anchor after dinner, and at four o'clock, P.M., arrived at Vancouver. Called on Dr. McLaughlin for goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommodation on our voyage up the Columbia, and, though he was greatly surprised that, under the circumstances, we should think of going among those excited Indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. However, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on account of our going among the Indians of the interior, as in consequence of a certain memorial having been sent to the United States Congress, implicating the conduct of Dr. McLaughlin and the Hudson's Bay Company, and bearing the signature of seventy Americans. I inquired of the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those Americans who had signed that document; he replied that he had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect no more favors from him. Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently I obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I would be refused.
"We remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and after a close conversation with the gentleman in command, were treated with great courtesy."
Chapter XL
A combination of facts.--Settlers alive to their danger.--Mr. Hines' disparagement of the Methodist Mission.--Indians want pay for being whipped.--Indian honesty.--Mr. Hines' opinion of the Indians' religion.--Mr. Geiger's advice.--Dr. McLaughlin's answer to Yellow Serpent.--Baptiste Doreo.--Four conflicting influences.
We now have before us a combination of facts and statements that no one living at the time they occurred will attempt to deny. Shortess and others still live to vouch for the truth of what is written. If Mr. Hines has shown the least partiality in his writings, it is strongly in favor of influences that were operating against him and the cause he advocated; while such men as Rogers, Le Breton, Wilson, Whitman, and others still living, spoke and acted the American sentiment of the country. Mr. Hines and Dr. White had received two packages from Dr. McLaughlin advising them not to go to the interior, and the Jesuit priest, Demerse, had come down bringing word that the "quarrel" was not with the French and English, and that Dr. McLaughlin advised his Frenchmen to remain at home and let the Americans take care of themselves. Mr. Brewer is deceived as to the cause of the war rumors about him, and seems solicitous only about the Indians. With all these facts, as given by Mr. Hines, with his ability and experience, we are at a loss to understand how it is that he could take notes and publish, in 1851, statements as above quoted, and then proceed with the account that follows, rather excusing Dr. McLaughlin and the priests in the part they are taking in attempting to crush the American settlement, and actually aiding the Hudson's Bay Company in combining and marshaling the savages to weaken and destroy his countrymen!
The writer does not believe he intended to do any thing of the kind, yet the influences brought to bear upon him were such that he became an active instrument with Dr. White to accomplish the one great object of the Hudson's Bay Company and English government, and becomes the apologist for a premeditated and deliberate murder of his countrymen. The Whitman massacre he does not even mention.
The settlers were alive to their danger. They had no head, no organization, no one to look to for supplies or protection. They knew that the sub-agent of the United States government was the dupe of their worst enemy, and had betrayed them. They knew that it was the policy and disposition of the missions to keep them under their control.
We are fully aware of the fact that the leading clergymen of all the missions attempt to deny the position above stated. But in the covenant of Mr. Griffin with Mr. Munger, he admits that the articles of compact and arrangement of the various missionary societies all affirm the one principle, that laymen or members of their societies were subject to the orders and dictation of the clergymen, not only in religious, but all financial and secular matters,--hence the disposition and determination on the part of these clerical gentlemen to govern the early settlement of the country. The Hudson's Bay Company system of absolute government was favorable to this idea. The Jesuit priests, who combined their influence with the company, all contributed to oppress and keep down the settler. While the priests were active in combining and preparing the Indians in middle Oregon to rob and destroy the emigrant on his lonely, weary, toilsome way to this country, their agents and principal clerks were equally active in shaping matters in the various neighborhoods and settlements west of the Cascades.
On the 156th page of Mr. Hines' book he gives us a short summary of the labors of Revs. Daniel Lee, H. K. W. Perkins, and Mr. H. B. Brewer: "They are laboring to establish a permanent mission at this place [the Dalles] for the benefit of the Indians, but with doubtful success." That the Methodist Mission should be misled and become inefficient is not to be wondered at when such men as Mr. Hines, holding the position and assuming a controlling influence as he did, should express himself in the language quoted above. The "doubtful success" attending all the missionary labors of the Methodist Mission was unquestionably attributable to the opinions of just such men, privately and publicly expressed, with corresponding "doubtful" and divided labors, while the ignorance of the religious supporters of the Roman missions enabled them to deceive their neophytes and patrons, and keep up their own missions and destroy those of the Protestants.
Soon after Mr. Hines and party arrived at the Dalles, some twenty Indians assembled to have a talk with Dr. White, who had in his visit in the fall of 1842 prevailed upon this band to organize an Indian government by appointing one high chief and three subordinates to see that all violators of his rules were punished by being flogged for offenses that formerly were considered trifling and evidence of native cunning and smartness. As was to be expected, some of the Indians would resist and use their knives and weapons in their own defense.
There is an interesting incident related by Mr. Hines, in reference to Indian character, on his 157th page:--
"The Indians want pay for being whipped, in compliance with Dr. White's laws, the same as they did for praying to please the missionaries, during the great Indian revival of 1839. Those appointed by Dr. White were desirous that his regulations should continue, because they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the other Indian tribes. But the other influential men who were not in office desired to know of Dr. White of what benefit this whipping system was going to be to them. They said they were willing it should continue, provided they were to receive shirts and pants and blankets as a reward for being whipped. They had been whipped a good many times and had got nothing for it, and it had done them no good. If this state of things was to continue, it was all cultus, good for nothing, and they would throw it away. The doctor wished them to understand that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. They laughed at the idea, and separated."
Just here the writer will give one other incident, related of Yallop, an Indian belonging to the same tribe, as stated by Rev. Mr. Condon, of the Dalles:--
"Yallop was requested to remain at the house of Mr. Joslin during the absence of the family, one cold day, and see that nothing was disturbed, with the understanding that he was to go into the house and make himself comfortable till the family returned. On coming home they found the Indian outdoors under a tree, cold and nearly frozen. They inquired the reason of his strange conduct, and wanted to know why he did not stay in the house. Yallop said he went into the house and found every thing so nice and comfortable that by and by the old Indian came into him again and he wanted to steal all there was in the house, and the only way he could get over that feeling was to go out under the tree in the cold."
Mr. Hines, in speaking of this same band, says, 158th page: "As a matter of course, lying has much to do in their system of trade, and he is the best fellow who can tell the biggest lie, make men believe it, and practice the greatest deception. A few years ago a great religious excitement prevailed among these Indians, and nearly the whole tribe, consisting of a thousand, professed to be converted, were baptized, and received into the Christian church; but they have nearly all relapsed into their former state, with the exception that many of them still keep up the outward form of religion.
"Their religion appears to be more of the head than of the heart, and though they are exceedingly vicious, yet doubtless they would be much worse than they are, but for the"--("doubtful success," as Mr. Hines affirms on his 156th page, while here he says)--"restraining influences exerted by the missionaries."
Mr. Hines has given us an interesting history of those early missionary labors, but the greater portion of his book relates to himself,--to his travels on shipboard, and at the Sandwich Islands, a trip to China and back to New York, and his trip to the interior of Oregon.
He says: "The Cayuse Indians, among whom this mission is established, had freely communicated to Mr. Geiger, whom they esteemed as their friend, all they knew concerning it. When the Indians were told that the Americans were designing to subjugate them and take away their land, the young chiefs of the Cayuse tribe were in favor of proceeding immediately to hostilities. They were for raising a large war party and rushing directly down to the Wallamet settlement and cutting off the inhabitants at a blow. They frequently remarked to Mr. Geiger that they did not wish to go to war, but if the Americans came to take away their lands and make slaves of them they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed. They said they had received their information concerning the designs of the Americans from Baptiste Doreo, who is a half-breed son of Madame Doreo,--the heroine of Washington Irving's 'Astoria,'--understands the Nez Perce language well, and had given the Cayuses the information that had alarmed them. Mr. Geiger endeavored to induce them to prepare early in the spring to cultivate the ground as they did the year before, but they refused to do any thing, saying that Baptiste Doreo had told them that it would be of no consequence; that the Americans would come in the summer and kill them all off and destroy their plantations.
"After Doreo had told them this story, they sent a Wallawalla chief--Yellow Serpent--to Vancouver, to learn from Dr. McLaughlin the facts in the case.
"Yellow Serpent returned and told the Cayuses that Dr. McLaughlin said he had nothing to do in a war with the Indians; that he did not believe the Americans designed to attack them, and that if the Americans did go to war with the Indians, the Hudson's Bay Company would not assist them. After they got this information from the Emakus Myohut (big chief), the Indians became more calm. Many of them went to cultivating the ground as formerly, and a large number of little patches had been planted and sown before we arrived at the station."
Mr. Hines soon learned that the reports about war that had reached the lower country were not without foundation. That the Indians still had confidence in Mr. Geiger, and that they did not wish to go to war. The reader will observe the statement of the Indians after they had told Mr. Geiger they would fight if forced to do so. "They," the Indians, "said they had received their information concerning the designs of the Americans from Baptiste Doreo." This half-breed is also an interpreter of the Hudson's Bay Company, and an important leader among the half-breeds--next to Thomas McKay. After Doreo had told them his story, the Indians were still unwilling to commence a war against the Americans. They sent a messenger to Vancouver to consult Dr. McLaughlin, just as those same Indians in 1841 went to Mr. McKinley, then in charge of Fort Wallawalla, and wanted to know of him, if it was not good for them to drive Dr. Whitman and Mr. Gray away from that station because the Doctor refused to pay them for the land the mission occupied? Mr. McKinley understood their object, and was satisfied that there were outside influences that he did not approve of, and told the Indians, "Yes, you are braves; there is a number of you, and but two of them and two women and some little children; you can go and kill them or drive them away; you go just as quick as you can and do it; but if you do I will see that you are punished." The Indians understood Mr. McKinley. Whitman and Gray were not disturbed after this.
Dr. John McLaughlin we believe to have been one of the noblest of men while he lived, but, like Messrs. Hines, White, Burnett, Newell, Spalding, and many others, influences were brought to bear upon him that led him to adopt and pursue a doubtful if not a crooked course. It was evident to any one conversant with the times of which we are writing that there were at least four elements or influences operating in the country, viz., the unasserted or quasi rights of the American government; the coveted and actual occupancy of the country by the English Hudson's Bay Company and subjects, having the active civil organization of that government; the occupancy of the country by the American missions; and the coveted occupancy of the same by the Roman Jesuit missions.
These four influences could not harmonize; there was no such thing as a union and co-operation. The struggle was severe to hold and gain the controlling influence over the natives of the country, and shape the settlements to these conflicting views and national and sectarian feelings. The American settler, gaining courage and following the example and the track of the American missionaries with their wives, winds his way over the mountains and through the desert and barren plains down the Columbia River and through the Cascade Mountains,-- weary, way-worn, naked, and hungry. In one instance, with his rifle upon his shoulder, and his wife and three children mounted upon the back of his last ox, he plods his weary way through Oregon City, and up the Wallamet, to find his future home; and there the warm heart of the early missionary and his family is ready to feed, clothe, and welcome the wanderer to this distant part of our great national domain, in order that he may aid in securing Oregon to its rightful inhabitants, and in forming a fifth power that shall supersede and drive away all foreign influences.
For a time the struggle with the four influences was severe and doubtful; but men who had crossed the Rocky and Cascade mountains with ox-teams, were not made to give up their country's cause in the hour of danger, though Britain and Rome, with their savage allies, joined to subdue and drive them from it. With the British Hudson's Bay Company, Roman Jesuit missions, savage Indians, American missions, and American settlers the struggle is continued.
Chapter XLI
Governor Simpson and Dr. Whitman in Washington.--Interviews with Daniel Webster and President Tyler.--His cold reception in Boston by the American Board.--Conducts a large emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon.--The "Memorial Half-Century Volume."--The Oregon mission ignored by the American Board.--Dr. McLaughlin.--His connection with the Hudson's Bay Company.--Catholic Cayuses' manner of praying.--Rev. C. Eells.--Letter from A. L. Lovejoy.--Description of Whitman's and Lovejoy's winter journey from Oregon to Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River.
Governor Simpson, of the Hudson's Bay Company, had reached Washington and been introduced to Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, by the British Minister. All the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the English government, can command, is brought to bear upon the question of the northwestern boundary. The executive of the American republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation.
Just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-visaged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the Department in his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and on his way to Washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. It is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the Rocky Mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the Briton, "that no power could make known to his government the purposes of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they sought." While they were counting on wealth, power, influence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of himself or of his ridiculous appearance before the great Daniel Webster and the President of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the Hudson's Bay Company and the British government: that their representations of this country were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure the country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the Pacific was practicable; that he had, in 1836, in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to Boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in 1841, been taken to the Wallamet Valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. He asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the American people. Mr. Webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in Maine and the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland.
There was but one other hope in this case. This old off-hand Oregon missionary at once sought an interview with President Tyler. He repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. But that Dr. Whitman (for the reader has already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the President of the United States the only representative of Oregon and all her future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country,--that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him,--can only be attributed to that overruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained.
Mr. Tyler, after listening to the Doctor's statements with far more candor and interest than Mr. Webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company and the British minister, then in Washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the American people. He said: "Dr. Whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. An escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country."
It is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted missionary's reception and treatment, on his arrival in Boston, derogatory to the Board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. Instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expense, and for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from the mission to come to the States. Most of his reverend associates had, as the writer is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to Washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determination to defeat, if possible, the British and Jesuitical designs upon the country; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the Board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors.
His request at Washington to save this richest jewel of our nation from British rule is granted, while the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the Indians and the country from becoming the boast of the Italian Jesuit, and a prey to his degrading superstitions. The Doctor's mission, with all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swallowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and destroyed that of the Methodist Mission.
Dr. Whitman disposed of his own little private property in the States, and, with the aid of his brother and brother's son, returned to Missouri, joined the emigration of 1843, and, as he had intimated to President Tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the Hudson's Bay Company had brought to aid in securing the country to the British crown, proving to the American people and the world, what had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable wagon road to the Pacific Ocean on American soil. His care, influence, aid, and attention to the emigration of 1843, I leave with those who can speak from personal observation. Their gratitude and deep sympathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the country. But influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go unpunished.
The cause in which Dr. Whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a Memorial Volume of the American Board, page 379, a false impression is given to the world, and a whole mission ignored. In this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up "Memorial Half-Century Volume," justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this Board has ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast Indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as "Rev. Samuel Parker's exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, under the direction of the Board, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, brought to light no field for a great and successful mission, but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific." This shows a want of candor and also a disposition to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the Indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by Jesuits; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. Such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception of Dr. Whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission; and, failing to destroy the American settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. After being defeated by the American settlers in the organization of the provisional government in 1843, by the provisional army of 1847-8, they now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim millions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. They have fallen to the lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value.
As we said when speaking of the "combination of influences and no harmony," we believe Dr. John McLaughlin to have been one of the best and noblest of men; yet the governing power of the Hudson's Bay Company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. Do you ask me how I know this? I answer, by the oaths of good and true American citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. These depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. In this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of Dr. McLaughlin from the fall of 1846 till his death. This witness, in answer to the inquiry as to what Dr. McLaughlin told him about the Hudson's Bay Company's encouraging the early settlement of Oregon, said Dr. McLaughlin had not encouraged the American settlement of the country, but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had he not furnished supplies on a credit; that he could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him who strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by American citizens, and thus give to the United States government an element of title to the country; the United States government could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the Hudson's Bay Company's house in London; that he ascertained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because, as a man of common humanity, he could not do otherwise; and he resolved that he would continue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it; that the company's managing and controlling office in London did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of common humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the American settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, and it was not for him but for God and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the Bible told him, "If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he is naked, clothe him;" that these settlers were not even enemies; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, "I do not know as that was the exact expression or word") for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do, and that he immediately concluded by indignantly saying, "Gentlemen, if such is your order, I will serve you no longer," and from that day Oregon secured a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, who in 1860 are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man's generous and noble deeds.
The readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of Dr. McLaughlin as the head of the Hudson's Bay Company, and continue him as a representative of that influence, as also connected with the Roman Catholic efforts in the country; for while we condemn and speak of base and infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. We have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, the vast influence used, and efforts made, to prevent the American settlement of this country, which shall be brought to light as we proceed.
One other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. Dr. McLaughlin informed his attorney "that he had proposed to the company's authority in London, that if they would allow him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but this the company declined to do." The witness said: "My memory is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he made, and I do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus owing by American citizens as debts owing not to the Hudson's Bay Company, but to himself individually."
Dr. McLaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristocrat. He was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and familiar men; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for his generous and unbounded benevolence. Like Dr. Whitman, the influences around him weighed heavily upon his soul; he keenly felt the pain of ingratitude in others; he felt it from the Hudson's Bay Company, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had befriended. An attempt was made by a member of the company, who had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite the sectarian prejudice of the witness against Dr. McLaughlin on his cross-examination, by handing to the company's attorney the following questions to be asked the witness:--
Ques.--"Do you not recollect that Dr. McLaughlin told you that Sir George Simpson's complaint against him was his allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to Bishop Blanchet, of the Catholic mission, without any security?"
Ans.--"This is the first time I have heard of that transaction."
Ques.--"Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the company's business?"
Ans.--"I do not."
In reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over the items of account against our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a Catholic church building and two schoolhouses at Vancouver, as having been made by the Hudson's Bay Company for the Catholic missions and the benefit of the company's business, which are still standing and in possession of the priests and nuns of that order. This matter should be closely investigated. We have abundance of other evidence to show the intimate and continued connection of the Jesuit missions with the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the responsibility of that connection from the company to Dr. McLaughlin's individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. The Jesuitical Catholic concern was a child of their own, and one they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. They made use of Dr. McLaughlin as long as they could, and when they found he was inclined to favor the American settlement of the country, he fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an account.
These facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the Hudson's Bay Company's trade, and by no means to encourage the settlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men to become subject to, and connected with, the missions. They also explain the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over the supplies granted to the American missions. They invariably limited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought to prevent the settlement of the country. It also explains fully the complaint of Rev. Mr. Griffin in his effort for an independent mission, and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate effort they made in 1847 to destroy the missions and all American settlements; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all the Indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, or their pet child, the Jesuit missions.
The Hudson's Bay Company had no fault to find with Dr. McLaughlin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the American settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that Grant, at Fort Hall, with the Indians along the route, had combined to deceive and rob, while on the way to the country. This old, white-headed man, who had served them for forty years, was compelled, in maintaining his honor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their service.
What think you, kind reader, of the Hudson's Bay Company's kindness and generosity to the American settler, when this same company held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour of his greatest need?
Will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, "It was a neglect of the company's agent, after Dr. McLaughlin's decease, that they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor's heirs or administrator before the year's notice was up. It was now too late, and it was lost to the company unless they could get it allowed by the United States government?"
We justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and Indian massacres. In what light shall we hold a company and government, who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to produce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay for such conduct?
But we must still refer to Dr. McLaughlin as representing the Hudson's Bay Company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, men, and things occurring in 1843.
Dr. Whitman is on his way back to Oregon with eight hundred and seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. Simpson is foiled and disappointed at Washington. Hines and Dr. White are among the Upper Columbia Indians. Dr. McLaughlin and the French-Canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the Americans appear to be gaining over the Indians. Piopiomoxmox (Yellow Serpent) has returned and reported to the Cayuses the result of his visit to Dr. McLaughlin, and the determination of the company that, in case of a war with the Americans, "they would not aid the Americans, but let them take care of themselves." The old Indian chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future designs of the Americans were; while the Jesuits had been careful to impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and prejudices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests to the Cayuses.
The Rev. H. K. W. Perkins called at Young Chief's (Tawatowe) lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their morning prayer. The chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound of which all his band came together for devotion. Tawatowe then said to Mr. Perkins: "We are Catholics, and our worship is different from yours." He then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. The chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached a brass cross. After all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, and commenced their prayer as follows: "We are poor, we are poor," repeating it ten times, and then closing with "Good Father, good Son, good Spirit," and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. This was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the string to the other. When this mock devotion closed, Tawatowe said: "This is the way in which the priest taught us to worship God;" but Elijah (a boy that had been educated at the Methodist Indian school) said that "Tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we [meaning his own Wallawalla tribe] pray from the heart."
Since writing the above, we have found in the Missionary Herald of December, 1866, page 371, a letter from Rev. C. Eells, formerly of the Spokan Mission. In speaking of Dr. Whitman's visit to the States, he says: "Mr. Walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he would go, even if he became disconnected with the mission in order to do so. According to the understanding of the members of the mission, the single object of Dr. Whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of 1842-43, amid mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save this country to the United States."
We are not much surprised at Mr. Eells' ignorance of influences operating in this country. His fears and caution have made him unreasonably timid. He is always so fearful that he will do or say something wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an attempt on the part of his associates to counteract Roman Catholic superstitions and maintain the influence of the Protestant religion on our western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. He has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as developed in Mr. Treat's remarks, who, after giving Mr. Eells' letter, says: "It was not simply an American question, however;" it was at the same time a Protestant question. He [Dr. Whitman] was fully alive to the efforts which the Roman Catholics were making to gain the mastery on the Pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interests of the Hudson's Bay Company, with a view to this very end. The danger from this quarter [which Messrs. Eells and Walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. Under date of April 1, 1847, he said: "In the autumn of 1842, I pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the Papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations."
It is in reference to the facts above quoted from Dr. Whitman's letter--made in our presence to those timid associates--that we say they were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at that time, and since his death.
The following letter from General A. L. Lovejoy gives further proof of Dr. Whitman's efforts to save Oregon to his country:--
PORTLAND, OREGON, November 6, 1869.
William H. Gray, Esq.:
MY DEAR SIR,--Your note of the 27th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late Dr. Marcus Whitman to the United States from this coast in the winter of 1842 and '43, and his reception at Washington, and by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home.
True, I was the traveling companion of the Doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile Indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the Rocky Mountains in midwinter.
Previous to our leaving Wailatpu, I often had conversations with the Doctor touching the prospects of this coast. The Doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at Washington, and, after some arrangements, we left Wailatpu, October 3, 1842, overland, for the Eastern States.
We traveled rapidly, and reached Fort Hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for Fort Wintee, as the Doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the Spanish country, via Taos and Santa Fe. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. After reaching Fort Wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for Fort Macumpagra, situate on the waters of Grand River, in the Spanish country.
Here again our stay was very short. We simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for Taos. After being out some four or five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. After reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather.
Our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further.
This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was determined not to give it up without another effort. And we at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that I should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide.
We were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail's pace. Nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the Grand River, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. The current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold.
This stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. But the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. Away they went completely under water--horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream--leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor's example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire.
With our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached Taos in about thirty days. We suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach.
We remained at Taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for Bent's Fort, on the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where we arrived about the third day of January, 1843.
The Doctor left here on the 7th, at which time we parted, and I did not meet him again until some time in the month of July, above Fort Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emigrants.
The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at Washington and by the Board of Missions at Boston.
The Doctor had several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and many members of Congress, touching the interests of Oregon. He urged the immediate termination of the treaty with Great Britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the United States, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast.
He felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning Oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and I have no doubt, the Doctor's interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of Oregon and the entire coast.
But his reception at Boston was not so cordial. The Board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year.
The Doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the Pacific coast. After his exertions in this behalf, he left for Independence, Missouri, and started for Oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of May. With his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of October (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground.
The Indians were very hostile about the Doctor's leaving at the time he did, and I have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction--the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, Mrs. Whitman, and many others--were then sown by those haughty and savage Cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward.
As to your fourth inquiry relative to the Cayuse war. It is a long time since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that I would not like to make many statements from memory, although I was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the Dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached Oregon City.
There being no supplies at Oregon City suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to Fort Vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. The Hudson's Bay Company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $1,000, which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the Dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils.
Yours, with great respect, A. L. LOVEJOY.
W. H. GRAY, Esq., Astoria, Oregon.