Chapter IV
THE RETURN TO JERUSALEM――THE TUMULT IN THE TEMPLE. A.D. 58.
DEEP as was the grief of the brethren at the departure of the Apostle, no long time could be devoted to its indulgence. The wind blew fair[1058], and the vessel was ready to depart. With sorrowing hearts, therefore, they accompanied him to the water’s edge, and there tore[1059] themselves away from him and his companions. The voyage was now resumed, and running before the wind the vessel soon reached Cos[1060], off the coast of Caria, and on the following day the island of Rhodes. Thence they proceeded to Patara[1061] in Lycia, where the vessel in which St Paul had been hitherto sailing apparently finished its voyage, or was bound for some place further east along the coast of Asia Minor.
In the harbour, however, there lay a vessel just about to sail across the open sea to Phœnicia (Acts xxi. 2), and without a moment’s delay they went on board, and made sail. After sighting[1062] Cyprus and leaving it on the left hand they made straight for the port of Tyre, and reached it probably in two days. Here their vessel was bound to unlade her cargo, and the anxiety of the Apostle as to reaching Jerusalem in time for the Pentecostal festival being removed, he resolved to remain at Tyre a few days (Acts xxi. 4).
A church had been probably founded at Tyre soon after the death of Stephen[1063], and may have been already visited by St Paul during one of his missionary journeys in the region of Syria and Cilicia[1064]. However this may have been, the Apostle now enjoyed a week of refreshing intercourse with the Tyrian disciples, and so won their affections that on the day fixed for his departure, they all, with their wives and children, accompanied him outside the city-gate to the sea-shore. There the scene at Miletus was repeated, and after prayer and mutual embraces the travellers proceeded on board, while the brethren of Tyre returned to their homes, their hearts filled with many forebodings, for prophets amongst them had intimated that danger awaited their beloved teacher at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 4).
Before evening the Apostle and his companions had reached Ptolemais[1065]. Here the sea-voyage terminated, and the little company spent a day with the disciples in the place, and then set out on foot for Cæsarea. At Cæesarea Philip[1066] the Evangelist had taken up his residence, and in his house St Paul found a welcome shelter. The family of the Evangelist consisted of four virgin daughters, who all possessed the gift of prophecy. Whether they gave the Apostle any intimations of coming danger is not recorded, but he was not destined to remain at Cæsarea long without receiving even more explicit warnings than he had listened to at Tyre. At the time when news reached Jerusalem of the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea, the prophet Agabus[1067], who had predicted the famine during the reign of Claudius, was in the city. Thereupon he straightway hastened to the coast and entering Philip’s house, took St Paul’s girdle, and binding[1068] with it his own hands and feet, declared in the name of the Holy Spirit that so the Jews at Jerusalem should bind the owner of that girdle, and deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles (Acts xxi. 11).
This explicit intimation of coming trials made a deep impression on all present, and Luke, Trophimus, and Aristarchus, the Apostle’s companions, with the Christians of Cæsarea, burst into tears (Acts xxi. 13) and implored him not to go up to Jerusalem. Though deeply affected by their grief on his behalf, the Apostle was not to be moved from his deliberate purpose. He was ready, he declared, not only to be bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the Name of the Lord Jesus, and finding his resolution not to be shaken, they desisted from all further intreaties, saying, The will of the Lord be done (Acts xxi. 14).
The Festival was now close at hand. The Holy City was already crowded[1069] with multitudes of pilgrims, and it was an important matter to obtain a lodging. This an early convert, Mnason of Cyprus[1070], whose residence was at Jerusalem, undertook to supply; and with him the Apostle, his companions, and certain of the brethren at Cæsarea, having made arrangements respecting their baggage[1071], proceeded to Jerusalem.
On their arrival they were gladly welcomed by the brethren, and St Paul could not but have rejoiced in their sympathy. The day following they repaired to the abode of James, the Lord’s brother[1072], and president of the church at Jerusalem, and there found all the Elders assembled to receive them (Acts xxi. 18). Mutual salutation followed, and then the Apostle recounted in a lengthened narrative all that God had wrought by his ministration among the Gentiles, and doubtless pointed with pride and joy to the contributions which the delegates from the various churches he had planted had brought for the relief of the poorer Christians at Jerusalem. The narrative made a deep impression, and in united thanksgiving his hearers glorified God (Acts xxi. 20).
In recounting, however, the progress of the churches in Galatia and Achaia it would be scarcely possible for St Paul to fail touching on subjects which would excite painful feelings, and rouse bitter prejudice in many of his hearers[1073], and the peculiar dangers he was liable to encounter in the Holy City soon became apparent. The assembly, which had just glorified God for his success in heathen lands, began to call his attention to the strength of the Judaizing faction in the city[1074]. They told him it was generally reported and believed in Jerusalem, among the thousands of converted Jews who still remained zealous for the Law, that he forbade their brethren in foreign lands to circumcise their children or observe the Mosaic customs (Acts xxi. 20, 21). This being so, it was advisable to do something that might correct these erroneous ideas. It was impossible that the arrival of one so well known could be concealed, and his public appearance might lead to scenes of violence. They suggested, therefore, that he should adopt the following course.
There were four disciples, who had taken a Nazarite vow, of which seven days remained unexpired, who would at the close of this period present the usual offerings[1075] in the Temple. Let the Apostle, then, join himself to them, and defray the necessary expenses of the whole party. This would prove in the most public manner his observance of Mosaic ceremonies, and contradict the calumnies of his enemies (Acts xxi. 21–25). This advice, in which James the Just apparently acquiesced, the Apostle wishing, if possible, to conciliate the church of Palestine, was not unwilling to adopt. Accordingly on the following day, after first performing the necessary purifications, he proceeded with the Christian Nazarites to the Temple, and announced to the priests in the name of his friends, their intention of fulfilling their time, and awaiting the moment of the proper offering.
But the Apostle’s object was frustrated by circumstances that took place on the very eve of the completion of the period of their vow. Amongst the thousands present in Jerusalem were many Jews from proconsular Asia, who recognised the able disputant, whom they had so often been unable to confute in their synagogues, walking in the streets with Trophimus the Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29). On one occasion they saw him in the Temple-courts, and rushing to the conclusion that he had taken his companion also thither, instantly sprang upon him, shouting, Men of Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against the People, the Law, and this place, yea, who hath also brought Gentiles into the Temple, and profaned this Holy Place (Acts xxi. 28).
Roused to fury a mob quickly rushed towards the spot, and St Paul would probably have been instantly put to death, had it not been for the unwillingness of his foes to pollute the Temple with blood. They therefore dragged him down the steps from the Court of the Women[1076] into the Outer Court, and had no sooner passed, than the Levitical guard closed behind them the Corinthian gates[1077] (Acts xxi. 30). Once in the Outer Court they began beating the Apostle violently, being clearly bent on putting him to death, and would have succeeded, had it not been for a providential intervention. The commotion in the Temple-courts had not failed to attract the notice of the Roman sentries in the tower[1078] of Antonia, and they instantly informed Claudius Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that all Jerusalem was in an uproar (Acts xxi. 31).
Thereupon, without a moment’s delay, Lysias rushed down attended by some centurions and a strong body of troops. The sight of the dreaded arms of the Imperial forces brought the multitude to their senses, and they left off beating Paul. The commandant then approached, and apprehending the Apostle, ordered him to be chained by each hand to a soldier[1079], suspecting that he was an Egyptian pretender[1080], who had lately caused a revolt, and had hitherto baffled the pursuit of the soldiers of Felix the governor (Acts xxi. 38). He then endeavoured to ascertain from the bystanders who his prisoner was and what he had done, but some cried one thing, and some another; and finding it impossible to gain any information amidst the tumult, he ordered him to be conveyed into the barracks within the fortress. Accordingly the soldiers proceeded to remove the Apostle, but so furious was the crowd pressing behind them with yells and execrations, that they had to bear him up in their arms up the staircase. Just as they reached the barracks, St Paul, addressing the commandant in Greek, enquired respectfully whether he might speak to him. Startled at being addressed in the Grecian tongue, Lysias in his turn enquired whether he was mistaken in supposing him to be the Egyptian rebel. St Paul replied that he was no Egyptian, but a Jew, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city, and requested permission to address the people. On which the commandant, influenced it may be by the aspect and manner of his prisoner, at once gave his consent (Acts xxi. 40).
Chapter V
THE IMPRISONMENT AT CÆSAREA. A.D. 58.
STANDING then on the stairs, and beckoning to the crowd with his chained hands to invite their attention, the Apostle began to address them in the Hebrew language. Charmed by the accents of their own beloved tongue, the multitude listened with the deepest silence while he tried to dispel their prejudices against himself. Beginning with the well-known circumstances of his birth and education at Tarsus and Jerusalem, he declared that he was a Jew like themselves, that he had been brought up according to the strictest requirements of the Law, and had hated, persecuted, and endeavoured to extinguish the sect of the Christians (Acts xxii. 3–5). He then proceeded to recount the wonderful circumstances of his conversion on the way to Damascus[1081], of his blindness, cure, and baptism (Acts xxii. 6–16), and how on his return to Jerusalem, as he was praying in the Temple, he fell into a trance[1082], saw that Saviour who had appeared to him on his memorable journey, and was commanded by Him to leave Jerusalem, and preach the Gospel to the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17–21).
Up to this point the multitude listened to the Apostle with the deepest attention, but no sooner had he spoken of his mission to the Gentiles, than they broke out into such furious cries of rage and indignation that the previous clamour appeared as nothing in comparison. The thought of uncircumcised heathen being placed on an equality with the children of Abraham was unbearable. Away, they cried, with such a fellow from the earth, it is not fit that he should live, and while some flung dust into the air, others cast off their clothes, as if they would stone him on the spot (comp. Acts vii. 58). This fresh outbreak of frantic violence filled the commandant with still greater perplexity. Unable to understand the language in which the Apostle spake, he could only infer from the results it produced that his prisoner had been guilty of some enormous offence. He therefore gave orders that he should be conveyed into the castle, and, since other means had failed, that the secret of his guilt should be ascertained by torture. As in the case of the Saviour’s crucifixion[1083], a centurion was deputed to superintend the scourging, and like a common malefactor the Apostle was on the point of being stretched or fastened to the post to receive the lashes, when he turned to the centurion and enquired whether it was lawful to scourge one who was a Roman citizen and uncondemned (Acts xxii. 25)? Astonished at such a question, the centurion ordered the scourging to be suspended, and hurrying to the commandant, bade him take heed what he was doing, for the prisoner was a Roman citizen. Upon this Lysias himself hastened to the spot and enquired whether the news was true, and on his replying in the affirmative, remarked that he had purchased this privilege for a large sum, on which St Paul informed him that he was free-born (Acts xxii. 28). Thus assured of the true position of his prisoner, the commandant ordered the instruments of torture to be instantly removed, and was in no little alarm at the turn affairs had taken.
For the present, indeed, he was obliged to keep him in the Tower, but on the morrow he determined to make a second effort to ascertain the nature of his prisoner’s offence, and therefore summoned a meeting of the Sanhedrin, and bringing down the Apostle from the Tower to the hall Gazith[1084] placed him before them. Casting a steadfast and scrutinizing glance (Acts xxiii. 1) on the faces of those assembled, many of whom must have been familiar to him, St Paul began by proving that he had lived a conscientious[1085] life before God up to that very day. This assertion so offended the high-priest that he commanded those standing near to strike him on the mouth, whereupon the Apostle, filled with indignation at so brutal an insult, replied, God shall smite thee[1086], thou whited wall[1087]. For sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law? To this the bystanders rejoined, Revilest thou God’s high-priest? and St Paul, recovering himself, answered that he did not know or consider that Ananias was high-priest, otherwise he would not so have spoken, for it was written in the Law, Thou shalt not revile the ruler of thy people (Ex. xxii. 28).
By this time, however, the Apostle had seen only too clearly that there was little prospect of his obtaining an equitable decision from his judges. Knowing, therefore, that there were both Pharisees and Sadducees among them, and that however much they might be united in persecuting him, they were sundered from one another by a deep gulf on one important article of faith, he exclaimed, as indeed he could say with truth, that he was brought to trial, because he had testified of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead (Acts xxiii. 6). He had scarcely pronounced these words, when there was an instant division in the Council. The Pharisees present were united in his favour, and a hot debate ensued between them and the Sadducaic faction, who denied any Resurrection and the existence alike of angels and spirits[1088]. While the latter party were furious against him, the former declared they could find no fault in him, and if, as he had said in his speech on the stairs, an angel or a spirit had indeed spoken to him[1089], they would not criminate him on this account.
A scene of great confusion now ensued (Acts xxiii. 10), in the midst of which Claudius Lysias being afraid lest the Roman citizen should be torn in pieces by them, ordered a detachment to go down instantly, and bring him into the barracks. Thus the Apostle was delivered from the most imminent danger, and in the evening his anxieties were relieved by the appearance of his Divine Master in a vision of the night, bidding him be of good cheer, and declaring that, as he had testified unto Him in Jerusalem, so he must testify also at Rome (Acts xxiii. 11).
The following morning however had hardly dawned, before a fresh danger revealed itself. Disappointed on the previous day in their malicious designs, more than forty of the Jews bound themselves by a solemn vow that they would neither eat nor drink till they had put the Apostle to death. Accordingly they went to the chief members of the Sanhedrin, and proposed that they should present themselves before the commandant and request him to allow St Paul to be brought down and placed a second time before them, in order that they might resume the enquiry so tumultuously interrupted, and they, on their part, undertook that he should not reach the council-chamber alive, for they would murder him on his way down from the fortress.
But their design in some way reached the ears of the Apostle’s nephew[1090], who was now present in Jerusalem, and he no sooner heard of the danger which threatened his uncle, than he obtained admittance into the barracks, and imparted to him the intelligence. Thereupon St Paul called one of the centurions, and requested him to take the young man to Claudius Lysias, for he had something to tell him. The officer complied, and conducting him to the commandant told him of St Paul’s message. Claudius Lysias received the young man kindly, and leading him cautiously aside enquired what he wished to say. The other thereupon acquainted him with the plot that had been laid, and was dismissed with strict injunctions not to divulge the fact that he had given this information.
Thus assured of the danger that threatened his prisoner, and knowing that he was responsible for his safety as a Roman citizen, Lysias resolved to send him away that very night under a strong escort to Cæsarea, and there leave him in the hands of the governor Felix. Summoning therefore two of the centurions, he gave orders that 200 of the legionary soldiers, with 70 cavalry and 200 spearmen[1091], should be in readiness to proceed thither by nine[1092] in the evening. In the meantime he wrote to the governor a dispatch, giving a fair and clear account of the case, save in the statement that he had rescued St Paul in the first instance because he had discovered he was a Roman citizen, and in the suppression of all allusion to his intention to scourge him (Acts xxiii. 26–30).
At the time appointed the escort was ready, and mounted on horseback[1093] between the two Roman soldiers, to whom he was chained, the Apostle was conducted from Jerusalem to Antipatris[1094]. Here the soldiers halted after their long night-march, and while the cavalry proceeded to Cæsarea, the legionary troops, no longer necessary to the Apostle’s safety[1095], returned to the fortress of Antonia. It was probably during the afternoon of the day succeeding[1096] their departure that the cavalry reached Cæsarea, and the officer in charge immediately delivered up his prisoner to the governor, with the dispatch from Claudius Lysias. Felix[1097] read it, and enquired to what province the prisoner belonged[1098], and having ascertained that he was a native of Cilicia, replied that he would hear and decide his case as soon as his accusers had arrived, and ordered that for the present he should be kept in Herod’s prætorium[1099] (Acts xxiii. 35).
Chapter VI
PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS. A.D. 58–60.
FIVE days after the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea his accusers made their appearance, headed by the high-priest Ananias, certain of the elders, and an orator named Tertullus[1100], whose services had been engaged for this occasion. Accordingly, Felix took his seat on the tribunal[1101], and Paul having been sent for, Tertullus formally opened the case. After paying an adroit compliment to the procurator on the comparative quiet which the land enjoyed owing to his vigilance and energy[1102], he brought three charges against the prisoner: First, that he was a pestilent mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, which amounted to a charge of treason[1103] against the emperor; secondly, that he was a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes; and thirdly, that he had made an attempt to profane the Temple at Jerusalem. On these charges he declared the Jews had been about to judge him before their own tribunal, when Lysias forcibly took him away, and referred his accusers to the judgment-seat of Felix.
To these allegations the Jews present expressed their consent, hoping doubtless that the procurator would hand over the prisoner to their courts, where his fate would be soon decided. But Felix made a sign to the Apostle to proceed with his defence, and he, after expressing his satisfaction in pleading before one who had been so long familiar with the nation, commenced replying to the charges that had been brought against him. A disturber of the nation, he said, he was not, for on his recent visit to the Holy City but twelve days before, he had neither caused a disturbance, or even disputed in the temple, the synagogue, or the streets. As to his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the Prophets; like his accusers, he believed the doctrine of a resurrection, and strove to keep a conscience void of offence towards God and man. As to profaning the Temple, he had lately visited it as the bearer of offerings for his nation, and to observe some of the strictest ceremonies of the Law, not to gather together a multitude or cause a tumult. Certain Jews of Asia, indeed, had brought an accusation against him, but they ought now to have been present as witnesses, ready to bring forward a specific charge, if they had any (Acts xxiv. 10–21).
Felix, who had listened attentively to the Apostle’s address, was well acquainted with the character of the Christian religion, which had not only penetrated into Cæsarea, but also numbered disciples even among the troops[1104]. He was, therefore, in a position fully to appreciate the weakness of the allegations against the prisoner, and the misrepresentations of his accusers, and must have felt that the only proper course was to pronounce his acquittal and set him free. But this he could not make up his mind to do, and chose to reserve his final[1105] decision till Lysias should arrive, and in the meantime committed the Apostle to the charge of the centurion[1106] who had brought him to Cæsarea, with instructions to keep him safely, but at the same time to allow his friends[1107] to have free access to his apartments.
A few days afterwards Felix entered the audience chamber with his wife Drusilla[1108], daughter of the late king Herod Agrippa. Her beauty is spoken of as something marvellous, and she had been induced by the procurator to leave her first husband, Azizus king of Emessa, to become his paramour. The two now sent for St Paul, and desired to have the Christian doctrines explained to them. Accordingly before the Roman libertine and the profligate Jewish princess, the Apostle preached with his wonted faithfulness, and while he discoursed concerning righteousness, and temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled. But though he trembled, the profligate governor would not release his prisoner from confinement. Go thy way, said he, for this time; when I have a convenient season I will send for thee. He knew that the Apostle’s relatives moved in a respectable sphere, and he had heard him speak of sums of money[1109] intrusted to his care, and he wished it to be understood that his liberation was not hopeless, if bought with a suitable sum[1110]. Hence he frequently sent for the Apostle, and conversed with him. But St Paul was not one to stoop to such dishonourable means. He preferred to remain in confinement rather than purchase his freedom with a bribe, and at Cæsarea he continued upwards of two years, or from A.D. 58 to A.D. 60.
During this long period of suspense from active labour, it is not improbable that the Gospel of St Luke was composed under the Apostle’s eye, and it is possible that “many messages, and even letters, of which we know nothing, may have been sent from Cæsarea to brethren at a distance[1111].” Meanwhile the government of Felix became more and more unpopular, and the disaffection of his subjects was increased by a serious quarrel between the Jewish and heathen population at Cæsarea, in which the troops sided with the latter, and committed gross acts of butchery and plunder[1112]. This led to the recall of Felix, A.D. 60; and anxious to conciliate the Jews, who had complained of his administration at Rome, he left Paul in bonds (Acts xxiv. 27).
His successor was Porcius Festus, who like himself had probably been a slave, and was one of the emperor’s freedmen. Three days after his landing at Cæsarea he repaired to Jerusalem, and there was introduced to the high-priest[1113] and leading members of the nation. They instantly embraced the opportunity of renewing their machinations against the Apostle, and requested the new governor to allow him to be removed to Jerusalem, intending to assassinate him on the road (Acts xxv. 3). Festus replied that St Paul was in custody at Cæsarea, whither he himself was on the point of returning: the Roman Law did not allow an uncondemned person to be given up as a mere favour: he must have his accusers face to face, and be enabled to make his defence; if therefore they wished to bring any charges against him, they must come down to Cæsarea and there prefer them (Acts xxv. 4, 5, 16).
After a stay, therefore, of 8 or 10 days in Jerusalem, he returned to Cæsarea, and the accusers apparently went down the same day. No time was lost in putting the Apostle on his trial. The very next day Festus took his seat on the tribunal, and ordered St Paul to be put forward. Then the delegates from the Sanhedrin urged their accusations, which appear to have been much the same as those brought forward at the previous trial. But they were utterly unable to support their statements, and the Apostle contented himself with a brief but emphatic denial that he had done anything against the Law, the Temple, or Cæsar (Acts xxv. 8).
The sincerity of his bearing appears to have told favourably with the procurator, and he quickly perceived that he was involved in no political movements (Acts xxv. 18, 19), that he had done nothing worthy of death (Acts xxv. 25), and that the charges against him related only to religious questions between him and his nation. Unwilling, however, to allow a matter immediately to drop, in which the Jews evidently took so deep an interest, he proposed that he should go up to Jerusalem, and there submit to a formal trial in the presence of himself (Acts xxv. 9). But the Apostle knew full well the danger involved in such a journey. He replied, therefore, that he had done no wrong, as Festus himself knew well, and that if he was guilty he was willing to die, but that since the accusations preferred against him were really groundless, rather than go up to Jerusalem, he would avail himself of his privilege as a Roman citizen; he appealed unto Cæsar[1114] (Acts xxv. 11). According to the Roman law, it was sufficient that a Roman citizen should merely utter the words I appeal, and his case was instantly removed to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor. After a brief conversation, therefore, with his assessors, Festus merely enquired whether he adhered to his determination, and then made answer, Thou hast appealed unto Cæsar; to Cæsar thou shalt go (Acts xxv. 12).
Though, however, the appeal had been allowed, Festus was in much perplexity to decide how he might describe the charge against the Apostle to the Emperor. It seemed to him a foolish thing to send a prisoner to Rome, without at the same time specifying the charges against him, but how to do this after the vague and unsatisfactory information elicited at the trial appeared extremely difficult. It happened, however, at this time that Herod Agrippa II.[1115], king of Chalcis, with his sister Bernice[1116], arrived on a complimentary visit[1117] to the procurator, and stayed some time at Cæsarea. Agrippa had long been acquainted with all that related to Jewish customs, and had, as we have seen, been invested by the Emperor with the power of nominating the high-priest. Festus, therefore, gladly embraced this opportunity of consulting one so much better informed than himself on the points in dispute, and related all the particulars concerning the Apostle so far as he was acquainted with them (Acts xxv. 14–21), and more especially his reiterated assertion concerning one Jesus who had died and was alive again. Agrippa, who could not have heard now for the first time of the great doctrine of the Christian faith expressed a desire to see the prisoner. To this Festus readily assented, and fixed the following day for the interview.
Accordingly at the time appointed Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp entered the audience-chamber, accompanied by their suite and the chief men of Cæsarea, and at the command of Festus, Paul was brought before them. As soon as the Apostle appeared, Festus in a set speech detailed the circumstances under which he had become acquainted with the prisoner, his appeal to Cæsar, and his own anxiety to obtain some definite information which he might lay before his lord[1118] the emperor concerning him (Acts xxv. 24–27).
Upon this Agrippa signified to the Apostle that he was permitted to speak for himself, and St Paul stretching forth his manacled hands proceeded to address his numerous and influential hearers. After expressing his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him of speaking before one so well versed as Agrippa in all customs and questions amongst the Jews, he went on, much as he had done on the stairs leading up to the Castle of Antonia, to speak of his education according to the strictest requirements of the Jewish law (Acts xxvi. 4–8); of the zeal with which he formerly persecuted the believers in Christ; of the vision vouchsafed to him on the road to Damascus, and the commission he had received to preach the Gospel amongst the Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 9–18); and lastly of his unceasing endeavours to carry out this commission, which had brought upon him the enmity of the Jews, though his teaching was in strict accordance with the Jewish Scriptures, and their predictions of the coming of a Messiah who should suffer and rise from the dead (Acts xxvi. 19–23).
This address made no impression upon Festus. Regarding the idea of a resurrection as foolishness, he ascribed the zeal of the Apostle to an excited imagination, or the effect of over-study[1119]. Interrupting him, therefore, he cried out in a loud voice (Acts xxvi. 24), Paul, thou art mad; much learning doth make thee mad. I am not mad, most noble Festus, replied the Apostle with dignified courtesy, but speak forth the words of truth and soberness; and turning to Agrippa, who had knowledge of these matters, and before whom he could speak freely, he solemnly enquired whether he did not believe the prophets. But the persuasive appeal glanced off from the heart of the profligate prince to whom it was addressed. In playful banter or scornful sarcasm he replied, Lightly[1120] thou persuadest me to become a Christian. On which the Apostle, lifting up his chained hands, made answer, I would to God that, whether lightly or with difficulty[1121], not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am, except these bonds (Acts xxvi. 29). With these words this memorable conference ended. Agrippa had no wish to hear more. He rose up with Festus, Bernice, and their suite, and retired from the audience-chamber. The case of the prisoner was then discussed, and it was agreed that he was guilty of nothing deserving of death or even of imprisonment, and Agrippa remarked that he might have been released had he not appealed to Cæsar. But the appeal had been made, and to the imperial tribunal the Apostle must go.
SECTION IV.
St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome.
Chapter I
THE VOYAGE FROM CÆSAREA. A.D. 60.
AS soon, then, as it was actually decided that St Paul should be sent to Rome, he was delivered over with certain other prisoners to a centurion, named Julius, belonging to the “Augustan cohort,” or the bodyguard of the Emperor, who always treated the Apostle with kindness and consideration.
The ship selected was a vessel of Adramyttium, a sea-port of Mysia, opposite Lesbos, which had probably touched at Cæsarea on a return voyage from Egypt, and was now bound for her own port. In her the Apostle embarked with Aristarchus of Thessalonica, the Evangelist St Luke, the prisoners, and their guard. The wind was fair[1122], and on the next day they put into Sidon, probably for the purposes of trade, and here the centurion allowed the Apostle to go on shore and receive the kind attentions of his friends[1123].
Loosing from Sidon they were constrained, by reason of adverse winds, to run under the lee of Cyprus, that is, probably, along the north side of the island, and thence, keeping nearer the main-land than the isle, to catch the favouring land-breezes[1124], sailed through the open sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Myra of Lycia, now a desolate waste, but then a flourishing sea-port. Here the centurion found a ship of Alexandria laden with wheat, which though bound for Italy had been carried to Myra by the same westerly winds which had forced the vessel of Adramyttium to keep to the east of Cyprus. To her, therefore, he transferred his charge, and she set sail, laden with a heavy cargo and upwards of 276 passengers (Acts xxvii. 37).
After loading at Myra, their progress was extremely slow, and in consequence of unfavourable winds it was many days (Acts xxvii. 7) before they came over against Cnidus[1125], at the extreme S. W. of the peninsula of Asia Minor. From this point their natural course would have been by the north side of Crete and westward through the Archipelago. But with a north-west wind blowing, it was deemed most prudent to run down to the southward, and after rounding Cape Salmone to pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete. Accordingly having worked up with difficulty along the southern coast, they reached the harbour of Fair Havens[1126], about 5 miles to the east of which was the town of Lasæa.
Here they were detained a considerable time waiting for a favourable change of the wind. But none occurred, and the Fast of the Atonement[1127], which took place about the period of the autumnal equinox, having passed, the navigation had become very dangerous. It now became a grave question whether they should remain at Fair Havens for the winter, or seek some other anchorage. St Paul advised that they should remain where they were, and declared his conviction that any attempt to pursue the voyage would be attended with loss, not only of the ship and cargo, but also of the lives of those on board. But the owner and master of the ship were of a different opinion, and the harbour of Fair Havens being incommodious for wintering in[1128], the majority decided for leaving at the first opportunity, and, if possible, making for a harbour called Phœnix, on the south coast of the island, and somewhat further to the west[1129]. Influenced by the words of the mariners the centurion resolved to adopt this course, and all waited anxiously for a change of the wind (Acts xxvii. 9–12).
At length the long-looked for change took place. A light breeze sprang up from the south, and the mariners thought their purpose was already accomplished. Weighing anchor, therefore, they set sail, hoping to reach Phœnix in a few hours. Keeping close to the coast they doubled Cape Matala, and were proceeding “with the boat towing astern (Acts xxvii. 16), forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending dangers[1130],” when suddenly a violent wind, called Euroclydon[1131], came down from the heights of Ida[1132] on the Cretan shores, and striking the ship whirled her round with such force that it was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course (Acts xxvii. 15). Consequently they were obliged to scud before the wind to the south-west about 28 miles, when they neared the little island of Clauda, and running under the lee of it, with much difficulty succeeded in hoisting the boat on board, which was probably full of water. They then proceeded to undergird[1133] the vessel, that is, passed strong cables several times round her hull to prevent the starting of her planks and timbers, and being afraid lest they should drift in to the Syrtis[1134] on the African coast, lowered the gear, either reefing the mainsail or lowering the great yard upon deck.
Having taken these precautions they proceeded, steering as close to the wind as the gale would permit, and on the following day lightened the ship by flinging overboard all that could be most easily spared. This, however, relieved but little the strain upon her, and on the third day both passengers and crew assisted in throwing out her tackling, including probably the mainyards. Several days of the utmost anxiety and incessant labour then ensued, during which neither sun nor stars appeared in the sky, and the mariners having lost their reckoning, knew neither where they were nor in what direction to steer, and gave up all hopes of safety. But besides being wearied and dispirited, they were suffering also from hunger, owing to the loss of provisions, and the impossibility of preparing any food. On the 14th day, therefore, of the voyage, the Apostle deemed it right to stand forward in their midst (Acts xxvii. 21) with words of encouragement and hope. After gently reminding them that all this harm and loss might have been avoided had they taken his advice, he bade them be of good cheer, for though the vessel could not be saved, not one of their lives should be lost. Of this he was fully assured, for an Angel of that God, whose he was and whom he served, had appeared to him in the night, and told him that he should appear before Cæsar, and that God had given him the lives of all on board; he, for his part, had no doubt that this would prove true, and added that they must be cast upon a certain island.
What effect these words had upon the hungry and exhausted mariners is not recorded, but we cannot doubt that it contributed not a little to nerve them with fresh courage to meet the difficulties before them. The storm, indeed, still continued with unabated fury, but on the midnight of the fourteenth day as they were drifting through the sea of Adria[1135], the sailors suspected from the roar of the breakers that they were nearing land. On this they sounded, and found the depth of water to be 20 fathoms. After a brief interval they sounded again, and found it was 15 fathoms. Filled with fear lest the ship should strike and break up, they thereupon let go four anchors[1136] by the stern, and waited anxiously for the day (Acts xxvii. 29). During these weary hours, the sailors, aware that the vessel might founder before dawn, lowered the boat under pretence of laying out anchors from the bow for the purpose of steadying the ship, but really to effect their own escape, and leave the passengers to their fate. But the Apostle penetrated their design, and addressing himself to the centurion and the soldiers, declared that unless these remained on board they could not hope to be saved. Thereupon the soldiers, with characteristic decision, cut the ropes, and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 32).
Another proof of the ♦ascendancy which St Paul had acquired over all on board was soon afforded. But a short space now remained before daylight, and then fresh exertions would be needed. He advised, therefore, that during the interval they should recruit their exhausted energies by partaking of food. Then setting an example himself, he took bread, gave thanks to God before them all, and began to eat. Encouraged by his calmness, the rest did the same, and, strengthened by the meal, made a final effort to lighten the ship by flinging overboard the cargo, which by this time must have been spoilt by the salt water. While they were thus employed, the long-looked for day at length dawned, and revealed to the sailors a coast, which, however, they did not recognise. But the sight of a small bay, with a sandy or pebbly beach[1137], revived their determination, if possible, to run the vessel aground. Every precaution was therefore taken. The cables were cut and the anchors cast adrift; the lashings of the rudders[1138] were unloosed; the foresail[1139] hoisted (Acts xxvii. 40), and the vessel was run on shore at a spot between two seas (Acts xxvii. 41). Here the bow stuck fast on a bank of tenacious clay, while the stern began to break up under the violence of the waves. Certain that the ship must very speedily go to pieces, the soldiers, who were responsible with their lives for the safe custody of their prisoners, afraid that some might swim off and so escape, formed the cruel design of putting them all to death. This, however, the centurion, resolved at all risks to save St Paul, resolutely forbade, and ordered such as were able to swim to cast themselves into the sea first, while the rest, some on spars, and some on broken pieces of the ship, made their way to land; and thus, as the Apostle had said, the whole company escaped safely (Acts xxvii. 44).
Chapter II
THE RECEPTION AT MALTA, AND ARRIVAL AT ROME. A.D. 60, 61.
THUS flung upon the shore, the exhausted voyagers ascertained that the island was none other than Melita[1140], at that time much uncultivated and overrun with wood, and inhabited by a population of Phœnician origin, who not being of Greek or Roman descent were designated barbarians (Acts xxviii. 2). But the reception they gave to the shipwrecked crew proved that they were no savages, for hurrying down to the beach, they eagerly afforded all possible relief to their wants. The rain was falling in torrents, and the weather was extremely cold. Lighting a fire therefore on the shore, they welcomed them all to its genial warmth. Foremost amongst those gathering the sticks to increase the much-needed blaze was the Apostle himself, and as he did so, a viper came out of the heat and fastened on his hand. The incident did not escape the notice of the islanders. This man, said they, must be a murderer: he has escaped from the sea, but vengeance suffereth him not to live. But the Apostle no sooner flung off the creature without suffering any injury, than their feelings underwent an instant change[1141], and they said that he was a god. Near the place where the vessel had been lost, Publius, the Roman governor[1142] of the island, had some possessions. For three days he entertained the shipwrecked strangers with much hospitality, and the Apostle was enabled to requite his attentions by miraculously healing his father, who lay afflicted with fever and dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). The fame of this cure soon spread abroad, and others afflicted with disease repaired to the Apostle and experienced similar healing effects.
After a stay of three months on the island, the time when the ancients deemed navigation practicable again came round, and Julius secured a passage for himself and his charge in another corn-ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the island, and was called the Castor and Pollux. Laden with many presents from the grateful islanders the Apostle and his party went on board, and setting sail put into the harbour of Syracuse, where they remained three days. Thence they shaped a course northwards towards the straits of Messina. But the wind was not favourable, and they were constrained, after beating about (Acts xxviii. 13), to put into Rhegium at the entrance of the straits, where they remained one day. On the following morning a south wind sprang up, and they were enabled to reach Puteoli[1143], the most sheltered part of the bay of Naples, and the great emporium for the Alexandrian corn-ships[1144], and here they were rejoiced to find certain of the brethren, and abode with them seven days (Acts xxviii. 14).
At the end of this period the party commenced their journey towards Rome, distant 150 miles. The first part of their route was probably from Puteoli by a cross-road to Capua, thence along the Via Appia by Sinuessa on the sea, Minturnæ, and Formiæ to Terracina[1145]. The next stage brought them to Appii Forum[1146], whither the Christians from Rome who had heard of the Apostle’s arrival at Puteoli, had come forth a distance of 43 miles to meet him. Deeply moved by this proof of their affectionate zeal, he thanked God and took courage (Acts xxviii. 15). Ten miles further on, at a place called the “Three Taverns,” a second company was waiting to greet him, and thus in the society of numerous friends whom he had probably known during his labours in the East, the Apostle proceeded through the town of Aricia to the imperial city. There Julius the centurion delivered up his prisoners to the prefect of the prætorian guard[1147], an office held at this time by Burrhus, one of the chief advisers of Nero (Acts xxviii. 16). Either influenced by the favourable report of the centurion, or the tone of the letter from Festus, the prefect allowed the Apostle to be kept separate from the rest of the prisoners, and to take up his abode in a hired house (Acts xxviii. 30), with the soldier to whom he was chained[1148].
Three days after his arrival the Apostle sent for the leading men among the Jews, and sought to remove any prejudices they might have formed against him from the circumstances under which he had entered the capital of the West. Though, he said, he had committed no offence against his nation or the customs of his fathers, he had yet been delivered a prisoner into the hands of the Romans. They had examined him, but could discover nothing he had done that was worthy of death, and would have liberated him, had it not been for the opposition of his Jewish enemies. Under these circumstances, not with any intention of accusing his nation before the emperor, he had appealed to Cæsar. His only crime had been his firm conviction of the reality of the promise of the Messiah, and for the hope of Israel he was bound with the chains he then wore (Acts xxviii. 17–20).
In reply to this address the Jews assured him that they had received no information[1149] to his disadvantage from Judæa, and none of the brethren had arrived alleging anything against him. The Christian sect they knew well was everywhere spoken against, and they would be glad to hear from him any statement concerning its doctrines which he might be willing to make. A day was accordingly fixed for the desired hearing, and a considerable number repaired to the Apostle’s own private lodging (Acts xxviii. 23), and from morning till evening he continued to plead with them, delivering his testimony concerning the kingdom of God, and opening up, both from the Law and the Prophets, the things relating to Jesus Christ. The result was a division amongst his hearers. Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not (Acts xxviii. 24), and after much discussion the unbelieving portion departed, but not before they had been warned by St Paul that they were incurring the penalty of that judicial blindness of which the prophet Isaiah[1150] had spoken (Is. vi. 9, 10), and that the inheritance they renounced would be bestowed upon the Gentiles (Acts xxviii. 28).
After this address the Jews departed. The ways of the great Apostle were not their ways, neither were his thoughts their thoughts. While they retired to dispute concerning the Christian sect, he remained in his own hired house, and there resided upwards of two years, still indeed a prisoner under military custody, but permitted to receive all who came to him, and to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and those things which concerned the Lord Jesus Christ (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).
Chapter III
THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. A.D. 61–63.
BEYOND the point where the last Chapter ends, the sacred narrative, contained in the Acts of the Apostles, does not conduct us. The incidents connected with St Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, and his subsequent history, must be gathered from various allusions in several letters he wrote during this period.
His trial it would seem, then, was for a considerable time postponed. His accusers, whose arrival was not even expected by the Roman Jews (Acts xxviii. 21), do not appear to have reached Rome before the summer or autumn of the year[1151] A.D. 61, and the necessity of obtaining evidence as to the charges against him from Judæa, Syria, Cilicia, Pisidia, and Macedonia, added to the fact that according to the Roman law the witnesses both of the prosecutors and the accused must be examined on each of the charges separately[1152], would necessitate an adjournment of the case from time to time to suit the convenience of the Emperor.
During, however, this long period of delay the Apostle was not obliged to remain inactive. Allowed to live in a house by himself, and to receive any who wished to visit him, he had many opportunities of preaching the word, and the glad tidings of the Kingdom (Acts xxviii. 31). Nor were his efforts fruitless. To use his own language, he begat many children even in his bonds (Philem. 10), and through the numerous and deeply attached friends, by whom he was surrounded, he was enabled to communicate with many of the Churches which he had planted. Thus there were with him at this time Luke, the beloved physician, and his old companion (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24); Timothy his favourite disciple (Philem. 1; Col. i. 1; Phil. i. 1). Tychicus[1153] (Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21); John Mark, whom he had once[1154] been obliged to reject as having abandoned the ministry, but who, he now allowed, was profitable to him (comp. Col. iv. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11); Demas, now, indeed, a faithful fellow-labourer (Philem. 24); Col. iv. 14), though soon, alas, to be drawn away by love of this present world (2 Tim. iv. 10); Aristarchus of Macedonia (Col. iv. 10); and Epaphras[1155] of Colossæ (Col. i. 7).
But amongst these, thus ministering unto him, was one in whom he felt a peculiar interest. This was a slave, named Onesimus, who had run away from his master Philemon[1156], a Christian[1157] of Colossæ, and had fled to Rome, where, amidst the vast population of the metropolis, he probably hoped to escape the notice of his pursuers. Through circumstances which have not been recorded, the fugitive slave became acquainted with the imprisoned Apostle, and was converted to the faith of Christ. There appears to have been something peculiarly attractive in his character, and so useful did he prove in various private ways, that St Paul would have kept him at Rome and employed him in the service of the Gospel (Philem. 13), but, with his habitual regard for the rights of others, he decided that he must first return and be reconciled to his master; and to make this duty less painful, he sent with him a letter[1158] to Philemon, in which he requested his master to forgive him, and offered to reimburse any loss he might have sustained by his running away (Philem. 19), and at the same time expressed his thankfulness to God for the account which he had heard of Philemon’s faith and love (Philem. 4–7).
But Onesimus was not to return to the East alone. Tychicus was on the point of setting out thither also, and it was the Apostle’s wish that he should be the bearer of a letter to the church of Colossæ[1159]. Of the condition of this church he had heard through Epaphras, now present in Rome, and who is regarded by some as its probable founder[1160] (Col. i. 7), and the news was such as to give him serious concern. Through the coming of some teacher, probably from Alexandria, the Colossians had become imbued with a spirit of a half-Jewish and half-Oriental philosophy, tending to corrupt the simplicity of their faith, and to obscure the dignity of Christ by a spurious union of Jewish observances with a worshipping of angels, and an extravagant asceticism. These growing evils St Paul deemed his duty to counteract, and in the Epistle, of which Epaphras was the bearer, set forth with special prominence the eternal glory and inherent dignity of Christ (Col. i. 15–23), and after cautioning the Colossians against false philosophy, legal observances, angel-worship, and asceticism (Col. ii.), exhorted them to various Christian virtues (Col. iii.‒iv. 6), referred them to Tychicus and Onesimus for information respecting his condition (Col. iv. 7–9), and requested them to forward the Epistle to Laodicea, and to read that from the same place (Col. iv. 16).
As bearers of these letters Tychicus and Onesimus set out for Asia Minor. But Tychicus was charged with another letter, the Epistle to the Ephesians, either addressed to the Christians in the capital of proconsular Asia, or intended as a circular letter for the use of the various churches in that province[1161]. In this Epistle, the thoughts and language of which betray a very considerable resemblance to those employed in that to the Colossians, the Apostle, after a summary (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving) of the Christian doctrines (Eph. i.‒iii. 19), exhorted the Ephesians to unity (Eph. iv. 1–16), the abstinence from heathen vices (Eph. iv. 17‒v. 21), the faithful discharge of their domestic duties as wives and husbands, children and parents, servants and masters (Eph. v. 22‒vi. 9), and urged them, amidst surrounding dangers and temptations, to be vigilant, and to array themselves in the whole panoply[1162] of God (Eph. vi. 10–20).
After the dispatch of these three letters in the spring of A.D. 62, the Apostle’s heart was cheered by the arrival of a contribution from the Philippians, brought by Epaphroditus, a leading presbyter in that church. Though apparently in ill-health when he set out, he had, in the face of some unusual danger, persevered in his journey (Phil. ii. 30), in order that he might present to the Apostle this fresh proof of the noble liberality of the church over which he presided.
Till the close of the year A.D. 62, or the commencement of A.D. 63, Epaphroditus continued at Rome, and while tendering his services to the Apostle fell dangerously ill. Subsequently, however, he fully recovered, and was filled with anxiety to return to his friends at Philippi, who he learnt were in much distress on receiving intelligence of his sickness (Phil. ii. 26). St Paul was also himself anxious that he should return (Phil. ii. 25, 28), and resolved to make him the bearer of a letter to the Philippian church in acknowledgment of the kindness he had experienced from its members. His own circumstances were somewhat changed since he wrote to the Colossians and Ephesians. Though what had befallen him had tended rather to the furtherance than hindrance of the message he proclaimed, and his chains had become well-known throughout the whole prætorium[1163] (Phil. i. 12, 13); though also by the energy of the Apostle himself and of many of the brethren no little impression had been made on the masses of heathendom in the city (Phil. i. 14–18); yet the course of political events was sufficient to excite considerable apprehension. The virtuous Burrhus was dead[1164], and had been succeeded in the command of the prætorian guards by Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the former a man of no capacity, the latter notorious for determined wickedness. About the same time also Nero contracted an alliance with the infamous Poppæa[1165], a Jewish proselytess, whose influence over the emperor was strongly exerted in favour of the Jews, and in furtherance of their cause.
The horizon, therefore, of the Apostle was dark and lowering, and he could not look forward with the same confidence as before to his speedy release (comp. Philem. 22 with Phil. ii. 17, iii. 11), but he could write to the church he had planted at Philippi, and though the time might be at hand for his blood to be poured forth as a libation (Phil. ii. 17) over the sacrifice of his continued zeal in his Master’s cause, he could rejoice in their progress and the tidings he had received of their welfare (Phil. i. 3–5). In the Epistle, therefore, of which Epaphroditus was the bearer, he expressed his heartfelt thankfulness for all he had heard of their constancy under persecution (Phil. i. 29, 30), and liberality, which distinguished them above all other churches (Phil. iv. 15); exhorted them to continued unity and fortitude, to humility and earnestness (Phil. ii. 1–16); expressed his intention of shortly sending Timothy to them (Phil. ii. 17–24); warned them against Judaizing teachers (Phil. iii. 1–8), and urged two female converts of distinction, Euodias and Syntyche, who had been guilty of strife and altercation, to love and reconciliation (Phil. iv. 2, 3), and all to a holy and a Christian life (Phil. iv. 4–9). With this Epistle, which concludes with a significant salutation from the Christians in Cæsar’s household (Phil. iv. 22), and points to the progress of the Gospel there, even amidst the scenes of terrible wickedness[1166] now enacted in the imperial household, Epaphroditus set out for Macedonia.
Chapter IV
ST PAUL’S SECOND IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH. A.D. 63–68.
THE Apostle’s trial, as we have seen in the preceding Chapter, was long delayed. At length, however, a time was fixed for hearing his case, and after a trial in all probability before the Emperor Nero himself, he was, according to the universal testimony[1167] of the ancient Church, acquitted of the charges that had been brought against him. Thus liberated he would be naturally anxious to fulfil the intentions he had expressed in his Epistles to Philemon and the Philippians[1168] of revisiting the Churches he had planted in Macedonia and Asia Minor, and others, which had not as yet seen his face in the flesh.
Setting out, therefore, from Rome to Brundusium, it is probable that he crossed thence to Dyrrachium or Apollonia, and so travelled by the great Egnatian road to Philippi. We cannot doubt that the joy of the Christians there would be great at being thus able to welcome once more their revered teacher, but his stay there was not likely to have been protracted; and proceeding to Asia, in accordance with his former designs and intentions, he most probably fixed his head-quarters at Ephesus, and thence visited Colossæ, Laodicea, Hierapolis and other Churches[1169].
What time he now spent amongst the brethren of proconsular Asia is not known, but it is not altogether improbable that in the year A.D. 64 he carried out his long-intended visit to Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28), and spent two years in planting churches amongst the numerous Jewish proselytes in all the towns along the Spanish coast from Gades to Tarraco[1170]. Thence we may believe he returned about A.D. 66 to Ephesus, and found to his great sorrow that what he had long ago predicted to the presbyters of that city, when they bade him farewell on the sea-shore of Miletus (Acts xx. 28–31), had been too truly fulfilled. Grievous wolves had indeed entered in amongst them, not sparing the flock; nay, from the very bosom of the Church itself men had arisen, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them (Acts xx. 30). Leaders of rival sects, Hymenæeus, Philetus, Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15), had appeared, perverting the minds of the disciples from the simplicity of the faith, and blending with it the subtilties of Greek philosophy, Jewish superstition, and wild Oriental speculation. Other duties, indeed, prevented the continuance of the Apostle’s personal supervision of the Asiatic churches, and leaving Timothy at Ephesus, he returned to Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3). There, however, he appears to have feared he might be detained longer than he had anticipated (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15), and, well acquainted with the peculiar difficulties connected with the position of his beloved disciple, he addressed to him what is known as “the first Epistle to Timothy.”
The main objects of this Epistle were two-fold, first, to encourage him in the superintendence of the Ephesian church, and to aid him in his struggle with the heretical teachers spoken of above (1 Tim. i. 3–20). The second was to give him various personal directions respecting the government of the Church itself, such as the manner of conducting public worship (1 Tim. ii. 1–8); the dress and behaviour of women (1 Tim. ii. 9–15); the qualifications of bishops and deacons (1 Tim. iii.); the selection of widows to receive the charity of the Church (1 Tim. v. 3–16); the punishment of offenders (1 Tim. v. 20, 21); and his own life and conversation (1 Tim. vi. 11–19).
In this letter he also expressed his design of shortly returning to Ephesus (1 Tim. iii. 14), and this intention he appears to have carried out. Repairing from Macedonia to the capital of proconsular Asia, he made an expedition thence to the island of Crete, accompanied by Titus (Tit. i. 5). The churches there do not seem to have been now for the first time founded, but to have already been some considerable period in existence. Like those, however, in proconsular Asia, they were “troubled by false teachers, and probably had never yet been properly organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private efforts of individual Christians, who would have been supplied with a centre of operations and nucleus of churches by the numerous colonies of Jews established in the island[1171].”
Unable, however, himself to remain long, the Apostle left Titus there, as he had left Timothy at Ephesus, to complete what he had been obliged to leave unfinished, and to organise the Church by the appointment of presbyters in every city (Tit. i. 5). But shortly after his return to Asia Minor, he deemed that a letter from himself might encourage him to confront the opposition he was likely to encounter in carrying out his wishes, and with this he resolved to send general directions respecting the organisation of the Church. From Ephesus, therefore, he dispatched an Epistle to Titus, in which he laid down certain instructions concerning the ordination of elders (Tit. i. 5–9); cautioned him against false teachers (Tit. i. 9–16); described the sound and practical Christianity which he was to inculcate on old and young, on masters and slaves, and to exemplify in his own life (Tit. ii. 1–15); and enjoined obedience to rulers, gentleness and forbearance towards all men, and an avoidance of all idle speculations (Tit. iii. 1–11).
At the time of writing this Epistle it was not St Paul’s intention that Titus should remain long in Crete. He himself was on the point of leaving Asia for Nicopolis[1172], intending to winter there (Tit. iii. 12). On the arrival, therefore of Artemas or Tychicus, whom he intended to send to him, Titus was to endeavour to join him. Accordingly setting out from Ephesus the Apostle repaired to Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 20), and there left his old companion Trophimus[1173], who was overtaken with sickness. Thence he sailed to Corinth, and leaving there Erastus, the former chamberlain of that city, passed on to Nicopolis[1174], where he would seem to have laboured for a space during the winter.
At this time however the Christians had become distinguished from the Jews, and the objects of suspicion and hostility, and the Apostle’s labours at Nicopolis were brought to an abrupt conclusion. Arrested it is not improbable, before the middle of the winter[1175], through the restless activity of some of his many enemies, he was sent to Rome to be tried a second time for his life. The terror of his arrest scattered many of his friends. Demas from love of this present world forsook him and departed to Thessalonica, Crescens to Galatia, and Titus himself, who had joined his master at Nicopolis, possibly by his desire, repaired to the neighbouring Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Luke alone remained in constant attendance on the Apostle, and shared with him the perils of his second imprisonment at Rome. This was evidently far more severe than the previous one. Not only was he chained to a soldier, but he was treated as a malefactor (2 Tim. ii. 9), and so perilous was it to visit him that few were willing to seek out his dungeon or to stand by him (2 Tim. i. 16, iv. 16), while he himself could look forward to nothing but certain martyrdom (2 Tim. iv. 6–8).
The course of political events sufficiently accounts for the change in the Apostle’s circumstances. Anxious to avert from himself the charge of having set the capital on fire, Nero had let loose the rage of the populace upon the Christians, now very numerous and objects of intense hatred. A familiar passage in the writings of Tacitus[1176] tells us how some of them were crucified, some hunted to death with dogs, some wrapped in robes smeared with pitch and set on fire at night before the eyes of the Emperor, who watched their dying agonies arrayed in the costume of a charioteer. Since then the fury of the first excitement had passed away, but so prominent a ringleader of a hated sect as the Apostle would be certain to be treated with much severity.
On the evidence therefore of certain informers, of whom Alexander the coppersmith apparently was one (2 Tim. iv. 14), he was put upon his trial, probably before the city prefect[1177], in one of the numerous basilicas that stood in the Forum. No friend, no adviser, stood by him (2 Tim. iv. 16), to cheer or to encourage. Alone and unaided, save by an Almighty though Invisible Friend (2 Tim. iv. 17), he pleaded the cause of the Gospel before a numerous audience, and all the Gentiles heard his testimony, and the result was that of the first of the charges brought against him he was acquitted, and was delivered out of the mouth of the lion (2 Tim. iv. 17).
Remanded back to his dungeon to await the second hearing of his case, and not anticipating anything but an ultimate conviction, ready to be offered and convinced that the time of his departure was at hand (2 Tim. iv. 6), the Apostle, though cheered by the society of Luke and Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16, 17), yearned towards the friend of his earlier days, his own son Timothy. He longed to see him once more, and though he was far away in Ephesus, discharging the duties of his difficult position, he resolved to dictate an Epistle to him, bidding him come with all speed to Rome, and receive his parting injunctions. Accordingly, it was now that the “Second Epistle to Timothy” was written, in which the aged Apostle, with the utmost tenderness and solemnity exhorted his own son to diligence and stedfastness, to patience under persecution (2 Tim. i. 6–15), and a willingness to share in the sufferings of saints (2 Tim. ii. 1–16). In the event moreover of his not arriving in time to receive his last injunction, he charged him, with all the solemnity of one about to appear before the Judge of quick and dead, to be faithful in all the duties of his office (2 Tim. iv. 1–5), and cautioned him against the false teaching which now threatened the very foundation of the Faith (2 Tim. iii.).
Whether Timothy did rejoin the Apostle, as he so earnestly requested, and bring the cloak for which with touching simplicity he made request amid the rigours of the winter (2 Tim. iv. 13), is not recorded. Some are willing to hazard the conjecture that he did[1178]; but however it was, the Apostle’s second trial and condemnation were not long delayed. As a Roman citizen, he could not be compelled to endure the lingering tortures, which so many who shared with him the name of “Christians” had lately undergone. But beyond the city-walls, along the road to Ostia, the port of Rome, he was led forth under military escort, to the place of execution; there the sword of the headsman fell flashing down, and he obtained that Crown, which HE, whose faithful witness he was, had promised to all them that love Him (2 Tim. iv. 8).
NOTE.
Beside the Apostle, whose glorious career was thus closed by the sword of the executioner, three and three only of the immediate followers of our Lord hold a prominent place in the Apostolic records――James the Lord’s brother, Peter and John[1179].
1. The main facts in the history of James, who was surnamed the Just, have been already related, and we have seen how prominent was the part he took at the Council held at Jerusalem[1180], A.D. 50. He[1181] was the author of the first of the Seven so-called “Catholic or General Epistles,” which he addressed, apparently from Jerusalem, to the Jewish Christians residing in Palestine, or scattered among the Gentiles, according to some as early as A.D. 45, according to others as late as A.D. 62.
2. Our last notice of St Peter referred to the time when St Paul withstood him to the face at Antioch, because he was to be blamed[1182]. Subsequently to this date we have no notices in Scripture of his place of abode or of his work. It is probable, however, that after completing the organisation of the Churches in Palestine, and some parts of Asia Minor (1 Pet. i. 1, 2), he resided for some time at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13), where had been settled from very early times an important community of Jews[1183]. Hence, at some period between the years A.D. 63 and 67[1184], he addressed his first Epistle to the Jewish converts scattered throughout Asia Minor, for the purpose of confirming them in the Christian faith, encouraging them to endure the persecutions to which they were exposed, and exhorting them to refute the calumnies of their enemies by leading a holy life. The time and place of the composition of his Second Epistle are alike surrounded with difficulties. The most reasonable conjecture appears to be that the Apostle wrote it in his old age, about the year A.D. 68, either from Rome, where he is said to have suffered martyrdom[1185], or somewhere on the journey thither from the East.
3. St John, we saw, was at Jerusalem, when St Paul paid his third visit to that city[1186], and was then regarded as one of the Chief “Pillars” of the Church. His movements after this date are shrouded in much obscurity. It seems most probable, however, that after remaining for a season in Palestine, he repaired to Ephesus, and laboured amongst the seven Churches of Asia Minor. Thence on the authority of Irenæus and Eusebius we gather that he wrote his three Epistles, according to some as early as A.D. 68, according to others as late as the close of the first century. During the reign of Domitian, A.D. 94 or 95, he was banished to the isle of Patmos, and there wrote his Apocalypse, and afterwards returned to Ephesus, where he died.
4. The writer of one other “Catholic” Epistle remains to be noticed――Jude, called also Lebbæus and Thaddæus[1187], the brother of James the Less, and most probably one of the so-called brethren of our Lord. We find his name in the lists of the Apostles (Lk. vi. Acts i.), but the only incident relating to him recorded in the Gospel narrative is the question he put to the Saviour on the eve of his crucifixion, Lord, how is it that thou wilt manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world? (Jn. xiv. 22). The place where the Epistle was written is not known. Various dates have been assigned to it, some referring it to A.D. 64 or 65, others to A.D. 75 or even later. The readers are nowhere expressly defined; but the reference to Jewish traditions (Jude 9–14) seems to hint that the Christians of Palestine were the objects of his warnings against false teachers, and of his exhortations to steadfastness in the faith.