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A church dictionary (part 7 of 8)

Part 7 of 8 · Hook, Walter Farquhar · Public domain text

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A church dictionary (part 7 of 8)

“And the other Books (as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for example of life, and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine: such are these following:

The Third Book of Esdras. The Fourth Book of Esdras. The Book of Tobias. The Book of Judith. The rest of the Book of Esther. The Book of Wisdom. Jesus, the Son of Sirach. Baruch the Prophet. The Song of the Three Children. The Story of Susanna. Of Bel and the Dragon. The Prayer of Manasses. The First Book of Maccabees. The Second Book of Maccabees.

All the Books of the New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive, and account them canonical.”—Article VI.

The Jews acknowledge the Books of the Old Testament only, which both Jews and Christians agree were collected into one body, except the Book of Malachi, by Ezra. They had been preserved during the Babylonish captivity, and the collection was made by him on the return from it. He divided the Bible, (‏מקרה‎) mikra, lesson, lecture, or Scripture, Βίβλος, (the Book,) into three parts: 1. The Law, containing the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses; 2. The Prophets, containing thirteen books; and 3. The Hagiographa, four books, making in the whole twenty-two, the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet, but which the Jews now make twenty-four.

The first (the Law) was divided into fifty-four sections, for the several sabbaths, (with the intercalated month,) and these sections into verses. The division into chapters, which were originally subdivided by letters, not figures as now, is of late date, and was done to facilitate the use of concordances.

Some Books are cited in the Old Testament which are now lost, unless the same as others, under different names; as, 1. “The Book of Jasher” (Josh. x. 13; 2 Sam. i. 18); 2. “The Book of the Wars of the LORD” (Numb. xxi. 14); 3. “The Book of Chronicles or Days,” containing the annals of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, frequently cited in the Books of Kings and Chronicles; 4. The remainder of Solomon’s “three thousand proverbs,” and “a thousand and five songs,” and the whole of his writings on natural history, “of trees,” “of beasts, and of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes” (1 Kings iv. 32, 33); and 5. Probably the Lamentations of Jeremiah on the death of Josiah, as this subject seems not included in the book now extant. Some think that the first, the Book of Jasher, is the same as the second; others, the Books of Moses; and others think the first three are the same, and were public records deposited in the house of GOD. It is very probable that the references to these books, from the sense of them, were subsequent introductions.

Hebrew was the language of the Old Testament generally, but Ezra, ch. iv., from verse 8 to ch. vi. verse 19, and ch. vii., from verse 12 to 27, Jeremiah, ch. x. verse 11, and Daniel, from ch. ii. verse 4, to end of ch. vii., are in Chaldee. The Books of the New Testament were written in Greek, except, only, it has been questioned whether St. Matthew did not write in Hebrew, or Syriac, the language then spoken in Judea; and St. Mark in Latin; and whether the Epistle to the Hebrews was not first written in Hebrew.

Whether the art of writing had its origin in the communication of GOD with Moses on Mount Sinai, is doubtful. Some imagine that the passage, Gen. xxiii. 17, is an actual abridgment of the conveyance of the field of Ephron made to Abraham. It is certainly not improbable that the patriarchs might have compiled records of their time, and that by inspiration; and that Moses might collect these, as Ezra did in after-times. And this is argued by some from a supposed difference of style. Moses himself was expressly directed to write by way of record; a custom which continued under the Judges and the Kings, some of the latter of whom collected and arranged the books then existing; as it is clear Hezekiah did the proverbs of Solomon. The prophecies of Jeremiah, we know, were publicly read; and when Ezra made his collection, the number of copies was great, and the difference existing between them is supposed to form the marginal readings, amounting in all to 840. It was after his time that translations began to be made.

The preservation of the sacred Scriptures, and of the genuineness and integrity of the text, seems almost miraculous. It was in order to this that the Masora was composed, by which was ascertained, with stupendous labour, the number of verses, of words, and even of letters, contained in the twenty-four books of the Old Testament, and in every section and subdivision; and also the words supposed to be changed, superfluous letters, repetitions of verses and words, significations different or analogous, mute letters, and various other particulars and mysteries.

The Targum (explanation) is the Chaldee Paraphrase; being this rather than literal translations of the books of the Old Testament, and by which, when the Hebrew text was read in the synagogue, it was explained to the people. The first Targum was that of Jonathan, about thirty years before CHRIST, on the greater and lesser Prophets. The next is that of Onkelos, nearly contemporary, or something later, on the Books of Moses only, short and simple, and the most esteemed. The Targum of Joseph the Blind, on the Hagiographa, is more modern, in a corrupt Chaldee, and less regarded. The Targum of Jerusalem, on the Pentateuch only, is very imperfect, and supposed by some to be only a fragment. Besides these there is a Targum falsely ascribed to Jonathan, on the Pentateuch, evidently not older than the 7th century: the Targums on Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Lamentations, Ruth, Esther: three Targums on Esther, and a Targum on the Chronicles, discovered in 1680: all these are of late date, not earlier than the 6th century. On Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah, there is no Targum.

Most of the MSS. of the Hebrew Bible at present in existence were collated by and for Dr. Kennicott, 250 by himself, and 350 by another, being from 480 to 800 years old. Since this more than 400 others, of the 7th or 8th century, have been discovered. Dr. Rossi followed up Dr. Kennicott’s work.

The first printed edition of the whole Bible was in 1488; the first Latin translation was by Munster, in 1534. The Septuagint was probably the first Greek version; to which followed those of Symmachus and Theodotion, with three others by unknown authors. The Septuagint, (a translation supposed to have been by seventy-two Jews,) called for conciseness “the Seventy,” was made in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B. C. 277, at an expense of above £136,000. There are four principal modern editions: the Complutensian, A. D. 1514–1517; the Aldine, 1518; the Roman of Sixtus V., 1587; and Grabe’s, printed at Oxford, 1707–1720. In 1798, Dr. Holmes began publishing an edition at Oxford, carried on since his death by Mr. Parsons, on the plan of Kennicott’s Hebrew Bible with the various readings in the margin.

The first edition of the New Testament in Greek was the Complutensian, 1514–1517, though not published till 1522. Next that of Erasmus, in 1516. The editions of the Stephenses (1546–1550) are admirable for their beauty. The editions of Beza, 1565–1598, and Elzevir, 1624, are also to be noticed. The celebrated edition, with various readings, of the Rev. John Mill, was published at Oxford in 1707, after the labour of thirty years, and the readings amounted to 30,000! That of Wetstein, at Amsterdam, in 1751, with a far greater number; and that of Griesbach, at Halle, in 1775–1777, with a select collection of these readings.

With this great number of various readings may be mentioned the increase of parallel passages, in the English editions of the Bible; being, from the edition 1611, when they were first introduced, to Bishop Wilson’s Bible, A. D. 1785, from 8980 to 66,955. And these in the “Concordance of Parallels,” published afterwards by the Rev. C. Cruttwell, the editor of this last Bible, are probably three or four times the number.

SCRIPTURE, CANON OF. The present canon of the Roman Church was made in the fourth session of the Council of Trent, at which, besides cardinals, there were present no more than four archbishops and thirty-three bishops; of which number all but eight were Italians.

These men, who were as ill qualified by their learning as by their numbers to rule so great a question, were not even unanimous in the conclusion which they adopted. Some contended that the books ought to be placed in separate classes, the one to be used for piety, the other for the establishment of doctrine, which is the rule of the English Church. Seripando, the most learned of the cardinals present, even wrote a book to maintain this view; while nearly half the members of the council were opposed to the anathema by which the decree is enforced.

The main authority which has been urged in favour of the Roman canon, is that of the Council of Carthage. It is not however agreed when this synod was held; and, whatever date may be assigned, its decrees have no authority beyond the province of Africa, having never been incorporated in the universal code. To use the words of Bishop Cosin, “the question is, whether ever any Church or ancient author, during these first ages, can be showed to have professedly made such a catalogue of the true and authentic books of Scripture, as the Council of Trent hath lately addressed and obtruded upon the world: which will never be done. In the mean while they all speak so perspicuously for our Church canon, that there can be no denial of their agreement herein with us.”

The Apostolical Constitutions, which some writers assign to Clement, bishop of Rome, and which were undoubtedly written very early, do not admit in the canon those books which we call apocryphal. In the second century we find that Justin Martyr never cites them for Scripture. Origen and Tertullian, in the third, agree in rejecting them. In the fourth, we have a multitude of the greatest writers, who are clearly against the Church of Rome on this point; such as Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Hilary, Epiphanius, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Jerome; besides the Council of Nice at the beginning of the century, and towards the close of it the Council of Laodicea, whose canons were incorporated among those of the universal Church. The great Churches of Jerusalem and Alexandria, of Antioch and Constantinople, pronounced on the same side; and even in the Roman Church itself we have the same testimony from Gregory I., as well as of many others who are held to be its chief authorities. Cardinal Caietan, who died only a few years before the meeting of the council, following St. Jerome, maintained the distinction between the canonical and apocryphal books, and the influence of his opinion was very considerable, even at Trent. But the use of the Apocrypha was well known to be indispensable to Roman theologians, and if it were not admitted to form part of Scripture, no Divine sanction could be pleaded for purgatory, the canonization of saints, or the worship of images and relics. In this, as well as many other instances, the Roman Church has not scrupled to violate primitive tradition, in order to maintain its uncatholic doctrines and practices.

SCRIPTURES, INSPIRATION OF. (See Bible, Revelation.) “All Scripture,” we are told, “is given by inspiration of GOD.” To understand which expression we would remark, that Divine inspiration, or the supernatural influence of GOD upon the mind, to form it for intellectual improvement, may be, 1. An inspiration of superintendency, by which GOD preserves a writer commissioned by him to communicate his will, from error in those points which relate to his commission. It does not follow that the writer shall be preserved from error in what relates to grammar, or natural philosophy; but he is preserved from error in all that GOD has commissioned him to reveal. 2. An inspiration of suggestion, which precedes the former, and takes place when GOD doth, as it were, speak directly to the mind of the inspired person, making such discoveries to it as it could not but by miracle obtain. This has been done in various ways, by immediate impression on the mind, by dreams and visions represented to the imagination; at other times by sounds formed in the air, or by visible appearances.

The New Testament was written by a superintendent inspiration. The apostles were, according to CHRIST’S promise, furnished with all necessary powers for the discharge of their office, by an extraordinary effusion of the HOLY SPIRIT upon them at the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 4, &c.); and a second time (Acts iv. 31).

We may assure ourselves that they were hereby competently furnished for all those services which were of great importance for the spread and edification of the Church, and of so great difficulty as to need supernatural assistance.

Considering how uncertain a thing oral tradition is, and how soon the most public and notorious facts are corrupted by it, it was impossible that the Christian religion could be preserved in any tolerable degree of purity, without a written account of the facts and doctrines preached, by the apostles; and yet, on the other hand, we can hardly suppose that GOD would suffer a doctrine introduced in so extraordinary a manner to be corrupted and lost.

The discourses of CHRIST were several of them so long, and some likewise of so curious and delicate a nature, that it is not to be imagined the apostles should have been able exactly to record them, especially so many years after they were delivered, and amidst such a variety of cares and dangers, without such extraordinary Divine assistance, or without an inspiration of superintendency.

Many of the doctrines which the apostles delivered in their writings were so sublime and so new, that as they could not have been known at first otherwise than by an inspiration of suggestion, so they would need an inspiration of superintendency in delivering an accurate account of them.

There is reason to believe, from the promise of CHRIST, that such parts of the New Testament as were written by the apostles were written by an inspiration of superintendency.

It is not to be thought that persons, so eminent for humility, piety, humanity, and other virtues, as the apostles were, would have spoken of their writings as the words and the commands of the LORD as the test of truth and falsehood, and gloried so much in being under the direction of the SPIRIT, if they had not certainly known themselves to be so in their writings, as well as in their preaching; and the force of this argument is greatly illustrated, by recollecting the extraordinary miraculous powers with which they were honoured, while making exhortations and pretensions of this kind, as was hinted above.

There was an ancient tradition that St. Mark and St. Luke were in the number of the seventy disciples who were furnished with extraordinary powers from CHRIST, and received from him promises of assistance much resembling those made to the apostles (compare Luke x. 9, 16, 19); and if it were so, as the arguments used to prove both the understanding and integrity of the apostles may be in great measure applied to them, we may, on the principles laid down, conclude that they also had some inspiration of superintendency. But there is much reason to regard that received and ancient tradition in the Christian Church, that St. Mark wrote his Gospel instructed by St. Peter, and St. Luke his by St. Paul’s assistance; which, if it be allowed, their writings will stand nearly on the same footing with those of Peter and Paul.

It may not be improper here just to mention the internal marks of a Divine original in Scripture. The excellence of its doctrines, the spirituality and elevation of its design, the majesty and simplicity of its style, the agreement of its parts, and its efficacy upon the hearts and consciences of men, concur to give us a high idea of it, and corroborate the external arguments for its being written by a superintendent inspiration at least.

There has been in the Christian Church, from its earliest ages, a constant tradition, that these books were written by the extraordinary assistance of the SPIRIT, which must at least amount to superintendent inspiration.

With respect to the Old Testament, the books we have inherited from the Jews were always regarded by them as authentic and inspired. And our blessed LORD and his apostles were so far from accusing the Jews of superstition, in the regard which they paid to the writings of the Old Testament, or from charging the scribes and Pharisees (whom CHRIST, on all proper occasions, censured so freely) with having introduced into the sacred volume mere human compositions, that, on the contrary, they not only recommend the diligent and constant perusal of them, as of the greatest importance to men’s eternal happiness, but speak of them as Divine oracles, and as written by an extraordinary influence of the DIVINE SPIRIT upon the minds of the authors. (Vide John v. 39; x. 35; Mark xii. 24; Matt. iv. 4, 7, 10; v. 17, 18; xxi. 42; xxii. 29, 31, 43; xxiv. 15; xxvi. 54, 56; Luke i. 67, 69, 70; x. 26, 27; xvi. 31; Acts iv. 25; xvii. 11; xviii. 24–28; Rom. iii. 2; xv. 4; xvi. 26; Gal. iii. 8; 1 Tim. v. 17, 18; 2 Tim. iii. 14–17; James ii. 8; iv. 5; 1 Pet. i. 10–12; 2 Pet. i. 19–21.) To this list may be added many other places,—on the whole, more than five hundred,—in which the sacred writers of the New Testament quote and argue from those of the Old, in such a manner as they would surely not have done, if they had apprehended there were room to allege that it contained at least a mixture of what was spurious and of no authority.—Lowth on Inspiration. Tillotson’s Sermons. Doddridge’s Lectures.

The argument of the Divine inspiration of Scripture as an induction from its adaptation to the nature of man—even as regards those parts of the Old Testament which have been most obnoxious to cavil—is ably maintained in the Bampton Lectures of 1817, preached by the Rev. John Miller, from which the following is extracted:—“Although Scripture presents the most humiliating portraiture of human nature, and that intentionally, to lead man into a knowledge of himself, as the subject of its operation; it should be added that the Bible does not exhibit an unmixed image of evil, inasmuch as, if it did, it would not be that exact resemblance of the character of man, which it is now affirmed to be. Nor do I, in subjoining this qualification, feel a consciousness either of having carried the main proposition unreasonably far, to countenance a partial construction, or of now adding any such inconsistent exception as may neutralize or destroy its force.

“The representation of evil was intended, and is necessary, for the analysis of doctrine. We hold the opinion, that a man is a being, ‘very far gone from an original righteousness,’ in which he was created. And it is maintained that the whole substance of Scripture so fully justifies this doctrine as to be quite inexplicable, and therefore, as a record of Divine wisdom, inadmissible, without it.

“It is, however, contended also, that with this doctrine, found to be involved in the substance of its histories, and harmonizing with the end of its great provisions, Scripture commends itself, in a peculiar manner, to our belief and acceptation, as a record which, while it extends to the very root of our disease, and so alone points out the true method of recovery from it, falls in thereby with the observations of our own personal experience.

“But such involvement of a general truth by no means necessarily fixes or defines the measure or degree of sin in individuals acting in various stages of moral responsibility, and subject to the influences, not only of rational motives, but (as would seem, more or less even from the beginning) to those of an infused grace! And it may confidently be maintained, that the two several propositions now affirmed of Holy Writ, viz. that it gives a most humiliating view of man, and yet not one of unmixed evil, are not only not inconsistent, but explanatory one of the other. The one is specially profitable for ‘doctrine,’ the other for ‘instruction in righteousness.’ For Scripture not to have discovered a full and intimate acquaintance with the extent and quality of evil itself, would have substracted from our sure persuasion of its perfect insight into truth. Upon the other hand, to have displayed the operation of that evil otherwise than as it is seen practically existing in its effects, would not have been to give that real likeness of ourselves, which we have a claim to look for in a record offering itself to be our faithful guide. Hence, in the first case, without the darker lineaments of the Bible, how could we rightly have arrived at that true doctrinal statement, which now affirms the general existence of an extreme unsoundness in the constitution of human nature, if that which is in man can only be developed adequately, or inferred correctly, through scrutiny of the worst deeds which man has done? How, in the second—while we consent entirely to the truth of this broad abstract statement of the nature of man—could we consent with willing minds to take our sole or only chief instruction in the ways of righteousness, from guidance which should represent us all as being just alike, at any or at every moment of our lives, when we are certain that the practical appearances of evil show very many gradations, and put on very different aspects, in the condition of different individuals? * * * If Scripture does indeed thus show us to ourselves, and we cannot deny the truth of the resemblance; if it neither conceals deformity to tempt us, nor yet drives us into extremity, so as to overwhelm us; if it neither threatens nor promises too much, could it have proceeded either from one that did not know us, or from one that did not love us?”

SEALED BOOKS. By the Act 13 & 14 Car. II. (which ratified the last revision of the Prayer Book,) c. 4, sect. 28, it was enacted that the dean and chapter of every cathedral and collegiate church, should obtain under the great seal of England a true and perfect printed copy of the above-mentioned Act and Prayer Book, to be kept by them in safety for ever, and to be produced in any court of record when required; and that like copies should be delivered into the respective courts of Westminster, and the Tower of London: which books so to be exemplified under the great seal, were to be examined by persons appointed by the king, and compared with the original book annexed to the Act: these persons having power to correct and amend in writing any error; certifying the examination and collation under their hands and seals: “which said books, and every one of them, shall be taken, adjudged, and expounded to be good, and available in the law to all intents and purposes whatsoever, and shall be accounted as good records as this book itself heretofore annexed,” &c.

Mr. Stephens, in his late edition of the Common Prayer Book, with notes, has given a fac-simile text of the original black letter Prayer Books, published after the last Review, with all the corrections of the commissioners carefully marked. The sealed books which he collated for this purpose, are those for the Chancery, Queen’s Bench, Common Pleas, Exchequer, St. Paul’s, Christ Church Oxford, Ely, and the Tower of London.

SECONDARIES. A general name for the inferior members of cathedrals, as vicars choral, &c.: the clerici secundæ formæ, that is, of the second or lower range of stalls, called the bas chœur in France. The priest vicars and minor canons were sometimes included in the superior form. Some of the lay singers at Exeter are so called. Sometimes the term was applied to the assistant priest in course, even though not of the second form. At Hereford the second vicar who assists in chanting the Litany is the “secondary.”

SECT. (From seco, Lat., to cut; being analogous to the word schism, derived from the Greek σχίζω, which has the same meaning.) A religious community following some particular master, instead of adhering to the teaching of the Catholic Church. Thus Calvinists are the sect following Calvin; Wesleyans the sect following Wesley. We are to remember that we are expressly forbidden in Scripture thus to call any man master: one is our master, JESUS CHRIST, the righteous.

SECULAR CLERGY. In those Churches in which there are monasteries, the clergy attached to those monasteries are called Regulars, the other clergy are styled Seculars. In our Church, before the Reformation, the number of Regulars was very great; but, since the Reformation, we have only had Secular clergy. The canons of such cathedrals of the old foundation as were not monastic, were called Secular.

SEDILIA. Seats near an altar, almost universally on the south side, for the ministers officiating at the holy eucharist. They are generally three in number, for the celebrant, epistoler, and gospeller, but vary from one to five.

SEE. (Latin, sedes.) The seat of episcopal dignity and jurisdiction where the bishop has his throne, or cathedra.

SELAH. An untranslated Hebrew word, recurring several times in the Psalms, and in Habakkuk iii., on the meaning of which there are many opinions. It is most probably a direction to raise the voice, or make some change in the instrumental performance at certain passages, and is merely a musical notation, connected however, as all proper musical expression must be, with the sense.

SEMI-ARIANS. The Arian sect was divided into two principal parties: the one of which adhering more closely to the opinion of their master, maintained that the SON of GOD was unlike the FATHER, Ἀνόμοιας, and of this party was Eunomius: the other party refused to receive the word consubstantial, yet acknowledged the SON of GOD Ὁμοιούσιος, of a like substance or essence with the FATHER, and therefore were called Semi-Arians, that is, half Arians; this party made the majority in the Councils of Rimini and Seleucia.

SEMI-PELAGIANS, or MASSILIENSES. A sect of heretics, who endeavoured to find a medium betwixt the Pelagians and the orthodox; they had their origin about 430 in France, (hence the name Massiliens, from Massilia, now Marseilles). Their principal favourers were Cassianus, a disciple of Chrysostom; Faustus, abbot of Lirinum; Vincentius, a Gallic writer, whom St. Prosper answered, &c. Their agreement with the Pelagians was in the power of free-will, at least as to the beginning of faith and conversion, and to the co-operation of GOD and man, grace and nature, as to predestination, from foreknowledge and universal grace, and the possibility of the apostasy of the saints. Some of them also would modify those opinions, and maintained only the predestination of infants from a foreknowledge of the life they would lead. The great opposers of this heresy were St. Augustine, Fulgentius, &c. The original of the predestinarian heresy in this age is denied by Jansenius and others, as well as Protestants, and looked upon as a fiction of the Semi-Pelagians.

SEMI-PREBENDARIES. (See Demi-Prebendaries.)

SEMINARIES, in Popish countries, are certain colleges, appointed for the instruction and education of young persons, destined for the sacred ministry. The first institution of such places is ascribed to St. Augustine. And the Council of Trent decrees, that children, exceeding twelve years of age, shall be brought up, and instructed in common, to qualify them for the ecclesiastical state; and that there shall be a seminary of such belonging to each cathedral, under the direction of the bishop.

In the seminaries of France none are taken in but young persons, ready to study theology, and to be ordained. And for the maintenance of these seminaries certain benefices are allotted, or else the clergy of the diocese are obliged to maintain them. These colleges are furnished with halls for the public exercises, and little chambers or cells, where each student retires, studies, and prays apart. Such is the seminary of St. Sulpicius at Paris.

In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the Roman Catholics projected the founding English seminaries abroad, that from thence they might be furnished with missionaries to perpetuate and increase their communion. Accordingly the college of Douay was founded in 1569, at the expense of Philip II., king of Spain; and Dr. William Allen, an Englishman, was made head of it. In the year 1579, a college was founded at Rome for the same purpose, by Gregory XIII., who settled 4000 crowns per annum for the subsistence of the society. The famous Robert Parsons, an English Jesuit, was rector of this college. King Philip founded another of these nurseries at Valladolid in the year 1589, and one at Seville in 1593. The same prince founded St. Omers in Artois, A. D. 1596. In the next century more seminaries were established, at Madrid, Louvain, Liege, and Ghent.

The two colleges of Douay and Rome received such great encouragement, that some hundreds of priests were sent off from thence into England. And to engage the members of these societies more firmly, they obliged them, at their admission, to take the following oath: “I, A. B., one bred in this English college, considering how great benefits GOD hath bestowed upon me, but then especially when he brought me out of my own country, so infected with heresy, and made me a member of the Catholic Church; as also desiring with a thankful heart to improve so great a mercy of GOD; have resolved to offer myself wholly up to Divine service, as much as I may, to fulfil the end for which this our college was founded. I promise, therefore, and swear, in the presence of Almighty GOD, that I am prepared from mine heart, with the assistance of Divine grace, in due time to receive holy orders, and to return to England, to convert the souls of my countrymen and kindred, when, and as often as, it shall seem good to the superior of this college.” As a further encouragement, Pope Pius V. sent his brief to the students of these colleges, for undertaking the mission into England. And that they might act without clashing, and with the better harmony, he put them all under the direction of Dr. Allen, afterwards Cardinal.

By a statute of Queen Elizabeth it is made a præmunire to contribute to the maintenance of a Popish seminary. And by one of King James I., no persons are to go, or be sent, to Popish seminaries, to be instructed or educated, under divers penalties and disabilities mentioned in the statute.

The houses of the society De Propagandâ Fide, established for the preparing ecclesiastics for missionaries among infidels and heretics, are also called seminaries. The principal of these is that at Rome, called the Apostolic College or Seminary, or the seminary De Propagandâ Fide.

SEPTUAGESIMA. The Sunday which in round numbers is 70 days before Easter: hence the name. There being exactly 50 days between the Sunday next before Lent and Easter day inclusive, that Sunday is termed Quinquagesima, i. e. the 50th. And the two immediately preceding are called from the next round numbers, Sexagesima and Septuagesima, 60th and 70th. The Church thus early begins to look forward to Easter, the queen of festivals. She would call back our minds from the rejoicing season of Christmas, and, by reflections on the humiliating necessity there was for MESSIAH’S advent, prepare us for that solemn season in Lent; in which, if with deep contrition and lively faith we follow CHRIST in his sufferings, we may rejoice with him here, and humbly hope to reign with him hereafter in his glory. The observance of these days and the weeks following, appears to be as ancient as the time of Gregory the Great. Some of the more devout Christians observed the whole time from the first of these Sundays to Easter, as a season of humiliation and fasting, though the ordinary custom was to commence fasting on Ash-Wednesday.

SEPTUAGINT. The Greek version of Scripture, which was received both by the Jews and the primitive Christians. The first account which we have of the origin of the Septuagint, is that which is given us by Aristeas. It is to this effect. Ptolemy Philadelphus, by the advice of Demetrius Phalereus, having determined to enrich his library at Alexandria with a translation of the books of the Jewish law, sent Aristeas, his minister, accompanied by Andrew, a person of celebrity, to Eleazar the high priest of the Jews, that he might obtain both a copy of the original, and persons duly qualified to render it into Greek. The request was complied with. A copy of the Mosaic law written in golden letters was sent, with seventy-two men, six from each tribe, to translate it. The translators, persons skilled both in Hebrew and Greek, were honourably received by the king of Egypt, and by him were sent to the isle of Pharos; and there, in the space of seventy-two days, they completed their work, mutually assisting each other, and dictating their translation to Demetrius. This version was afterwards read in an assembly consisting of Jewish priests and other learned men, and being stamped by their approbation, was placed in the library of Alexandria.

This account, given us by Aristeas, is sometimes appended to the editions of Josephus, and is also edited separately. It is worthy of remark, that in this description nothing of the marvellous is introduced, and it would clearly seem that the reference is to the Pentateuch, and to that only.

Josephus, in the twelfth book, s. 1, of his “Antiquities,” for the most part agrees with this account by Aristeas. But in the life of Moses, by Philo-Judæus, we find both variations and additions. Agreeing with Aristeas in his assertion, that certain learned Jews were sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria to translate the books of Moses, and that they were lodged by Ptolemy in the isle of Pharos, he tells us in addition, that all the translators were kept apart from each other; but that, notwithstanding this, their translations, upon comparison, were found exactly to correspond, as it were, by Divine inspiration. From Justin Martyr we find, that in his time the story was that the seventy-two translators were shut up each in a separate cell, where no intercourse could possibly take place; but that the translations, when produced, were found to agree not only in sense but verbally, not varying even in a single syllable. Here we certainly find a miracle implied; and in the time of Justin the story must have been well established, since he mentions his having seen the cells himself. With respect to the number of the cells, however, there must have been, as there easily might be, some uncertainty, for Epiphanius mentions only thirty-six. But the story had been made to shape itself according to the fact; and it was reported in his time, that, instead of a cell being allotted to each translator, two were shut up in each cell, who having been employed from sunrise till the evening, translated in order, not merely the Pentateuch, but each of the books of the Old Testament, and they so completed their work, that there was not to be found the slightest difference in any of the thirty-six versions; an astonishing harmony, in which a singular miracle of Divine providence could not fail to be traced.

Now, if to these statements implicit credit be given, the question is decided as to the miraculous origin and consequent inspiration of the Septuagint. But to these stories there are several obvious objections. We do not for a moment assent to the principle of that objection which is urged by the learned and candid Dupin, who, among the Romanists, is almost singular in opposing the Divine origin of the LXX., when he asks why there should be seventy-two translators when twelve would have sufficed? For this is the very spirit of rationalism: “I do not see why such should have been the case; and therefore it was not the case.” To such an objection the answer of the equally learned Dr. Brett, among Protestants the chief vindicator of the Divine origin of the Septuagint, is more than sufficient, when he urges that we might as well deny that, on our authorized English version, fifty-two persons were employed, when by twelve, or even by two, the work might have been accomplished. Nor would he insist, with Dean Prideaux, that the stories must be rejected, because the Septuagint is written in the Alexandrian dialect; and that, therefore, it could not have been effected, according to the supposition, by Jews sent from Judea; for there is no reason to suppose that the Greek spoken in Palestine was much different from that used in Egypt, that language having been introduced into both countries only about fifty years before by the same people—the Macedonians. Indeed, a comparison of the language of the New Testament with that of the Septuagint will disarm this objection of its force. We may, indeed, afford to give up another objection, which has very plausibly been urged, though its character is rationalistic, viz. that to collect six learned men from each tribe would have been difficult, if not impossible, the ten tribes having been dispersed after the taking of Samaria; for we know that many individuals belonging to these tribes were incorporated with the Jews, and there may have been means still left for distinguishing them. But, after all these allowances, there is strong internal evidence against these stories, arising from the difference of the manner and the style in which the several books are translated. In some the Hebraisms are said to preserved, in others not; some books (the Pentateuch for instance, the Proverbs, Ezekiel, Amos, Judges, Kings, and many of the Psalms) are well executed, while the translation of Isaiah is bad, and that of Daniel was so decidedly incorrect, that it was rejected by Origen, and its place supplied by the version of Theodotion. Now, is it probable that, if the Septuagint had been, according to the accounts already given, the work of the same men, at the same time, and acting under a miraculous inspiration, such very material difference should exist between the several books? Our own authorized version, though made by different persons, and though some of the books may be more correctly rendered than others, nevertheless preserves a uniformity of style which stamps it as being all the work of the same age. And the fact that this is not the case with respect to the Septuagint, is a presumption against its being the work of the same men living at the same time. And this is a consideration which prepares us to regard the external evidence with some suspicion. When, indeed, we look to the external evidence, we find that the authority which was at first assumed only for the Pentateuch is gradually assumed for all the books of the Old Testament. In Aristeas we read of no miracle: the miracle was evidently gradually introduced and enlarged upon, until subsequent writers believed it to be a fact. And we are always and most justly suspicious of a story which thus

“Mobilitate viget viresque acquirit eundo.”

Each successive writer has added to the marvellous. And we are, therefore, justified in deducting from the account each marvellous addition. And when we have done this, what is the result? We find the simple fact, that, about the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and under the direction of Demetrius Phalereus, a translation into Greek of the Mosaic books was made by persons sent from Judea. We must indeed go a step further, and deduct from the original statement, the assertion that the translation was made “by the direction of Demetrius Phalereus;” for though Demetrius was in great credit at Alexandria till the death of Soter, he was, immediately after that event, “disgraced by Philadelphus, and perished in confinement.” We cannot, therefore, attribute more than the original suggestion to Demetrius. But that, with this necessary deduction, we may fairly admit this, or at least the historical fact that it embodies, appears from the improbability of these stories having no foundation, and from the fact that both Ælian (Var. Hist. iii. 17) and Plutarch (Opp. t. ii. p. 189) inform us that Demetrius was appointed by one of the Ptolemies to preside over the drawing up of a code of laws, and had advised his sovereign to collect all the books he could which treated of political subjects, and in which doctrines were laid down which even their most familiar friends would not dare to mention to kings. It derives strength also from the circumstance, that the Samaritans contended with the Jews for the honour of being the authors of the Septuagint; pretending that Ptolemy, having heard of the disagreement between the two nations, caused a translation to be made of the Samaritan copy of the Septuagint, which he preferred to the copy he received from Jerusalem. Although this story is not corroborated, it is not impossible that a collation of the two copies may have taken place, care having evidently been taken to procure as good a version as possible. It may be proper to mention, that by Clemens Alexandrinus and by Eusebius, a quotation from an Alexandrian Jew and Peripatetic philosopher named Aristobulus has been preserved, in which he affirms that a Greek translation of the Old Testament was in existence anterior to the Septuagint, of which Plato and other Greek philosophers availed themselves. That some small portions of the ancient Scriptures may have been translated is far from impossible; but we cannot attach any weight to the unsupported testimony of a person who lived only 176 years before the Christian æra, and adduced in support of what was at the time a favourite theory with the Jews. His testimony, however, is of some importance, as proving that the Greek version of the Old Testament, which was then in use, was universally referred to the age of Ptolemy Philadelphus.

After taking into consideration all these various circumstances, all that we can satisfactorily say of the Septuagint is, that the Mosaic books were translated into Greek about 285 years before CHRIST, to which the other books were added from time to time, especially when, on occasion of the prohibition by Antiochus Epiphanes to read the law, the prophets used to be read publicly in the synagogues, and on the restoration of the law became “a second lesson.” It is generally admitted that the work was completed in the main parts prior to the middle of the second century, before the birth of our SAVIOUR; that it was used as a sort of authorized version by the Jews of Alexandria, and by the Hellenistic Jews in general; and that as such it is expressly quoted nearly eighty times in the writings of the New Testament, being indirectly referred to much more frequently. And thus, to adopt the very beautiful and pious language of Dr. Lightfoot, “the greatest authority of this translation appeareth in that the holy Greek of the New Testament doth so much follow it. For as GOD useth this translation as a harbinger to the fetching in of the Gentiles, so when it was grown into authority by the time of CHRIST’S coming, it seemed good to his infinite wisdom to add to its authority himself, the better to forward the building of the Church. And admirable it is to see with what sweetness and harmony the New Testament doth follow this translation sometimes beside the Old, to show that he who gave the Old can and may best expound it in the New.”—Works, iv. 32. See Owen on the Septuagint: Hodius de Bib. Textibus Originalibus.

SEPTUM. The enclosure of the holy table, made by the altar rails.

SEPULCHRE. A niche, generally at the north side of the altar, used in the scenic representations of our SAVIOUR’S burial and resurrection, on Good Friday and Easter, before the Reformation, and representing our LORD’S tomb, is called the Holy Sepulchre. It is sometimes quite plain, sometimes gorgeously adorned; the general subjects, where it is much decorated, being the Roman soldiers sleeping, on the base, and angels censing at the top. There is a remarkably fine series of these in the churches of Lincolnshire, and in Lincoln cathedral, perhaps the most beautiful in the kingdom.

SEQUESTRATION. This is a separating the thing in controversy from the possession of both the contending parties.

When a living becomes void by the death of an incumbent or otherwise, the ordinary is to send out his sequestration, to have the cure supplied, and to preserve the profits (after the expenses deducted) for the use of the successor. Sometimes a benefice is left under sequestration for many years together, namely, when it is of so small value that no clergyman, fit to serve the cure, will be at the charge of taking it by institution: in this case, the sequestration is committed sometimes to the curate only, sometimes to the curate and churchwardens jointly.

Sometimes the profits of a living are sequestered for neglect of duty: but that kind of sequestration most generally known and understood, because applicable to civil affairs, is upon the queen’s writ to the bishop to satisfy the debts of the incumbent.

This is where a judgment has been obtained in the law courts against a clergyman; and upon a fieri facias directed to the sheriff to levy the debt and damages, he makes his return that the defendant in a clerk beneficed, having no lay fee. Whereupon a levari facias is directed to the bishop to levy the same of his ecclesiastical goods, and by virtue thereof the property of the benefice shall be sequestered. In this case, the bishop may name the sequestrators himself, or may grant the sequestration to such persons as shall be named by the party who obtained the writ.

There are several other circumstances mentioned in books of ecclesiastical law, under which sequestration may take place; but it may be stated generally that, for any damages to which an incumbent may be made liable by civil action, the property of the benefice may also be made answerable by the process of sequestration. But it seems that the bishop is the party through whom this confiscation for the benefit of the creditor must take place. The sequestration is his act, to which he is bound by the queen’s writ; and it has been held that a bill filed in equity against sequestrators only was insufficient for want of parties. The bishop should be a party, for the sequestrator is accountable to him for what he receives.

SERAPHIM denotes an order of angels who surround the throne of the LORD. Derived from a Hebrew word, which signifies fiery. (See Angels.)

SERMONS are orations or discourses, delivered by the clergy of the Christian Church in their religious assemblies.

In the ancient Church, immediately after the reading of the psalms and lessons out of the Scriptures, before the catechumens were dismissed, followed the sermon, which the bishop, or some other appointed by him, made to the people. This, being done in the presence of the catechumens, was therefore reckoned a part of the Missa Catechumenorum or ante-communion service. Such discourses were commonly termed homilies, from the Greek ὁμιλίαι, which signifies indifferently any discourse of instruction to the people. Among the Latins they were frequently called tractatus, and the preachers tractatores.

Preaching, anciently, was one of the chief offices of a bishop; insomuch that, in the African Churches, a presbyter was never known to preach before a bishop in his cathedral church, till St. Austin’s time. In the Eastern Church, presbyters were indeed allowed to preach before the bishop; but this was not to discharge him of the duty, for still he preached a sermon at the same time after them. In the lesser churches of the city and country, the office of preaching was devolved upon the presbyters; but deacons never were allowed to perform it. There are numberless passages in the writings of the Fathers, which speak of preaching as a duty indispensably incumbent on a bishop. Many canons of councils either suppose or enjoin it. And in the imperial laws there are several edicts of the secular power to the same purpose. Particularly in the Theodosian code, there is one jointly made by the three emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, which bears this title, De munere seu officio episcoporum in prædicando verbo Dei, “of the duty and office of bishops in preaching the word of GOD.”

It has been a question, whether laymen were ever allowed by authority to make sermons to the people. It is certain they did it in a private way, as catechists, in their catechetic schools at Alexandria and other places; but this was a different thing from public preaching in the church. Sometimes the monks, who were only laymen, took upon them to preach; but this was censured and opposed, as an usurpation of an office that did not belong to them. Yet in some cases a special commission was given to a layman to preach; as in the case of Origen, who was licensed by Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, to preach and expound the Scriptures in the church, before he was in orders. As to women, whatever gifts they could pretend to, they were never allowed to preach publicly in the church; agreeably to the apostolical rule, “Let your women keep silence in the churches,” &c. But they might teach those of their own sex, as private catechists, and to prepare them for baptism. And this was the office of the deaconesses. The Montanists were a noted sect for giving the liberty of preaching to women, under pretence of inspiration by the SPIRIT; for they had their prophetesses, their women-bishops, and women-presbyters.

Next to the persons, the manner in which the office of preaching was executed, comes to be considered. And, first, it is observable, that they had sometimes two or three sermons preached in the same assembly, first by the presbyters and then by the bishop. When two or more bishops happened to be present in the same assembly, it was usual for several of them to preach one after another, reserving the last place for the most honourable person. In some places they had sermons every day, especially in Lent, and the festival days of Easter. St. Chrysostom’s homilies were evidently preached in Lent, one day after another; and, in St. Augustine’s homilies, there are frequent references to the sermon made heri and hesterno die. In many places they had sermons twice a day for the better edification of the people. But this is chiefly to be understood of cities and large churches. For in the country parishes there was not such frequent preaching.

The next thing to be observed is, their different sorts of sermons, and different ways of preaching. These are distinguished into four kinds; 1. Expositions of Scripture. 2. Panegyrical discourses upon the saints and martyrs. 3. Sermons upon particular times, occasions, and festivals. 4. Sermons upon particular doctrines, or moral subjects. There are examples of all these kinds in St. Chrysostom’s and St. Augustine’s homilies, the two great standards of preaching in the Greek and Latin Churches. But though most of these were studied and elaborate discourses, penned and composed beforehand, yet some were also extempore, spoken without any previous composition, and taken down in short-hand from the mouth of the preacher. Origen was the first that began the way of extempore preaching in the church. The catechetical discourses of St. Cyril are thought to be of this kind; for at the beginning of every one almost it is said in the title to be σχεδιασθεῖσα, which the critics translate an extempore discourse. Instances of this sort were very frequent among the Fathers of the ancient Church. And, in regard to this, they are wont frequently to mention the assistance of the SPIRIT in composing and preaching their sermons; by which they did not mean any kind of enthusiasm, but only the concurrence of the Spirit of GOD with their honest endeavours, as a blessing on their labours and studies.

Upon this account it was usual for the preacher to usher in his discourse with a short prayer for such Divine assistance. In this sense we are to understand St. Chrysostom, when he says, we must first pray, and then preach. Sometimes, before they began to preach, they used the common salutation, Pax vobis, Peace be with you; to which the people answered, And with thy spirit. And sometimes they prefaced the sermon with a short form of benediction, especially in times of calamity and distress, or of happy deliverances out of them. Sometimes they preached without any text, and sometimes upon more texts than one. Nor did they entertain their auditory with light and ludicrous matters, or fabulous and romantic stories, such as those with which preaching so much abounded in the age before the Reformation. Their subjects, as Gregory Nazianzen describes the choice of them, were commonly such as these: of the world’s creation, and the soul of man; of angels; of providence; of the formation of man, and his restoration; of CHRIST’S first and second coming, his passion, &c.; of the resurrection and judgment, &c.

And as they were careful in the choice of their subject, so were they in the manner of dressing it up, and delivering it, that they might answer the true ends of preaching. St. Augustine has laid down excellent rules for the practice of Christian eloquence; and if we will take his character of the ancient preachers, it was in short this: and their discourses were always upon weighty and heavenly matters, and their style answerable to the subject, being plain, elegant, majestic, and nervous; fitly adapted to instruct and delight, to convince and charm their hearers. It was no part of the ancient oratory to raise the affections of the auditory, either by gesticulations, or the use of external shows and representations of things in their sermons, as is now very common in the Romish Church. As to the length of their sermons, scarce any of them would last an hour, and many not half the time. And among those of St. Augustine there are many which a man may pronounce distinctly, and deliver decently, in eight minutes. They always concluded their sermons with a doxology to the HOLY TRINITY. And it is further observable, that the preacher usually delivered his sermon sitting, and the people heard it standing; though there was no certain rule about this, but the custom varied in different Churches.

It was a peculiar custom in the African Church, when the preacher chanced to cite some remarkable text in the middle of his sermon, for the people to join with him in repeating the close of it. St. Augustine takes notice of this in one of his sermons, where having begun those words of St. Paul, The end of the commandment is ——, the people all cried out, charity out of a pure heart. But it was a much more general custom for the people to testify their esteem for the preacher, and approbation of his sermon, by public applauses and acclamations in the church. Thus we are told the people applauded St. Chrysostom’s sermons, some by tossing their garments and waving their handkerchiefs. Many auditors practised the art of notaries, and took down the sermons word for word as they were delivered. Hence we possess copies of sermons delivered extempore.—Bingham.

The sermon in the Church of England is enjoined after the Nicene Creed, according to ancient custom: but nowhere else; although it is mentioned as discretionary in the marriage service, for which an exhortation, there given, may be substituted. But evening sermons have been customary time out of mind in some churches, as at St. Paul’s, e. g. and some other great churches. The sermon in Queen Elizabeth’s time was preached at the chapel royal in the afternoon, in order that it might not interfere with St. Paul’s Cross sermon.—Strype, Annals, Pref. Book i. ch. xxiii., Anno 1561.

SERVICE. “The common prayers of the Church, commonly called Divine service.”—Preface to the Book of Common Prayer. All Divine offices celebrated in the church constitute part of the Divine service: that is, the outward worship which all God’s servants render him. The term however is now used in a technical sense peculiar to the English Church, to signify those stated parts of the Liturgy which are set to music, as distinguished from those anthems, the words of which are not a matter of settled regulation. The term is now generally restricted to the Te Deum, and other canticles in Morning and Evening Prayer; and all the parts of the Communion Service appointed to be sung, including also the responses to the Commandments. The early Church musicians, however, set the whole service to music; (and hence the term;) that is, the pieces, (or versicles before the Psalms,) the Venite, one or more chants for the Psalms, the Te Deum and canticles, the versicles and responses after the Creed, the Amens, the Litany, and the Communion Office. The most perfect service, in the enlarged and proper sense, which exists in the Church of England, is Tallis’s, published in Dr. Boyer’s Cathedral Music, and since republished and corrected by a second Edition. Services are as old as the Reformation, and have ever constituted an integral part of the choral system as observed in cathedral churches and colleges.—Jebb.

SEVEN SACRAMENTS. (See Sacrament.) The Papists extend and enforce the word sacrament to five ordinances which are not sacraments in the strict sense. Against these our 25th Article is directed, which is as follows:

“Sacraments ordained by CHRIST be not only badges or tokens of Christian men’s professions, but rather they be certain sure witnesses and effectual signs of grace and GOD’S good will towards us, by the which he doth work invisibly in us, and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and confirm, our faith in him.

“There are two sacraments ordained of CHRIST our LORD in the gospel; that is to say, baptism and the supper of the LORD.

“Those five, commonly called sacraments, that is to say, confirmation, penance, orders, matrimony, and extreme unction, are not to be counted for sacraments of the gospel, being such as have grown, partly of the corrupt following of the apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures; but yet have not the like nature of sacraments with baptism and the LORD’S supper, for that they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of GOD.

“The sacraments were not ordained of CHRIST to be gazed upon, or to be carried about, but that we should duly use them. And in such only as worthily receive the same they have a wholesome effect or operation: but they that receive them unworthily purchase to themselves damnation, as the apostle St. Paul saith.”

Peter Lombard saying, that baptism, confirmation, the blessing of bread, penance, extreme unction, orders, and matrimony, are sacraments of the New Testament, the Papists have thence gathered, and ever since held, that there are seven sacraments instituted by CHRIST, truly and properly so called; insomuch that, in the Council of Trent, they determined that whosoever said there are more or less, should be accursed. Now our Church, not much fearing their curse, hath here declared, that only two of them, to wit, baptism and the eucharist, are properly sacraments of the New Testament, and that the other five are not to be accounted so; not but that, as the word sacrament was anciently used for any sacred sign or ceremony, it may, in some sense, be applied to these also; but, as it is here expressed, those five have not the like nature of sacraments with baptism and the LORD’S supper. They may call them sacraments if they please; but they are not such sacraments as baptism and the LORD’S supper are, and therefore not sacraments properly so called. For that these two are sacraments properly so called, is acknowledged on both sides; and therefore, whatsoever is a sacrament properly so called, must have the like nature with them, so as to agree with them in all those things wherein their sacramental nature consisteth, that is, in such things wherein they two most nearly agree with one another: for that wherein the species do most nearly agree with one another, must needs be their general nature. Now, there are several things wherein these two do so agree; for they are both instituted by CHRIST. They have both external signs and symbols determined in the gospel, which represent inward and spiritual grace unto us; yea, and they have both promises annexed to them: whereas the other five agree with these in none of these things, or, howsoever, none of them agree in all of them, and, by consequence, cannot be sacraments properly so called.

I. First, They do not agree with them in their institution from CHRIST. That baptism and the LORD’S supper were instituted by CHRIST, they cannot deny; but that the other were, we do.

1. As, first, for confirmation, which we confess was a custom anciently used in the Church of CHRIST, and still ought to be retained, even for children after baptism to be offered to the bishop, that they might receive the HOLY GHOST by prayers, and the laying on of hands. But some of the Papists themselves acknowledge, that this was never instituted and ordained by CHRIST as the other sacraments were; neither did the Fathers use this as any distinct sacrament of itself, but as the perfection and consummation of the sacrament of baptism; and the chrism or ointment which they used was only a ceremony annexed to baptism also, as the cross and other ceremonies were.

2. And as for penance, which they define to be a sacrament of the remission of sins which are committed after baptism, I would willingly know where or when CHRIST ever instituted such a sacrament? What though he commanded all men to repent, is every command of CHRIST the institution of a sacrament? Or is it outward penance that is here commanded? Or, rather, is it not inward and true repentance? And what though CHRIST said, “Those sins that you forgive, they are forgiven;” what matter what form, what signs of sacrament, were appointed and instituted in these words?

3. And so for orders, or the ordination of ministers, we know it is a thing instituted of CHRIST: must it needs be, therefore, a sacrament, or instituted as a sacrament? Because CHRIST ordained that bishops, priests, and deacons should be ordained, doth it therefore follow that he intended and instituted their ordination as a sacrament?

4. And as for matrimony, we know their corrupt translation has it, “And this is a great sacrament,” (Eph. v. 32,) instead of “this is a great mystery,” or secret, as the Syriac and Arabic read it; and shall their false translation of the Scripture be a sufficient ground for CHRIST’S institution of a sacrament?

5. And, lastly, for extreme unction, which Bellarmine tells us “is truly and properly a sacrament, wherein the organs of the senses, the eyes, nostrils, lips, hands, feet, and reins, in those that are about to die, are anointed with exorcised oil.” What institution have we for this sacrament in the gospel? Yes, say they, the apostles anointed with oil many that were sick, and healed them. (Mark vi. 13.) It is very good; the apostles’ practice and example were the institution of a sacrament. By this rule, whatsoever the apostles did must be a sacrament; and so plucking off the ears of corn must be a sacrament too at length. But certainly, if example must be the ground of institution, anointing the eyes of the blind with clay and spittle must be much more a sacrament than the anointing of the sick with oil; for it was the apostles only that did this, but it was our SAVIOUR himself that did that. (John ix. 6.) But the apostle saith, “Is any one sick amongst you? let him call for the elders of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil, in the name of the LORD.” (James v. 14.) It is true: but what analogy is there betwixt this anointing of the apostles and the extreme unction of the Papists? This was to be applied to any that were sick, “Is any one sick amongst you?” but theirs only to such as are past all hopes of recovery: the apostles’ was to be done by several elders; the Papists’ only by one priest: the apostles’ was to be performed with simple oil; the Papists’ with consecrated and exorcised oil. So that the Papists’ extreme unction cannot possibly lay claim to any institution from that place, as Cajetan himself acknowledged.

II. And as for external signs and symbols, analogically representing inward spiritual grace, which constitute the very form of the sacraments of baptism and the LORD’S supper, it is in vain to look for the like in the other sacraments, falsely so called, as is observed in the Article itself. For example: what is the sign in penance? Or, if there be a sign, what is the grace that is analogically represented by it? I know they cannot agree amongst themselves, what is the form or sign in this sacrament? Some say the words of absolution, others absolution itself, others imposition of hands; but whichsoever of these we take, they cannot be such signs or symbols as are in baptism and the LORD’S supper. For there is water, and bread, and wine, all substances; whereas these are all actions, and so accidents. The like may be said also of confirmation and orders, which have no such visible sign, howsoever not appointed by CHRIST. And so for matrimony too, there is no visible sign of any invisible grace can possibly be fastened upon it. To say that the priest’s words, or the parties’ mutual consent, is the form or sign, is a mere evasion: for the parties’ consent is an invisible thing, and therefore cannot be a visible sign: the words of the priest are mere words, which may be heard indeed, but cannot be seen, and so cannot be any visible sign. Neither are words significative elements, as bread and wine are, and therefore cannot be the signs of such sacraments as they be. And for extreme unction, there is, I confess, an external sign in it, even unction; but what analogy hath this external sign to any internal grace? Two things, they say, are represented by it, bodily health and forgiveness of sins; but is bodily health an inward grace? Or, suppose it was, what similitude is there betwixt that and oil, or unction? Forgiveness of sins, I know, is a spiritual grace; but none of them durst ever yet undertake to show the analogy betwixt the outward sign and this invisible grace. And seeing there is no analogy betwixt the oil and remission of sins, that cannot be looked upon as any sacramental sign or symbol, as water and wine are in the other sacraments, exactly representing the inward spiritual grace that is signified by them. To all which we might add also, that it is the nature of a sacrament to have promises annexed to them—promises of spiritual things. And what promises do we find in Scripture made to matrimony, to confirmation, to orders, and the rest.

But whatsoever other things the Papists would obtrude upon us as sacraments, it is certain that we find our SAVIOUR solemnly instituting two, and but two, sacraments in the New Testament; to wit, these here mentioned, baptism and the LORD’S supper. And, therefore, when the apostle compares the law with the gospel, he instances these two sacraments only, and none else: “And were all baptized into Moses in the cloud, and in the sea; and did all eat the same spiritual meat.” (1 Cor. x. 2, 3.) And he again joins these two together, saying, “For by one SPIRIT are we all baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or Gentiles, whether we be bond or free; and have been all made to drink into one spirit.” (xii. 13.) And thus do the Fathers observe how, when one of the soldiers pierced our SAVIOUR’S side, and there came out blood and water, (John xix. 34,) the two sacraments of the New Testament were thereby intimated to us.—Beveridge.

SEXAGESIMA. (See Septuagesima.)

SEXTON; from Sacristan. The sexton was originally regarded as the keeper of the holy things devoted to Divine worship: he is appointed by the minister or parishioners according to custom; and his salary is according to the custom of each parish, or is settled by the parish vestry. In the case of Olive v. Ingram it was held, that a woman is as capable of being elected to this office as a man, and that women may have a voice in the election. The duty of a sexton is to keep the church and pews cleanly swept and sufficiently aired; to make graves, and open vaults for the burial of the dead; to provide (under the churchwarden’s direction) candles, &c. for lighting the church; bread and wine, and other necessaries, for the communion, and also water for baptisms; to attend the church during Divine service, in order to open the pew doors for the parishioners, keep out dogs, and prevent disturbances, &c. It has been held that if a sexton be removed without sufficient cause, a mandamus will lie for his restitution. But where it appeared that the office was held only during pleasure, and not for life, the court refused to interfere. The salary, however, generally depends on the annual vote of the parishioners.

SHAFT. The central portion of a pillar, resting on the base, and supporting the capital. (See Pillar.)

SHAKERS. A party of enthusiasts left England for America in 1774, and settled in the province of New York, where the society soon increased, and received the ludicrous denomination of Shakers, from the practice of shaking and dancing. They affected to consider themselves as forming the only true Church, and their preachers as possessed of the apostolic gift: the wicked, they thought, would only be punished for a time, except those who should be so incorrigibly depraved as to fall from their Church. They disowned baptism and the eucharist, not as in themselves wrong, but as unnecessary in the new dispensation, which they declared was opening upon mankind; and this was the Millennium, in which, however, they expected that CHRIST would appear personally only to his saints. Their leader was Anna Leese, whom they believed to be the woman mentioned in the Apocalypse, as clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars. The successors of this elect body have been, they say, as perfect as she was, and have possessed, like her, unreserved intercourse with angels and departed spirits, and the power of imparting spiritual gifts.

SHECHINAH. (Hebr.) By this word the Hebrews meant the visible manifestation of the Divine presence in the temple of Jerusalem. It was a bright cloud, resting over the propitiatory or mercy-seat; from whence GOD gave forth his oracles with an articulate voice, when he was consulted by the high priest in favour of the people. Hence GOD is often said in Scripture to sit upon the cherubims, or between the cherubims, because the cherubims shadowed with their wings the mercy-seat, over which the Shechinah resided.

The Rabbins tell us, that the Shechinah first resided in the tabernacle prepared by Moses in the wilderness, and that it descended therein on the day of its consecration. From thence it passed into the sanctuary of Solomon’s temple, on the day of its dedication by that prince; where it continued to the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple by the Chaldeans, and was never after seen.

The Mohammedans pretend the Shechinah was in the shape of a leopard; and that, in time of war, when the ark of the covenant, over which it resided, was carried into the field of battle, it raised itself up, and sent forth such a dreadful cry, as threw the enemy into the utmost confusion. Others of them imagine it to have had the figure of a man, and say, that, when it was carried into the army, it stood up upon its feet, and came forth like a vehement wind, which, rushing upon the enemy, put them to flight.

SHEWBREAD. The name given to those loaves of bread which the Hebrew priests placed, every sabbath day, upon the golden table in the sanctuary. The Hebrew literally signifies bread of faces, these loaves being square, and having, as it were, four faces, or four sides. They are called shewbread by the Greek and Latin interpreters, because they were exposed to public view before the ark. The table on which they were placed was called the table of shewbread.

The shewbread consisted of twelve loaves, according to the number of the tribes. These were served up hot on the sabbath day, and at the same time the stale ones, which had been exposed during the whole week, were taken away. It was not lawful for any one to eat of these loaves, but the priests only. David, indeed, compelled by urgent necessity, broke through this restriction. This offering was accompanied with salt and frankincense, which was burnt upon the table at the time when they set on fresh loaves.

Authors are not agreed as to the manner in which the loaves of shewbread were ranged upon the table. Some think there were three piles of them, of four in each; others say, there were but two piles, of six loaves in each. The Rabbins tell us that, between every two loaves, there were two golden pipes, supported by forks of the same metal, whose ends rested upon the ground, to convey air to the loaves, to hinder them from growing mouldy.

SHRINE. The places where something sacred, or a relic, is deposited.

SHRIVE. To administer confession.

SHROVE TUESDAY. The day before Ash Wednesday, so called in the Church of England from the old Saxon word shrive, shrif, or shrove, which, in that language, signifies to confess; it being our duty to confess our sins to GOD on that day, in order to receive the blessed sacrament of the eucharist, and thereby qualify ourselves for a more religious observance of the holy time of Lent immediately ensuing.

SICK, COMMUNION OF. (See Communion of the Sick.)

SICK, VISITATION OF. By Canon 76, “When any person is dangerously sick in any parish, the minister or curate, having knowledge thereof, shall resort unto him or her, (if the disease be not known, or probably suspected, to be infectious,) to instruct and comfort them in their distress, according to the order of the communion book if he be no preacher, or if he be a preacher, then as he shall think most needful and convenient.” And by the rubric, before the office for the Visitation of the Sick, “When any person is sick, notice shall be given thereof to the minister of the parish, who shall go to the sick person’s house, and use the office there appointed. And the minister shall examine the sick person whether he repent him truly of his sins, and be in charity with all the world; exhorting him to forgive, from the bottom of his heart, all persons that have offended him; and if he hath offended any other, to ask them forgiveness; and where he hath done injury or wrong to any man, that he may make amends to the utmost of his power. And if he hath not before disposed of his goods, let him then be admonished to make his will, and to declare his debts what he oweth, and what is owing to him, for the better discharge of his conscience, and the quietness of his executors. But men should often be put in remembrance to take order for the settling of their temporal estates, while they are in health. And the minister should not omit earnestly to move such sick persons, as are of ability, to be liberal to the poor.” (See Absolution, Communion of Sick, Visitation of Sick.)

SIDESMAN. It was usual for bishops in their visitations, to summon some credible persons out of every parish, whom they examined on oath concerning the condition of the church, and other affairs relating to it. Afterwards these persons became standing officers in several places, especially in great cities; and when personal visitations were a little disused, and when it became a custom for the parishioners to repair the body of the church, which began about the fifteenth century, these officers were still more necessary, and then they were called Testes Synodales or Juratores Synodi; some called them synods-men, and now they are corruptly called sidesmen. They are chosen every year, according to the custom of the place, and their business is to assist the churchwardens in inquiring into things relating to the church, and making presentment of such matters as are punishable by the ecclesiastical laws. Hence they are also called Questmen; but now the whole office for the most part is devolved upon the churchwardens, though not universally. (See Churchwardens.)

SIGNIFICAVIT. The writ de excommunicato capiendo was called a significavit from the word at the beginning of the writ: Rex vicecomiti L. salutem. SIGNIFICAVIT nobis venerabilis Pater, H. L. Episcopus, &c.

ST. SIMON AND ST. JUDE’S DAY. A holy-day appointed by the Church for the commemoration of these saints, observed in our Church on the 28th October.

The first is St. Simon, surnamed the Canaanite and Zelotes, which two names are, in fact, the same; for the Hebrew term, Canaan, signifies a zealot.

There was a sect of men called Zealots, about the time of CHRIST, in Judea, who, out of a pretended zeal for GOD’S honour, would commit the most grievous outrages: they would choose and ordain high priests out of the basest of the people, and murder men of the highest and most illustrious extraction. And it is highly probable that this Simon, before his conversion and call, was one of this hot-headed sect; or, at least, that there was some fire or fierceness conspicuous in his temper that occasioned his being distinguished by that warm name. He was one of the twelve apostles, and a relation of our blessed LORD; either his half-brother, being one of Joseph’s sons by another wife, or a cousin by his mother’s side.

The other saint this day commemorated, was likewise one of the twelve apostles, and James’s brother, and consequently of the same degree of consanguinity to our blessed SAVIOUR.

He had two surnames, viz. Thaddeus, which seems to be nothing more than a diminutive of the term Judas, as it is derived from the same Hebrew root; and Lebbeus, which is derived from another Hebrew root, signifying little heart.

SIMONY. The corrupt presentation of any one to an ecclesiastical benefice for money, gift, or reward. It is so called from the sin of Simon Magus, who thought to have purchased the power of conferring the gift of the HOLY GHOST for money (Acts viii. 19); though the purchasing holy orders seemed to approach nearer to his offence. It is by the canon law a very grievous offence; and is so much the more odious, because, as Sir Edward Coke observes, it is ever accompanied with perjury; for the presentee is sworn to have committed no simony.

Canon 40, “to avoid the detestable sin of simony,” provides this declaration upon oath, to be taken by every person on being instituted to a benefice; “I do swear that I have made no simoniacal payment, contract, or promise, directly or indirectly, by myself, or by any other to my knowledge or with my consent, to any person or persons whatsoever, for or concerning the procuring or obtaining of this ecclesiastical place, preferment, office, or living, nor will I at any time hereafter perform or satisfy any such kind of payment, contract, or promise, made by any other without my knowledge or consent: so help me GOD through JESUS CHRIST.”

And by statute 31 Eliz. c. 6, for the avoiding of simony and corruption, it is provided that all presentations made for such consideration as is described in the above-quoted canon, shall be utterly void; and any person or body politic or corporate, presenting to a benefice for such consideration, shall forfeit two years’ value or profits of the benefice, and the person procuring himself to be so presented shall be for ever disabled from holding that benefice; and any person who shall take any reward, other than the usual fees for admitting or inducting to a benefice, shall forfeit two years’ profits of such benefice; and the admission or induction shall be void, and the patron may present again as if the person so inducted or admitted were naturally dead.

In the great case of the Bishop of London and Lewis Disney Ffytche, Esq., in the year 1780, the rectory of the parish church of Woodham Walter in Essex being vacant, Mr. Ffytche presented his clerk, the Rev. John Eyre, to the bishop for institution. The bishop being informed that the said John Eyre had given his patron a bond in a large penalty to resign the said rectory at any time upon his request, and the said John Eyre acknowledging that he had given such a bond, the bishop refused to institute him to the living.

Thereupon Mr. Ffytche brought a quare impedit against the bishop in the court of Common Pleas. The cause was decided against the bishop in that court, and, subsequently, in the court of Queen’s Bench; but upon appeal to the House of Lords, after much debate, and the opinions of the judges being called for, the decision of the courts below was, upon the motion of Lord Thurlow, reversed. The lords, however, divided upon the question, and the numbers were nineteen to eighteen for reversing the decision of the inferior law courts, all the bishops present voting in the majority. But that decision of the House of Lords, though much objected to by lawyers at the time, is now held to be settled law. The ground of the decision was, that the bond to the patron to resign was a benefit to the said patron, and therefore the presentation was void. The law upon this matter will be found in the opinions of the judges given to the House of Lords, in 1826, in the case Fletcher v. Lord Sondes. See Bingham’s Reports, iii. 501. The decision in this case led to the passing of the Act 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 25, and was followed by the Act 9 Geo. IV. c. 94, by which bonds of resignation in certain cases are rendered legally valid.

SIN, DEADLY SIN, AND SIN AGAINST THE HOLY GHOST. Our sixteenth Article, headed “Of Sin after Baptism,” runs thus: “Not every deadly sin willingly committed after baptism, is sin against the HOLY GHOST, and unpardonable; wherefore the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin, after baptism. After we have received the HOLY GHOST we may depart from grace given, and fall into sin, and by the grace of GOD (we may) arise again, and amend our lives; and therefore they are to be condemned that say they can no more sin as long as they live here, or deny the place of forgiveness to such as truly repent.”

This Article is levelled against the doctrine of the Novatians of old, who held every sin committed after baptism to be unpardonable. This doctrine being revived by some of the Anabaptists, or other enthusiasts, who sprang up at the beginning of the Reformation, it is not improbable that the compilers of the Articles had an eye likewise upon their heterodoxy. For, as the Papists were wont maliciously to impute the wild doctrines of all the several sorts of enthusiasts to all Protestants, so it was thought here convenient to defend our Church against the imputation of any such opinion.—Dr. Nicholls.

In the preceding Article (of the XXXIX.) notice was taken of a sect of Christians who maintain the peccability of CHRIST; and in this we have to argue against those who contend for the impeccability of man.—Bp. Tomline.

By “deadly sin” in this Article we are not to understand such sins as, in the Church of Rome, are called “mortal,” in opposition to others that are “venial:” as if some sins, though offences against GOD, and violations of his law, could be of their own nature such slight things, that they deserved only temporal punishment, and were to be expiated by some piece of penance or devotion, or the communication of the merits of others. The Scripture nowhere teaches us to think so slightly of the majesty of GOD, or of his law. There is a “curse” upon every one “that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them” (Gal. iii. 10); and the same curse must have been on us all, if CHRIST had not redeemed us from it: “the wages of sin is death.” And St. James asserts, that there is such a complication of all the precepts of the law of GOD, both with one another, and with the authority of the Lawgiver, that “he who offends in one point is guilty of all.” (James ii. 10, 11.) So since GOD has in his word given us such dreadful apprehensions of his wrath, and of the guilt of sin, we dare not soften these to a degree below the majesty of the eternal GOD, and the dignity of his most holy laws. But after all, we are far from the conceit of the Stoics, who made all sins alike. We acknowledge that some sins of ignorance and infirmity may consist with a state of grace; which is either quite destroyed, or at least much eclipsed and clouded, by other sins, that are more heinous in their nature, and more deliberately gone about. It is in this sense that the word “deadly sin” is to be understood in the Article; for though in the strictness of justice every sin is “deadly,” yet in the dispensation of the gospel those sins only are “deadly” that do deeply wound the conscience, and that drive away grace.—Bp. Burnet.

Every sin is in its nature deadly, since “the wages of sin is death” (Rom. vi. 23): and every sin is committed against the HOLY GHOST, as well as against the FATHER and the SON; but still pardonable, if it be not that sin which is emphatically styled “the sin against the HOLY GHOST;” and that is “blasphemy against the HOLY GHOST.” (Matt. xii. 31, 32; Mark iii. 28–30.) Of which sin St. Jerome says, that “they only are guilty, who, though in miracles they see the very work of GOD, yet slander them, and say that they are done by the devil; and ascribe to the operation of that evil spirit, and not to the Divine power, all those mighty signs and wonders which were wrought for the confirmation of the gospel.” In relation to all other sins, we are, as Clement of Rome observes, “to fix our eyes on the blood of CHRIST, which was shed for our salvation, and hath obtained the grace of repentance for the whole world.”—Archdeacon Welchman.

And “the doors,” says Clement of Alexandria, “are open to every one, who in truth, and with his whole heart, returns to GOD; and the FATHER most willingly receives a son who truly repents.” This is the general tenor of Scripture, in which all men are invited to repentance without any discrimination or exception. And we are told, even under the Mosaic dispensation, that “though our sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow; though they be red like crimson, they shall be as wool.” (Isaiah i. 18.) And the exhortations to amendment and reformation, contained in the Epistles, are all addressed to persons who had been already baptized, and who had been guilty of faults or sins subsequent to their baptism.—Bp. Tomline.

The Church of Rome, in order to establish its dangerous doctrine of the merit of good works, which is equally opposed to Scripture and to fact, divides sin into two classes: mortal sin, that sin which is in its nature gross, and is committed knowingly, wilfully, deliberately; and venial sin, under which head are classed all sins of ignorance and negligence, and such as are considered small in their nature.

It is difficult to distinguish, in some instances, between mortal sins and venial sins. But they form two distinct classes of sin, differing not merely in degree, but in genus or kind.

Mortal sins render the transgressors children of wrath and enemies of GOD; but it is in regard to venial sins that the error or heresy is propounded. It is stated that in this mortal life even holy and justified persons fall into daily venial sins, which, nevertheless, do not in any way affect or detract from their holy character, “and which do not exclude the transgressor from the grace of GOD.”

It is here to be observed that we do not deny that a distinction is to be made between sins of greater or less enormity. But the error of the Romanist is this—that he makes the two classes of sin to differ not only in enormity and degree, which we admit to be the case, but also in their nature and kind. No amount of venial sins, according to Bellarmine, would ever make a mortal sin.

We also make a distinction of sins: we call some sins deadly, and others infirmities; we consider the commission of some sins as not inconsistent with a state of grace, whereas by others the HOLY SPIRIT may be grieved, done despite unto, and quenched, so that the sinner shall be spiritually dead: he shall die a second death.

But here is the difference between us and the Romanists: although we speak of some sins as of less, and of others as of greater enormity, we consider every sin to be in its nature mortal; that by many little sins a man may be damned, even as a ship may be sunk by a weight of sand as well as by a weight of lead; and that they are not damnable to us, only from the constant intercession of CHRIST. Whereas negligences and ignorances, and sins of lesser enormity, are by the Romanists not regarded as sins at all, in the proper sense of the word.

Hence we are for ever relying directly upon CHRIST for pardon and for mercy, while they rely upon their own merits. They appeal to the justice of GOD; we, knowing that by his justice we must be condemned, confide in his mercy. They say that venial sin is not in itself mortal; we regard all sin as mortal in itself, but rejoice to know that “if any man sin” (any man in a state of justification, and, on that account, not sinning habitually and wilfully) “we have an advocate with the FATHER, JESUS CHRIST the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins.”

The doctrine of the Church of England leads men to CHRIST, and nails them prostrate to the foot of the cross; whereas the Romish doctrine, though taking men to CHRIST in the first instance, soon removes them from the only rock of salvation, and induces them to rely upon an arm of flesh. Our doctrine lays low in the dust all human pride, it annihilates every notion of human merit, and exalts the SAVIOUR as our all in all; the Romish doctrine, establishing the idea of human merit and supererogatory works, drives some to despair, and inflames others with spiritual pride, while it terminates in practical idolatry. Our doctrine is primitive, catholic, and scriptural, as well as Protestant, ever reminding us that “there is one GOD, and one Mediator between GOD and men, the man CHRIST JESUS;” while their doctrine is mediæval, scholastic, heretical, and opposed to the truth as it is in JESUS.

SI QUIS. (See Orders, Ordination.) In the Church of England, before a person is admitted to holy orders, a notice called the “Si quis” (from the Latin of the words if any person, occurring in the form) is published in the church of the parish where the candidate usually resides, in the following form: “Notice is hereby given, that A. B., now resident in this parish, intends to offer himself a candidate for the holy office of a deacon [or priest] at the ensuing ordination of the Lord Bishop of ——; and if any person knows any just cause or impediment, for which he ought not to be admitted into holy orders, he is now to declare the same, or to signify the same forthwith to the bishop.”

This is a proper occasion, of which the conscientious layman would take advantage, of testifying, if he knows anything which unfits the candidate for the sacred office to which he aspires: if no objection be made, a certificate is forwarded to the bishop, of the publication of the Si quis, with no impediment alleged, by the officiating minister and the churchwardens.

In the case of a bishop, the Si quis is affixed by an officer of the Arches on the door of Bow Church, and he then also makes three proclamations for opposers to appear, &c.

SITTING. This posture is allowed in our Church at the reading of the lessons in the Morning and Evening Prayer, and also of the first lesson or Epistle in the Communion Service, but at no other time except during the sermon. Even thus we have somewhat relaxed the rule of the primitive Church, in which the people stood, even to hear sermons. Some ultra-Protestant sects have irreverently used sitting as the posture of receiving the LORD’S supper, which ought to be accounted the act of deepest devotion. Some Arians in Poland have done this even for a worse reason: i. e. to show that they do not believe CHRIST to be GOD, but only their fellow-creature.

SOCIETIES. The Church itself is the proper channel for the circulation of the Bible and Prayer Book, for the establishment of missions, and the erection of sanctuaries; the Church acting under her bishops, and by her representatives in synod. But, under the existing circumstances of the Church of England, not only convocations, but diocesan synods have been for many years suspended: had not this been the case, all our plans for the circulation of the Scriptures, the institution of missions, and so forth, would have been conducted by committees of the convocation, in the name and by the avowed authority of the Church. At present we are obliged to promote these great objects by means of voluntary associations. A society, to be a Church society, must be confined exclusively to members of the Church. If Dissenters are admitted to its government, it is as much a Dissenting society as a Church society, i. e. it ceases to be a Church society, strictly speaking, since by a Church society we mean a society distinguished from a Dissenting society. (See the article on Schism.)

But, admitting that we are to unite for religious purposes with Churchmen only, are laymen by themselves, or laymen assisted by deacons or presbyters, competent to organize a religious society? And on the authority of the text, “Obey them that rule over you,” we give our answer in the negative. There is in every Church, and every diocese of a Church, a higher authority, to which presbyters, deacons, and laymen are to defer: the archbishop of the province and all his suffragans, in matters relating to the Church of the province generally; the diocesan, in matters relating to a particular diocese. So the first Christians always understood the passage to which we have referred. “Let no one,” says Ignatius, the contemporary of the apostles and the disciple of St. John, “do any of the things pertaining to the Church separately from the bishop.” “Let presbyters and deacons,” say the Apostolic Canons, “attempt nothing without the bishop’s allowance, for it is he to whom the LORD’S people are committed.”—Canon 39. Quotations might be multiplied to the same effect.

We may here, then, discover another principle. In forming our institutions we ought to have the episcopal sanction for what we do. Indeed it seems ridiculous to call ourselves Episcopalians, and then to act contrary to this law: though by the way, in the very first ages of the Church, some there were who did so. “Some,” says St. Ignatius, the disciple of St. John, to whom we have before alluded, “call him bishop, and yet do all things without him; but these seem not to me to have a good conscience, but rather to be hypocrites and scorners.” We ought not to be surprised, therefore, at this inconsistency in our own age, when even the apostolical times were not exempt from it. But here observe, it is not the sanction of a bishop, or the sanction of two or three bishops, that suffices, but the sanction of the bishop, the diocesan. A bishop may intrude into another man’s diocese, and thus violate the canons of the Church, and be himself liable to canonical censures: his example is rather to be avoided than followed. Yet it is necessary to mention this, because some persons think that all must be right if they obtain for a favourite society the names of one or two bishops, while they set aside the authority of the diocesan, against whom, perhaps, they are acting. This is in fact, when we come to examine the case, rather a specious evasion than an observance of the system of the Church, which would lead us to place every institution under the government of the diocesan.

But bishops are only, like ourselves, fallible men; and therefore we are not to suppose that the converse of this proposition must be true, that because no society, except such as has the diocesan at its head, can be worthy of a churchman’s support, therefore every society which has a diocesan’s sanction must have a claim upon each inhabitant of that diocese. The Church defers to her bishops as the executive power, but she does not regard them as irresponsible, or infallible, or despotic. She does not intend that they should transgress Scripture, and lord it over GOD’S heritage. To them, as well as us, the principles of the Church are to be a guide; and they, like ourselves, may err occasionally in the application of these principles. And in deciding whether a society is conducted on Church principles, it is not to the diocesan, but to the society itself, that we are to refer. And the question is, not merely whether the diocesan belongs to it, but also whether the society places the diocesan in his right position? We are to vindicate the rights of the diocesan, even though the diocesan do himself neglect them, for these rights pertain, not to him personally, but to the Church. We are therefore to ascertain, whether he is recognised by the society as the diocesan, as the spiritual ruler presiding of right over the society; so recognised as that, if he refused to sanction its proceedings, it would retire from the field; whether it receives him out of deference to his spiritual character, or only out of respect for his temporal rank; where, as in this country, temporal rank, a circumstance of minor consideration, not indeed worthy of notice, is conceded to him? If the society does not do this, it is not one whit improved, so far as its constitution is concerned, though a diocesan may peradventure be one of its members. Here then we come to another principle, and we may sum up what has been said, by asserting that a religious society, conducted on strictly Church principles, should consist of churchmen only, and should be under the superintendence, if instituted for general purposes, of the archbishops, and all the bishops of both provinces of the Church of England; if for diocesan purposes, of the diocesan; if for parochial purposes, of the parochial clergy, who act as the bishop’s delegates.

SOCINIANS. (See Unitarians.) A sect of heretics, so called from their founder, Faustus Socinus, a native of Sienna in Italy, born in 1539. Their tenets are,

I. That the eternal FATHER was the one only GOD; that the WORD was no more than an expression of the GODHEAD, and had not existed from all eternity; and that JESUS CHRIST was GOD, no otherwise than by his superiority above all creatures, who were put in subjection to him by the FATHER.

II. That JESUS CHRIST was not a mediator between GOD and men, but sent into the world to serve as a pattern of their conduct; and that he ascended up to heaven only, as it were, to take a journey thither.

III. That the punishment of hell will last but for a certain time, after which both body and soul will be destroyed. And,

IV. That it is not lawful for princes to make war.

These four tenets were what Socinus defended with the greatest zeal: in other matters, he was a Lutheran, or a Calvinist. The truth is, he did but refine upon the errors of all the Anti-Trinitarians who had gone before him.

The Socinians spread extremely in Poland, Lithuania, and Transylvania. Their chief school was at Racow, and there all their first books were published. Their sentiments are explained at large in their catechism, printed several times, under the title of Catechesis Ecclesiarum Polonicarum unum Deum patrem, illiusque filium unigenitum, uno cum Sancto Spiritu, ex sacra scriptura confitentium. They were exterminated out of Poland in 1655; since which time they have been chiefly sheltered in Holland; where, though their public meetings have been prohibited, they find means to conceal themselves under the names of Arminians and Anabaptists.

SOFFIT. The under-surface of an arch. In the nomenclature of mouldings, the soffit-plane is the plane at right angles with the face of the wall, which is the direction of the soffit in its simplest form. Courses of mouldings occupying the soffit-plane and the wall-plane, to the exclusion of the chamfer-plane, indicate Norman or Early English work.

SOLFIDIANS. Those who rest on faith alone for salvation, without any connexion with works; or who judge themselves to be CHRIST’S because they believe they are.

SOMPNOUR. (Chaucer.) An officer employed to summon delinquents to appear in ecclesiastical courts; now called an apparitor.

SON OF GOD. (See JESUS, LORD.) “The SON, which is the WORD of the FATHER, begotten from everlasting of the FATHER, the very and eternal GOD, and of one substance with the FATHER, took man’s nature in the womb of the Blessed Virgin, of her substance; so that two whole and perfect natures, that is to say, the GODHEAD and Manhood, were joined together in one person, never to be divided, whereof is one CHRIST, very GOD and very Man; who truly suffered, was crucified, dead, and buried, to reconcile his FATHER to us, and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for actual sins of men.”—Article II. He is the true, proper, and only Son of GOD; begotten “from the beginning;” “before the foundation of the world” (1 Pet. i. 20; 1 John i. 1); as he “came down from heaven,” (John vi. 38,) where he had “glory with the FATHER,” “before the world was” (John xvii. 5); as he is himself called GOD, “one” with the “FATHER,” (John x. 30,) being of the same Divine essence communicated to him, (Matt. xi. 27; John v. 26; xiii. 3; xvi. 15; Rom. xiv. 9,) and exercising a power above that of all created beings. (Eph. i. 21; Heb. i. 2, 13; 1 Pet. iii. 22.) By him the world and “all things were made,” (John i. 3, 10; Col. i. 16; Heb. i. 2, 10,) “by whom are all things,” (1 Cor. viii. 6,) for “He is before all things, and by him all things consist.” (Col. i. 17.) “All things are put in subjection under his feet,” and “nothing is left that is not put under him.” (Heb. ii. 8; Ps. viii. 6; 1 Cor. xv. 27; Eph. i. 22.) Of the manner and nature of this generation we are ignorant, and must not endeavour to be wise above what is written. We find our LORD declared by prophecy to be a “son begotten,” (Ps. ii. 7,) and acknowledged, by inspiration, as “the only begotten SON.” (John iii. 16; i. 14; 1 John iv. 9.) That he is “the image of the invisible GOD, the first-born of (or before) every creature, for by him were all things created” (Col. i. 15, 16); and who thus “being in the form of GOD,” “the brightness of his glory, and the express image of his person,” (Heb. i. 3,) was without “robbery equal to GOD.” (Phil. ii. 6.) That he “is in the bosom of the FATHER,” (John i. 18,) and is “one” with him. (John x. 30.) Many similes were imagined by the ancients to elucidate this: as the sun producing light—a fountain its streams, &c.; but too much caution cannot be used on this subject, lest things are conceived or uttered by us derogatory to the ineffable nature and peculiar attributes of the Divine majesty.

He was foretold in Scripture as “the SON of GOD,” (Luke i. 35,) and acknowledged on earth—by men inspired (Matt. xvi. 16; John i. 34; xx. 31; Acts ix. 20);—by devils (Matt. viii. 29; Mark iii. 11; Luke iv. 41);—and by the world (Matt. xiv. 33; John i. 49; xi. 27,) as he shall be in heaven (Rev. ii. 18). Therefore he addresses GOD as his “FATHER,” (Mark xiv. 36, &c.,) and claims to himself the title from men, (John v. 18, 22–25; ix. 35 with 37,) though for this he was accused, by the Jews, of blasphemy (John x. 36; xix. 7). He is the only SON, also, by reason of his resurrection from the dead, there being none but him begotten by such generation.

SONG. As applied to sacred subjects, it is one of the classes of vocal praise mentioned in Scripture: according to the enumeration of the apostle, (Eph. v. 19,) ψαλμοῖς, καὶ ὕμνοις, καὶ ψοαῖς πνευματικαῖς. (Psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs, or odes.) Wolfius, in his note on Eph. v. 14, quotes an opinion of Heumannus, in his Pœcile, (ii. lib. iii. frag. 390,) that this verse of the apostle’s, “Awake, thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and CHRIST shall give thee life,” is a fragment of an ancient Christian hymn or spiritual song: and remarks that there is a natural rhythm in the original:

ἔγειραι ὁ καθεύσων, καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν, καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ χριστός.

However this may be, it is to be hoped that the recent discoveries of early Christian hymns in the Syriac language may throw light on this subject; and here Dr. Burgess’s late translation of the hymns of Ephrem Syrus may be consulted with advantage. The Evening Hymn of the first or second century, preserved by St. Basil, and given in Routh’s Reliquiæ Sacræ, is an interesting illustration of the ancient Christian songs.

The word song in the Old Testament is in the Hebrew Shir. Many of the Psalms are so denominated: sometimes simply Shir, at other times Mizmor Shir (Psalm-Song), or Shir Mizmor (Song-Psalm). It is not, perhaps, possible to distinguish them in style or subject from other Psalms. The word appears by comparison of different passages of Scripture to mean anything sung to instrumental music, as these instruments are called in Scripture instruments of Shir, i. e. accompanying vocal music. See 2 Chron. v. 13.

SONGS OF DEGREES. (See Degrees, and Psalms.)

SORTES. A method of divination borrowed by some superstitious Christians from the heathen, and condemned by several councils. The heathen, opening Virgil at hazard, took the first words they found as indicating future events, and this process they called Sortes Virgilianæ. The superstitious imitators of this custom used the Bible in the same way, and called their divinations Sortes sacræ.

SOUTHCOTTIANS. The deluded followers of one Johanna Southcot, a servant girl at Exeter, who, towards the close of the last century, gave herself out as the woman in the wilderness, mentioned in the Apocalypse, and declared that she held converse with spirits, good and bad, and with the HOLY GHOST himself. She gave sealed papers, which were called her “seals,” to her followers, which were to protect them from all evil of this life and the next. In 1814, having fallen from indulgence and want of exercise into a habit of body which gave her the appearance of pregnancy, she announced herself the mother of the approaching Shiloh. She died, however, and her body was opened, revealing the real cause of her appearance; but her death and burial did not undeceive her followers, though no resurrection of their leader has yet taken place.

SPANDRIL. The triangular portion of wall between two arches, or an arch and the adjoining wall; or between the side of an arch and the square panel in which it is set. The latter is a remarkable feature in perpendicular doorways, being often richly ornamented with figures, foliage, or heraldic shields.

SPIRE. The high pyramidal capping or roof of a tower. The earliest spires still existing in England are Early English; and in this style, as well as in the next, or Geometric, it is generally of the form called a broach. In the Decorated, the broach and the parapetted spire occur indifferently; in the Perpendicular, the latter almost exclusively, though there is a large portion of Leicestershire and Northamptonshire in which Perpendicular broaches are not uncommon. Many of our loftiest spires were formerly of timber, covered with lead: such was the spire of St. Paul’s cathedral, the highest in the kingdom; such is still the remarkable twisted spire of Chesterfield. Several smaller spires of this kind remain in the southern counties, but the perishableness of the material has led to the destruction of by far the greater number of them.

SPLAY. The slanting expansion inwards of windows, for the wider diffusion of light. This is usually very great in Norman windows, where the external aperture is small.

SPONSORS. In the administration of baptism, these have from time immemorial held a distinguished and important place. Various titles have been given them significative of the position they hold, and the duties to which they are pledged. Thus they are called sponsors, because in infant baptism they respond or answer for the baptized. They are sureties, in virtue of the security given through them to the Church, that the baptized shall be “virtuously brought up to lead a godly and a Christian life.” And from the spiritual affinity here created, by which a responsibility almost parental is undertaken by the sureties, in the future training of the baptized, the terms godfather and godmother have taken their rise.

(For the rubrics and canons on this subject see Godfather.)

In the ancient Church they reckoned three sorts of sponsors: 1. For children, who could not renounce, or profess, or answer for themselves. 2. For such adult persons, as by reason of sickness or infirmity were in the same condition as children, incapable of answering for themselves. 3. For all adult persons in general.

The sponsors for children were obliged to answer to all the interrogatories usually made in baptism, and then to be the guardians of their Christian education. In most cases, parents were sponsors for their own children; and the extraordinary cases in which they were presented by others were such, where the parent could not or would not perform that kind office for them; as when slaves were presented for baptism by their masters; or children, whose parents were dead, were brought by any charitable persons, who would take pity on them; or children exposed by their parents, who were sometimes taken up by the holy virgins of the Church, and by them presented unto baptism. In these cases, where strangers became sureties for children, they were not obliged, by virtue of their suretyship, to maintain them; but the Church was charged with this care, and they were supported out of the common stock. All that was required of such sponsors was, first, to answer to the several interrogatories in baptism; and, secondly, to take care, by good admonitions and instructions, that they performed their part of the covenant they engaged in.

The second sort of sponsors were to answer for such adult persons as were incapable of answering for themselves. These were such as were suddenly struck speechless, or seized with a frenzy through the violence of some distemper, and the like. And they might be baptized, if their friends could testify that they had beforehand desired baptism. In which case the same friends became sponsors for them, making the very same answers for them that they did for children.

The third sort of sponsors were for such adult persons as were able to answer for themselves; for these also had their sureties, and no persons anciently were baptized without them. It was no part of the office of these sponsors to answer to the interrogatories made in baptism: the adult persons were to answer for themselves, according to that plain sentence of the gospel, “He is of age, let him answer for himself.” The only business of sponsors, in this case, was to be guardians of their spiritual life, and to take care of their instruction and morals, both before and after baptism. This office was chiefly imposed upon the deacons for the men, and the deaconesses for the women.

Anciently, there was no prohibition of any sorts of men from performing this charitable office; excepting only catechumens, energumens, heretics, and penitents; that is, persons who as yet were never in full communion with the Church, or such as had forfeited the privileges of baptism and Church communion by their crimes or errors; such persons being deemed incapable of assisting others, who stood in need of assistance themselves. In the time of Charles the Great, the Council of Mentz forbade fathers to be sponsors for their own children: and this was the first prohibition of this sort.

It is observable, that anciently no more than one sponsor was required, namely, a man for a man, and a woman for a woman. In the case of infants, no regard was had to the difference of sex: for a virgin might be sponsor for a male child, and a father for his children, whether male or female. This practice was confirmed by the Council of Mentz, upon a reason which is something peculiar: for they concluded, that, because there is but one GOD, one faith, and one baptism, therefore an infant ought to have but one sponsor.—Bingham.

SQUINCH. More properly Pendentive. A small arch thrown across the angle of a square tower, to receive one of the sides of an octagonal spire or lantern. In broach spires the external slant over this arch is also called a squinch.

STALLS. In a cathedral or collegiate church, and often in parish churches, certain seats constructed for the clergy and other members of the Church, and intended for their exclusive use. These stalls are placed in that portion of the building called the choir, or the part in which Divine service is usually performed.

In ancient times, all members of the cathedral, including lay clerks or vicars, had their stalls: though the inferior members had not always fixed stalls appropriated to each individual. Unless when the community was very small, there was an upper and lower range of stalls, called the prima et secunda forma, (or gradus,) the upper appropriated to the canons or prebendaries, (and sometimes the priest vicars or minor canons,) the lower to the other members. The designation of the respective dignitaries and canons were written on their stalls; in some few instances, those of the minor canons or priest vicars also. The destruction of the ancient stalls, as at Canterbury, and of the lower range of stalls, as in many places, is a barbarism much to be lamented.

The same word is also used to signify any benefice, which gives the person holding it a seat, or stall, with the chapter, in a cathedral or collegiate church.

STANDING. The posture enjoined by the Church at several parts of Divine service, as, for instance, at the exhortation with which the service of morning and evening commences, and at the ecclesiastical hymns. In the primitive Church the sermon was listened to standing; and in some churches the people stood praying on the LORD’S day, and during the fifty days after Easter, because it was not then so fitting to look downwards to the earth, as upwards to their risen and ascended Lord.

STATIONS. The weekly fasts of Wednesday and Friday. Not long after Justin Martyr’s time, the Church observed the custom of meeting solemnly for Divine worship on Wednesdays and Fridays, which days are commonly called the stationary days, because they continued their assemblies on those days to a great length, till three o’clock in the afternoon: for which reason they had also the name of semi-jejunia, or half fasts, in opposition to the Lent fasts, which always held till evening.—Bingham. Station, in the Romish Church, denotes certain churches in which indulgences are granted on certain days. It is also a ceremony wherein the clergy go out of the choir and sing before an image.

STEEPLE. The tower of a church with all its appendages, as turret, octagon, and spire. It is often incorrectly confounded with the spire.

STEPHEN’S, ST., DAY. A festival of the Christian Church, observed on the 26th of December, in honour of the protomartyr, St. Stephen.

STIPENDIARIES. Members of collegiate choirs, who do not possess an independent estate, but are paid stipends. At Christ Church in Dublin there are both vicars choral and stipendiaries, the latter generally succeeding to vacant vicarages. There were also formerly five stipendiaries at Tuam; and four at the now ruined cathedral of Enachdune.—Harris’s Ware. Cotton’s Facti Eccl. Hib.

STOLE, or ORARIUM. A long and narrow scarf with fringed extremities, that crossed the breast to the girdle, and thence descended in front on both sides as low as the knees. The deacon wore it over the left shoulder, and in the Latin Church joined under the right arm, but in the Greek Church with its two extremities, one in front and the other hanging down his back. The word ἄγιος was sometimes thrice embroidered on it instead of crosses. It is one of the most ancient vestments used by the Christian clergy, and in its mystical signification represented the yoke of CHRIST.—Palmer.

STOUP. A bason to receive holy water, often remaining in porches, or in some other place near the entrance of the church, and towards the right hand of a person entering.

SUBCHANTER. (See Succentor.)

SUBDEACONS. An inferior order of clergy in the Christian Church, so called from their being employed in subordination to the deacons.

The first notice we have of this order in any writers, is about the middle of the third century, when Cyprian lived, who speaks of subdeacons as settled in the Church in his time. The author of the “Constitutions” refers them to an apostolical institution, and brings in St. Thomas the apostle, giving directions to bishops for their ordination. But in this he is singular, it being the general opinion that subdeacons are merely of ecclesiastical institution.

As to their office, it was to fit and prepare the sacred vessels and utensils of the altar, and deliver them to the deacons in the time of Divine service; but they were not allowed to minister as deacons at the altar; no, not so much as to come within the rails of it, to set a paten or cup, or the oblations of the people, thereon. Another of their offices was, to attend the doors of the church during the Communion Service. Besides which offices in the church, they had another out of the church, which was, to carry the bishop’s letters or messages to foreign Churches. As to their ordination, it was performed without imposition of hands; and the ceremony consisted in their receiving an empty paten and cup from the hands of the bishop, and an ewer and towel from the archdeacon.

The singularity of the Church of Rome was remarkable in keeping to the exact number of seven subdeacons; whereas in other Churches the number was indefinite.

The employment of the subdeacons in the Romish Church is, to take care of the holy vessels, to prepare and pour water upon the wine in the chalice, to sing the Epistle at solemn masses, to bring and hold the book of the Gospels to the deacon, to give it the priest to kiss, to carry the cross in processions, and to receive the oblations of the people. The bishop, when he confers the order of subdeacon, causes the candidate to lay his hands on a cup and paten, both empty, saying to him at the same time, “Videte cujus ministerium vobis traditur,” &c. “Take care of the ministry which is committed to your charge, and present yourself unto GOD in such a manner as may be agreeable to him.” After which, the candidate lays his hand on the Epistles, and the bishop says, “Receive this book, and the power of reading the Epistles in the holy Church of GOD.” The person to be ordained must present himself clothed in a white albe, and holding a lighted taper in his right hand. After the litanies, &c., the bishop clothes him with the amict, saying, “Accipe amictum, per quem designatur castigatio vocis,” that is, “Receive the amict, which denotes the bridle of speech.” He then puts the maniple on his left arm, telling him that it signifies the fruit of good works; and clothes him with the dalmatica, letting him know that it is the garment of joy.

The office of subdeacon does not subsist in the Church of England. It is, however, mentioned in the statutes of Henry the Eighth’s foundations, and is considered to be identical with Epistoler. The four subdeacons at Hereford are lay clerks.—Bingham.

SUBDEAN. An officer in cathedrals, who assists the dean in maintaining the discipline of the Church. In some cathedrals of the old foundation he was a permanent dignitary: in others, a minor canon or vicar choral, and then his jurisdiction was merely over the inferior members. (See Vice Dean.)

SUBINTRODUCTÆ. (See Agapetæ.)

SUBLAPSARIANS. Those who hold that GOD permitted the first man to fall into transgression without absolutely predetermining his fall; or that the decree of predestination regards man as fallen, by an abuse of that freedom which Adam had, into a state in which all were to be left to necessary and unavoidable ruin, who were not exempted from it by predestination. (See Supralapsarians.)

SUBSTANCE. In relation to the GODHEAD, that which forms the Divine essence or being—that in which the Divine attributes inhere. In the language of the Church, and agreeably with holy writ, CHRIST is said to be of the same substance with the FATHER, being begotten, and therefore partaking of the Divine essence; not made, as was the opinion of some of the early heretics. (See Homoousion, Person, and Trinity.)

SUCCENTOR. The precentor’s deputy in cathedral churches. Sometimes this officer was a dignitary, as at York still and formerly at Glasgow, Aberdeen, Paris, &c.; and at York he is called Succentor Canonicorum, to distinguish him from the other subchanter, who is a vicar choral. In most churches however the subchanter is a vicar or minor canon, as at St. Paul’s, Hereford, Lichfield, St. Patrick’s, &c.

SUCCESSION, APOSTOLICAL, or UNINTERRUPTED. (See Apostolical Succession.) The doctrine of a regular and continued transmission of ministerial authority, in the succession of bishops, from the apostles to any subsequent period. To understand this, it is necessary to premise, that the powers of the ministry can only come from one source—the great HEAD of the Church. By his immediate act the apostles or first bishops were constituted, and they were empowered to send others, as he had sent them. Here then was created the first link of a chain which was destined to reach from CHRIST’S ascension to his second coming to judge the world. And as the ordaining power was confined exclusively to the apostles, (see Episcopacy,) no other men or ministers could possibly exercise it: from them alone was to be obtained the authority to feed and govern the Church of all future ages. By the labours of the apostles, the Church rapidly spread through the then known world, and with this there grew up a demand for an increase of pastors. Accordingly, the apostles ordained elders or presbyters in all churches; but the powers given to these terminated in themselves; they could not communicate them to others. A few therefore were consecrated to the same rank held by the apostles themselves, and to these the full authority of the Christian ministry was committed, qualifying them to ordain deacons and presbyters, and, when necessary, to impart their full commission to others. Here was the second link of the chain. For example: Paul and the other apostolic bishops were the first. Timothy, Titus, and others, who succeeded to the same ministerial powers, formed the second. A third series of bishops were in like manner ordained by the second, as time advanced, and a fourth series by the third. And here the reader will perceive what is meant by uninterrupted succession, viz. a perfect and unbroken transmission of the original ministerial commission from the apostles to their successors, by the progressive and perpetual conveyance of their powers from one race of bishops to another. The process thus established was faithfully carried on in every branch of the universal Church. And as the validity of the ministry depended altogether on the legitimacy of its derivation from the apostles, infinite care was taken in the consecration of bishops, to see that the ecclesiastical pedigree of their consecrators was regular and indisputable. In case that any man broke in upon the apostolical succession, by “climbing up some other way,” he was instantly deposed. A great part of the ancient canons were made for regulating ordinations, especially those of bishops, by providing that none should be ordained, except in extraordinary cases, by less than three bishops of the same province; that strange bishops should not be admitted to join with those of the province on such occasions, but those only who were neighbours and well known, and the validity of whose orders was not disputed. The care thus taken in the early ages to preserve inviolate the succession from the apostles, has been maintained in all Churches down to the present day. There are in existence, catalogues of bishops from our own time back to the day of Pentecost. These catalogues are proofs of the importance always attached by the Church to a regular genealogy in her bishops. And they, as well as the living bishops themselves, are proofs of the reality of an apostolical succession. It has been well remarked, that CHRIST JESUS has taken more abundant care to ascertain the succession of pastors in his Church, than ever was taken in relation to the Aaronical priesthood. For, in this case, the succession is transmitted from seniors to juniors, by the most public and solemn action, or rather series of actions, that is ever performed in a Christian Church; an action done in the face of the sun, and attested by great numbers of the most authentic witnesses, as consecrations always were. And we presume it cannot bear any dispute, but that it is now more easily to be proved that the archbishop of Canterbury was canonically ordained, than that any person now living is the son of him who is called his father; and that the same might have been said of any archbishop or bishop that ever sat in that or any other episcopal see, during the time of his being bishop.

Such then is uninterrupted succession; a fact to which every bishop, priest, and deacon, in the wide world, looks as the ground of validity in his orders. Without this, all distinction between a clergyman and a layman is utterly vain, for no security exists that heaven will ratify the acts of an illegally constituted minister on earth. Without it, ordination confers none but humanly derived powers.

The following acute observation occurs in Morgan’s “Verities:”

The succession of Canterbury from Augustine, A. D. 597, to Tillotson, 1691, includes seventy-nine archbishops, giving each an average reign of less than fourteen years. The view in which some persons, opposed to the indispensability of the apostolic succession, try to place it—as a single chain of single links, from some one single apostle, of which one link, wanting or broken, breaks the succession—if very contrary to the facts to be illustrated, is yet very original. Grant each apostle to have founded twenty churches, here are at least, ab origine, two hundred and forty successions apostolically commenced. Considering how these have reproduced themselves a thousand-fold, and that each episcopal link succeeded the last as publicly as kings their predecessors, the “one chain” is not a very fortunate comparison.

SUFFRAGANS. The word properly signifies all the provincial bishops who are under a metropolitan, and they are called his suffragans, because he has power to call them to his provincial synods to give their suffrages there.

The name is also used to denote a class resembling the chorepiscopi, or country bishops, of the ancient Church. (See Chorepiscopus.)

In the very beginning of the Reformation here, viz. an. 26 Henry VIII. c. 14, an act passed to restore this order of men under the name of suffragan bishops. The preamble recites, that good laws had been made for electing and consecrating archbishops and bishops, but no provision was made for suffragans, which had been accustomed here for the more speedy administration of the sacraments, and other devout things, &c.; therefore it was enacted that the places following should be the sees of bishops suffragans: Bedford, Berwick, Bridgewater, Bristol, Cambridge, Colchester, Dover, St. Germain, Guildford, Gloucester, Grantham, Hull, Huntingdon, Isle of Wight, Ipswich, Leicester, Marlborough, Moulton, Nottingham, Penrith, Southampton, Shaftesbury, Shrewsbury, Taunton, Thetford. The bishop of each diocese shall by petition present two persons to the king, whereof he shall allow one to be the suffragan, and thereupon direct his mandate to the archbishop to consecrate him, which was to be done after this manner: first it recites that the bishop, having informed the king that he wanted a suffragan, had therefore presented two persons to him who were qualified for that office, praying that the king would nominate one of them; thereupon he nominated P. S., being one of the persons presented, to be suffragan of the see of Ipswich, requiring the archbishop to consecrate him. The bishop thus consecrated was to have no greater authority than what was limited to him by commission from the bishop of the diocese, and was to last no longer. This act was repealed by 1 & 2 Philip & Mary, cap. 8; but it was revived by 1 Elizabeth, and during the reign of that sovereign we find notices of suffragans at Dover and elsewhere. Bishop Gibson mentions Dr. Stean, suffragan of Colchester about 1606, as among the last of these suffragans. But, although the law has not been acted on in later times, it is still unrepealed.

SUFFRAGE. A vote, token of assent and approbation, or, as in public worship, the united voice and consent of the people in the petitions offered.

The term is also used in the Prayer Book to designate a short form of petition, as in the Litany. Thus, in the Order for the Consecration of Bishops, we read that in the Litany as then used, after the words, “That it may please thee to illuminate all bishops,” &c., the proper suffrage shall be, “That it may please thee to bless this our brother elected,” &c. The versicles immediately after the creed, in Morning and Evening Prayer, are also denominated suffrages, as in the instance quoted by Johnson, “The suffrages next after the creed shall stand thus. Common Prayer, Form of Thanksgiving for May 29.” (See Versicle.)

The Litany in “the Ordering of Deacons” is headed the Litany and Suffrages. By suffrages here seems to be meant the latter part of the Litany, called the supplication. (See Wheatly in loc. and Supplications.) In some old choral books these are called the second suffrages.

SUNDAY. (See Lord’s Day.) The ancients retained the name Sunday, or Dies Solis, in compliance with the ordinary forms of speech; the first day of the week being so called by the Romans, because it was dedicated to the worship of the sun. Thus Justin Martyr, describing the worship of the Christians, speaks of the day which is called that of the sun.

Besides the most solemn parts of Christian worship, which were always performed on Sundays, this day was distinguished by a peculiar reverence and respect expressed towards it in the observation of some special laws and customs. Among these we may reckon, in the first place, those imperial laws, which suspended all proceedings at law on this day, excepting only such as were of absolute necessity, or eminent charity, such as the manumission of slaves, and the like. This was the same respect that the old Roman laws paid to the heathen festivals, which were exempted from all other juridical business, except in cases of necessity or charity. Neither was it only business of the law, but all secular and servile employments that were superseded on this day, still excepting acts of necessity and mercy. Constantine, indeed, allowed works of husbandry, as earing and harvest, to be done on Sundays: but this permission was never well approved of by the Church, which endeavoured to observe a just medium in the observation of the LORD’S day, neither indulging Christians in unnecessary works on that day, nor wholly restraining them from working, if a great occasion required it.

Another thing which the Christian laws took care of, to secure the honour and dignity of the LORD’S day, was, that no ludicrous sports or games should be followed on this day. There are two famous laws of the two Theodosiuses to this purpose, expressly forbidding the exercises of gladiators, stage-plays, and horse-races in the circus, to be exhibited to the Christians. And by the ecclesiastical laws, these sorts of diversions were universally forbidden to all Christians, on account of the extravagances and blasphemies that were committed in them. But all such recreations and refreshments, as tended to the preservation or conveniency of the life of man, were allowed on the LORD’S day. And therefore Sunday was always a day of feasting, and it was never allowable to fast thereon, not even in Lent.

The great care and concern of the primitive Christians, in the religious observation of the LORD’S day, appears, first, from their constant attendance upon all the solemnities of public worship, from which nothing but sickness, imprisonment, banishment, or some great necessity, could detain them: secondly, from their zeal in frequenting religious assemblies on this day, even in times of the hottest persecution, when they were often beset and seized in their meetings and congregations: thirdly, from their studious observation of the vigils, or nocturnal assemblies, that preceded the LORD’S day: fourthly, from the eager attendance on sermons—in many places, twice on this day; and their constant resorting to evening prayers, where there was no sermon: lastly, from the severe censures inflicted on those who violated the laws concerning the religious observation of this day; such persons being usually punished with excommunication, as appears from the Apostolical Constitutions, and the canons of several councils.

In the Romish Breviary and other offices, we meet with a distinction of Sundays into those of the first and second class. Sundays of the first class are, Palm Sunday, Easter Day, Advent, Whitsunday, &c. Those of the second class are the common Sundays of the year.—Bingham.

SUPEREROGATION. In the Romish Church, works of supererogation are those good deeds which are supposed to have been performed by saints, over and above what is required for their own salvation. These constitute an inexhaustible fund, on which the pope has the power of drawing at pleasure, for the relief of the Church, by the application of some portion of this superabundant merit, to meet a deficiency in the spiritual worth of any of its members.

On this doctrine of the Church of Rome our Church thus speaks in the fourteenth Article:—“Voluntary works besides, over and above GOD’S commandments, which they call works of supererogation, cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety; for by them men do declare, that they do not only render unto GOD as much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for his sake than of bounden duty is required; whereas CHRIST saith plainly, ‘When ye have done all that are commanded to you, say, We are unprofitable servants.’”

The works here mentioned are called in the Romish Church likewise by the name of “counsels” and “evangelical perfections.” They are defined by their writers to be “good works, not commanded by CHRIST, but recommended;” rules which do not oblige all men to follow them, under the pain of sin; but yet are useful to carry them on to a sublimer degree of perfection than is necessary in order to their salvation. But there are no such counsels of perfection in the gospel; all the rules, set to us in it, are in the style and form of precepts; and, though there may be some actions of more heroical virtue and more sublime piety than others, to which all men are not obliged by equal and general rules; yet such men, to whose circumstances and station they belong, are strictly obliged by them, so that they should sin if they did not put them in practice.—Dr. Nicholls. Bp. Burnet.

SUPPLICATIONS. The following part of this Litany [beginning with the LORD’S Prayer] we call the Supplications, which were first collected and put into this form, when the barbarous nations first began to overrun the empire about six hundred years after CHRIST: but, considering the troubles of the Church militant, and the many enemies it always hath in this world, this part of the Litany is no less suitable than the former at all times whatsoever.—Wheatly. (See Litany and Suffrage.) In many choirs and at the universities this latter part of the Litany is performed by a different minister from the former: in apparent compliance with the rubric, which before the LORD’S Prayer directs that the Priest shall say it. And when the Litany is sung to the organ, it is usual to sing the responses in the Supplications without that accompaniment.

SUPRALAPSARIANS. The way in which they understand the Divine decrees, has produced two distinctions of Calvinists, viz. Sublapsarians and Supralapsarians. The former term is derived from two Latin words, sub, below or after, and lapsus, the fall; and the latter from supra, above, and lapsus, the fall. The Sublapsarians assert, that GOD had only permitted the first man to fall into transgression, without absolutely predetermining his fall; their system of decrees, concerning election and reprobation, being, as it were, subsequent to that event. On the other hand, the Supralapsarians maintained that GOD had, from all eternity, decreed the transgression of man. The Supralapsarian and Sublapsarian schemes agree in asserting the doctrine of predestination, but with this difference, that the former supposes that GOD intended to glorify his justice in the condemnation of some, as well as his mercy in the salvation of others; and for that purpose decreed that Adam should necessarily fall, and by that fall bring himself and all his offspring into a state of everlasting condemnation. The latter scheme supposes, that the decree of predestination regards man as fallen by an abuse of that freedom which Adam had, into a state in which all were to be left to necessary and unavoidable ruin, who were not exempted from it by predestination.

SUPREMACY. Lord Chief Justice Hale says, The supremacy of the Crown of England in matters ecclesiastical is a most indubitable right of the Crown, as appeareth by records of unquestionable truth and authority.—1 H. H. 75.

Lord-Chief Justice Coke says, That, by the ancient laws of this realm, this kingdom of England is an absolute empire and monarchy, consisting of one head, which is the king; and of a body, consisting of several members, which the law divideth into two parts, the clergy and laity, both of them, next and immediately under GOD, subject and obedient to the head.—5 Co. 8. 40. Caudrey’s case.

By the parliament of England, in the 16 Rich. II. c. 5, it is asserted, that the Crown of England hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately subject to GOD in all things touching the regality of the same Crown, and to none other.

And in the 24 Hen. VIII. c. 12, it is thus recited: “By sundry and authentic histories and chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed, that this realm of England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by one supreme head and king, having dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the same; unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and degrees of people, divided in terms and by names of spirituality and temporality, been bounden and owen to bear, next unto GOD, a natural and humble obedience; he being also furnished by the goodness and sufferance of Almighty GOD, with plenary, whole, and entire power, pre-eminence, authority, prerogative, and jurisdiction, to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of persons, resiants within this realm, in all cases, matters, debates, and contentions, without restraint or provocation to any foreign princes or potentates of the world; in causes spiritual by judges of the spirituality, and causes temporal by temporal judges.”

Again, 25 Hen. VIII. c. 21. The realm of England, recognising no superior under GOD but only the king, hath been and is free from subjection to any man’s laws, but only to such as have been devised, made, and obtained within this realm for the wealth of the same, or to such other as, by sufferance of the king, the people of this realm have taken at their free liberty by their own consent to be used amongst them, and have bound themselves by long use and custom to the observance of the same, not as to the observance of the laws of any foreign prince, potentate, or prelate; but as to the customed and ancient laws of this realm, originally established as laws of the same by the said sufferance, contents, and custom, and none otherwise.

The Church of England declares, Can. 1, “As our duty to the king’s most excellent Majesty requireth, we first decree and ordain, that the archbishop from time to time, all bishops, deans, archdeacons, parsons, vicars, and all other ecclesiastical persons, shall faithfully keep and observe, and as much as in them lieth shall cause to be observed and kept of others, all and singular laws and statutes made for restoring to the Crown of this kingdom the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical, and abolishing of all foreign power repugnant to the same. Furthermore, all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls, and all other preachers, and readers of divinity lectures, shall, to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely and sincerely, (without any colour of dissimulation,) teach, manifest, open, and declare, four times every year at the least, in their sermons and other collation and lectures, that all usurped and foreign power (forasmuch as the same hath no establishment nor ground by the law of GOD) is for most just causes taken away and abolished, and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within his Majesty’s realms and dominions is due unto any such foreign power; but that the king’s power, within his realms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other his dominions and countries, is the highest power under GOD, to whom all men, as well inhabitants as born within the same, do by GOD’S laws owe most loyalty and obedience, afore and above all other powers and potentates in the earth.”

Canon 2. “Whoever shall affirm, that the king’s Majesty hath not the same authority in causes ecclesiastical that the godly kings had amongst the Jews and Christian emperors of the primitive Church, or impeach any part of his regal supremacy in the said causes restored to the crown, and by the laws of this realm therein established, let him be excommunicated ipso facto, and not restored but only by the archbishop, after his repentance and public revocation of those his wicked errors.”

Canon 26. “No person shall be received into the ministry, nor admitted to any ecclesiastical function, except he shall first subscribe (amongst others) to this article following: that the king’s Majesty, under GOD, is the only supreme governor of this realm, and of all other his Highness’s dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal; and that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within his Majesty’s said realms, dominions, and countries.”

And the 37th Article declares, that “The queen’s Majesty hath the chief power in this realm of England, and other her dominions; unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm, whether they be ecclesiastical or civil, in all causes doth appertain; and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any foreign jurisdiction. But when we attribute to the queen’s Majesty the chief government, we give not thereby to our princes the ministering, either of GOD’S word or of the sacraments; but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all godly princes in Holy Scripture by God himself, that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evil-doers. The bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this realm of England.”

By the 1 Eliz. c. 1, it is enacted as follows, viz. that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, spiritual or temporal, shall use, enjoy, or exercise any manner of power, jurisdiction, superiority, authority, pre-eminence, or privilege, spiritual or ecclesiastical, within this realm, or any other her Majesty’s dominions or countries, but the same shall be abolished thereout for ever; any statute, ordinance, custom, constitutions, or any other matter or cause whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. (S. 16.)

And such jurisdictions, privileges, superiorities, and pre-eminence, spiritual and ecclesiastical, as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power or authority have heretofore been, or may lawfully be, exercised or used for the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for reformation, order, and correction of the same, and of all manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities, shall for ever be united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm. (S. 17.)

And if any person shall by writing, printing, teaching, preaching express words, deed or act, advisedly, maliciously, and directly affirm, hold, stand with, set forth, maintain, or defend the authority, pre-eminence, power, or jurisdiction, spiritual or ecclesiastical, of any foreign prince, prelate, person, state, or potentate whatsoever, heretofore claimed, used, or usurped within this realm, or any other her Majesty’s dominions or countries; or shall advisedly, maliciously, and directly put in use, or execute, anything for the extolling, advancement, setting forth, maintenance, or defence of any such pretended or usurped jurisdiction, power, pre-eminence, and authority, or any part thereof; he, his abettors, aiders, procurers, and counsellors shall, for the first offence, forfeit all his goods, and if he hath not goods to the value of £20 he shall also be imprisoned for a year, and the benefices of every spiritual person offending shall also be void; for the second offence shall incur a præmunire; and for the third shall be guilty of high treason. (S. 27–30.)

But no person shall be molested for any offence committed only by preaching, teaching, or words, unless he be indicted within one half year after the offence committed. (S. 31.)

And no person shall be indicted or arraigned but by the oath of two or more witnesses; which witnesses, or so many of them as shall be living, and within the realm at the time of the arraignment, shall be brought face to face before the party arraigned, if he require the same. (S. 37.)

If any person shall by writing, cyphering, printing, preaching, or teaching, deed or act, advisedly and wittingly, hold or stand with, to extol, set forth, maintain or defend the authority, jurisdiction, or power of the bishop of Rome or of his see, heretofore claimed, used, or usurped, within this realm, or in any of her Majesty’s dominions; or by any speech, open deed, or act, advisedly and wittingly attribute any such manner of jurisdiction, authority, or pre-eminence to the said see of Rome, or to any bishop of the same see for the time being; he, his abettors, procurers, and counsellors, his aiders, assistants, and comforters, upon purpose and to the intent so set forth, further and extol the said usurped power, being indicted or presented within one year, and convicted at any time after, shall incur a præmunire.—5 Eliz. c. 1, s. 2.

And the justices of assize, or two justices of the peace, (one whereof to be of the quorum,) in their sessions, may inquire thereof, and shall certify the presentment into the King’s Bench in forty days, if the term be then open; if not, at the first day of the full term next following the said forty days: on pain of £100. (S. 3.)

And the justices of the King’s Bench, as well upon such certificate as by inquiry before themselves, shall proceed thereupon as in cases of præmunire. (S. 4.)

But charitable giving of reasonable alms to an offender, without fraud or covin, shall not be deemed abetting, procuring, counselling, aiding, assisting, or comforting. (S. 18.)

The papal encroachments upon the king’s sovereignty in causes and over persons ecclesiastical, yea, even in matters civil, under that loose pretence of in ordine ad spiritualia, had obtained a great strength and long continuance in this realm, notwithstanding the security the Crown had by the oaths of fealty and allegiance; so that there was a necessity to unrivet those usurpations, by substituting by authority of parliament a recognition by oath of the king’s supremacy, as well in causes ecclesiastical as civil; and thereupon the oath of supremacy was framed.—1 H. H. 75.

Which oath, as finally established by the 1 Will. III. c. 8, is as follows: “I A. B. do swear, that I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure, as impious and heretical, that damnable doctrine and position, that princes, excommunicated or deprived by the pope or any authority of the see of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do declare, that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm: so help me GOD.”

But, lastly, the usurped jurisdiction of the pope being abolished, and there being no longer any danger to the liberties of the Church or State from that quarter; and divers of the princes of this realm having entertained more exalted notions of the supremacy, both ecclesiastical and civil, than were deemed consistent with the legal establishment and constitution; it was thought fit at the Revolution to declare and express, how far the regal power, in matters spiritual as well as temporal, doth extend; that so, as well the just prerogative of the Crown on the one hand, as the rights and liberties of the subject on the other, might be ascertained and secured. Therefore by the statute of the 1 W. III. c. 6, it is enacted as followeth:

“Whereas by the law and ancient usage of this realm, the kings and queens thereof have taken a solemn oath upon the evangelists at their respective coronations, to maintain the statutes, laws, and customs of the said realm, and all the people and inhabitants thereof in their spiritual and civil rights and properties; but forasmuch as the oath itself, on such occasion administered, hath heretofore been framed in doubtful words and expressions, with relation to ancient laws at this time unknown; to the end therefore that one uniform oath may be in all times to come taken by the kings and queens of this realm, and to them respectively administered, at the times of their and every of their coronation, it is enacted that the following oath shall be administered to every king or queen who shall succeed to the imperial crown of this realm, at their respective coronations, by one of the archbishops or bishops of this realm of England for the time being, to be thereunto appointed by such king or queen respectively, and in the presence of all persons that shall be attending, assisting, or otherwise present at such their respective coronations: that is to say,

“The archbishop or bishop shall say, ‘Will you solemnly promise and swear, to govern the people of the kingdom of England, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to the statutes in parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same?’ The king or queen shall say, ‘I solemnly promise so to do.’

“Archbishop or bishop: ‘Will you to your power cause law and justice in mercy to be executed in all your judgments?’ The king and queen shall answer, ‘I will.’

“Archbishop or bishop: ‘Will you to the utmost of your power maintain the laws of GOD, the true profession of the gospel, and Protestant reformed religion established by law? And will you preserve unto the bishops and clergy of this realm, and to the churches committed to their charge, all such rites and privileges as by law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them?’ The king or queen shall answer, ‘All this I promise to do:’ after this, laying his or her hand upon the holy Gospels, he or she shall say, ‘The things which I have here before promised, I will perform and keep: so help me GOD:’ and shall then kiss the book.”

By the Act of Union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, 5 Anne, c. 8, it is enacted, that after the demise of her Majesty Queen Anne, the sovereign next succeeding, and so for ever afterwards every king or queen succeeding to the royal government of the kingdom of Great Britain, at his or her coronation, shall in the presence of all persons who shall be attending, assisting, or otherwise then and there present, take and subscribe an oath to maintain and preserve inviolably the settlement of the Church of England, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof as by law established, within the kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the dominion of Wales and town of Berwick-upon-Tweed and the territories thereunto belonging.

And shall also swear and subscribe, that they shall inviolably maintain and preserve the settlement of the true Protestant religion, with the government, worship, discipline, right, and privileges of the Church of Scotland, as then established by the laws of that kingdom. (The foregoing authorities are quoted from Burn.)

By the Church of England, the sovereign is thus regarded as being over all persons, and over all causes, ecclesiastical as well as civil, supreme. On this head an objection is raised against the Church of England, as if her ministers derived their authority from the Crown. This objection is thus answered by Palmer: 1. We must insist upon it that the principles of the Church of England, with reference to the authority of the civil magistrate in ecclesiastical affairs, cannot be determined in any way by the opinions of lawyers, or the preambles of acts of parliament. We nowhere subscribe to either one or the other. 2. The opinion of the temporal power itself as to its own authority in ecclesiastical affairs, and its acts in accordance with such opinions, are perfectly distinct from the principles of the Church of England on these points. We are not bound to adopt such opinions, or approve such acts of temporal rulers, nor even to approve every point of the existing law. 3. The clergy of England, in acknowledging the supremacy of the king, A.D. 1531, did so, as Burnet proves, with the important proviso, “quantum per Christi legem licet;” which original condition is ever to be supposed in our acknowlegment of the royal supremacy. Consequently we give no authority to the prince, except what is consistent with the maintenance of all those rights, liberties, jurisdictions, and spiritual powers, “which the law of CHRIST confers on his Church.” 4. The Church of England believes the jurisdiction and commission of her clergy to come from GOD, by apostolic succession, as is evident from the ordination service, and has been proved by the Papist Milner himself (“Letters to a Prebendary,” Let. 8); and it is decidedly the doctrine of the great majority of her theologians. 5. The acts of English monarchs have been objected in proof of their views on the subject. We are not bound to subscribe to those views. If their acts were wrong in any case, we never approved them, though we may have been obliged by circumstances to submit to intrusions and usurpations. But since this is a favourite topic with Romanists, let us view the matter a little on another side. I ask, then, whether the parliaments of France did not, for a long series of years, exercise jurisdiction over the administration of the sacraments, compelling the Roman bishops and priests of France to give the sacrament to Jansenists, whom they believed to be heretics? Did they not repeatedly judge in questions of faith, viz. as to the obligation of the bull “Unigenitus?” Did they not take cognizance of questions of faith and discipline to such a degree, that they were said to resemble “a school of theology?” I ask whether the clergy of France in their convocations were not wholly under the control of the king, who could prescribe their subjects of debate, prevent them from debating, prorogue, dissolve, &c.?

Did they not repeatedly beg in vain from the kings of France, for a long series of years, to be permitted to hold provincial synods for the suppression of immorality, heresy, and infidelity? Is not this liberty still withheld from them, and from every other Roman Church in Europe? I further ask whether the emperor Joseph II. did not enslave the Churches of Germany and Italy? Whether he did not suppress monasteries, suppress and unite bishoprics? Whether he did not suspend the bishops from conferring orders, exact from them oaths of obedience to all his measures present and future, issue royal decrees for removing images from churches, and for the regulation of Divine worship down to the minutest points, even to the number of candles at mass? Whether he did not take on himself to silence preachers who had declaimed against persons of unsound faith? Whether he did not issue decrees against the bull “Unigenitus,” thus interfering with the doctrinal decision of the whole Roman Church? I ask whether this conduct was not accurately imitated by the grand duke of Tuscany, the king of Naples, the duke of Parma; whether it did not become prevalent in almost every part of the Roman Church; and whether its effects do not continue to the present day? I again ask, whether “Organic Articles” were not enacted by Buonaparte in the new Gallican Church, which placed everything in ecclesiastical affairs under the government? Whether the bishops were not forbidden by the emperor to confer orders without the permission of government; whether the obvious intention was not to place the priests, even in their spiritual functions, under the civil powers? And, in fine, whether these obnoxious “Organic Articles” are not, up to the present day, in almost every point in force? I again inquire whether the order of Jesuits was not suppressed by the mere civil powers, in Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, &c.; whether convents, monasteries, confraternities, friars, and monks, and nuns, of every sort and kind, were not extinguished, suppressed, annihilated by royal commission, and by the temporal power, in France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Sicily, Spain, Portugal, &c., and in opposition to the petitions and protests of the pope and the bishops? I again ask, whether the king of Sicily does not, in his “Tribunal of the Monarchy,” up to the present day, try ecclesiastical causes, censure, excommunicate, absolve? Whether this tribunal did not, in 1712, give absolution from episcopal excommunications; and whether it was not restored by Benedict XII. in 1728?

Is there a Roman Church on the continent of Europe, where the clergy can communicate freely with him whom they regard as their spiritual head; or where all papal bulls, rescripts, briefs, &c. are not subjected to a rigorous surveillance on the part of government, and allowed or disallowed at its pleasure? In fine, was not Gregory XVI. himself compelled, in his encyclical letter of 1832, to utter the most vehement complaints and lamentations, at the degraded condition of the Roman obedience? Does he not confess that the Church is “subjected to earthly considerations,” “reduced to a base servitude,” “the rights of its bishops trampled on?” These are all certain facts: I appeal in proof of them to the Roman historians, and to many other writers of authority; and they form but a part of what might be said on this subject. Romanists should blush to accuse the Church of England for the acts of our civil rulers in ecclesiastical matters. They should remember those words, “Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother’s eye.”

But it will be objected, all this was contrary at least to the principles of the Roman Church, while English theologians, on the contrary, exaggerate the authority of the civil magistrate in ecclesiastical affairs. We admit unequivocally, that some of our theologians have spoken unadvisedly on this subject. But what of that? Can they have gone further than the whole school of Gallican writers, of modern canonists, and reforming theologians, in the Romish Church, whose object is to overthrow the papal power, and render the Church subservient in all things to the State? Do Romanists imagine that we are ignorant of the principles of Pithou and the Gallican School, of Giannone, Van Espen, Zallwein, De Hontheim, Ricci, Eybel, Sioch, Rechberger, Oberhauser, Riegger, Cavallari, Tamburini, and fifty others, who were tinged with the very principles imputed to us? Do they forget that their clergy in many parts have petitioned princes to remove the canonical law of celibacy? In fine, is it not well known, that there is a conspiracy among many of their theologians, to subject the discipline of the Church to the civil magistrate? It is really too much for Romanists to assail us on the very point where they are themselves most vulnerable, and where they are actually most keenly suffering. Our Churches, though subject to some inconvenience, and lately aggrieved by the suppression of bishoprics in Ireland, contrary to the solemn protests of the bishops and clergy, are yet in a far more respectable and independent position than the Roman Churches. Those amongst us who maintain the highest principles of the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church, have reason to feel thankful that we have not yet fallen to the level of the Church of Rome.

SUPREMACY, PAPAL. The fourth Lateran Council, in the year 1215, is the first of those called general which recognised the authority of the Roman see as supreme over the Church. In the fifth canon the Roman Church is said to have “a principality of power over all others, as the mother and mistress of all Christian believers;” and all other patriarchs are required to receive their palls from the Roman pontiff. The titles of universal pope and universal patriarch, first used by the bishops of Constantinople, and afterwards applied indifferently to the bishops of Rome and Constantinople, as appears by the letters of the emperor Constantine Pogonatus, in Labbe and Cossart, vol. vi. pp. 593, 599, were titles of honour, and did not imply universal jurisdiction. There was no allusion to it in any former general council; so that, up to 1215, it was free for a man to think how he pleased concerning it. And not only were men free to deny the papal supremacy, they were bound to resist and reject it, in all places where it could not be proved to have been from the beginning. For so it was decreed by the third general council, which was assembled at Ephesus, A. D. 431, “that none of the bishops, most beloved of GOD, do assume any other province that is not, and was not formerly, and from the beginning, subject to him, or those who were his predecessors. But if any have assumed any church, that he be forced to restore it, that so the canons of the fathers be not transgressed, nor worldly pride be introduced under the mask of this sacred function. The holy general synod hath therefore decreed, that the right of every province, formerly, and from the beginning, belonging to it, be preserved clear and inviolable.” This decree was passed on the occasion of an attempt by the patriarch of Antioch to usurp authority over the churches of the island of Cyprus, which had not been formerly under his jurisdiction, and is worthy of notice to the members of the Churches of England and Ireland. For as it is beyond denial, from the conduct of the British and Irish bishops, that the Churches in these islands knew no subjection to Rome up to the close of the sixth century, it is certain that every exercise of jurisdiction which the bishop of Rome practised afterwards for a time in this kingdom, was in violation of the decrees of the Catholic Church, and that the Churches here were merely acting in obedience to those decrees, when, after having made trial of that cruel bondage, they were enabled to release themselves from it. There is one other thing not unworthy of notice as concerns this point. By the creed of Pope Pius, all communicants in the Church of Rome are required to acknowledge as part of that “faith without which no man can be saved,” “the holy Catholic, Apostolic Roman Church, for the mother and mistress of all Churches.” It should be known that the Fathers assembled in the second general council, Constantinople, A. D. 381, gave the title which is here claimed for Rome to the Church of Jerusalem, as appears from their synodical epistle. “We acknowledge the most venerable Cyril, most beloved of GOD, to be bishop of the Church of Jerusalem, which is the mother of all Churches.”—See Conc. ii. 866. Thus then it appears, that in order to obtain communion in Rome, it is necessary to record an opinion directly at variance with that of a general council universally acknowledged.

The following has been abbreviated from Mr. Sanderson Robins’s very able treatise on the Evidence of Scripture against the Claims of the Church of Rome.

“The earlier popes knew nothing of the modern view which makes Peter and his alleged successors to be the supreme pastors, and all other bishops subordinate and deriving authority from them. Launoy cites no fewer than forty who employ the term fellow-bishop, and fellow-priest; which utterly contradicts the opinion of Bellarmine and his school. The very formula which indicates the invasion of episcopal independence, ‘By the grace of the apostolic see,’ is not to be traced farther back than the middle of the thirteenth century. Yet Duval argues that because the jurisdiction of bishops can be limited or taken away by the pope, it is not derived immediately from Christ. The converse is the true proposition; because it is derived immediately from Christ, it cannot be limited or taken away by the pope.

“The interpretation which assigns supreme power to the pope as Peter’s successor, would make him universal bishop, and leave nothing but vicarial power to all other bishops, which is exactly the conclusion so strenuously resisted by Gregory the Great, when he feared the growing importance of the see of Constantinople. Bellarmine admits the title to be antichristian and profane; but when he attempts to draw a distinction in favour of the powers claimed for the bishop of Rome, he reasons illogically, as Launoy has abundantly proved.

“The witness of the Bible remains, in spite of all efforts to conceal or pervert its meaning by those who are interested in defending an adverse system. It represents the office of CHRIST as incommunicable and unapproachable. He is the Root, from which the branches derive life and strength; the Shepherd, who knows his sheep, and is known of them; the heavenly Bridegroom, to whom the Church is espoused. So, again, he is ‘the Head over all things to the Church, which is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in all.’ When the title is ascribed to another, there is insurmountable difficulty involved. If Peter, or the bishop of Rome, is the head, then the Church must in the same sense be his body, which no one ventures to say. The distinction, again, between a visible and an invisible head has not the least show of Scripture proof, and is no better than an invention to meet an obvious difficulty. Nor is it of any avail to speak, as some do, of CHRIST as the essential, and Peter as the ministerial head, because whatever relation to the Church is represented by the figure, can exist only under the former, that is, by the union of believers to CHRIST, which is maintained through the ministry of the word and sacraments.

“There is an utter and hopeless disagreement, and on a point which involves supreme government. It is no secondary question, but one, as Dupin reminds us, which includes all ecclesiastical discipline. And yet, whether pope is superior to council, or the reverse; and whether the pope enjoys his prerogatives by Divine right, or ecclesiastical, has never been defined, though the decision is above all things required. In the Council of Trent, where the delivery of a clear, intelligible doctrine might have been reasonably expected, there was, instead, a prohibition of all discussion on the subject. It is not even settled whether, by disagreement on the question, persons incur the peril of heresy; Gerson holds the affirmative, and Bossuet sides with him, while Duval and others maintain the negative. The truth is, that the Roman Church has authorized two opposite conclusions, which have been enforced as the one party or the other prevailed. It is not the mere contention of private doctors, whose judgment might on either side be disavowed, but it is the Church itself which speaks inconsistently by its synodical decisions. It has, indeed, been demanded unreasonably, and sometimes incautiously allowed, that no statements of doctrine should be attributed to the Roman Church as authoritative, but such as are contained in the decrees of the Council of Trent, in the creed of Pius IV., and in the catechism. But it is to be observed, in the first place, that the decisions of the council avowedly do not extend beyond such points as had been brought into question by Protestants, and, at the same time, had not been disputed among Romanists themselves, for it was expressly enjoined that no definition should be made about any matter controverted among ‘Catholics’ themselves. The creed and the catechism have no more than the authority of the individual pope, by whom they were promulgated. It is true that this office was remitted to the bishop of Rome by the members of the council, but they possessed no such power of delegation. They might have adopted any decree of the pope, and have given it synodical sanction; but their consent previous to the consideration, or even knowledge of its contents, could not afford any weight additional to that which the pope alone could give. And, in the next place, the index of books, the catechism, the breviary, and the missal, possess equal authority, for they are enumerated together in the decree passed at the close of the council; that is, they possess as much authority as the decree of a pope could give them, and less than that which belongs to the decree of a council which has papal confirmation. It is true that, in the last of the articles which Pius IV. added to the creed of the Church Catholic, there is a profession of adherence to the decrees of general councils; but then no Romanist can tell what is and what is not a general council. It depends on the school to which he belongs, and on which side of the mountains he happens to live. Some so-called general councils, as Bellarmine tells us, are received, some are rejected, and some partly approved and partly reprobated; which, as Leslie says truly, ‘is going through all the degrees of uncertainty.’ The chief difficulty arises from those which flatly contradict each other, and which yet, from indispensable considerations, the Roman Church is obliged to acknowledge; they are chiefly such as pronounce upon this question of the supreme authority. At Pisa, and Constance, and Basle, the superiority of a council was distinctly and absolutely affirmed; and obedience required from all persons of whatever dignity, including the pope. In the Council of Florence it was decreed that the pope, as the successor of Peter, and as the vicar of CHRIST, is head of the whole church, the father and teacher of all Christians, and that plenary power from CHRIST was given him, in the person of St. Peter, to feed the universal flock. The Lateran Council under Leo X. decreed that the pope has full authority over all councils, to summon, transfer, and dissolve them. It is to be observed, that these conflicting decisions of great Roman councils are no more than the embodying in decrees the opposite interpretations of that text which forms the main Scripture authority for all papal assumptions. No Latin council is to be compared with that of Constance for importance or dignity; and by its acts, accepted and confirmed through the whole Western Church, it rejected the exposition which Romanists are now trying to enforce. M. de Maistre, the chief papal champion in the present century, disposes of the difficulty in a very characteristic way. When pressed with the Decrees of Constance, he says that the answer is easy: the council talked nonsense, like the English Long Parliament, or the Constituent Assembly, or the National Convention, &c.

“Our opponents boast that their Church is the same everywhere; but we cross the Alps, and find the whole system of ecclesiastical doctrine changed. The very term, ultramontane, which is universally recognised as the distinction of a school, bears witness that diversities have not only subsisted at different periods, but exist at the same time in different places. The Gallican Church has, doubtless, been the stronghold of those who deny the absolute power of the pope; but they have had their advocates among distinguished members of the Roman communion in all countries. Panormitan represented them in Italy, Cardinal de Cusa in Germany, and in Spain Alphonso Tostato, of whom Bellarmine says that he was the wonder of the world for his learning. Nay, even in the university of Paris, and among the doctors of the Sorbonne, we find the contest raging with the utmost violence, and the great teachers in vehement antagonism. Sometimes we see the representative of the pope brought into collision with the theological professor; as when Richer maintained the prevalent opinions of his Church against Cardinal du Perron, who, being a convert from Protestantism, was, of course, extravagant on the other side. Then, at the close of the century, we have Roccaberti, archbishop of Valentia, unsparing in his condemnation of the Gallicans, and calling on the pope to put them down. While Bossuet, on the other hand, affirms that the doctrine which he maintained had always been held in the Church; though he does not attempt to prove that there had not been another distinct line of teaching.”

SURCINGLE. The belt by which the cassock is fastened round the waist.

SURETY. (See Sponsors.)

SURPLICE. A white linen garment, worn by the Christian clergy and other ministers of the Church, in the celebration of Divine services, and also, on certain days, by members of colleges, whether clerical or lay. It is, in Latin, superpelliceum, a name which Cardinal Bona says was not older than 600 years before his time, (the middle of the seventeenth century,) and was so called from the white garment which was placed by ecclesiastics, super pelles, over the garments of dressed skins worn by the northern nations.

This habit seems to have been originally copied from the vestments of the Jewish priests, who, by GOD’S own appointment, were to put on a white linen ephod at the time of public service. And its antiquity in the Christian Church may be seen from Gregory Nazianzen, who advised the priests to purity, because a little spot is soon seen in a white garment; but more expressly from St. Jerome, who, reproving the needless scruples of such as opposed the use of it, says, “what offence can it be to GOD, for a bishop or priest to proceed to the communion in a white garment?” The ancients called this garment, from its colour, Alba, the Albe, a word in later times applied to a surplice with close sleeves.

The surplice is white, to represent the innocence and righteousness with which GOD’S ministers ought to be clothed. As for the shape of it, it is a thing so perfectly indifferent, that no reason need to be assigned for it; though Durandus has found out one: for that author observes, that, as the garments used by the Jewish priesthood were girt tight about them, to signify the bondage of the law; so the looseness of the surplices used by the Christian priests signifies the freedom of the gospel.

It is objected by dissenters from the Church of England, against the use of the surplice, that it is a rag of Popery, and has been abused by the Papists to superstitious and idolatrous uses. But this is no just objection against it; for, if the surplice, or some such white garment, was in use among the primitive Christians, the Church is justified in following their example, notwithstanding the abuses thereof by those of the Romish or any other communion.

Whether the surplice should be worn by the preacher in the pulpit is a question which has given rise, of late years, to much unprofitable controversy. On the side of wearing the surplice, it is said that the preacher is nowhere in the Prayer Book directed to change his dress; and therefore his dress should be, as before prescribed, the surplice. On the other hand it has been shown that, before the Reformation, the preachers were accustomed to wear their ordinary dress in the pulpit, except in cathedrals and collegiate churches, which custom has come down to us; and to adhere to inherited customs is to act on the catholic principle. On these facts it is obvious to remark, first, that the ultra-Protestants who are very violent against the use of the surplice by the preacher,—are, in this instance, the Romanizers; and secondly, that if the surplice be not worn, since no preacher’s dress is appointed by the Church, the preacher would be more correct who should appear in his ordinary costume. But those who are wise on either side, will, in regard to a thing so purely indifferent, follow the customs of the place in which they are called to officiate.

SURPLICE DAYS, or times. According to the 17th canon, “all masters and fellows of colleges or halls, and all the scholars and students in either of the universities, shall in their churches and chapels, upon all Sundays, holy-days, and their eves, at the time of Divine service, wear surplices according to the order of the Church of England; and such as are graduates, shall agreeably wear with their surplices such hoods as do severally appertain unto their degrees.” Saturday evening, it is to be observed, as the eve of Sunday, has always been considered as coming within this rule. The colleges in the universities of Cambridge and Dublin construe this rule as applying to all their members; those of Oxford, Christ Church excepted, to the foundation members only; and there noblemen are deprived of the privilege of wearing the surplice. By the 25th canon, the use of the surplice is prescribed daily to the dean, masters, heads of collegiate churches, canons, and prebendaries. The short surplice adopted in the Roman Church is a corruption, as Cardinal Bona confesses. He says that “Stephen of Tonmay, who lived A. D. 1180, shows that the surplice formerly reached to the feet;” and so likewise “Honorius de Vestibus Clericorum:” and that in the course of time it was shortened, as it appears from the Council of Basle, sess. 21, which commanded the clergy to have surplices reaching below the middle of the leg. He adds, that they are now so much shortened as scarcely to reach to the knee. Hence it is evident that the Church of England retains the correct and ancient fashion.—Jebb.

SURROGATE. Surrogate is one who is substituted or appointed in the room of another. Thus the office of granting licences for marriage in lieu of banns, being in the bishop of the diocese by his chancellor, the inconvenience of a journey to the seat of episcopal jurisdiction is obviated by the appointment of clergymen in the principal towns of the diocese as surrogates, with the power of granting such licences, and of granting probates of wills, &c.

By canon 128, “No chancellor, commissary, archdeacon, official, or any other person using ecclesiastical jurisdiction, shall substitute in their absence any to keep court for them, unless he be either a grave minister and a graduate, or a licensed public preacher, and a beneficed man near the place where the courts are kept, or a bachelor of law, or a master of arts at least, who hath some skill in the civil and ecclesiastical law, and is a favourer of true religion, and a man of modest and honest conversation; under pain of suspension, for every time that they offend therein, from the execution of their offices for the space of three months toties quoties: and he likewise that is deputed, being not qualified as is before expressed, and yet shall presume to be a substitute to any judge, and shall keep any court as aforesaid, shall undergo the same censure in manner and form as is before expressed.”

And by the statute of the 26 Geo. II. c. 33, No surrogate, deputed by any ecclesiastical judge, who hath power to grant licences of marriage, shall grant any such licence before he hath taken an oath before the said judge, faithfully to execute his office according to law, to the best of his knowledge; and hath given security by his bond in the sum of £100 to the bishop of the diocese, for the due and faithful execution of his office.

SURSUM CORDA. (Lift up your hearts.) Cyprian, in the third century, attests the use of the form “Lift up your hearts,” and its response, in the liturgy of Africa. Augustine, at the beginning of the fifth century, speaks of these words as being used in all churches. And accordingly we find them placed at the beginning of the Anaphora, or canon, (or solemn prayers,) in the liturgies of Antioch and Cæsarea, Constantinople and Rome, Africa, Gaul, and Spain. How long these introductory sentences have been used in England it would be in vain to inquire: we have no reason, however, to doubt that they are as old as Christianity itself in these countries. The Gallican and Italian churches used them, and Christianity with its liturgy probably came to the British isles from one or other of those churches. We may be certain, at all events, that they have been used in the English liturgy ever since the time of Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury, in 595.

It appears that these sentences were preceded by a salutation or benediction in the ancient liturgies. According to Theodoret, the beginning of the mystical liturgy, or most solemn prayers, was that apostolic benediction, “The grace of our LORD JESUS CHRIST, and the love of GOD, and the fellowship of the HOLY GHOST, be with you all.” The same was also alluded to by Chrysostom, when he was a presbyter of the Church of Antioch. We find that this benediction, with the response of the people, “And with thy spirit,” has all along preserved its place in the East; for in the liturgies of Cæsarea, Constantinople, Antioch, and Jerusalem, it is uniformly placed at the beginning of the Anaphora, just before the form, “Lift up your hearts.” In Egypt, Africa, and Italy, the apostolic benediction was not used at this place, but instead of it the priest said, “The LORD be with you,” and the people replied, “and with thy spirit.” In Spain, and probably Gaul, as now in England, there was no salutation before the introductory sentences.

Priest. Lift up your hearts. │Sacerdos. corda. Answer. We lift them up unto the│Respons. Habemus ad Dominum. Lord. │ Priest. Let us give thanks unto │Sacerdos. Gratias agamus Domino our Lord God. │Deo nostro. Answer. It is meet and right so │Respons. Dignum et justum est. to do. │ │ Palmer.

SUSANNAH, THE HISTORY OF. An apocryphal book (or rather chapter) of the Bible, containing the story of one Susannah, daughter of Chelcias, and the wife of Joachim, of the tribe of Judah, who lived at Babylon, being carried thither captive with her husband, probably at the same time with Daniel, that is, in the year of the world 3398, before Christ 604. The story is well known, being allowed to be read, among other apocryphal books, for the instruction of manners.

This history makes part of the book of Daniel in the Greek, but is not found in the Hebrew. Many therefore have disputed, not only the canonicalness, but even the truth of it; imagining it to be no more than a pious fable, invented as an example of a chaste and loyal wife. Julius Africanus was of this opinion; and St. Jerome in some places censures it as a mere fable; though, in others, he tells us that not only the Greeks and Latins, but the Syrians and Egyptians also, received and admitted it as Scripture. Origen wrote expressly in defence of it. The Church of Rome allows it to be of equal authority with the Book of Daniel.

SUSPENSION. In the laws of the Church we read of two sorts of suspension; one relating solely to the clergy, the other extending also to the laity. That which relates solely to the clergy is suspension from office and benefice jointly, or from office or benefice singly; and may be called a temporary degradation, or deprivation of both. And the penalty upon a clergyman officiating after suspension, if he shall persist therein after a reproof from the bishop, (by the ancient canon law,) that he shall be excommunicated all manner of ways, and every person who communicates with him shall be excommunicated also. The other sort of suspension, which extends also to the laity, is suspension ab ingressu ecclesiæ, or from the hearing of Divine service, and receiving the holy communion; which may therefore be called a temporary excommunication. Which two sorts of suspension, the one relating to the clergy alone, and the other to the laity also, do herein agree, that both are inflicted for crimes of an inferior nature, such as in the first case deserve not deprivation, and such as in the second case deserve not excommunication; that both, in practice at least, are temporary; both also terminate either at a certain time, when inflicted for such time, or upon satisfaction given to the judge when inflicted until something be performed which he has enjoined; and lastly, both (if unduly performed) are attended with further penalties; that of the clergy with irregularity, if they act in the mean time; and that of the laity (as it seems) with excommunication, if they either presume to join in communion during their suspension, or do not in due time perform those things which the suspension was intended to enforce the performance of.

SWEDENBORGIANS. This body of Christians claims to possess an entirely new dispensation of doctrinal truth derived from the theological writings of Emanuel Swedenborg; and, as the name imports, they refuse to be numbered with the sects of which the general body of Christendom is at present composed.

Emanuel Baron Swedenborg was born at Stockholm in 1688, and died in London in 1772. He was a person of great intellectual attainments, a member of several of the learned societies of Europe, and the author of very voluminous philosophical treatises. In 1745 he separated himself from all secular pursuits, relinquished his official labours in the Swedish State, and commenced the career which led to a religious movement. In that year, and thenceforth, he was favoured, he reports, with continual communications from the spiritual world, being oftentimes admitted into heaven itself, and there indulged with splendid visions of angelic glory and felicity. The power was given him to converse with these celestial residents; and from their revelations, sometimes made directly to himself and sometimes gathered by him from the course of their deliberations, he obtained the most important of his doctrines. His own account of the matter is thus stated in a letter to a friend:—“I have been called to a holy office by the Lord himself, who most graciously manifested himself before me, his servant, in the year 1745, and then opened my sight into the spiritual world, and gave me to speak with spirits and angels, as I do even to this day. From that time I began to publish the many arcana which I have either seen, or which have been revealed to me, concerning heaven and hell, concerning the state of man after death, concerning true Divine worship, and concerning the spiritual sense of the Word, besides other things of the highest importance, conducive to salvation and wisdom.”

The general result of these communications was to convince the baron that the sacred writings have two senses—one their natural, the other their spiritual, sense; the latter of which it was his high commission to unfold. The natural sense is that which is alone received by other Christian churches—the words of Scripture being understood to have the same signification (and no other) which they bear in ordinary human intercourse; the spiritual sense is that which, in the judgment of the New Church, is concealed within the natural sense of these same words, each word or phrase possessing, in addition to its ordinary meaning, an interior significance corresponding with some spiritual truth.

The principal tenets he deduced from this interior meaning of the Holy Word, and which his followers still maintain, are these: That the last judgment has already been accomplished (viz. in 1757); that the former “heaven and earth” are passed away; that the “New Jerusalem,” mentioned in the Apocalypse, has already descended, in the form of the “New Church;” and, that, consequently, the second advent of the LORD has even now been realized, in a spiritual sense, by the exhibition of his power and glory in the New Church thus established.

The usual doctrine of the Trinity is not received; the belief of the New Church being, “that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are one in the person of our Lord Jesus Christ, comparatively as soul, body, and proceeding operation are one in every individual man.”

The New Church also rejects the doctrine of justification by faith alone, and the imputed righteousness of Christ: salvation, it inculcates, cannot be obtained except by the combination of good works with faith. “To fear God, and to work righteousness, is to have charity; and whoever has charity, whatever his religious sentiments may be, will be saved.”

The resurrection, it is believed, will not be that of the material body, but of a spiritual body; and this will not immediately pass into a final state of being, but be subject to a kind of purgatory, where those who are interiorly good will receive truth corresponding with their state of goodness, and thus be fitted for heaven; while those who are interiorly evil will reject all truth, and thus be among the lost.

The sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s supper are administered in the New Church. The former is believed to be “a sign and a medium, attended with a Divine influence of introduction into the Lord’s Church; and it means that the Lord will purify our minds from wicked desires and bad thoughts, if we are obedient to his holy word.” The latter is believed to be “a sign and a medium, attended with a Divine influence, for introducing the Lord’s true children, as to their spirits, into heaven; and it means that the Lord feeds their souls with his Divine goodness and truth.”

The mode of worship adopted by the followers of Swedenborg resembles in its general form that of most other Christian bodies; the distribution of subjects in their liturgy, and the composition of their hymns and prayers, being, of course, special; but no particular form is considered to be binding on each society.

The general affairs of the New Church (which is the name assumed by the Swedenborgian sect) are managed by a conference, which meets yearly, composed of ministers and laymen in conjunction; the proportion of the latter being determined by the size of the respective congregations which they represent: a society of from 12 to 50 members sending one representative, and societies of from 50 to 100 members, and those of upwards 100 members, sending each two and three representatives respectively. There is nothing, however, in Swedenborg’s writings to sanction any particular form of Church government.—Registrar-general’s Report.

SYMBOL, or SYMBOLUM. A title anciently given to the Apostles’ Creed, and for which several reasons have been assigned. Two of these have an appearance of probability, viz. that (1.) which derives it from a Greek word, signifying a throwing or casting together, and alleges that the apostles each contributed an article to form the creed, forming their joint opinion or counsel in an abridged form; and (2.) the opinion that this creed was used in times of persecution as a watchword or mark whereby Christians (like soldiers in the army) were distinguished from all others. This latter is the sense given in the short catechism of Edward VI., 1552, where we read, “M. Why is this abridgment of the faith termed a symbol? S. A symbol is, as much as to say, a sign, mark, privy token, or watchword, whereby the soldiers of the same camp are known from their enemies. For this reason the abridgment of the faith, whereby the Christians are known from them that are no Christians, is rightly named a symbol.”

The term symbol, importing an emblem or sensible representation, is also applied in the holy eucharist to the sacred elements, which there set forth the body and blood of CHRIST. (See also Emblem.)

SYMPHONY. In music, an instrumental composition in the form of an overture, &c. The term is popularly applied to short introductory movements on the organ, before anthems and other pieces; also to any portion performed by the instrument without the voices, including preludes, interludes, and postludes, i. e. strains before, in the midst, and at the end of psalmody, and other church music.

The word sumphónea occurs in Daniel iii. 5, 7, 10, 15; being evidently the Greek word συμφωνία, written in Hebrew or Chaldee letters, like other words in the same sentence, as Kaitheros, κιθύρα, (harp,) sabbeca, σαμβύκη, (sacbut,) psanterin, ψαλτήριον, (psaltery,) and which do not occur in the older Hebrew Scriptures. It is translated in our Bible dulcimer. Hardouin (in his note on Plinii Hist. Nat. ix. § 8) considers it to mean a musical instrument. But the majority of scholars, and of classical authorities, give as its meaning, a concert or combination of voices or instruments.

SYNOD. This is a meeting of ecclesiastical persons for the purposes of religion, and it comprehends the provincial synods of every metropolitan, and the diocesan of every bishop within their limits. And these are not of the same authority as general councils, nor do their canons oblige the whole Christian Church, but only that nation, province, or diocese where they were made; but if such canons are agreeable with the Scriptures, and confirmed by general councils, they are in force everywhere. The most famous synods have been held in Africa, Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain. It would make a very large volume to treat particularly of those synods which have been held in each of those places, therefore we will refer to those which were assembled here in Britain; and as to that matter, we find that a synod was held here at Winchester, in the time of King Edgar, in which Archbishop Dunstan was president. In this synod the marriage of the clergy was prohibited. There was another held at Oxford, wherein Archbishop Langton was president, who divided the Bible into chapters; and in this synod many constitutions were made for the better government of the church. Another at Clarendon, under Archbishop Becket, in the reign of Henry II., in which some decrees were made concerning the prerogatives of the Crown and the privileges of the clergy. Two in the reign of Edward VI. And here we may notice that provincial synods were to be held twice in every year; this appears by the apostolical canons, and likewise by those made in the Council of Nice. But this being found too hard a task for bishops, (who were usually men in years,) especially where the provinces were large, it was disused about the middle of the fifth century: so that some canons were made for synods to be held once in a year, but not abrogating the ancient custom to hold them oftener; and this continued for many ages: but at last this came in like manner to be neglected, and thereupon, about the middle of the fourteenth century, another canon was made in the Council of Basil, for a triennial synod of all the bishops of every province; and in the same council there was another canon for every bishop to hold a diocesan synod once in a year. And even here in Britain, by the ancient constitution of this Church, a synod was to be held once a year, which is now discontinued, and thus the authority of examining things through the province devolved on the archdeacon. In a diocesan synod the bishop always presided, and he usually summoned septem e plebe in every parish in his diocese, to whom he administered an oath to inquire into the state and condition of each parish relating to ecclesiastical affairs, which were called testes synodales, and these men made their presentments in writing, or viva voce in the synod. (See Councils.)

The form of holding these diocesan synods was as follows:—The clergy, in solemn procession, came to the church assigned, at the time appointed by the bishop, and seated themselves according to the priority of their ordinations. Then the deacons and laity were admitted. The bishop, or in his absence the vicar, when the office for the occasion was over, made a solemn exhortation to the audience. Then a sermon was preached; after which, if the clergy had any complaints to make, or anything else to offer, they were heard by the synod. The complaints of the clergy being over, the laity made theirs. Then the bishop proposed his diocesan constitutions to them. After which, if nothing remained to be done, he made a synodical exhortation, by way of injunction, to the clergy; and all concluded with solemn prayers suited to the business. The form at the conclusion of the first day, called Benedictio primæ diei, was this: “Qui dispersos Israel congregat, ipse vos hic et ubique custodiat. Amen. Et non solum vos custodiat, sed ovium suarum custodes idoneos efficiat. Amen. Ut cum summo pastore Christo de gregum suarum pastione gaudeatis in cœlo. Amen. Quod ipse parare dignetur,” &c. The benedictions of the other days were much to the same purpose.

The common time allowed for despatching the business of these synods was three days; and a rubric was settled, to direct the proceedings in each of them. But, if the business could be despatched in a shorter time, the assembly continued no longer than was necessary.

The first thing done in these diocesan synods, was the bishop’s making his synodical inquiries, of which the ancient forms are still extant. Next, the synodical causes were heard. Then the bishop reported to his clergy what had been decreed in large provincial synods. And, lastly, he published his own diocesan constitutions, which being read, and agreed to by the synod, were from that time in force within the diocese, provided they were not contrary to the decrees of some superior council of the province. Of these we have several collections published in the volumes of the English councils, and many more are still remaining in the bishops’ registers.

These diocesan synods were continued in England till the reign of Henry VIII., that is, till the commencement of the Reformation.

Provincial synods are still held pro forma in Ireland, by the archbishop of Dublin, as they were by his predecessor, at the triennial visitations of his province. The constituent number are the same as for convocations, being the bishops of the province, deans, archdeacons, capitular and other proctors, &c. But the synods have no power to make canons.

SYNODALS and SYNODATICUM, by the name, have a plain relation to the holding of synods; but there being no reason why the clergy should pay for their attending the bishop in synod, pursuant to his own citation, nor any footsteps to be found of such a payment by reason of the holding of synods, the name is supposed to have grown from this duty being usually paid by the clergy when they came to the synod. And this in all probability is the same which was anciently called cathedraticum, as paid by the parochial clergy in honour to the episcopal chair, and in token of subjection and obedience thereto. So it stands in the body of the canon law, “No bishop shall demand anything of the churches but the honour of the cathedraticum, that is, two shillings” (at the most, saith the Gloss, for sometimes less is given). And the duty which we call synodals is generally such a small payment, which payment was reserved by the bishop upon settling the revenues of the respective churches on the incumbents; whereas before those revenues were paid to the bishop, who had a right to part of them for his own use, and a right to apply and distribute the rest to such uses and in such proportions as the laws of the Church directed.—Gibson.

Synodals are due of common right to the bishop only, so that, if they be claimed or demanded by the archdeacon, or dean and chapter, or any other person or persons, it must be on the foot of composition or prescription.—Id.

And if they be denied where due, they are recoverable in the spiritual court. And, in the time of Archbishop Whitgift, they were declared upon a full hearing to be spiritual profits, and as such to belong to the keeper of the spiritual see vacant.—Id.

Constitutions made in the provincial or diocesan synods were also sometimes called synodals, and were in many cases required to be published in the parish churches: in this sense the word frequently occurs in the ancient directories.

TABERNACLE. Among the Hebrews, a kind of building, in the form of a tent, set up by the express command of GOD, for the performance of religious worship, sacrifices, &c. (Exod. xxvi., xxvii.)

TABERNACLES, FEAST OF. A solemn festival of the Hebrews, observed after harvest, on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, instituted to commemorate the goodness of GOD, who protected the Israelites in the wilderness, and made them dwell in booths when they came out of Egypt. The pyx, or box in which the reserved host is placed on Romish altars, is called in the Missal the Tabernacle.

TALMUD. (Signifying doctrine.) A collection of the doctrines of the religion and morality of the Jews. It consists of two parts: 1. The Misna, or text; literally repetition: that is, a repetition or supplement to the Divine law; which they pretend was delivered to Moses on the mount, and transmitted from him to the members of the Sanhedrim. 2. The Gemara, (perfection, or completion,) which is the commentary. The origin of this work is as follows:—

Judah the Holy had no sooner completed the Misna, but one Rabbi Chun, jealous of his glory, published quite contrary traditions; a collection of which was made under the title of Extravaganta, and inserted with the Misna, in order to compose one and the same body of law.

Notwithstanding that the collection made by Judah seemed to be a complete work, yet two considerable faults were observed in it: one, that it was very confused, the author having reported the opinions of different doctors, without naming them, and determining which of these opinions deserved the preference: the other, (which rendered this body of canon law almost useless,) that it was too short, and resolved but a small part of the doubtful cases and questions that began to be agitated among the Jews.

To remedy these inconveniences, Jochanan, with the assistance of Rab and Samuel, two disciples of Judah the Holy, wrote a commentary upon their master’s work. This is called the Talmud of Jerusalem; either because it was composed in Judea, for the use of the Jews that remained in that country, or because it was written in the common language spoken there. The Jews are not agreed about the time that this part of the Gemara, which signifies Perfection, was made. Some believe it was two hundred years after the destruction of Jerusalem; others reckon but a hundred and fifty; and maintain that Rab and Samuel, quitting Judea, went to Babylon, in the two hundred and nineteenth year of the Christian era. However, these are the heads of the second order of doctors, called Gemarists, because they composed the Gemara. (See Gemara.)

There was also a defect in the Jerusalem Talmud, for it contained the opinions of but a small number of doctors. For this reason the Gemarists, or commentators, began a new explication of the traditions. Rabbi Asa, who kept a school at Sora, near Babylon, where he taught forty years, produced a commentary upon Judah’s Misna. He did not finish it; but his sons and scholars put the last hand to it. This is called the Gemara, or Talmud, of Babylon, which is preferred before that of Jerusalem. It is a very large collection, containing the traditions, the canon law of the Jews, and all the questions relating to the Law.

In these two Talmuds is contained the whole of the Jewish religion as it is now possessed by that people, who esteem it equal with the law of GOD. Some Christians set a great value upon it, whilst others condemn it as a detestable book, and full of blasphemies; but a third sort observe a just medium between these opposite opinions.

Though the Talmud was received with general applause by the Jews, yet there started up a new order of doctors, who shook its authority by their doubts. These were called Sebarim, or opiniative doctors, and were looked upon by the Jews as so many sceptics, because they disputed without coming to a determination upon anything.

TARGUM. So the Jews call the Chaldee paraphrases, or expositions, of the Old Testament in the Chaldee language; for the Jewish doctors, in order to make the people understand the text of the Holy Scripture, (after the captivity,) which was read in Hebrew in their synagogues, were forced to explain the law to them in a language they understood; and this was the Chaldean, or that used in Assyria.

The Targums that are now remaining were composed by different persons, upon different parts of Scripture, and are in number eight.

1. The Targum of Onkelos upon the five books of Moses.

2. The Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel, upon the Prophets, that is, upon Joshua, Judges, the two Books of Samuel, the two Books of Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the twelve Minor Prophets.

3. The Targum ascribed to Jonathan Ben Uzziel, upon the Law.

4. The Jerusalem Targum, upon the Law.

5. The Targum on the five lesser books, called the Megilloth, that is, Ruth, Esther, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah.

6. The second Targum upon Esther.

7. The Targum of Joseph the Blind, upon the Book of Job, the Psalms, and the Proverbs.

8. The Targum upon the First and Second Books of Chronicles.

Upon Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel, there is no Targum at all. Indeed, a great part of Daniel and Ezra is written originally in Chaldee; and therefore there was no need of a Chaldee paraphrase upon them: but Nehemiah is written wholly in the Hebrew tongue, and no doubt anciently there were Chaldee paraphrases upon all the Hebrew parts of those books, though they are now lost.

The Targum of Onkelos is, without doubt, the most ancient that is now extant. He was certainly older than Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the author of the second Targum, who is supposed to have lived in our SAVIOUR’S time, and who could have no reason to omit the Law in his paraphrase, but that he found Onkelos had done this work with success before him. No Chaldee writing, now extant, comes nearer the style of what is written in that language by Daniel and Ezra, than the Targum of Onkelos, which is a good argument for its antiquity. It is rather a version than a paraphrase; for the Hebrew text is rendered word for word, and for the most part with great exactness.

The Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel, upon the Prophets, is next to that of Onkelos in the purity of its style, but not in the manner of its composure; for Jonathan takes the liberty of a paraphrast, by enlarging and adding to the text, and by inserting several stories and glosses of his own, which are no reputation to the work. The Jews not only give him the preference to all the disciples of Hillel, but equal him even to Moses himself.

The Targum ascribed to Jonathan Ben Uzziel, upon the Law, is none of his, as appears by the style. Who was the true author of it, or when it was composed, is utterly unknown. It seems to have lain long in obscurity among the Jews themselves; for no notice was taken of it till it was published at Venice, about a hundred and fifty years since; and the name of Jonathan, it is probable, was prefixed to it for no other reason than to give it the more credit, and the better to recommend it by that specious title.

The Jerusalem Targum, upon the Law, was so called, because it was written in the Jerusalem dialect. There were three dialects of the Chaldean language. The first was spoken in Babylon, the metropolis of the Assyrian empire. The second was the Commagenian, or Antiochian, being that spoken in Commagena, Antioch, and the rest of Syria. The third was the Jerusalem dialect, which was spoken by the Jews after the captivity. The Babylonian and Jerusalem dialects were written in the same character; but the Antiochian was in a different, and is the same with what we call the Syriac. The purest style of the Jerusalem dialect is, first, in the Targum of Onkelos, and next, in that of Jonathan; but the Jerusalem Targum is written in a most barbarous style, intermixed with a great many foreign words, taken from the Greek, Latin, and Persian languages. This Targum is not a continued paraphrase, but only upon some parts here and there, as the author thought the text most wanted an explication; and sometimes whole chapters are omitted. It was written by an unknown hand, and probably some time after the third century.

The fifth Targum, which is that on the Megilloth, and the sixth, which is the second Targum on the book of Esther, are written in the corrupted Chaldee of the Jerusalem dialect; but the author of these is unknown. The seventh, which is upon Job, the Psalms, and the Prophets, is equally corrupt, and said to be written by Joseph the Blind, who is as unknown as the author of the other two. The second Targum on Esther is twice as large as the first, and seems to have been written the last of all the Targums, by reason of the barbarity of its style. There is also a third Targum on Esther. The first Targum upon Esther is a part of the Targum upon Megilloth, which makes mention of the Babylonish Talmud, and therefore must have been written after the year of CHRIST 500. The last Targum, upon the First and Second Books of Chronicles, was not known till the year 1680, when Beckius, from an old manuscript, published, at Augsburg in Germany, that part which is upon the First Book; the paraphrase upon the Second he published three years afterwards, at the same place.

TE DEUM LAUDAMUS. (“We praise Thee, O God,” &c.) This sublime composition has been referred to several different authors. Some have ascribed it to Ambrose and Augustine, others to Ambrose alone; others, again, to Abondius, Nicetius, bishop of Triers, or Hilary of Poictiers. In truth, it seems that there is no way of determining exactly who was the author of this hymn. Archbishop Usher found it ascribed to Nicetius, in a very ancient Gallican Psalter, and the Benedictine editors of the works of Hilary of Poictiers cite a fragment of a manuscript epistle of Abbo Floriacensis, in which Hilary is unhesitatingly spoken of as its author; but Abbo lived five or six centuries after that prelate, and therefore such a tradition is most doubtful. Some reasons, however, appear to justify the opinion, that Te Deum was composed in the Gallican Church, from which source we also derive the inestimable creed bearing the name of Athanasius. The most ancient allusions to its existence are found in the Rule of Cæsarius, bishop of Arles, who lived in the fifth century, and in that of his successor Aurelian. It has been judged from this, that the Te Deum may probably have been composed by some member of the celebrated monastery of Lerins, which was not far from Arles; or perhaps by Hilary of Arles, who seems to have composed the Athanasian Creed in the fifth century. Another presumption in favour of the same notion is deducible from the wording of this hymn. The verse, “Vouchsafe, O LORD, to keep us this day without sin,” (“Dignare, Domine, die isto sine peccato nos custodire,”) gives reason to think that it was originally composed for the matin, and not for the nocturnal office, for it appears that the day is supposed to have actually commenced. Now Cæsarius and Aurelian both appoint Te Deum to be sung in the morning, while Benedict directed it to be sung in the nocturnal office on Sundays; and thence we may observe that the former appear to have adhered closer to the intentions of the author of this hymn than the latter: that therefore they were better acquainted with the author’s design than Benedict; and therefore the hymn was probably not composed in Italy, but in Gaul.

In the office of matins this hymn occupies the same place as it always has done, namely, after the reading of Scripture. The ancient offices of the English Church gave this hymn the title of the “Psalm Te Deum,” or the “Song of Ambrose and Augustine,” indifferently. As used in this place, it may be considered as a responsory psalm, since it follows a lesson; and here the practice of the Church of England resembles that directed by the Council of Laodicea, which decreed that the psalms and lessons should be read alternately.

In the Roman office it is only used on Sundays and certain festivals; but even on these omitted at certain seasons of the year. In the Church of England it is prescribed for daily use; but the Benedicite may be substituted for it.

TEMPLARS, TEMPLERS, or KNIGHTS OF THE TEMPLE. A religious order instituted at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the twelfth century, for the defence of the holy sepulchre, and the protection of Christian pilgrims. They were first called the Poor of the Holy City, and afterwards assumed the appellation of Templars, because their house was near the temple. The order was founded by Baldwin II., then king of Jerusalem, with the concurrence of the pope; and the principal articles of their rule were, that they should hear the holy office throughout every day; or that, when their military duties should prevent this, they should supply it by a certain number of Paternosters; that they should abstain from flesh four days in the week, and on Friday from eggs and milk meats; that each knight might have three horses and one squire, and that they should neither hunt nor fowl. After the ruin of Jerusalem, about 1186, they spread themselves through Germany, and other countries of Europe, to which they were invited by the liberality of the Christians. In the year 1228, this order acquired stability by being confirmed in the Council of Troyes, and subjected to a rule of discipline drawn up by St. Bernard. In every nation they had a particular governor, called Master of the Temple, or of the Militia of the Temple. Their grand-master had his residence at Paris. The order of Templars flourished for some time, and acquired, by the valour of its knights, immense riches, and an eminent degree of military renown. But as their prosperity increased, their vices were multiplied; and their arrogance, luxury, and cruelty rose at last to such a great height, that the order was suppressed in 1312.

TEMPLE. In the Bible, this title generally refers to that house of prayer which Solomon built in Jerusalem, for the honour and worship of GOD. The name of temple is now properly used for any church or place of worship set apart for the service of Almighty GOD. Thus the services of the Church are frequently introduced by the words, “The LORD is in his holy temple; let all the earth keep silence before him.” Here, by the word “temple,” allusion is made to the church in which we have met together to offer our prayers and praises to the MOST HIGH.

The church called the Temple Church in London, was built by the Knights-Templars in 1185: and the circular vestibule was built after the fashion of the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem: as also the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Cambridge, and a few others.

TERMINATOR. A sort of master of the ceremonies in some of the cathedrals of Sicily.—Pini’s Sicilia Sacra.

TERRIER. By Canon 87, the archbishops and all bishops within their several dioceses shall procure (as much as in them lies) a true note and terrier of all the glebes, lands, meadows, gardens, orchards, houses, stocks, implements, tenements, and portions of tithes lying out of their parishes, which belong to any parsonage, vicarage, or rural prebend, to be taken by the view of honest men in every parish, by the appointment of the bishop, whereof the minister to be one; and to be laid up in the bishop’s registry, there to be for a perpetual memory thereof. It may be convenient also to have a copy of the same exemplified, to be kept in the church chest.

These terriers are of greater authority in the ecclesiastical courts, than they are in the temporal; for the ecclesiastical courts are not allowed to be courts of record; and yet even in the temporal courts these terriers are of some weight, when duly attested by the registrar.

Especially if they be signed, not only by the parson and churchwardens, but also by the substantial inhabitants; but if they be signed by the parson only, they can be no evidence for him; so neither (as it seemeth) if they be signed only by the parson and churchwardens, if the churchwardens are of his nomination. But in all cases they are certainly strong evidence against the parson. (See Burn, Eccl. Law, under this head, for the form of a terrier, which is given at great length. It is, however, merely an inventory of the matters enumerated in the above-quoted canon.)

TERSANCTUS. The Latin title of the hymn in the liturgy, beginning “With Angels and Archangels,” &c. This celebrated anthem is probably the most ancient and universally received of all Christian songs of praise. Its position in the established liturgies has always been (as in the Prayer Book) a little antecedent to the prayer of consecration; and the hymn itself does not appear in any other office than that of the Communion. The antiquity of the Tersanctus, and its prevalence in the liturgies of the Eastern and Western Churches, naturally lead to the conclusion that it was derived from the apostolic age, if not from the apostles themselves. It is remarked by Palmer, that no liturgy can be traced to antiquity, in which the people did not unite with the invisible host of heaven in chanting these sublime praises of the Most High GOD. From the testimony of Chrysostom and Cyril of Jerusalem, we find that the seraphic hymn was used in the liturgy of Antioch and Jerusalem in the fourth century. The Apostolical Constitutions enable us to carry it back to the third century in the East. It is also spoken of by Gregory Nyssen, Cyril of Alexandria, Origen, Hilary of Poictiers, Isidore, and other Fathers, as having formed a part of the liturgy. In the liturgy of Milan it has been used from time immemorial, under the name of Trisagion; in Africa we learn from Tertullian, that it was customarily used in the second century. As has already been observed, (see Preface,) the preface ends just before the words “Holy, holy, holy:” and the congregation or choir ought not to audibly join their voices with the priest till this hymn begins.

TESTAMENT, THE OLD AND THE NEW. The title of the Old Testament is given to those books which the Hebrews received as sacred and inspired before the coming of our LORD, in order to distinguish them from those sacred books which contain the doctrines, precepts, and promises of the Christian religion, which are distinguished by the appellation of the New Testament. The appellation of Testament is derived from 2 Cor. iii. 6, 14, in which place the word ἡ Παλαιὰ Διαθήκη and ἡ Καινὴ Διαθήκη, are by the old Latin writers rendered Antiquum Testamentum and Novum Testamentum. Although the appellation of New Testament is not given by Divine command to the writings of the evangelists and apostles, yet it was adopted in a very early age, (according to Bishop Marsh, in the second century). The title “New Covenant” signifies the book which contains the terms of the New Covenant, upon which GOD is pleased to offer salvation to mankind, through the mediation of JESUS CHRIST. But the word Testament seems to have been preferred, as implying that the Christian’s redemption is sealed to him as a son and heir of GOD; and because the death of CHRIST as testator is related at large and applied to our benefit. (See Canon of Scripture, Bible, Scripture.)

TESTIMONIAL. A testimonial of good conduct from his college, or from three beneficed clergymen, required of every one that seeks to be admitted into holy orders, is among the safeguards which the Church has appointed for the purity of her ministry. The testimonial is directed to the bishop to whom application is made for orders, and is as follows:

“Whereas our well-beloved in CHRIST, A. B., hath declared to us his intention of offering himself as candidate for the sacred office of [a deacon], and for that end hath requested of us letters testimonial of his learning and good behaviour; we, therefore, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do testify that the said A. B., having been previously known to us for the space of [three] years last past, hath during that time lived piously, soberly, and honestly, and diligently applied himself to his studies; nor hath he at any time, so far as we know or believe, held, written, or taught anything contrary to the doctrine or discipline of the united Church of England and Ireland: and, moreover, we believe him in our consciences to be a person worthy to be admitted to the sacred order of [deacons]. In witness whereof,” &c.

It is needless to add, that no conscientious man can sign such a document, without well weighing its terms, and the solemnity of the occasion on which it is required.

The apostle having laid it down as a standing canon in the Church, that “a bishop must be blameless, and have a good report of them that are without,” (1 Tim. iii. 2, 7,) thence the Church of GOD has, in all ages, taken especial care to require a sufficient satisfaction, that all persons who are to be admitted into that or any other inferior order of the clergy, have such a good report for a pious and virtuous conversation. This Tertullian mentions as a very singular honour of the Christian priesthood. In pursuance of which practice of the ancient Church, our Church of England has forbidden the bishop to admit any person into sacred orders, “except he shall then exhibit letters testimonial of his good life and conversation, under the seal of some college in Cambridge or Oxford, where before he remained, or of three or four grave ministers, together with the subscription and testimony of other credible persons, who have known his life and behaviour by the space of three years next before.”—Can. 33. The same is further provided for by our statute law: “None shall be made minister, unless he first bring to the bishop of that diocese, from men known to the bishop to be of sound religion, a testimonial both of his honest life, and of his professing the doctrine expressed in the said articles,” 13 Eliz. chap. xii.—Dr. Nicholls.

Such as sign these testimonials have it put into their power to discover evil men, and commend only those that are worthy: wherefore, since so great a trust is reposed in them, they ought never to sign any testimonial which they know to be false; yea, which they do not know to be true; lest they become guilty of bearing false witness, and mislead the bishop, who cannot see all things with his own eyes, nor hear all with his own ears, and so must rely on others to direct his choice. And let him be ever so desirous to keep out wicked pastors, an hypocrite commended by eminent hands may deceive him; and then the dishonour of GOD and mischief to souls, which are the sad consequence of such misinformation, are to be charged only upon those who, for fear, favour, or negligence, signed the false certificate; who deserve a severe punishment in this world, if our law did allow it: however, they shall certainly answer for it in the next world. And I heard a most reverend and worthy prelate (Archbishop Dolben) charge his clergy, “not to impose upon him by signing testimonials which they did not know to be true, as they would answer it to him at the dreadful day of judgment.” Which being duly considered will, I hope, prevent that evil custom of giving men’s hands, out of custom or compliment, to mere strangers, or to oblige a friend that we know doth not deserve it.—Dean Comber.

A sham testimonial of life and manners, doth not only deceive the bishop in a point of the nicest concernment, both with regard to his office and his reputation, but does an injury to the Church itself, and affects the interests and credit of the ministry at large. And therefore, to attest worthy characters of unworthy persons, in order to bring them into a situation where they may expose themselves and their functions, do public mischief, and give open scandal, is destitute of any justifiable pretence; and I wish I could add it were equally destitute of any precedent.

I must acknowledge that human respects, and solicitations of acquaintance, and other mere social regards, are great temptations with people of kind dispositions, to too easy a compliance in granting this favour; and such persons may be sometimes drawn into the signing of testimonials, when their judgment doth not concur with their good nature. I am loth to blame any friendly or neighbourly qualities, yet sometimes they do deserve blame, as in this case in particular; where they are the occasions of a mischief which much better qualities cannot repair, or make sufficient amends for.—Archdeacon Sharp.

TEXT. The letter of the sacred Scriptures, more especially in the original languages. In a more limited sense, the word text is used for any short sentence out of the Scripture, quoted in proof of a dogmatic position,—as an auctoritee, as it was formerly called,—or taken as the subject or motto of a discourse from the pulpit. Thus Chaucer has—

“He needeth not to speken but of game, And let auctorites in GODDES name To preching, and to scole eke of clergie.”

And so a sermon is called “Expositio auctoritatis.”

The custom of taking a text for a sermon is probably coeval with that of preaching set discourses; and it is needless to remark, that the use of texts as authority in doctrinal points is of the very essence of true theology, and was ever the custom even of those who, professing the name of Christians, denied the truth of CHRIST. Even the most abominable and shameless heretics quoted Scripture for their worst tenets. A simple Christian, therefore, may well be on his guard against receiving everything for which a text is quoted, remembering that the “inspired writings are an inestimable treasure to mankind, for so many sentences, so many truths. But then the true sense of them must be known; otherwise, so many sentences, so many authorized falsehoods.”

THANKSGIVING. Giving of thanks is an essential part of Divine worship, as St. Paul expressly declares to St. Timothy, (1 Tim. ii. 1,) and has ever formed a part of the service both of Jews and Christians. In our own Book of Common Prayer there are many forms of thanksgiving, particular and general: as especially the general thanksgiving, which was added (being composed, as is conjectured, by Bishop Sanderson) at the last review, and appointed for daily use; and the eucharistic hymn, always used in the holy communion, sometimes with an appropriate preface, and introduced with the versicles,

“Let us give thanks unto our LORD GOD.

“It is meet and right so to do.

“It is very meet, right, and our bounden duty, that we should at all times and in all places give thanks,” &c.

But there are, besides, particular thanksgivings appointed for deliverance from drought, rain, famine, war, tumult, and pestilence; and there is an entire service of thanksgiving for women after child-birth, (see Churching of Women,) and certain days on which we commemorate great deliverances of our Church and nation, are marked also with a solemn service of thanksgiving. (See Forms of Prayer.)

THANKSGIVING, THE GENERAL. The general thanksgiving may perhaps, to some, appear superfluous, after we have thanked and praised GOD in the use of the psalms and hymns. But it was inserted at the Restoration, because others complained it was wanting.—Abp. Secker.

After the general intercession, there follows likewise a general thanksgiving. For though in the psalms and hymns after the lessons, with the several doxologies interspersed, we have everywhere “set forth GOD’S most worthy praise,” yet it seemed meet also, in a distinct and appropriate form of thanksgiving, “to render thanks for the great benefits we have received at his hands,” which, according to the first exhortation, we therefore do, beginning with that original blessing, “our creation,” then “preservation,” attended with all these secondary benefits and “blessings of life,” “but above all,” because the greatest of all, “our redemption,” attended with all “the means of grace and hope of glory,” thus ascending gradually through the long scale of blessings received at GOD’S hand, from temporal to spiritual, from the first to the last, from our coming forth to our returning to him again.—Dr. Bisse.

Indeed, this is a more methodical summary of the several mercies of GOD “to us and to all men,” than we had before: it furnishes an opportunity of thanking him more expressly for the late instances of his loving-kindness to the members of our own congregation; and besides, as we cannot be too thankful to GOD, the acknowledgments, which we offered up at the beginning of the service, are very properly repeated at the end. For surely we ought to ask nothing of GOD, without remembering what we have received from him: which naturally excites both our faith and resignation, and prepares the way for that admirable collect, with which we conclude.—Abp. Secker.

After enumerating the blessings for which we return our humble and hearty thanks, the form from eucharistic becomes petitionary. We beseech GOD to make us truly sensible of his mercies, and really thankful for them, that we may show our gratitude, and promote his glory, not only by celebrating his praises day by day in the public assemblies of the Church, but by walking in the paths of holiness and righteousness all our lives. These petitions we enforce through the merits of JESUS CHRIST; and we conclude the whole with a doxology, in which we ascribe to the SON, with the FATHER and the HOLY GHOST, all honour and glory, world without end. Amen.—Shepherd.

THEOLOGAL. An officer in some foreign cathedrals, generally a canon, often a dignitary, whose business it was to profess theology.

THEOLOGY, (From Θεὸς, God, and λόγος, a discourse.) A discourse concerning GOD, it being the business of this science to treat of the Deity. The heathens had their theologues or divines, as well as the Christians; and Eusebius and Augustine distinguished the theology of the heathens into three sorts: first, the fabulous and poetical; secondly, natural, which was explained by philosophy and physics; the third was political or civil, which last consisted chiefly in the solemn service of the gods, and in the belief which they had in oracles and divinations, together with the ceremonies wherewith their worship was performed.

Divinity among the Christians is divided into positive and scholastical; the first being founded upon fact and institution, having the Scriptures, councils, and Fathers for its bottom and foundation, and, properly speaking, this is true divinity: the other, called scholastical, is principally supported by reason, which is made use of to show, that the Christian theology contains nothing inconsistent with natural light; and with this view it is that Thomas Aquinas makes use of the authority of philosophers, and arguments from natural reason, because he was engaged with philosophers, who attacked the Christian religion with arguments from those topics.

THEOPHORI. (Θεὸς and φέρω.) See Christophori.

THOMAS’S, ST., DAY. A festival of the Christian Church observed on the 21st of December, in commemoration of St. Thomas the apostle.

THOMAS, ST., CHRISTIANS OF, who are of the Chaldæan and Nestorian sect, notwithstanding the several attempts made to reform them, remain firm to their ancient customs, and if they sometimes comply with the Popish missionaries, it is but in outward appearance: when they are desired to submit to the Church of Rome, they answer, that as St. Peter was chief of that Church, so St. Thomas was head of theirs, and both Churches were independent one of another, and they stand stedfast in acknowledging the patriarch of Babylon, without minding the pope: they hold, as Moreri relates, Nestorius’s opinion, receive no images, and do not much reverence the cross. They hold that the souls of saints do not see GOD before the day of judgment. They allow three sacraments, viz. baptism, orders, and the eucharist: but even in these they do not agree, there being several forms of baptism in the same Church: they abhor auricular confession; and for their consecration make use of small cakes, made with oil and salt; the wine they use is nothing but water in which they steep raisins: they observe no age for orders, but make priests at seven, eighteen, twenty, &c., who may marry as often as their wives die. They administer no sacrament without their fees or reward, and, as for marriage, they make use of the first priest they meet with. They have all an extraordinary respect for the patriarch of Babylon, chief of the Nestorians, and cannot abide to hear the pope named in their churches, where, for the most part, they neither have curate nor vicar, but the eldest presides: it is true they go to mass on Sundays, not that they think themselves obliged in conscience to do so, or that they would sin mortally if they did not. Their children, unless it be in case of sickness, are not baptized till the fiftieth day. At the death of friends, the kindred and relations keep an eight days’ fast in memory of the deceased: they observe the times of Advent and Lent, the festivals of our LORD, and many of the saints’ days, those especially that relate to St. Thomas, the Dominica in Albis, or Sunday after Easter, in memory of the famous confession which St. Thomas on that day made of CHRIST, after he had been sensibly cured of his unbelief; another on the 1st of June, celebrated not only by Christians, but by Moors and Pagans. The people who come to his sepulchre on pilgrimage, carry away a little of the red earth of the place where he was interred, which they keep as an inestimable treasure, and believe it to be a sovereign remedy against diseases: their priests are shaven in fashion of a cross; but Simon does not charge them with so many errors as Meneses does, from whom this account is taken.

THRONE. The bishop’s principal seat in his cathedral. At St. Paul’s the bishop has two thrones; that at the end of the stalls probably representing the episcopal throne, properly so called, which he assumed at the more solemn part of the service; that more westerly his ordinary seat, or stall. In old times the bishop of London often occupied the stall usually assigned to the dean, as is still the custom at Ely and Carlisle. The bishop’s throne in the ancient basilicas and churches was at the apex of the apsis, a semicircle behind the altar. The marble chair of the archbishop at Canterbury, in which he is enthroned, formerly occupied a place behind the altar; a remnant of the old arrangement, as appears from Darl’s Canterbury. The cumbrous pew occupied by the doctors and university officers at St. Mary’s, Cambridge, is called the throne.

THUNDERING LEGION. (See Legion.)

THURIFICATI. In times of persecution Christians who were brought to be examined before the heathen tribunal, were permitted to escape punishment by casting frankincense on an altar dedicated to an idol. This was of course an act of idolatry, and amounted to open and unreserved apostasy: some however there were who were betrayed into this act by present fear, rather than a real wish to deny CHRIST, and who sought afterwards, by a rigid penance, the peace of the Church. These were called Thurificati. (See Libellatici and Sacrificati.)

TIARA. The name of the pope’s triple crown. The tiara and keys are the badges of the papal dignity, the tiara of his civil rank, and the keys of his jurisdiction; for as soon as the pope is dead, his arms are represented with the tiara alone, without the keys. The ancient tiara was a round high cap. John XIII. first encompassed it with a crown; Boniface VIII. added a second crown; and Benedict XIII. a third.

TILES. The use of ornamented tiles in churches is at least as old as the Norman æra, and was never discontinued till the fall of Gothic art. A very valuable paper on the arrangement of tiles, by Lord Alwyne Compton, will be found in the first number of the collected papers of the Northamptonshire and other architectural societies.

TIPPET. In the 74th canon, in which decency in apparel is enjoined to ministers, it is appointed that “All deans, masters of colleges, archdeacons, and prebendaries, in cathedral and collegiate churches, (being priests or deacons,) doctors in divinity, law, and physic, bachelors in divinity, masters of arts, and bachelors of law, having any ecclesiastical living, shall usually wear gowns with standing collars and sleeves straight at the hands, or wide sleeves, as is used at the universities, with hoods or tippets of silk or sarsenet, and square caps.” And that all other ministers admitted, or to be admitted, into that function shall also usually wear the like apparel as is aforesaid, except tippets only. (See “The Tippets of the Canons Ecclesiastical,” by G. I. French, London, 1850.) And in the 58th canon: “It shall be lawful for such ministers as are not graduates to wear upon their surplices, instead of hoods, some decent tippet of black, so it be not silk.” See Mr. Gilbert French’s ingenious treatise on the Tippets of the Canons Ecclesiastical: from which it would appear that the present black scarf worn by some of the English clergy represents three things: 1. The stole; 2. the chaplain’s scarf; 3. the choir tippet. The chaplain’s scarf is a remnant of the ancient badges, or liveries, worn by the members of noblemen’s households, their chaplains included. The choir tippet grew out of the ancient almutium, or amice, that is, a vesture which covered the shoulders, and included the hood: the liripipium, or pendent part of the hood, sometimes hanging singly behind, (as in our modern hoods,) sometimes in duplicate before, like the scarf. In process of time the hood became separated from this pendent part in front, and hence the choir tippet. It is certain that the tippet so called, often made of sables or furs, was worn in the form of the scarf, by dignitaries of the Church and State for many ages in England. The scarf has been called a tippet immemorially in Ireland, and within memory in many parts of England. The law of the Church therefore seems to be this, that all ecclesiastics (whether priests or deacons) being prebendaries or of higher rank in cathedral and collegiate churches, and all priests or deacons being Masters of Arts or of higher degree, may wear either hoods or tippets of silk: and all non-graduate ministers (whether priests or deacons) may not wear hoods, but only tippets not of silk. Whence the tippet is to be worn by all clergymen. The 58th canon however is explicit as to the use of hoods by graduates. By the constant usage of cathedrals, both hood and scarf are worn by all capitular graduates.—Jebb.

TITHES, in the religious application of the phrase, is a certain portion, or allotment, for the maintenance of the priesthood, being the tenth part of the produce of land, cattle, or other branches of wealth. It is an income, or revenue, common both to the Jewish and Christian priesthood.

The priests among the Jews had no share allowed them in the division of the land, that they might attend wholly upon Divine service, and not have their thoughts diverted by the business of tillage, or feeding cattle, or any other secular employment. Their maintenance arose chiefly from the first-fruits, offerings, and tithes.

The ancient Christians, it is generally thought, held the Divine right of tithes, that is, that the payment of tithes was not merely a ceremonial or political command, but of moral and perpetual obligation; though Bellarmine, Selden, and others place them upon another foot. St. Jerome says expressly, that the law about tithes (to which he adds first-fruits) was to be understood to continue in its full force in the Christian Church. And both Origen and St. Augustine confirm the same opinion.

But why, then, were not tithes exacted by the apostles at first, or by the fathers in the ages immediately following? For it is generally agreed, that tithes were not the original maintenance of ministers under the gospel. It is answered, first, that tithes were paid to the priests and Levites, in the time of CHRIST and his apostles; and the synagogue must be buried, before these things could be orderly brought into use in the Church. Secondly, in the times of the New Testament, there was an extraordinary maintenance, by a community of all things; which supplied the want of tithes. Thirdly, paying tithes, as the circumstances of the Church then stood, could not conveniently be practised; for this requires that some whole state or kingdom profess Christianity, and the Church be under the protection of the magistrates; which was not the case in the apostolical times. Besides, the inhabitants of the country, from whom the tithes of fruits must come, were the latest converts to Christianity.

The common opinion is, that tithes began first to be generally settled upon the Church in the fourth century, when the magistrates protected the Church, and the empire was generally converted from heathenism. Some think Constantine settled them by a law upon the Church; but there is no law of that emperor’s now extant, that makes express mention of any such thing. However, it is certain tithes were paid to the Church before the end of the fourth century, as Mr. Selden has proved out of Cassian, Eugippius, and others. The reader may see this whole matter historically deduced, through many centuries, by that learned author.

The custom of paying tithes, or offering a tenth of what a man enjoys, is not so peculiar to the Jewish and Christian law, but that we find some traces of it even among the heathens. Xenophon has preserved an inscription upon a column near a temple of Diana, whereby the people were admonished to offer the tenth part of their revenues every year to the goddess. And Festus assures us, the ancients gave tithe of everything to their gods.

Before the promulgation of the law, Abraham set the example of paying tithes, in giving the tenth of the spoils to Melchisedech, king of Salem, at his return from his expedition against Chedorlaomer and the four confederate kings. And Jacob imitated the piety of his grandfather in this respect, when he vowed to the LORD the tithe of all the substance he might acquire in Mesopotamia. (See Revenues, Ecclesiastical.)

TITLE. (See Orders.) Canon 33. “It has been long since provided by many decrees of the ancient Fathers, that none should be admitted, either deacon or priest, who had not first some certain place where he might use his function: according to which examples we do ordain, that henceforth no person shall be admitted into sacred orders, except (1.) he shall at that time exhibit to the bishop, of whom he desireth imposition of hands, a presentation of himself to some ecclesiastical preferment then void in the diocese; or (2.) shall bring to the said bishop a true and undoubted certificate, that either he is provided of some church within the said diocese where he may attend the cure of souls, or (3.) of some minister’s place vacant either in the cathedral church of that diocese, or in some other collegiate church therein also situate, where he may execute his ministry; or (4.) that he is a fellow, or in right as a fellow, or (5.) to be a conduct or chaplain in some college in Cambridge or Oxford; or (6.) except he be a Master of Arts of five years’ standing, that liveth of his own charge in either of the universities; or (7.) except by the bishop himself that doth ordain him minister, he be shortly after to be admitted either to some benefice or curateship then void. And if any bishop shall admit any person into the ministry that hath none of these titles, as is aforesaid, then he shall keep and maintain him with all things necessary, till he do prefer him to some ecclesiastical living; and if the said bishop refuse so to do, he shall be suspended by the archbishop, being assisted with another bishop, from giving of orders by the space of a year.” The same rules apply to the Irish portion of the united Church.

TOBIT, THE BOOK OF. An apocryphal book of Scripture, so called. Tobit, whose history is related therein, was of the tribe of Nephthali, and one of those whom Salmanassar, king of Assyria, carried away captive, when he took Samaria, and destroyed the kingdom of Israel. This happened in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea, king of Israel, and the sixth of Hezekiah, king of Judah. The tribe of Nephthali was indeed carried away before by Tiglath-Pileser, king of Assyria; but this was not a general captivity, there being several still left behind.

The Book of Tobit was written in Chaldee, by some Babylonian Jew, and seems, in its original draught, to have been the memoirs of the family to which it relates, first begun by Tobit, then continued by Tobias, and finished by some other of the family; and afterward digested by the Chaldee author into that form in which we now have it. It was translated out of the Chaldee into Latin by St. Jerome, and his translation is that which we have in the Vulgar Latin edition of the Bible. But there is a Greek version much ancienter than this, from which was made the Syriac version, and also that which we have in English among the apocryphal writers, in our Bible. But the Chaldee original is not now extant. The Hebrew copies of this book, as well as of that of Judith, seem to be of a modern composition. It being easier to settle the chronology of this book than that of the Book of Judith, it has met with much less opposition from learned men, and is generally looked upon, both by Jews and Christians, as a genuine and true history; though, as to some matters in it, (particularly that of the angel’s accompanying Tobias, in a long journey, under the shape of Azarias, the story of Raguel’s daughter, the frightening away of the devil by the smoke of the heart and liver of a fish, and the curing of Tobit’s blindness by the gall of the same fish,) it is much less reconcilable to a rational credibility. These things look more like poetical fictions than the writings of a sacred historian, and afford an objection against this book, which does not lie against the other.

This book is very instructive, full of religious and pious thoughts, and written in a plain, natural, and easy style. Tobit lived an hundred and two years; lost his sight at fifty-six years of age, and recovered it in the sixtieth. Before his death, he foretold the destruction of Nineveh, which happened under Nebuchadnezzar and Ahasuerus, that is, under Astyages and Nabopalasar.

TOLERATION. Johnson defines this word as “the allowance given to that which is not approved.” The Church, as the depository and dispenser of religious truth, cannot bring within the range of its theory the allowance of that which it holds to be error. The Church of England holds (see Art. VI.) that it is not to be required of any man, that anything should be believed as an article of the faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation, which is not read in Holy Scripture, nor may be proved thereby. But if any man profess what is clean contrary to that which the Church has laid down as an article of the faith, then, in the Church’s view, he professes what is contrary to the Scripture, and there can be no warrant for allowing that which is contrary to the Scripture. The Church, however, while refusing any allowance to error, may refrain from denunciation and persecution of those who profess and maintain erroneous doctrines; and in this respect the Church of England is conspicuously more charitable than the Church of Rome: that Church, which dares not venture to say that she requires nothing to be believed but that which may be found in Holy Scripture, or may be proved thereby, nevertheless, wherever she has the power, punishes those who refuse assent to her theories, and makes them personally answerable for the heterodoxy of their principles. Such is not the practice of the Church of England.

The State or political government in England, admits toleration, in the sense of the word as defined by Johnson. Although the Church is united with the State, and the State must be held to approve of the doctrines of the Church, yet it allows, and to a certain extent supports, religious teaching which the Church holds to be erroneous. Whether this be done upon the principle that the State does not hold itself competent to decide between truth and error in religion, but acts merely as the head of a community, in which a variety of conflicting doctrines are maintained, or whether it be done upon the ground of expediency, or what Dr. Paley calls “general utility,” (see his “Moral Philosophy,” book vi. ch. x.,) it is not necessary here to inquire.

Previously to the year 1688, the statute law (see 35 Eliz. and 22 Car. II. c. 1) forbade the public exercise of other religions than that of the Church of England. But the statute of 1 W.& M. c. 18, commonly called the Toleration Act, recognised and admitted the public profession of the religion of Protestant Dissenters, (except those who denied the doctrine of the TRINITY,) while it confirmed all the severities, then upon the statute book, against the religion of Papists. This act, however, did not relieve Dissenters from the operation of the Corporation Act, 13 Car. II. c. 1, nor from that of the Test Act, 25 Car. II. c. 2. These acts, which made it necessary that all members of the corporations of towns, and all persons holding office under the Crown, should receive the sacrament of the LORD’S supper according to the usage of the Church of England, continued in force until the year 1828, when they were repealed by the 9 Geo. IV. c. 17.

By the Toleration Act of 1 W. & M. c. 18, it was provided, that no law or statute of the realm, made against Papists or Popish recusants, should extend to persons dissenting from the Church of England, who should take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and make and subscribe the declaration against Popery.

Section 8, provides that no person dissenting from the Church of England, in holy orders, or pretended holy orders, or pretending to holy orders, nor any preacher or teacher of any congregation of dissenting Protestants, that shall make and subscribe the declaration aforesaid, and take the said oaths at the general or quarter sessions of the peace, to be held for the county, town, parts, or division where such person lives, which court is hereby empowered to administer the same, and shall also declare his approbation of and subscribe the Articles of Religion mentioned in the statute made in the 13th of Queen Eliz., except the 34th, 35th, and 36th, and these words in the 20th Article, viz. “the Church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies and authority in controversies of faith,” shall be liable to any of the pains or penalties mentioned in former acts.

Section 17, provides that neither this act, nor any clause, article, or thing herein contained, shall extend or be construed to extend to or give any ease, benefit, or advantage to any Papist or Popish recusant whatsoever, or any person that shall deny in his preaching or writing the doctrine of the blessed TRINITY, as it is declared in the aforesaid Articles of Religion.

By the 19 Geo. III. c. 44, it was recited, that certain Protestant Dissenters had an objection to the declaration in favour of the articles set forth in sect. 8 of the Toleration Act; and it was provided that, in lieu of that declaration, the following might be made:—“I, A. B., do solemnly declare, in the face of Almighty GOD, that I am a Christian and a Protestant, and, as such, that I believe that the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as commonly received among Protestant Churches, do contain the revealed word of GOD, and that I do receive the same as the rule of my doctrine and practice.”

In 1813, by 53 Geo. III. c. 160, the clause of the Toleration Act, excepting those persons who denied the doctrine of the Trinity, was repealed.

As to Roman Catholics, the severity of the laws against them was relaxed in 1778, and again in 1780. Further disabilities were removed in 1793, and at subsequent periods; but still they were excluded from parliament, and from all important civil offices, till 1829, when the Roman Catholic Emancipation Act was passed (10 Geo. IV. c. 7); and, in regard to all civil and political rights and privileges, they were placed upon the same footing as Protestants. Since then they have endeavoured, in respect to ecclesiastical matters, to assert an independence of the Crown of Great Britain, to which the Church of England itself does not lay claim. This attempt has been met by the 14 & 15 Vict. c. 60.

TONSURE. The having the hair clipped in such a fashion as the ears may be seen and not the forehead, or a shaved spot on the crown of the head. A clerical tonsure was made necessary about the fifth or sixth century. No mention is made of it before, and it is first spoken of with decided disapprobation.

The ancient tonsure of the Western clergy by no means consisted in shaven crowns: this was expressly forbidden them, lest they should resemble the priests of Isis and Serapis, who shaved the crowns of their heads. But the ecclesiastical tonsure was nothing more than polling the head, and cutting the hair to a moderate degree.

The rituals tell us, the tonsure is a mark of the renunciation of the world and its vanities; but the hair that is left denotes with what sobriety the person tonsured ought to use the things of this world.

TRACERY. The system of ornamental framework in a window, or in a compartment of panelling or screen-work. The first form of tracery was doubtless suggested by the pierced circle often found between the heads of two lancets, and connected with them by a single hood.[18] For some time the form thus suggested (fig. 1.) was rigidly adhered to; even the number of lights being, in a great majority of cases, either two, four, or eight, the square and cube of two, and the simple two-light window was multiplied into itself once or twice, as in (fig. 2.), so that the pattern may be expressed by a geometrical series a^1, a^2, a^3. Windows of three or other odd numbers of lights were less frequent and less successful; and the reduplication was effected by arithmetical rather than geometrical progression, the six-light windows being of two three-light windows, with the addition of a centre piece (see figs. 3. and 4.). Throughout the windows of this early style of tracery, all is effected by simple reduplication, no attempt being yet made to extend a single composition throughout the space to be filled. Circles, when of a considerable size, were filled with smaller circles (see fig. 2.) or with cusping (fig. 4.) designed after the same laws. But we must omit for the future all consideration of cusping, (see Cusping,) and everything but the mere pattern of the tracery.

The exclusive use of circles led to great sameness of character, and the first effort to avoid this was by the introduction of convex-sided triangles, sometimes alone (fig. 5.), sometimes enclosed in or accompanying circles (fig. 3). Later still this triangle is resolved into a three-lobed figure, of which, however, the triangle is still the ruling form (fig. 6.). All these characteristics belong to the earlier class of Geometrical tracery, which is called concentric, because each perfect figure is either itself a circle, or is composed of circles or parts of circles struck from centres within the resultant figure, and themselves in the circumference of a circle, whose centre is the centre of the whole system. Thus in fig. 2. eight circles are struck either from the same centre, or points in the circumference of a circle concentric with the containing circle. In figs. 3. and 5. the triangles are composed of parts of circles, of which the centres are the opposite angles, and as the triangles are equilateral, all the centres are in the circumference of the circle whose centre is the centre of the triangle. This may be called the first law of the concentric Geometrical. It has two corollaries, 1. that each line forms a part of one figure, only, and, 2. that each circle, or part of a circle, touches, or cuts, but never flows into, another. As this law is broken, its consequences also are reversed; and we get an excentric Geometrical, in which there is no one ruling centre within the figure; but, on the contrary, the spirit of the style consists in having curves struck from centres alternately within and without the resulting figure, as in the accompanying trilobate and tricuspidate triangle (fig. 7.); but still the lines cut or touch, and never flow into one another. In fig. 8. we have lines each forming parts of two figures, which is the same as fig. 5., with the omission of the lower side of each triangle, and the consequent rejection of a centre of construction, i. e. from concentric the figure has become excentric. This makes a very near approach to the flowing Decorated, which indeed it becomes by the reversal of the last remaining rule, i. e. by suffering the curves which are struck from circles within and without the resulting figure, and which already form part of two figures, to flow into another, instead of cutting or touching. By this process, fig. 4. is altered into the ordinary reticulated tracery of the flowing Decorated (fig. 9.); and fig. 10., instead of fig. 1., becomes a normal form.

This introduction of curves of contrary flexure is the ruling principle of flowing tracery, and its results are far too various to be pursued here. We must, however, observe, that in England the resulting forms have a great tendency to become pear-shaped, i.e. with the lower end pointed and the upper round and turned downward; whereas, on the Continent, while our Decorated was stiffening into the Perpendicular, their Geometrical was waving upward in their Flamboyant, which differs, as to mere pattern of tracery, from our flowing, in having both ends of each figure acutely pointed, and the upper point with an additional curve upward. Our own Perpendicular is scarcely worthy to be called tracery; its normal form is represented by mere intersections of vertical and horizontal lines (fig. 11.).

We have at present described only the component figures of tracery. The character of windows is further altered by several other means common to all the styles, consistent with every form here described. Thus, for instance, tracery is grouped in these three ways: a large and prominent centre-piece is carried by two independent arches (fig. 2.); or it is divided into two windows, as it were, by two main arches, of the same curvature with the window arch (figs. 3. and 11.); or it fills the whole window head with no such equal division of its parts[19] (figs. 5., 8., 9.); or, again, it is divided into foil and foiled tracery, the latter being the ordinary form, the first that of tracery, which itself, in its principal bars, follows the direction of foils, without a circumscribing arch (fig. 12.); or, again, according as the surface of the tracery bar which traces the pattern is a fillet, an edge, or a roll, it is fillet, edge, or roll tracery; or, again, if it is only a plate of stone, pierced, without being moulded, it is plate tracery. Flowing tracery is convergent, or divergent, or reticulated. But the greatest source of beauty next to cusping is the due subordination of mouldings, which is itself sufficient to remedy the apparent sameness of pattern in the concentric Geometrical, and which adds infinite grace to the flowing tracery, in which, however, it is too seldom found. The student of ecclesiastical architecture will do well to pursue the subject of this article in Sharpe’s “Decorated Windows,” and in Freeman’s “Essay on the Origin and Development of Window Tracery.”

TRACT, in the Roman Missal, is an anthem, generally taken from the Psalms, following, and sometimes substituted for, the Gradual, (i.e. the anthem after the Epistle,) during penitential seasons, as the third Sunday in Advent, the three Sundays before Lent, Sundays, Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays in Lent, Easter Saturdays, and Easter Even, and certain holidays. Cardinal Bona says it is so called, “a trahendo: quia tractim et graviter, et prolixo descensu cantatur,” because it is sung in a protracted or slow manner.—Jebb.

TRADITION. (See Fathers.) The doctrine which has been delivered or handed down from one age to another. The great deference paid by the Church of England as a branch of the Catholic Church to tradition, is so misrepresented by the wicked, and so misunderstood by the weak, that we quote the following passage from Palmer’s “Treatise on the Church.” Speaking of those who calumniate us for our use of this doctrine, he says: “The various methods which these men employ in endeavouring to prevent any appeal to the tradition of the Church, may be classed under the following heads:

“1. Systematic misrepresentation. We do not appeal, in proof of Christian doctrine, to the ancient Christian writers as in any way infallible. Our sentiments on this head are well known; they have been repeatedly explained. We hold that the doctrine of any Father, however great and learned he may have been, e. g. that of Augustine, Athanasius, Ambrose, or Basil, is to be rejected in any point where it contradicts Scripture. We consider all these writers as uninspired men, and therefore liable to mistakes and errors like other theologians. Therefore it involves a studied misrepresentation of our meaning and principle, when we are met by assertions or proofs that particular Fathers have taught errors in faith or morality—that they were credulous—that their writings are in some points obscure—that their criticisms or interpretations of Scripture are sometimes mistaken—that they invented scholastic doctrines and were tinged with false philosophy—that the later Fathers were better theologians than the earlier—that there are Fathers against Fathers, and councils against councils, on some points. This is all calculated merely to excite prejudice against an appeal to the doctrine of the Church, by misrepresenting our design and principle in making it. Our answer to all these arguments is, that we do not appeal to the Fathers as inspired and authoritative writers, but as competent witnesses of the faith held by Christians in their days. If they are not to be trusted in this, they are not to be trusted in their testimony to the facts of Christianity, and the external evidence of revelation is subverted.

“2. Pretended respect for religion. Under this head may be classed that mode of argument which rejects any appeal to the doctrine of the Christian Church, under pretence that the Word of GOD alone ought to be the rule of our faith, in opposition to all the doctrines of man; that the Scripture constitutes a perfect rule of faith, needing nothing else; that it must necessarily be plain in all essential points, and that it is its own interpreter. The end of all this pretended reverence for Scripture is, to obtain an unlimited liberty of interpreting it according to our own reason and judgment, even in opposition to the belief of all Christians from the beginning. But in asserting this liberty to all men, it follows inevitably that no particular interpretation of Scripture is necessary to salvation; that Scripture has no Divine meaning; that it is not a revelation. In short, tradition is thrown aside, under pretence of veneration for the Scripture, in order that men may be enabled to distort, or misinterpret, and to destroy that very Scripture.

“The same may be observed of that pretended zeal for the defence of the Reformation, which infidels, Unitarians, and other enemies of the doctrine and discipline of the Church allege as a plea for rejecting all appeal to the doctrines of the universal Church. ‘The doctrines of the Reformation,’ they say, ‘cannot be defended if this appeal is allowed; Popery must triumph.’ Excellent men! They will maintain the Reformation at all hazards; all evidence shall be pronounced worthless if it be opposed to the interests of that sacred cause! But what is the end sought by all this pretended devotion? It is, that every man may be permitted, without any check, to interpret Scripture in such a manner as to subvert all the doctrines of the Reformation, whether positive or negative, to prove the Reformation itself needless, erroneous, bigoted, equally absurd as the system to which it was opposed, and more inconsistent. I charge these men with the grossest hypocrisy. Never was there a more daring attempt to palm an imposture on the credulous and unthinking, than this effort of deists and heretics to set aside tradition under pretence of zeal for the Reformation. They are the opponents of the Reformation. They are the representatives of those whom the Reformation condemned. They reject its doctrines, they charge it with ignorance, bigotry, intolerance, errors as gross as those of Popery. They have separated from its reformed institutions, as anti-Christians, and only exist by a perpetual attack upon them. The Reformation has no connexion with these men: its defence belongs exclusively to those who maintain its doctrines and adhere to its institutions, and they alone are proper judges of the mode of argument suited to its interests.

“3. Statements directly untrue. Under this head may be included the palmary argument employed by all sects against any appeal to the tradition of the Church universal, namely, that it was the principle of the Reformation to reject any such appeal; and its principle was, ‘the Bible alone is the religion of Protestants.’ Nothing can be more untrue than this assertion; the Reformation as a whole acknowledged and appealed to the authority of Catholic tradition, though it denied the infallibility of particular Fathers and councils. With equal veracity it is asserted that the Church of England rejects tradition in her sixth Article of Religion, when it is manifest that her object is simply to maintain the necessity of Scriptural proof for articles of faith; while our canons, our rituals, and the whole body of our theologians, so notoriously uphold the authority of tradition, that it is a subject of unmeasured complaint on the part of those who disbelieve the doctrines of the Church. The nature of these various arguments testifies sufficiently that the doctrine of the universal Church is opposed to those who employ them. It could be nothing but a feeling of despair on this point, which could have induced men to resort to perpetual misrepresentation, to false pretences, and to untruths. The employment of these weapons by all sects, in order to prevent any appeal to universal tradition, proves two points. First, as the sole fundamental principle on which they all agree is, the rejection of an appeal to the doctrines of the Church as a check on the interpretation of Scripture, and the assertion of an unlimited right of private interpretation; this principle is the source of all their divisions and contradictions, and therefore must be radically false. Secondly, the doctrine of the universal Church from the beginning must condemn that of all modern sects, in every point in which they differ from our Catholic and apostolic Churches; and therefore, on every such point, they are in error, and misinterpret Scripture, and the Church is in the right.”

TRADITIONS OF THE CHURCH. (See Ceremony.) “It is not necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all places one, and utterly like; for at all times they have been divers, and may be changed according to the diversities of countries, times, and men’s manners, so that nothing be ordained against GOD’S word. Whosoever, through his private judgment, willingly and purposely, doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of the Church, which be not repugnant to the word of GOD, and be ordained and approved by common authority, ought to be rebuked openly, (that others may fear to do the like,) as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church, and hurteth the authority of the magistrate, and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren.

“Every particular or national Church hath authority to ordain, change, and abolish, ceremonies or rites of the Church ordained only by man’s authority, so that all things be done to edifying.”—Article XXXIV.

The word “tradition” is not here used in the same sense in which it was used in the explanation of the sixth Article. It there signified unwritten articles of faith, asserted to be derived from CHRIST and his apostles: in this Article it means customs or practices, relative to the external worship of GOD, which had been delivered down from former times; that is, in the sixth Article, traditions meant traditional doctrines, of pretended Divine authority; and in this it means traditional practices acknowledged to be of human institution.—Bp. Tomline.

The word means the same as is expressed immediately by the word “ceremonies,” which is only explanatory; and which the Church afterwards calls “rites,” supposing them the same with ceremonies.—Dr. Bennet.

TRADITORS. Persons who in times of persecution delivered the sacred Scriptures and other ecclesiastical records to their persecutors, were thus called, and were subjected to severe censures.

TRANSEPT. (See Cathedral.)

TRANSITION. About the year 1145, the use of the pointed arch was introduced into English architecture, and with this so many constructive changes in the fabric, that though Norman decorations were long retained, and even the round arch was used, except in the more important constructive portions, a style equally distinct from Norman and from Early English was the result, and this style is called Semi-Norman, or Transition. Before the close of the twelfth century, the round arch had entirely disappeared, and the Early English, or Lancet, style was fully developed about 1190.

TRANSLATION. The removal of a bishop from the charge of one diocese to that of another, in which case the bishop in his attestations writes “anno translationis nostræ,” not “anno consecrationis nostræ.”

Also, in literature, the rendering of a work from the original into another language. All the scriptural portions of the Prayer Book are not derived from the translation in common use. For example, the Psalter is from the great English Bible set forth and used in the time of Henry VIII. and Edward VI.

TRANSLATION of festivals. In the Roman Church, when two festivals of a certain class concur on the same day with other festivals of the same or similar class, the celebration of one or other of these festivals is transferred to some future day, according to rules which are given in the Breviary and Missal. This is called a translation.—Jebb.

TRANSOM. A horizontal mullion, or cross-bar, in a window or in panelling. The transom first occurs in late Decorated windows, and in Perpendicular windows of large size it is of universal occurrence.

TRANSUBSTANTIATION. The pretended miraculous conversion or change of the bread and wine into the very body and blood of our LORD, which the Romanists suppose to be wrought by the consecration of the priest. This false doctrine is condemned by the Church of England in her 28th Article. “The supper of the LORD is not only a sign of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves one to another, but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by CHRIST’S death: insomuch that to such as rightly, worthily, and with faith receive the same, the bread which we break is a partaking of the body of CHRIST; and likewise the cup of blessing is a partaking of the blood of CHRIST.”

Transubstantiation, (or the change of the substance of bread and wine,) in the supper of the LORD, cannot be proved by holy writ: but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, overthroweth the nature of a sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions.

“The body of CHRIST is given, taken, and eaten in the supper, only after an heavenly and spiritual manner. And the mean whereby the body of CHRIST is received and eaten in the supper is faith.

“The sacrament of the Lord’s supper was not by CHRIST’S ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, or worshipped.”

Bishop Beveridge has the following remarks on this article, from Scripture and the Fathers:

“Scripture and Fathers holding forth so clearly, that whosoever worthily receives the sacrament of the LORD’S supper doth certainly partake of the body and blood of CHRIST, the devil thence took occasion to draw men into an opinion, that the bread which is used in that sacrament is the very body that was crucified upon the cross; and the wine after consecration the very blood that gushed out of his pierced side. The time when this opinion was first broached was in the days of Gregory III., pope of Rome. The persons that were the principal abettors of it were Damascen in the Eastern, and afterwards Amalarius in the Western Churches. It was no sooner started in the East, but it was opposed by a famous council at Constantinople, consisting of 338 bishops, the famous opposers of idol worship. But afterwards, in the second Council of Nice, it was again defended, and in particular by Epiphanius the deacon, who confidently affirmed that, ‘after the consecration, the bread and wine are called, are, and are believed to be, properly the body and blood of CHRIST.’ In the West also, Amalarius having broached this opinion, Paschasius Radbertus readily swallowed it down. But Rabanus Maurus, Ratramnus or Bertramnus, (of whom more presently,) as also Johannes Scotus Erigena, not only stuck at it, but refused it, and wrote against it as a poisonous error. And, after them, Berengarius too, who was not only written against by Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, but condemned for it in a council held at Verceli, (where the book of Johannes Scotus of the eucharist was also condemned,) and at another council held at Rome about the same time. And though he did recant his opinion at a council held at Tours, and another at Rome, as some think, so as never to hold it more, yet his followers would never recant what they had learned of him. But in the Lateran Council, held A. D. 1215, the opinion of the real or carnal presence of CHRIST was not only confirmed, but the word transubstantiated was newly coined to express it by; that council determining that ‘there is one universal Church of the faithful, without which there is none saved; in which JESUS CHRIST himself is both priest and sacrifice, whose body and blood in the sacrament of the altar are truly contained under the shapes of bread and wine; the bread being transubstantiated, or substantially changed into his body, and the wine into his blood, by the power of GOD; that for the perfecting the mystery of our union, we might receive of him what he had received of us.’ And ever since this word was thus forged by this council, the abettors of this opinion have made use of it to declare their minds by concerning this great mystery; still holding with the Council of Trent, ‘that by the consecration of the bread and wine is made a change of the whole substance of bread into the substance of the body of CHRIST our LORD, and of the whole substance of the wine into the substance of his blood; which change is aptly and properly called by the holy Catholic Church transubstantiation.’ So that, according to this opinion, the bread and wine, which before are properly bread and wine only, and not the body and blood of CHRIST, are after consecration as properly the body and blood of CHRIST, only, and not bread and wine; the bread being changed by the words of consecration into the very body of CHRIST that hung upon the cross; and the wine into the very blood that ran in his veins, and afterwards issued forth out of his side.

“Now the doctrine delivered in the former part of this article being so much abused, that they should take occasion from that great truth to fall into this desperate error, so as to say the bread and wine are really changed into the body and blood of CHRIST, because he doth really partake of the body and blood of CHRIST, that rightly receives the bread and the wine; that truth is no sooner delivered but this error is presently opposed. It being no sooner declared that the bread we break is a partaking of the body, and the cup we bless a partaking of the blood, of CHRIST, but it is immediately subjoined, that, notwithstanding the truth of that assertion, yet transubstantiation, or the change of the bread and wine into the body and blood of CHRIST, is to be rejected upon a fourfold account. First, because it cannot be proved by the Scriptures. Secondly, it is repugnant to them. Thirdly, it overthroweth the nature of the sacrament. Fourthly, it hath given occasion to many superstitions. Of which in their order briefly.

“1. As for the first, that this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be proved from the Holy Scriptures, is plain from the insufficiency of those places which are usually and principally alleged to prove it; and they are the sixth of St. John’s Gospel, and the words of institution. In the sixth chapter of St. John’s Gospel, we find our SAVIOUR saying, ‘My flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed.’ (John vi. 55.) And many such like expressions hath he there concerning our eating of his flesh, and drinking of his blood. From whence they gather, that the bread and wine are really turned into the body and blood of CHRIST; not considering, first, that our SAVIOUR said these words at the least a year before the sacrament of the LORD’S supper was instituted. For when CHRIST spake these words, it is said, that ‘the passover was nigh,’ (ver. 4,) whereas the institution of the sacrament was not until the passover following; and it is very unlikely that he should preach concerning that sacrament before it was instituted. To which we may also add, that our SAVIOUR here saith concerning the flesh and blood here spoken of, ‘Except ye eat the flesh of the SON of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in you’ (ver. 53); whereas it is manifest that a man may be deprived of the sacramental bread and wine, and yet have life in him; for otherwise all that die before they receive the sacrament must of necessity be damned. And, therefore, though the thing signified, even the flesh and blood of CHRIST, is here to be understood, yet the signs themselves of the sacrament cannot. And so this place, not intending the bread and wine in the sacrament, cannot be a sufficient foundation to ground the transubstantiation of that bread and wine into the body and blood of CHRIST. And, secondly, suppose this place was to be understood of the sacrament, when our SAVIOUR saith, ‘My flesh is bread indeed, and my blood is drink indeed:’ this might prove indeed that CHRIST’S body and blood were turned into bread and drink, but not at all that [that] bread and drink are turned into his body and blood. Thirdly, it is plain that in these words our SAVIOUR doth not mean any external or bodily, but internal and spiritual, feeding upon him. So that whosoever thus feedeth upon him shall never die, (ver. 50,) but live for ever (ver. 51). Yea, ‘He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me and I in him’ (ver. 56). So that, as Origen observeth, ‘No wicked man can eat of this bread here spoken of; whereas it is as clear as the noonday sun, that sinners, as well as saints, the worst as well as the best of men, may eat the bread and drink the wine in the sacrament.’ And as the sixth of St. John’s Gospel doth not, so neither do the words of institution, ‘This is my body,’ prove the transubstantiation of the bread into the very body of CHRIST. For he that saith, because our SAVIOUR said, ‘This is my body,’ the bread is therefore changed into his body, may as well say that, because Joseph said, ‘The seven good kine are seven years, and the seven good ears are seven years,’ (Gen. xli. 26,) therefore the seven good kine, and the seven good ears, were all changed into seven years. And because Daniel said to Nebuchadnezzar, ‘Thou art this head of gold,’ (Dan. ii. 38,) therefore Nebuchadnezzar must needs be changed into a head of gold; whereas it is plain that in Scripture that is often said to be a thing which is only the sign of it: as GOD is pleased to explain himself when he said of circumcision, ‘This is my covenant,’ (Gen. xvii. 10,) and in the next verse, ‘And it shall be a sign or token of the covenant betwixt me and you’ (ver. 11). And what sense the Most High explains himself by in that sacrament we may well understand him in this. When he said, ‘This is my covenant,’ he tells us what he meant by that phrase, even ‘This is the sign of my covenant:’ and so here, when CHRIST said, ‘This is my body,’ according to his own explication of himself before, it is no more than if he should have said, ‘This is the sign or token of my body.’ And therefore saith Augustine, ‘For if sacraments should not have a certain resemblance of the things whereof they are sacraments, they would not be sacraments at all; but from this resemblance they often receive the names of the things themselves. Therefore, as after a certain manner the sacrament of CHRIST’S body is the body of CHRIST, and the sacrament of the blood of CHRIST is the blood of CHRIST; so the sacrament of faith (baptism) is faith.’ So that the words, ‘This is my body,’ prove no more than that the bread was the sign or sacrament of his body; not at all that it is really changed into his body. But that this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be proved from the Scriptures, is further evident in that it is contrary to them.

“2. And this is the second thing here asserted of transubstantiation, that it is ‘repugnant to the plain words of the Holy Scriptures;’ which to prove I need go no further than to show, that the Scripture doth still assert them to be bread and wine after as well as before consecration. And this one might think was plain enough, in the first place, even from the words of institution themselves; for the Scripture saith, ‘And as they were eating JESUS took bread and blessed it, and gave it to the disciples, and said, Take, eat, this is my body.’ (Matt. xxvi. 26.) So that that which JESUS took was bread, that which JESUS blessed was bread, that which JESUS gave to his disciples was bread; and therefore that of which he said, ‘This is my body,’ must needs be bread too, as the Fathers long ago acknowledged. And truly in reason it cannot be denied; for there is no other antecedent to the pronoun ‘this’ but ‘bread;’ for the ‘body’ of CHRIST, that cometh after it, cannot possibly be the antecedent to it. For, according to the principles of our adversaries themselves that hold this opinion, the bread is not changed into the body of CHRIST before consecrated, nor is it consecrated until the words, ‘This is my body,’ be all pronounced; so that when the priest saith, ‘This,’ there is no such thing as the body of CHRIST present, that not coming in till both that and the following words too are perfectly uttered; and therefore the body of CHRIST can by no means be looked upon as the antecedent to this pronoun; but that it is bread and bread only that it hath reference to. So that ‘This is my body,’ is as much as to say, ‘This bread is my body, this bread that I have taken, and blessed, and give unto you, is my body.’ Now, as Bellarmine himself acknowledged, this proposition, ‘This bread is my body,’ cannot possibly be taken any other ways than significatively, so as that the sense should be, ‘This bread signifies my body,’ is a sign or sacrament of it; it being absolutely impossible that bread should be the very body of CHRIST: for if it be bread, and yet the very body of CHRIST too, then bread and the body of CHRIST would be convertible terms. So that the very words of institution themselves are sufficient to convince any rational man, whose reason is not darkened by prejudice, that that of which our SAVIOUR said, ‘This is my body,’ was real bread, and so his body only in a figurative or sacramental sense; and by consequence that the bread was not turned into his body, but his body was only represented by the bread. But if this will not do, we may consider, in the second place, the institution of the other part of the sacrament; for it is said, ‘And he took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of it; for this is my blood of the new testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins.’ (Matt. xxvi. 27, 28.) Where these last words, ‘for this is my blood,’ &c., being the words of consecration; and our SAVIOUR having given them the cup before, and bidden them to drink all of it; it could not possibly be meant of anything else than the wine in the cup of which he said these words. To which we may also observe what follows, even after the words of consecration: ‘But I say unto you, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the vine, until that day when I drink it new with you in my Father’s kingdom.’ (Matt. xxvi. 29.) Whence we see our SAVIOUR himself, even after he had consecrated the wine, still calls it the fruit of the vine; and in saying that he will drink no more of the fruit of the vine, plainly shows that it was the fruit of the vine which he before drank. So that the very wine of which he said, ‘this is my blood,’ was wine still, and the fruit of the vine; which I hope none of our adversaries will say the very blood of CHRIST is. But, thirdly, this may be discovered also from the words of the apostle: ‘The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the communion of the blood of CHRIST? The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of CHRIST?’ (1 Cor. x. 16); where we may take notice of two things. First, that he here calleth the sacramental elements still ‘a cup,’ or wine, and bread, ‘the bread which we break;’ so that it is still bread: and, secondly, that the cup of blessing is the communion of the blood, and the bread broken the communion of the body, of CHRIST. Now, if the bread be the communion of his body, and the cup the communion of his blood, it cannot be that the cup should be his real blood, and the bread his real body; for then it would be as much as if he should have said, ‘The blood of CHRIST is the communion of the blood of CHRIST, and the body of CHRIST the communion of the body of CHRIST;’ and so the body of CHRIST must be the communion of itself, which is impossible; to which we might also add the several places where the apostle calls the elements still bread and wine, or the cup; as, ‘For as oft as ye eat this bread and drink this cup.’ (1 Cor. xi. 26.) “Whosoever shall eat this bread and drink this cup of the LORD unworthily,” &c. (Ver. 27.) ‘But let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup.’ (Ver. 28.) From whence it is manifest, that that which we eat at the sacrament is bread, and not the very body of CHRIST; that which we drink, the cup or wine, and not the very blood of CHRIST; and therefore, that to say it is not bread nor wine, but the very body and blood of CHRIST, is repugnant to the plain words of the Scripture.

“3. The third thing is, that it ‘overthroweth the nature of the sacrament,’ which I need not spend many words to prove; for in a sacrament it is required, first, that there be some outward sign representing spiritual grace; whereas if the bread be really changed into the body of CHRIST, there is no outward sign at all in the sacrament, there being nothing else but the body and blood of CHRIST, which are not signs, but the thing signified. Nay, as Augustine observes, ‘The signs themselves are the sacraments,’ and therefore where there is no sign there can be no sacrament. And so, by depriving this sacred ordinance of its outward signs, they degrade it from being a sacrament, making it to have nothing of the nature of a sacrament in it. And therefore, if they will still hold, that by the words of consecration the bread and wine are substantially changed into the body and blood of CHRIST, let them cease to call that holy action any longer a sacrament, but name it ‘the body and blood of CHRIST;’ for, according to their opinion, there is nothing in it but the body and blood of CHRIST. So that it is plain that, by this doctrine, the nature of a sacrament in general must be destroyed, or this sacrament in particular must be expunged out of their catalogue of sacraments.

“4. The fourth and last thing here objected against this doctrine of transubstantiation is, that it ‘hath given occasion to many superstitions,’ which any one that ever observed their customs and practices cannot but acknowledge. For this fond opinion possessing their brains, that the bread is the real body of CHRIST hung upon the cross, and pierced for their sins, oh! how zealous are they in wrapping it up neatly in their handkerchiefs, laying it up in their treasures, carrying it about in their processions; yea, and, at the length, in worshipping and adoring it too!”

This learned and orthodox bishop proceeds to show how inconsistent this tenet is with the teaching of the Fathers. We add a few quotations upon the subject from other orthodox divines.

“The article next condemns the Popish doctrine of transubstantiation, or the change of the substance of bread and wine into the real substance of CHRIST’S body and blood, in the administration of the LORD’S supper. The idea of CHRIST’S bodily presence in the eucharist was first started in the beginning of the eighth century, and it owed its rise to the indiscretion of preachers and writers of warm imaginations, who, instead of explaining judiciously the lofty figures of Scripture language upon this subject, understood and urged them in their literal sense. Thus the true meaning of these expressions was grossly perverted: but as this conceit seemed to exalt the nature of the holy sacrament, it was eagerly received in that ignorant and superstitious age; and was by degrees carried farther and farther, by persons still less guarded in their application of these metaphorical phrases. This has always been a favourite doctrine of the Church of Rome, as it impressed the common people with higher notions of the power of the clergy, and therefore served to increase their influence. It met however with opposition upon its original introduction, particularly from Bertram and John Scot; and again at the first dawn of the Reformation, both upon the Continent and in this country. It was objected to by the Waldenses; and there are strong expressions against it in some parts of Wickliff’s works. Luther, in contradiction to the other reformers, only changed transubstantiation into consubstantiation, which means that the substance of CHRIST’S body and blood is present in the holy sacrament with the substance of the bread and wine; and his perseverance in this opinion was a principal cause of the division among the reformed churches. He was opposed by Zuingle and Calvin, but the Confession of Augsburg, which was drawn up by Melancthon, favours consubstantiation. There is, however, considerable doubt concerning the real sentiments of Melancthon upon this subject, especially in the latter part of his life. Some of our early English reformers were Lutherans, and consequently they were at first disposed to lean towards consubstantiation; but they seem soon to have discovered their error, for in the articles of 1552 it is expressly said, “A faithful man ought not either to believe or openly confess the real and bodily presence, as they term it, of CHRIST’S flesh and blood in the sacrament of the LORD’S supper.” This part of the article was omitted in 1562, probably with a view to give less offence to those who maintain the corporal presence, and to comprehend as many as possible in the Established Church.”—Bp. Tomline.

In arguing against this doctrine we may first observe, that it is contradicted by our senses, since we see and taste that the bread and wine after consecration, and when we actually receive them, still continue to be bread and wine, without any change or alteration whatever. And again, was it possible for CHRIST, when he instituted the LORD’S supper, to take his own body and his own blood into his own hands, and deliver them to every one of his apostles? or was it possible for the apostles to understand our SAVIOUR’S command to drink his blood literally, when they were forbidden, under the severest penalties, to taste blood by the law of Moses, of which not only they themselves, but CHRIST also had been a strict observer? They expressed not the slightest surprise or reluctance when CHRIST delivered to them the bread and wine, which could not have been the case, had they conceived themselves commanded to eat the real body and drink the real blood of their LORD and Master. The bread and wine must have been considered by them as symbolical, and indeed the whole transaction was evidently figurative in all its parts; it was instituted when the Jews, by killing the paschal lamb, commemorated their deliverance from Egyptian bondage by the hand of Moses, which was typical of the deliverance of all mankind from the bondage of sin by the death of CHRIST, “the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world;” and as the occasion was typical, so likewise were the words used by our SAVIOUR: “This is my body which is broken,” and “this is my blood which is shed.” But his body was not yet broken, nor was his blood yet shed; and therefore the breaking of the bread, and the pouring out of the wine, were then figurative of what was about to happen, as they are now figurative of what has actually happened. He also said, “This cup is the new testament in my blood” (1 Cor. xi. 25); which words could not be meant in a literal sense; the cup could not be changed into a covenant, though it might be a representation or memorial of it. Our SAVIOUR called the wine, after it was consecrated, “the fruit of the vine,” (Matt. xxvi. 29,) which implied that no change had taken place in its real nature. Since then the words, “This is my body,” and “This is my blood,” upon which the Papists pretend to support this doctrine, were manifestly used in a figurative sense, and must have been so understood by the apostles, to whom they were originally addressed, we may safely pronounce that “transubstantiation, or the change of the substance of bread and wine, in the supper of the LORD, cannot be proved by Holy Writ.” That the early Christians understood our SAVIOUR’S words in a figurative sense, appears from the writings of more than twenty Fathers, without a single authority on the opposite side.—Bp. Tomlins.

1. That transubstantiation is “repugnant to the plain words of Scripture,” appears from St. Paul’s saying, “we are all partakers of that one bread” (1 Cor. x. 17); and, “as often as ye eat this bread” (1 Cor. xi. 26); so that it is bread, and not CHRIST’S flesh, even when we eat and partake thereof. Parity of reason proves the same of the wine. 2. That transubstantiation “overthroweth the nature of a sacrament” is evident, because it supposes what we eat and drink to be, not the sign, but the thing signified. 3. It has also “given occasion to many superstitions.” That it has given occasion to abominable idolatry is evident from the adoration of the host, which is grounded on it. But, though idolatry is worse than superstition, yet it is different from it. Wherefore, for the proof of this branch of the proposition, let it be considered, that, in cases of imminent danger or great calamities, the host is exposed by the Papists, to appease GOD’S anger, and prevent or remove his judgments: or reference may be had to the provisions made in the Romish Church, in the event of any accident happening to the consecrated elements. Our reformers were too well acquainted with these superstitions: though, blessed be GOD, we have not instances ready at hand.—Dr. Bennet.

TRAVERSE. A seat of state with a canopy, formerly placed at the upper end of the choir in the royal chapels, and temporarily in cathedrals, for the use of the sovereign.

TREASURER. A dignitary formerly existing in all cathedrals and collegiate churches of old foundation in England, and in Ireland and Scotland in such churches as followed the English model. The treasurer was not the bursar, but rather the chief sacristan. He had the care of the plate, vestments, furniture, necessaries of Divine service; the control of the sacristan and inferior officers, of the bells, and the general superintendence of the fabric. In many foreign churches the place of treasurer was discharged by a dignitary called a sacristan; but in others, as at Glasgow, and the royal chapel, Stirling, there was a treasurer and a sacristan, both dignitaries. In cathedrals of the new foundation, the treasurer is merely the bursar; the canons taking this office in annual rotation.—Jebb.

TRENT, COUNCIL OF. (See Roman Catholic Church, Popery, Council of Trent.) This important council met in 1545, and was dissolved in 1563. Its nominal period extended over eighteen years, but its actual sessions occupied less than five. Protestants from the days of Luther had been urgent for the convocation of a free synod. They had reiterated the demand at Nuremberg, and Ratisbon, and Spires. There were indeed on both sides earnest and pious persons who were anxious that the questions at issue should be settled by competent authority. The evil lives of the clergy, and the general disorders of the Church, afforded another strong reason by which many were influenced. At the same time, the endless extortions of the papal chancery had raised disputes in every European state, which there seemed no other hope of allaying. It was the great object of the pope and his adherents to condemn Lutheran doctrine, and to avoid definition on points disputed in the Roman Church. Clement VII. had promised that a general council should be held in Italy for raising subsidies against the Turks, and for the suppression of heresy, but he really used his influence to prevent its assembling. On his death in 1534 his successor, Paul III., published a bull of convocation. Various difficulties however arose, partly on account of the proposed place of meeting, and partly through the war between the emperor and the king of France, and interposed a delay of some years. The city of Trent in the Tyrol, on the confines of Italy and Germany, and now in the dominions of Austria, was at length selected, the summons was issued, and the council was opened December 13, 1545. The meeting had been so long deferred, that when a few ecclesiastics and others assembled, it was hardly believed that the synod was really convened; and the importance of the movement was not perceived until somewhat later.

The first three sessions were occupied by preliminary matters, after which the actual business commenced. The constitution of the assembly, as well as the form of procedure, was governed by arbitrary rules. The legates presided as the representatives of the pope; who also appointed the secretaries and other officers. Bishops alone were allowed to vote, but an exception was made in the case of certain abbots and generals of orders, for whose admission no precedent could however be alleged, but such as would be equally availing for all presbyters. Proxies were generally refused, although some were allowed by the sole authority of the pope. All discussions were confined to previous congregations, and in the sessions which followed there was no deliberation, but only the acceptance or rejection of the proposed conclusions. The judgments of the council were embodied partly in decrees which profess to contain the Catholic doctrine on the points in question, partly in canons by which the contrary opinions are anathematized as heretical.

In the fourth session, which was held April 5, 1546, somewhat less than fifty bishops being present, it was decreed that the canon of Scripture includes the books commonly called apocryphal, and that tradition is to be received as of equal authority with the written Word; that the Vulgate is to be taken for the standard text, and no interpretation allowed but such as the Church has affixed. In the fifth session the decree on original sin was passed; in the sixth, that on justification; and in the seventh, that on the sacraments in general, and baptism and confirmation in particular. In the eighth session, the removal to Bologna was appointed, where the two following sessions were held; but no decrees were passed, and in September, 1547, the council was prorogued. The translation to an Italian city had been made under a bull of Paul III., when the German bishops were urgent for reformation, and there seemed no other escape. A disease which broke out at Trent was the alleged excuse. In 1551 the council was again convened by Julius III., who had been present at a former period as legate. The eleventh and twelfth sessions were spent in formal business; in the thirteenth the sacrament of the eucharist was treated; in the fourteenth, the sacraments of penance and extreme unction; in the fifteenth, a safe-conduct was granted to the Protestants; and in the sixteenth, which was held in April, 1552, the prorogation of the council for two years was decreed. Paul IV. was, however, resolutely opposed to its revival, on the ground that his authority was higher than that of a synod, which was therefore needless; and by the threat of secular reformation he deterred some princes from urging the reassembling of the council, which did not take place till January, 1562, when the seventeenth session was held under Pius IV. In the eighteenth, certain of the fathers were appointed to prepare an index of prohibited books, and at the same time, the safe-conduct was removed; in the eighteenth and nineteenth no business was transacted; in the twenty-first, the communion under one kind was enjoined for all, except the celebrant; in the twenty-second, the sacrifice of the mass was declared to be a true and Catholic doctrine; in the twenty-third, the subject handled was the sacrament of order; in the twenty-fourth, the sacrament of matrimony; and in the twenty-fifth, decrees were passed on purgatory, the invocation of saints, the worship of relics and images, indulgences, fasting, the index of prohibited books, the catechism, the breviary, and the missal. After which, the decrees passed under Paul III. and Julius III. were read, and the council was dissolved.

In reviewing the history of this remarkable assembly, it is impossible to overlook the want of unity both in purpose and opinion among its members. The representatives of the emperor of Germany, of the kings of France and Spain, of the duke of Bavaria, and of other secular princes, urgently demanded the reformation of the Church, while the partisans of the Roman court were desirous only to suppress Protestantism. There were none but Italians on whom the pope could entirely depend, for even the Spanish prelates wished his power to be restrained, and that of other bishops to be enlarged. The Germans and French demanded the restoration of the cup, and the marriage of the clergy, while the Spaniards, who opposed them on these points, were united with them on some others against the Roman faction. One great party was urgent that the later sessions should be declared a continuation of the earlier, while another vehemently opposed the declaration; and the council never ventured to rule the question either way. There were endless conflicts between the bishops and the monastic orders, and of Franciscans and Dominicans, with each other. Whether the Blessed Virgin was conceived without sin; what is the true nature of transubstantiation; whether CHRIST offered himself in the holy supper; whether the apostles were ordained priests at that time or previously,—were among the topics of vehement contention. On the subject of the great doctrine of justification by faith, the members of the council were far from being agreed, and it is beyond denial that some of them held the Protestant view. Even the scanty number, who ventured to decide on the canon of Scripture, and on tradition, were at variance among themselves. Some disputes lasted throughout the whole period, such as whether the council should be said to represent the universal Church; whether the legates should have the privilege of proposing all matters for debate; and whether doctrine should precede reformation. The question of the residence of bishops, that is, whether it is binding by Divine ordinance, or by the law of the Church, in which important considerations were involved, excited long and angry conflicts. Day after day, through weeks and months of the most critical period, the dispute was renewed. The legates themselves were divided; and at one time the dissolution of the council seemed inevitable.

There are many controverted points on which the council gives no information, and they are the very questions which it was most important to decide. No one can learn from its decrees, for instance, what is the sound doctrine about purgatory, nor in what due veneration for images consists, nor which is the sacramental form in penance, or matrimony, nor what is the nature of original sin, nor what is the proper definition of a sacrament. There were some subjects debated more than sufficiently, but left at last undecided; and there were some positions which the council could not renounce, because this would have contradicted the decrees of former popes and councils, and which they could not affirm, because they were opposed by powerful members of the existing Church.

In spite, however, of the imperfect and contradictory statements of the Fathers of Trent, they had no hesitation in pronouncing judgment on what they esteemed Lutheran opinions. We can indeed find no parallel for the prodigality of their curses, unless we go back to the days of the Donatists. They reach not only to those whom the Church of all ages has called blessed, but to many also of the doctors most esteemed in the Roman communion itself. If any one, for example, denies that the works of justified persons are truly meritorious of eternal life, or that the mass is a true and propitiatory sacrifice, or that the custom of confessing privately to a priest has existed from the apostolic age, or that the Church has power to change an institution of CHRIST, he falls under the imprecation of the council. In the decree of the last session on the invocation of saints, and the use of images and relics, an anathema is pronounced, not only against those who teach, but those who even think differently. And yet the synod which spoke with so much boldness had no claim, either from numbers or character, to be taken as the representative of the Catholic Church. In the first seven sessions held under Paul III., when the ground was laid for maintaining all the errors and corruptions of the Roman Church, less than sixty bishops were present. In the thirteenth, under Julius III., when transubstantiation and the worship of the host were defined, only forty-five bishops and two cardinals were assembled. And in the ninth session there were only thirty-five collected, who yet presumed to take the title of an Ecumenical Council. In the later sessions held under Pius IV., there was a greater number of bishops at Trent; but the chief subjects in dispute had been ruled in the earlier periods of the council, and the deficiency of numbers was not remedied by any subsequent confirmation. Of those who were present, the chief part were Italians; some were bishops of inconsiderable sees, and some mere titulars. There were among them not a few, who subsisted on pensions granted by the pope.

The council was in no sense the free assembly to which Luther and others had appealed, for it was guided throughout by papal influence; and, as the Protestants complained in 1546, it was not convened in a neutral place, while the pope, who was the great delinquent on trial, was allowed to be the judge in his own cause. There were external causes at work, which prevented the freedom of debate. At the very time when the doctrine of justification was under review, a league was formed between the pope and the emperor, for putting down the Protestants; and while the council was debating, the bishop of Rome was sending his contingent of troops. In the council itself, the legates assumed unreasonable authority, and their interruptions were the subject of continual complaint. During the later sessions, the Inquisition was in full force, and there were persons present in the council who had been sufferers. The assembly was overborne by Italian prelates. At one time, when very important subjects were under discussion, there were no more than two bishops to represent the Church of France. On another occasion, forty bishops were sent by the Roman court for the purpose of carrying a particular point, by outvoting the Spanish bishops, by whom it was opposed. We find the ambassadors of secular princes expressing in the strongest language their sense of the tyranny under which the council was held, and by which its freedom was annihilated.

No one who considers these circumstances can wonder that the beneficial reforms of the Church did not result, which had been so long expected and so anxiously desired. They had been demanded, but in vain, by the emperor, and other great princes, as well as by diets and other assemblies of the empire. Even as late as 1563, the French ambassador delivered a list of thirty-four articles of required reformation. After the twenty-second session we find the Imperialists affirming that none of the desired changes had been proposed. And just before the close of the council, the Spanish ambassador came to the legates with a written complaint, that the principal things for which it was assembled had been omitted, and the rest carried with precipitation. The French envoy filled the letters which he addressed to his court with similar testimony. Whatever beneficial changes in the administration of Church affairs seemed to have been made, were neutralized by the terms in which the rights of the see of Rome were reserved, and which were vague enough to admit every abuse, the pope himself being constituted judge in each case, and possessing also a dispensing power.

The last session was brought hastily to a close, partly through the diplomatic skill of the legate Morone; but chiefly on account of the illness of the pope, because everybody knew that if he died during the sitting of the assembly, a schism was inevitable.

The history of the council was written, in 1619, by Sarpi, and forty years later by Cardinal Pallavicini. The former was the most learned person of the age, a statesman and historian as well as a divine; the latter is chiefly known as an apologist of the court and Church of Rome. His work has been described as more injurious to papal interests than that of his predecessor; because if the one has shown how much may be said against the Council of Trent, the other has made it equally plain how little can be alleged in its defence.

The decrees of the council were signed by only 255 members: four of these were legates of the papal see; two, cardinals; three, patriarchs; twenty-five, archbishops; one hundred and sixty-eight, bishops; thirty-nine, deputies of absent prelates; seven, abbots; and seven were generals of religious orders. The Greek Church and the English Church were not represented. It was subscribed on separate schedules, by the ambassadors of the sovereigns who still adhered to the Romish system.

The following are the anathemas of the council.

I. The sacred œcumenical and general synod of Trent, lawfully assembled in the HOLY GHOST, and presided over by the three legates of the apostolic see, having it constantly in view that, by the removal of errors, the gospel, which, promised aforetime in the Holy Scriptures by the prophets, CHRIST himself first published with his own mouth, and then commanded his apostles to preach to every creature, as the source of all saving truth and instruction of manners, should be preserved pure in the Church; and clearly perceiving that this truth and this instruction are contained in written books and unwritten traditions, which traditions have been received by the apostles from the mouth of CHRIST himself, or dictated by the HOLY SPIRIT, and by the apostles handed down even to us, receives and reverences, conformably to the example of the orthodox Fathers, with the same pious regard and veneration, all the books as well of the Old as of the New Testament—both having GOD for their author, and the traditions relating both to faith and practice, inasmuch as these traditions were either delivered by word of mouth, from CHRIST, or dictated by the HOLY GHOST, and preserved by uninterrupted succession in the Catholic Church. The books received by this council are, of the Old Testament, the five books of Moses, viz. Genesis, &c., Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four of Kings, two of Chronicles, first of Esdras, second of Esdras, called Nehemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, Psalms of David, consisting of 150, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Cantica, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah, with Baruch, Ezekiel, Daniel, twelve minor prophets, viz. Hosea, &c., the first and second of Maccabees. Of the New Testament, the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistle of St. Paul the Apostle to the Romans, two to the Corinthians, one to the Galatians, one to the Ephesians, one to the Philippians, one to the Colossians, two to the Thessalonians, two to Timothy, one to Titus, one to Philemon, one to the Hebrews, the Epistle catholic of St. James, the two Epistles of St. Peter, the three Epistles of St. John, the Epistle of St. Jude, and the Revelations of St. John.

Whosoever shell not receive these books entire with all their parts, (i. e. the Apocrypha as well as the canonical books,) as they are used to be read in the (Roman) Catholic Church, and are contained in the ancient Vulgate Latin edition, for sacred and canonical, and shall knowingly and wilfully contemn the aforesaid traditions: let him be accursed. (See Bible, Scripture, Apocrypha.)

II. Moreover, in order to repress the arrogant and self-sufficient, the council decrees, that no one, relying on his own wisdom, shall presume to pervert and interpret Holy Scripture to his own sense, in matters of faith and manners, pertaining to the edification of Christian doctrine, contrary to the sense which hath been and is maintained by the holy mother Church, to whom it belongs to judge of the true meaning and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, or contrary to the unanimous consent of the Fathers, even if such interpretations should never be made public. (See Fathers and Tradition.)

III. Whosoever shall say, that the sacraments of the New Law were not all instituted by JESUS CHRIST our LORD, or that they are more or less in number than seven; that is to say, baptism, confirmation, the LORD’S supper, penance, extreme unction, orders, and matrimony; or that any one of these seven is not truly and properly a sacrament: let him be accursed. (See Seven Sacraments.)

IV. Whosoever shall say, that by the sacraments of the New Law, grace is not conferred by the mere performance of the act, but that faith alone in the Divine promise is sufficient to obtain grace: let him be accursed. (See Opus Operatum.)

V. Whosoever shall say, that it is not requisite that the ministers, when celebrating the sacraments, should have, at least, the intention of doing that which the Church doeth: let him be accursed. (See Intention, Priests’.)

VI. Whosoever shall say, that the free will of man, after the sin of Adam, was lost and extinguished: let him be accursed. (See Free Will.)

VII. The formal cause of justification is the righteousness of GOD: not that whereby he is himself righteous, but that whereby he maketh us righteous; that with which we, being by him endowed, are renewed in the spirit of our mind, and are not only accounted, but are truly called, and are righteous, each of us receiving into himself righteousness, according to the measure whereby the SPIRIT divideth to every man severally as he will, and according to every man’s disposition and co-operation. (See Sanctification.)

VIII. Whosoever shall say, that the ungodly is justified by faith alone, so as to understand that nothing else is required to co-operate in obtaining the grace of justification; and that it is by no means necessary that he should be prepared and disposed by the motion of his own will: let him be accursed. (See Justification.)

IX. Whosoever shall say, that in the mass there is not a true and proper sacrifice offered up to GOD, and that the offering up is no more than the giving us CHRIST to eat: let him be accursed. (See Satisfaction, Romish.)

X. Whosoever shall say, that by these words, “This do in remembrance of me,” CHRIST did not ordain the apostles, priests, or that he did not appoint that they and other priests should offer up his body and blood: let him be accursed. (See Orders.)

XI. Whosoever shall say, that the sacrifice of the mass is one only of praise and thanksgiving, or a bare commemoration of the sacrifice made on the cross, but not a propitiatory sacrifice, or that it is profitable only to the partaker, and that it ought not to be offered up for the quick and the dead for sins, pains, satisfactions, and other necessities: let him be accursed. (See Mass, Sacrifice of.)

XII. Whosoever shall deny, that in the most holy sacrament of the eucharist, the body and blood, together with the soul and Divinity, of our LORD JESUS CHRIST, and, consequently, the whole of CHRIST, are truly, really, and substantially contained; but shall say that they are there only symbolically, figuratively, or virtually: let him be accursed. (See Real Presence and Transubstantiation.)

XIII. Whosoever shall say, that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist, the substance of bread and wine remains, together with the substance of the body and blood of our LORD JESUS CHRIST, and shall deny that wonderful and singular change of the whole substance of the bread into the body, and of the whole substance of the wine into the blood, the species of bread and wine still remaining, which change the (Roman) Catholic Church very fitly calleth Transubstantiation: let him be accursed. (See Transubstantiation.)

XIV. Whosoever shall say, that CHRIST exhibited in the eucharist is only spiritually eaten, and not also sacramentally and really: let him be accursed. (See Eucharist.)

XV. Whosoever shall say, that in the most holy sacrament of the eucharist, CHRIST, the only-begotten SON of GOD, is not to be adored with the worship called Latria even outwardly; nor honoured by a peculiar festival, nor solemnly carried about in processions, according to the praiseworthy and universal rite and usage of the holy Church, nor exposed publicly to the people to be worshipped, and that its worshippers are idolaters: let him be accursed. (See Corpus Christi.)

XVI. Whosoever shall say, that the holy eucharist ought not to be reserved in a sacred place, but is immediately after consecration necessarily to be distributed to those present, or that it ought not to be carried in a respectful manner to the sick: let him be accursed. (See Elevation of the Host.)

XVII. Whosoever shall say, that it is the commandment of GOD, or necessary to salvation, that all and every faithful Christian should receive the most holy sacrament of the eucharist, under both kinds: let him be accursed. (See Communion in One Kind.)

XVIII. Whosoever shall say, that the holy Catholic Church hath not been moved by just cause and reason to administer the bread only to the laity, and even to the clergy not officiating, or that it is in error in so doing: let him be accursed. (See Cup.)

XIX. Whosoever shall deny, that the whole of CHRIST, the source and author of all grace, is received in the bread, because, as some falsely affirm, according to CHRIST’S own institution, he is not received under one and each kind: let him be accursed. (See Communion in One Kind.)

XX. Whosoever shall say, that the mass ought to be performed only in the vulgar tongue: let him be accursed. (See Liturgy.)

XXI. The Catholic Church, instructed by the HOLY GHOST, and in conformity to the Holy Scriptures, and the ancient tradition of the Fathers, hath taught in its sacred councils, and, lastly, in this œcumenical synod, that there is a purgatory, and that the souls detained therein are assisted by the prayers of the faithful, and more especially by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar. (See Purgatory.)

XXII. Whosoever shall say, that after receiving the grace of justification, any penitent sinner hath his offence so remitted, and his obnoxiousness to eternal punishment so blotted out, as to render him no longer obnoxious to temporal punishment, to be undergone either in this world or in the future in purgatory, before an entrance can be opened to the kingdom of heaven: let him be accursed. (See Purgatory.)

XXIII. This holy synod enjoins all bishops and others who undertake the office of teaching, to instruct the faithful, that the saints who reign together with CHRIST offer up their prayers to GOD for men, that it is good and profitable to invoke them in a supplicating manner, and that, in order to procure benefit from GOD through his SON JESUS CHRIST our LORD, who is our only REDEEMER and SAVIOUR, we should have recourse to their prayers, help, and assistance; and that those persons hold impious opinions who deny that the saints enjoying eternal happiness in heaven are to be invoked; or who affirm, that the saints do not pray for men, or that the invoking them that they may pray ever for every one of us in particular, is idolatry, or is repugnant to the word of GOD, and contrary to the honour of the one Mediator between GOD and men, JESUS CHRIST, or that it is foolish to supplicate orally or mentally those who reign in heaven. (See Invocation of Saints.)

XXIV. Also the bodies of the holy martyrs and others living with CHRIST, having been lively members of CHRIST and temples of the HOLY GHOST, and to be raised again by him to eternal life and glory, are to be reverenced by the faithful, as by them many benefits are bestowed by GOD on men; so that they who affirm that reverence and honour are not due to the reliques of saints, or that it is useless for the faithful to honour them or other sacred monuments, and a vain thing to celebrate the memory of the saints, for the purpose of obtaining their assistance, are wholly to be condemned, as the Church hath before condemned and now condemns them. The images of CHRIST, and of the Virgin Mother of GOD, and of the other saints, are to be set up and retained, especially in churches, and due honour and reverence to be paid unto them. (See Image Worship, Mariolatry, and Relics.)

XXV. Since the power of granting indulgences hath been bestowed by CHRIST upon the Church, and such power thus Divinely imparted hath been exercised by her even in the earliest times; this holy synod teaches and enjoins that the use of indulgences, as very salutary to Christian people, and approved of by the sacred councils, be retained in the Church, and pronounces an anathema on such as shall affirm them to be useless, or deny the power of granting them to be in the Church. (See Indulgences.)

XXVI. The holy synod exhorts and adjures all pastors, by the coming of our LORD and SAVIOUR, that as good soldiers they enjoin the faithful to observe all things which the holy Roman Church, the mother and mistress of all Churches, hath enacted, as well as such things as have been enacted by this and other œcumenical councils. (See Church of Rome.)

XXVII. The chief pontiffs, by virtue of the supreme authority given them in the universal Church, have justly assumed the power of reserving some graver criminal causes to their own peculiar judgment. (See Supremacy, Papal.)

XXVIII. The more weighty criminal charges against bishops which deserve deposition and deprivation may be judged and determined only by the supreme Roman pontiff. (See Pope.)

XXIX. This holy synod enjoins all patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops, and all others who, by right or custom, ought to assist at a provincial council, that in the first provincial synod that may be holden after the conclusion of the present council, they do openly receive all and each of the things which have been defined and enacted by this holy synod; also that they do promise and profess true obedience to the supreme Roman pontiff, and at the same time publicly detest and anathematize all heresies condemned by the sacred canons, the general councils, and especially by this present synod. (See Popery.)

XXX. Whosoever shall say, that the clergy in holy orders, or regulars having made a solemn profession of chastity, may contract marriage, and that a marriage so contracted is valid, notwithstanding the ecclesiastical law or vow; and that to maintain the contrary is nothing else than to condemn matrimony, and that all may contract marriage who do not feel themselves to have the gift of continence, even though they should have made a vow of it: let him be accursed; since GOD denies it not to such as rightly ask it, nor will he suffer us to be tempted above what we are able. (See Celibacy.)

XXXI. Whosoever shall say, that the state of matrimony is to be preferred to the state of virginity or single life, and that it is not better or more blessed to continue in virginity or single life: let him be accursed. (See Matrimony.)

TRENTAL. A service of thirty masses for the dead, usually celebrated on as many different days.

TRICANALE. “A round ball with a screw coin for the water of mixture,” at the holy communion in Bishop Andrewes’s chapel, and in Canterbury cathedral. Canterbury’s Dom., 1646, and Neale’s Hist. of the Puritans, vol. ii. pp. 223, 224.—Jebb.

TRIFORIUM. Any passage in the walls of a church, but generally restricted in its use to the passage immediately over the arches of the great arcade, usually, in Norman and Early English, marked by an arcade of its own. It is so called as being in most cases a triple aperture, opening to the nave. In the Geometrical style, the Triforium is sometimes treated as a mere decorative arcade, connected in composition with the clerestory; and in the Decorated it sinks still lower into a course of panels, pierced at intervals; while in the Perpendicular it either wholly disappears, or is a mere lengthening of the mullions of the clerestory windows.

TRINITY. (See Person, God, Jesus, Christ, Messiah, Son of God, Holy Ghost.) Of Faith in the Holy Trinity.—“There is but one living and true GOD, everlasting, without body, parts, or passions: of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness; the Maker and Preserver of all things, both visible and invisible. And in unity of this GODHEAD there be three persons, of one substance, power, and eternity; the FATHER, the SON, and the HOLY GHOST.”—Article I.

“Whosoever will be saved: before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholic faith. Which faith, except every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly. And the Catholic faith is this: That we worship one GOD in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity: neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the substance.”—Athanasian Creed.

Here it is said, that in the unity of the GODHEAD there be three persons; that is, though there be but one living and true GOD, yet there be three persons, who are that one living and true GOD. Though the true GOD be but one in substance, yet he is three in subsistence; and so three in subsistence, as still to be but one in substance. And these three persons, every one of which is GOD, and yet all three but one GOD, are really related to one another; as they are termed in Scripture, one is a FATHER, the other a SON, the other a HOLY GHOST. The first is FATHER to the second, the second is SON to the first, the third is neither FATHER nor SON, but the issue or spirit of both. The first was a FATHER from eternity, as well as GOD; the second was GOD from eternity, as well as a SON; the third was both HOLY GHOST and GOD from eternity, as well as either of them. The FATHER is the first person in the Deity; not begotten, nor proceeding, but begetting; the SON, the second, not begetting, nor proceeding, but begotten; the HOLY GHOST, the third, not begotten, nor begetting, but proceeding. The first is called the FATHER, because he begot the second; the second is called the SON, because he is begotten of the FATHER; the third is called the HOLY GHOST, because breathed both from the FATHER and the SON.

And though these be thus really amongst themselves distinct from one another, yet are they not distinct in the Divine nature; they are not distinct in essence, though they be distinct in the manner of their subsisting in it. The FATHER subsists as a Father, the SON as a Son, the HOLY GHOST as a Spirit, and so have distinct subsistences; yet have all the same numerical substance. We say numerical or individual substance; for otherwise they might have all the same Divine nature, and yet not be the same GOD. As Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were three distinct persons, and had all the same human nature; yet they could not all be called one man; because, though they had but one human nature, yet they had it specifically, as distinguished into several individuals; not numerically, so as to be the same individual man; and, therefore, though they had but one specifical, they had several numerical, natures, by which means Abraham was one man, Isaac another, Jacob a third. And upon the same account is it, that, amongst the angels, Gabriel, Michael, Raphael, though they have the same angelical nature, yet they are not the same angel. But here the FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST have not only the same Divine nature “in specie,” but “in numero;” and so have not only one and the same nature, but are one and the same GOD. The FATHER is the self-same individual GOD with the SON; the SON is the self-same individual GOD with the FATHER; and the HOLY GHOST is the self-same individual GOD with them both. We say, individual GOD, for the Divine nature is not divided into several Gods, as the human is into several men, but only distinguished into several persons, every one of which hath the same undivided Divine nature, and so is the same individual God. And thus it is, that in the unity of the GODHEAD there be three persons, FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST; which great mystery, though we be not able adequately to conceive of it, yet the Scriptures give a sufficient testimonial to it.—Beveridge.

The sublime mystery of the TRINITY in Unity is taught by revelation—not by reason; although it is not in contradiction to this, rightly exercised, nor more unintelligible than many of the “things hard to be understood” in Holy Scripture. A plurality in the GODHEAD is indicated by the language of the very earliest revelations; which plurality is plainly expressed under the Gospel dispensation—a sacred Three being enumerated by mutual relation in the form of baptism, and by name in the apostolic benediction; which Three are also frequently mentioned together elsewhere, though not in terms so clear.

The doctrine may perhaps be gleaned as much from the economy of creation, as from that of redemption; and herein may be observed, that in the very commencement of the sacred history, the DEITY is mentioned under a term of plural signification; and when man, the more eminent work, is to be made, and is afterwards spoken of, a Divine council seems implied: “Let us make man,” &c., “the man is become as one of us!” This peculiar fact seems referred to, and corroborated by, the introduction to St. John’s Gospel; which declares that the “WORD was in the beginning with GOD.” Again, each of the sacred Three is noticed as acting separately in the work. With respect to the FATHER this is clear from innumerable passages, in which the LORD GOD is mentioned as the Creator, unless in such a Trinity be implied, which then shortly decides the point at issue. Of the SON it is said, “all things were made by him;” and expressly, “without him was not anything made that was made.” (John i. 3; Col. i. 16.) And of the HOLY SPIRIT, that by him are made and created both man and beast. (Job xxxiii. 4; Ps. civ. 30.) Thus is that passage intelligible, “By the word of the LORD were the heavens made: and all the host of them by the breath of his mouth.” (Ps. xxxiii. 6.) The mode of operation in the work of redemption has been before noticed. To all these may be added, that the sacred THREE are mentioned equally as sending and instructing the prophets and teachers, (Jer. vii. 25; Matt. ix. 38; x. 5; Acts xxvi. 16–18; Isa. xlviii. 16; Acts xiii. 2, 4; xx. 28,)—and equally speaking by them. (Heb. i. 1; 2 Cor. xiii. 3; Mark xiii. 11.) Each, too, gives life—raises the dead—and is joined in the form of baptism, and Christian benediction.

The word Elohim is a plural noun (Gods); and as that was the first term used in the Divine revelation, it seems intended to indicate that plurality—the holy TRINITY—afterwards more plainly revealed. And it is to be noticed, that by this word (Elohim) was the earliest revelation made to man. In this was the faith of the patriarchs expressed, as particularly in Gen. xxviii. 20–22; and by this name GOD expressly declares he appeared unto them, when by his “name JEHOVAH” he was “not known.” (Ex. vi. 3.) Indeed this latter term seems for a time to have been used less as a name, than as a character, of the Elohim, since it was subsequently that it was announced as the “name”—I AM—by which the Divine plurality was to be known in unity. (Ex. iii. 14; vi. 2.) Jehovah GOD hath not been “seen at any time;” whereas, of the Elohim, one, at least—the angel Jehovah in prelude to his incarnation—condescended frequently to appear, and talk with man. The translation of Jehovah by Adonai (or Lords) is also remarkable; with the coincidence to be found in the mode adopted by the heathen, of speaking of their gods; as in the name of Baalim for Baal. (Judges ii. 11; Hosea xi. 2.)

That Elohim implies plurality seems evident, from the construction of such a passage as Gen. xx. 13, where it is said, “when they, Elohim, caused me to wander.” Again, (xxxv. 7,) when “they appeared unto him,” at Bethel. And (Josh. xxiv. 19) “the Elohim are holy.” In Ps. lviii. 11, the Elohim are called “judges;” in Ps. cxlix. 2; Isa. xliv. 2, and liv. 5, “makers” and “kings;” in Eccl. xii. 1, “creators;” and in Jer. xxiii. 36, “the living Gods.” Other places are mentioned by Parkhurst; as Gen. xxxi. 53; Deut. iv. 7; v. 23, or 26; 1 Sam. iv. 8; 2 Sam. vii. 23; Isa. vi. 8; Jer. x. 10, &c.

In perfect accordance with this is the first great commandment given from Mount Sinai: “I am the LORD thy GOD,” (Jehovah Elohim,) thou “shalt have no other gods before me;” more plainly set forth in the baptismal “name”—the FATHER, the SON, and the HOLY GHOST, a “holy, blessed, and glorious Trinity,” in inseparable Unity, and perfect co-equality, as may be most safely concluded, from the various passages in which the sacred THREE are mentioned in different order—the FATHER first, in Matt. xxviii. 19,—the SON first, in 2 Cor. xiii. 14,—and the HOLY GHOST first, in 1 Cor. xii. 4–6; Eph. iv. 4–6, and Luke i. 35.

The laws and ordinances of the Jews were peculiarly adapted to guard the pure worship against heathen idolatry; therefore, when the legislator, in speaking of GOD, uses a term implying plurality, which he does, with verbs and persons singular, above thirty times, this, too, in the Decalogue, and in the repetition of laws, and frequently prefaced by an address, demanding attention,—“Hear, O Israel!” “Thus saith the LORD!” it could not but be that plurality in the GODHEAD was intended to be announced. This is strongly corroborated by such expressions as “holy Gods,” “thy Creators,” being used by Joshua and Solomon; the one an eminent type of CHRIST, the other inspired with learning in an extraordinary degree.—See Bishop Huntingford’s “Thoughts on the Trinity,” xxii., xxiii. And we may be rather confirmed in the opinion, by the futile attempts of the Jewish Rabbins, to make tolerable sense of the peculiar phraseology adopted, while denying the implication of a plurality.

The doctrine of a TRINITY, and this in Unity, is not then an arbitrary assumption, or an attempt to be wise “above that which is written;” but it necessarily arises out of certain Scriptural expressions and passages, which though apparently, or to human sense, contradictory to each other, must in reality be consistent: and the Catholic, or orthodox system, framed on the whole of these, reconciles them in a more easy and natural manner than any other scheme offered.

The word “Trinity,” it is confessed, does not occur in Holy Scripture; nor does the word “Unity,” as applied to the DEITY. But neither do the words “omnipresence” and “omniscience;” and as the use of these has never been objected to in speaking of the attributes of Him who is everywhere present, and “knoweth all things,” so may the others be used with equal propriety to express the distinct existence of FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST, and the simple oneness of GOD! The use is admissible, to prevent circumlocution; and irreverence may be deprecated where language is inefficient. The word Trinity was used by the Greek and Latin Fathers, in the middle of the second century, in a way that indicated it was not then a novel expression; and was considered by the orthodox so unobjectionable, as to be employed without reserve in their opposition to the Sabellian heresy.

Indeed, the primitive Fathers appear to have indulged an idea, that without a distinction of hypostases in the GODHEAD, it is difficult to imagine that αὐτάρκεια, or self-sufficiency, and perfect bliss, which seems to have arisen from a Divine society, as in Prov. viii. 22, 23, particularly 30, and elsewhere. Indeed, the notion of a TRINITY has prevailed immemorially, long before the term was adopted; and is found in the heathen worship, as well as in the Church; both, no doubt, having it from a common original.

TRINITY SUNDAY. The solemn festivals, which in the foregoing parts of our annual service have propounded to our consideration the mysterious work of man’s redemption, and the several steps taken to accomplish it, naturally lead us up to, and at last conclude with, that of the Trinity. The incarnation and nativity, the passion and resurrection of the blessed JESUS, demonstrate how great things the SON of GOD hath condescended to do for us. The miraculous powers with which the first disciples were endued, and the sanctifying graces with which all the faithful are assisted, do prove how great and how necessary a part the “HOLY SPIRIT” bore in this work, both for publishing the salvation of the world, and for rendering it effectual. And all agree in representing to us the inestimable love of the “FATHER,” by whom that “SON” was sent, and that “SPIRIT” so wonderfully and so plentifully shed abroad. Most justly, therefore, after such informations how fit a subject this is for our wonder and adoration, does the Church on this day call upon us to celebrate the mystery of those “three” persons in the unity of the GODHEAD; each of whom hath so kindly, and so largely, contributed to this united and stupendous act of mercy, upon which the whole of all our hopes and happiness depends.—Dean Stanhope.

Notwithstanding on each day, and especially Sundays, the Church celebrates the praises of the TRINITY, in her doxologies, hymns, creeds, &c.; yet the wisdom of the Church thought it meet, that such a mystery as this, though part of the meditation of each day, should be the chief subject of one, and this to be the day. For no sooner had our LORD ascended into heaven, and GOD’S Holy Spirit descended upon the Church; but there ensued the notice of the glorious and incomprehensible TRINITY, which before that time was not so clearly known. The Church therefore, having solemnized in an excellent order all the high feasts of our LORD, and after that of the descent of GOD’S Spirit upon the apostles, thought it a thing most seasonable to conclude these great solemnities with a festival of full, special, and express service to the holy and blessed Trinity.—Bp. Sparrow.

This mystery was not clearly delivered to the Jews, because they, being always surrounded by idolatrous nations, would have easily mistaken it for a doctrine of plurality of Gods; but yet it was not so much hidden in those times, but that any one with a spiritual eye might have discerned some glimmerings of it dispersed through the Old Testament. The first chapter in the Bible seems to set forth three persons in the GODHEAD; for, besides the “Spirit of GOD” which “moved upon the face of the waters,” (ver. 2,) we find the great Creator (at the 26th verse) consulting with others about the greatest work of his creation, the making of man, of which we may be assured the WORD or SON of GOD was one, since “all things were made by him, and without him was not anything made that was made.” So that those two verses fully pointing out to us the FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST, make this a very proper lesson for the solemnity of the day. The reason of the choice of the other first lesson is as obvious: it records the appearance of the great JEHOVAH to Abraham, whom the patriarch acknowledges to be the “Judge of all the earth;” and who therefore, by vouchsafing to appear with two others in his company, might design to represent to him the “Trinity of Persons.” But this sacred mystery is nowhere so plainly manifested as in the second lesson for the morning, which at one and the same time relates the baptism of the SON, the voice of the FATHER, and the descent of the HOLY GHOST: which, though they are (as appears from this chapter) three distinct persons in number, yet the second lesson at evening shows they are but one in essence.—Wheatly.

The Epistle and the Gospel are the same that were anciently assigned for the Octave of Pentecost; the Epistle being the vision of St. John (Rev. iv.); and the Gospel, the dialogue of our LORD with Nicodemus; and the mention, which we find therein, of baptism, of the HOLY SPIRIT and the gifts of it, though it might then fit the day as a repetition, as it were, of Pentecost, so is it no less fit for it as a feast of the blessed TRINITY. The mission of the HOLY GHOST brings with it, as aforesaid, more light and clearness to the doctrine of the TRINITY: and when more fit to think of the gifts of the SPIRIT, than on a solemn day of ordination, as this is one, when men are consecrated to spiritual offices? But, besides this, we have in the Gospel set before us all the three persons of the sacred TRINITY, and the same likewise represented in the vision, which the Epistle speaks of, with an hymn of praise, “Holy, holy, holy, LORD GOD Almighty,” &c.: which expressions, by ancient interpretation, relate to the Holy TRINITY, as is above said.—Bp. Sparrow.

In the Roman Church the Sundays between Whitsunday and Advent are reckoned from Pentecost: in our Church, following the old English custom in the unreformed office, we count from Trinity Sunday.

TRISAGION. (See Tersanctus.)

TRUCE OF GOD. In the French, Treve de Dieu: in modern Latin, Trevia, Treuvia, Treuga, or Truga Dei.

In the eleventh century, when the disorders and licences of private wars, between particular lords and families, were a great disturbance to the peace of the kingdom of France, the bishops took upon them to publish injunctions, forbidding acts of violence, within certain times, under canonical pains. These prohibitions were called Truce of God; a phrase frequently to be met with in the councils held about that time.

The first regulation of this kind was in a synod, held in the diocese of Elno in Rousillon, A. D. 1027; where it was enacted, that, throughout that country, no person should attack his enemy, from the hour of nones on Saturday to that of primes on Monday, that Sunday might have its proper celebration: that no person should, at any time, attack a religious or priest walking unarmed; nor any person going to, or returning from, church: that nobody should attack a church, or any house within thirty paces round it: all this under penalty of excommunication.

TRUMPETS, FEAST OF. An annual festival of the Jews, expressly enjoined by the law of Moses, and observed upon the first day of the seventh month, called Tisri, which was the beginning of the civil year.

This festival is expressly called a sabbath, and was a very solemn day, on which no servile work was to be done; only provision made for their meals, which were usually very plentiful at this time. Among other dishes they served up a ram’s head, in memory of that ram which was sacrificed in the room of Isaac; which they fancy was done upon this day.

All the festivals of the Jews, it is true, were introduced by the sound of trumpets: but this was attended with more than usual solemnity. For they began to blow at sunrising, and continued till sunset. He who sounded, began with the usual prayer: “Blessed be GOD, who hath sanctified us with his precepts,” &c., subjoining these words: “Blessed be GOD, who hath hitherto preserved us in life, and brought us unto this time.” At the conclusion, the people said with a loud voice these words of the Psalmist: “Blessed is the people that know the joyful sound: they shall walk, O LORD, in the light of thy countenance.” And whereas, in other places, the beginning of the year was sounded with a trumpet of ram’s or sheep’s horn, at the temple they used two silver trumpets, and the Levites upon that day sung the eighty-first psalm.

This festival is called a memorial of blowing of trumpets: but it is not so easy to determine what this blowing of trumpets was a memorial of. Maimonides will have it to be instituted to awaken the people out of sleep, and call to repentance; being intended to put them in mind of the great day of expiation, which followed nine days after. Basil imagined, that by these soundings the people were put in mind of that day, wherein they received the Law from Mount Sinai with blowing of trumpets. Others think it more probable, that, since all nations made great shouting, rejoicing, and feasting in the beginning of the year, at the first new-moon, in hopes that the rest of the year by this means would prove more prosperous, GOD was pleased to ordain this festival among his people, in honour of himself, upon the day of the first new-moon, to preserve them from idolatry, and to make them sensible that he alone gave them good years. Others again imagine, that GOD marked this month with a peculiar honour, because it was the seventh; that, as every seventh day was a sabbath, and every seventh year the land rested, so every seventh month of every year should be a kind of sabbatical month: and upon that account the people might be awakened by this blowing of trumpets, to observe this festival with the proper ceremonies. Lastly, others explain this blowing of trumpets to be a memorial of the creation of the world, which was in autumn. Upon this account it was that they anciently began their years at this time, as the eastern people do at this day. By this means they also confessed the Divine goodness in blessing the year past, and bringing them to the beginning of a new year, which they prayed that GOD would make happy and propitious to them.

TUNICLE. An ecclesiastical garment mentioned in the rubrics of King Edward VI.’s First Book, to be worn by the assistant ministers at the holy communion. It is the same as the tunic or the dalmatic, which was also an episcopal garment. Originally it had no sleeves; and was the same with the Greek colobion. The sleeves were added in the west about the fourth century; and then the vestment was called a dalmatic. The tunicle in the Roman Church is proper to subdeacons.—Palmer. Goar.

TURRET. A small tower appended to a tower, or the angle or other part of any component portion of a building for support, or to carry stairs, or for ornament. Like the tower, it is often finished with a high conical capping, which is then called a spiret or pinnacle.

TYPE. An impression, image, or representation of some model, which is termed the antitype. In this sense we often use the word to denote the prefiguration of the great events of man’s redemption by persons or things in the Old Testament.

UBIQUITARIANS. A sect of heretics, so called because they maintained that the body of JESUS CHRIST is (ubique) everywhere, or in every place.

Brentius, one of the earliest reformers, is said to have first broached this error, in Germany, about the year 1560. Melancthon immediately declared against it, as introducing a kind of confusion in the two natures of JESUS CHRIST. On the other hand, it was espoused by Flacius Illyricus, Osiander, and others. The universities of Leipsic and Wirtemburg in vain opposed this heresy, which gained ground daily. Six Ubiquitarians, viz. Smidelin, Selneccer, Musculus, Chemnitius, Chytræus, and Cornerus, had a meeting, in 1577, in the monastery of Berg, and composed a kind of creed, or formulary of faith, in which the Ubiquity of CHRIST’S body was the leading article. However, the Ubiquitarians were not quite agreed among themselves; some holding that JESUS CHRIST, even during his mortal life, was everywhere, and others dating the Ubiquity of his body from the time of his ascension only.

ULTRA-PROTESTANT. (See Via Media.)

UNCTION. (See Extreme Unction.)

UNIFORMITY, ACTS OF. The Acts of Uniformity are 1 Eliz. c. 2, and 14 Car. II. The Irish Acts of Uniformity are also 2 Eliz. cap. 2, and 17 and 18 Car. II. See Stephens’s Edition of both the English and Irish Prayer Book. By stat. 1 Eliz. c. 2, s. 4–8, If any parson, vicar, or other minister that ought to use the Common Prayer, or to minister the sacraments, shall refuse to do the same, or shall use any other form, or shall speak anything in derogation of the same book, or of anything therein contained, he shall, on conviction for the first offence, forfeit to the queen one year’s profit of all his spiritual promotions, and be imprisoned for six months; for the second offence, shall be deprived of all his spiritual promotions, and be imprisoned for a year; and, for the third offence, shall be deprived of all his spiritual promotions, and be imprisoned during life. And if he has no spiritual promotion, he shall, for the first offence, be imprisoned for a year; and, for the second, during life.

And by the same act, if any person shall in plays, songs, or by other open words, speak anything in derogation of the same book, or anything therein contained; or shall, by open fact, cause or procure any minister in any place to say Common Prayer openly, or to minister any sacrament in other form, or shall interrupt or let any minister to say the said Common Prayer, he shall (being indicted for the same at the next assizes) forfeit to the queen for the first offence 100 marks, and for the second 400 marks, which, if not paid in six weeks after conviction, he shall suffer six months’ imprisonment for the first offence, and twelve months’ for the second, and for the third offence shall forfeit all his goods and chattels, and be imprisoned during life.

By stat. 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 4, Where an incumbent resides upon his living and keeps a curate, the incumbent himself, (not having lawful impediment, to be allowed by the bishop,) shall at least once a month openly and publicly read the Common Prayer, and (if there be occasion) administer the sacraments and other rites of the Church.

UNIGENITUS, THE BULL. The instrument issued by Pope Clement XI., in 1713, against the French translation of the New Testament, with notes, by Pasquier Quesnel, priest of the Oratory, and a celebrated Jansenist. The book, having occasioned considerable disputes, had already been condemned by the court of Rome in 1708; but this step being found ineffectual, Clement, who had privately spoken of it in terms of rapture, declaring it to be an excellent book, and one which no person resident at Rome was capable of writing, proceeded to condemn one hundred and one propositions of the notes; such as—grace, the effectual principle of all good works; faith, the first and fountain of all the graces of a Christian; the Scriptures should be read by all, &c. This bull, procured by Louis and the Jesuits, occasioned great commotion in France. Forty Gallican bishops accepted it; but it was opposed by many others, especially by Noailles, archbishop of Paris. Many of the prelates, and other persons eminent for piety and learning, appealed, on the subject, from the papal authority to that of a general council, but in vain.

UNION, HYPOSTATICAL, (see Jesus, Lord, Christ, Messiah, Mediator,) is the union of the human nature of CHRIST with the Divine, constituting two natures in one person. Not consubstantially, as the three persons in the GODHEAD; nor physically, as soul and body united in one person; nor mystically, as is the union between CHRIST and believers; but so as that the manhood subsist in the second person, yet without making confusion, both making but one person. It was miraculous. (Luke i. 34, 35.) Complete and real: CHRIST took a real human body and soul, and not in appearance. Inseparable. (Heb. vii, 25.)—See Burton.

UNITARIANS. A title which certain heretics, who do not worship the true GOD, assume most unfairly, to convey the impression that those who worship the one and only GOD do not hold the doctrine of the Divine Unity. Christians worship the TRINITY in Unity, and the UNITY in Trinity.

This name includes all, whether Arians of old, or more lately Socinians, and other Deists, who deny the Divinity of JESUS CHRIST, and the separate personality of the HOLY GHOST. They are not very numerous in England, although most of the old English Presbyterian congregations have fallen into Unitarianism.

These persons made little progress in England till the opening of the eighteenth century, when many of the old Presbyterian ministers embraced opinions adverse to the Trinitarian doctrine. A noticeable controversy on the subject was begun in 1719, in the West of England, and two Presbyterian ministers, in consequence of their participation in these sentiments, were removed from their pastoral charges. Nevertheless, the Presbyterian clergy gradually became impregnated, although for some time they gave no particular expression from their pulpits to their views in this respect. In course of little time, however, their congregations either came to be entirely assimilated with themselves in doctrine, or in part seceded to the Independent body. Thus, the ancient Presbyterian chapels and endowments have, in great degree, become the property of Unitarians, whose origin, as a distinct community in England, may be dated from the first occurrence of such virtual transfers, viz. from about the period just subsequent to 1730.

Persons denying the doctrine of the Trinity were excepted from the benefits of the Toleration Act, and remained so until 1813, when the section in that statute which affected them was abrogated by the 53 Geo. III. c. 160, which was extended to Ireland by 57 Geo. III. c. 70. Since that period they have been exactly in the same position as all other Protestant Dissenters with respect to their political immunities. These persons do not object to the form of attestation, “on the true faith of a Christian,” though denying the principal doctrines of Christianity as recognised by the Catholic Church.

The form of ecclesiastical government adopted by the Unitarians is substantially “congregational;” each individual congregation ruling itself without regard to any courts or synods.

Returns have been received at the Census Office from 229 congregations connected with this body.

UNITED BRETHREN. (See Moravians.)

UNIVERSALISTS. Those who, contrary to the express word of GOD, deny the eternal punishment of the wicked.

UNIVERSITY. University, as Johnson observes, originally meant a community or corporation;—it afterwards came to be restricted to those communities for divine and secular learning, which were originally called studia generalia, schools, pædagogies, (as St. Andrew’s,) academies, &c. In all of these, the four great branches of knowledge were professed, divinity, law, medicine, and the liberal arts and sciences. In the twelfth century, degrees were conferred, (see Degrees,) first in canon and civil law, afterwards in theology and philosophy; though all these branches of learning had long been taught. The universities were gradually endowed with important privileges. For ages they had been regarded in England as great and influential, with corporate titles though not with corporate privileges. These were formally given to them by Queen Elizabeth; under whose auspices the third university of Dublin, endowed with like privileges, was founded.

It is foreign to the object of a Church Dictionary to notice those corporations for mere secular learning, to which in England the title of University, though with a novel meaning, has of late years been legally given. The term, as formerly understood in England, Ireland, and Scotland, as throughout Europe for ages, comprehended Divine learning as an essential and crowning part of the system. The old universities are connected with the Church by the closest ties. Their discipline is recognised by the canons, (the xvi., xvii., and xxiii., for example,) and their degrees are essential qualifications for many Church preferments; these also are conferred under the invocation of the Holy Trinity; all their solemn assemblies are accompanied with the prayers of the Church; and the foundation within the universities, upon which their influence and very existence depend, has been made with the plain and obvious understanding that these great corporations are the nurseries of the Church; that those who partake of their privileges are to be educated as her generic children.

It is beyond the object of this work to give any detailed account of their constitution. It may suffice to observe, that the English system of having many colleges within the precincts of, and subordinate to, the greater corporation, though forming each a minor corporation in itself, is not peculiar to this country. Such was the system of the most ancient universities, Bologna, Paris, and Salamanca; and of many more modern ones, as Louvain, &c. Paris had anciently fifty-three colleges, (including eight for the religious order,) and up to the Revolution had twenty-three, (of which fifteen were not monastic,) several of the secular ones having been amalgamated by Louis XIV. Besides these, each faculty had its corporate assembly; and over all the rector, assisted by three deans and four proctors, presided. The constitution at Louvain was similar, where there were twenty colleges. The college system is the best auxiliary to the university, and grew up from the obvious necessity of securing to the younger students a proper domestic discipline, and to the elder the means of pursuing their maturer studies.

URIM AND THUMMIM. So the Hebrews called a certain oracular manner of consulting GOD; which was done by the high priest, dressed in his robes, and having on his pectoral, or breastplate.

Concerning the Urim and Thummim, various have been the sentiments of learned men. Josephus, and others after him, have maintained, that Urim and Thummim meant the precious stones set in the high priest’s breastplate; which, by some extraordinary lustre, made known the will of GOD to those who consulted him. Spencer, in his dissertation on these words, believes they were two little golden figures, shut up in the pectoral, as in a purse, which gave responses with an articulate voice. In short, there are as many opinions concerning the Urim and Thummim, as there are authors that have written about them. The safest opinion seems to be, that the words Urim and Thummim signify some divine virtue and power annexed to the breastplate of the high priest, by which an oracular answer was obtained from GOD, when he was consulted by the high priest; and that this was called Urim and Thummim, to express the clearness and perfection which these oracular answers always carried with them; for Urim signifies light, and Thummim, perfection. These answers were not enigmatical and ambiguous, like the heathen oracles, but clear and evident; and never fell short of perfection, either with regard to fulness in the answer, or certainty in the event.

The use made of the Urim and Thummim was, to consult GOD, in difficult and momentous cases, relating to the whole state of Israel. For this purpose the high priest put on his robes, and over them the breastplate, in which the Urim and Thummim were; and then presented himself before GOD, to ask counsel of him. But he was not to do this for any private person; but only for the king, for the president of the Sanhedrim, for the general of the army, or for some other great personage; nor for any private affairs, but such only as related to the public interest of the nation, either in Church or State. The place where he presented himself before GOD, was before the ark of the covenant; where standing with his robes and breastplate on, and his face turned directly towards the ark, and the mercy-seat over it, upon which the Divine presence rested, he proposed what he wanted to be resolved about; and directly behind him, at some distance without the holy place, stood the person, upon whose account GOD was consulted, and there, with all humility and devotion, expected the answer that should be given.

It seems plain from Scripture, that the answer was given by an audible voice from the mercy-seat, which was within, behind the veil. There it was that Moses went to ask counsel of GOD in all cases; and from thence he was answered by an audible voice. In the same way did GOD afterwards communicate his will to the governors of Israel, as often as he was consulted by them; only with this difference, that whereas Moses, through extraordinary indulgence, had immediate access to the Divine presence, and GOD communed with him, as it were, face to face, no other person was admitted thither to ask counsel of GOD but through the mediation of the high priest, who, in his stead, asked counsel for him by Urim and Thummim. There are many instances in Scripture of GOD’S being consulted this way; and the answer, in most of them, is introduced with, “the LORD said.” And when the Israelites made a peace with the Gibeonites, they are blamed because they did not ask counsel at the mouth of GOD: both which phrases seem plainly to imply a vocal answer. And for this reason it is that the holy of holies, the place where the ark and the mercy-seat stood, from whence this answer was given, is so often in Scripture called the oracle; because from thence the divine oracles of GOD were delivered to such as asked counsel of him.

It is variously conjectured by learned men, when this Urim and Thummim entirely ceased: it is certain there is no instance of it in Scripture during the first temple; and it was wholly wanting in the second. And hence came that saying among the Jews, that the HOLY SPIRIT spake to the Israelites during the tabernacle, by Urim and Thummim; under the first temple, by the prophets; and, under the second, by Bath-Col.

URSULINES. An order of nuns, founded originally by St. Angeli, of Brescia, in the year 1537, and so called from St. Ursula, to whom they are dedicated.

USE. In former times each bishop had the power of making some improvements in the liturgy of his church: in process of time, different customs arose, and several became so established, as to receive the names of their respective churches. Thus gradually the “Uses” or customs of York, Sarum, Hereford, Bangor, Lincoln, Aberdeen, &c., came to be distinguished from each other.

The missals and other ritual books of York and Hereford have been printed; but we have inquired in vain for the names of the bishops who originated the unessential peculiarities which they contain. Their rubrics are sometimes less definite than those of the Sarum “USE,” and they contain some few offices in commemoration of departed prelates and saints, which are not found in other missals, &c. The “Use” or custom of Sarum derives its origin from Osmund, bishop of that see in A. D. 1078, and chancellor of England. We are informed by Simeon of Durham, that about the year 1083, King William the Conqueror appointed Thurstan, a Norman, abbot of Glastonbury. Thurstan, despising the ancient Gregorian chanting, which had been used in England from the sixth century, attempted to introduce in its place a modern style of chanting invented by William of Fescamp, a Norman. The monks resisted the innovations of their abbot, and a scene of violence and bloodshed ensued, which was terminated by the king’s sending back Thurstan to Normandy. This circumstance may very probably have turned the attention of Osmund to the regulation of the ritual of his church. We are informed that he built a new cathedral; collected together clergy, distinguished as well for learning as for a knowledge of chanting; and composed a book for the regulation of ecclesiastical offices, which was entitled the “Custom” book. The substance of this was probably incorporated into the missal and other ritual books of Sarum, and ere long, almost the whole of England, Wales, and Ireland, adopted it. When the archbishop of Canterbury celebrated the liturgy in the presence of the bishops of his province, the bishop of Salisbury (probably in consequence of the general adoption of the “Use” of Sarum) acted as precentor of the college of bishops, a title which he still retains. The churches of Lincoln and Bangor also had peculiar “Uses;” but we are not aware that any of their books have been printed. A MS. pontifical, containing the rites and ceremonies performed by the bishop, still (we believe) remains in the church of Bangor; it is said to have belonged to Anianus, who occupied that see in the thirteenth century. The church of Aberdeen in Scotland had its own rites; but whether there was any peculiarity in the missal we know not, as it has never been published. The breviary of Aberdeen, according to Zaccaria, was printed in A. D. 1609 (qu. 1509?). Independently of these rites of particular churches, the monastic societies of England had many different rituals, which, however, all agreed substantially, having all been derived from the sacramentary of Gregory. The Benedictine, Carthusian, Cistertian, and other orders, had peculiar missals. Schultingius nearly transcribes a very ancient sacramentary belonging to the Benedictines of England; Bishop Barlow, in his MS. notes on the Roman missal, speaks of a missal belonging to the monastery of Evesham; and Zaccaria mentions a MS. missal of Oxford, written in the thirteenth or fourteenth century, which is in the library of the canons of S. Salvator at Bologna. This last must probably be referred to some of the monastic societies, who had formerly houses in Oxford; as the bishopric or church of Oxford was not founded till the sixteenth century.

It may be remarked in general of all these missals and rituals, that they differed very little; the sacramentary of Gregory was used every where, with various small additions. However, the rites of the churches throughout the British empire were not by any means uniform at the middle of the sixteenth century, and needed various corrections; and therefore the metropolitan of Canterbury, and other bishops and doctors of the holy Catholic Church, at the request and desire of King Edward VI., revised the ritual books; and having examined the Oriental liturgies, and the notices which the orthodox fathers supply, they edited the English ritual, containing the common prayer and administration of all the sacraments and rites of the Church. And although our liturgy and other offices were corrected and improved, chiefly after the example of the ancient Gallican, Spanish, Alexandrian, and Oriental, yet the greater portion of our prayers have been continually retained and used by the Church of England for more than 1200 years.—Palmer.

VALENTINIANS. Heretics, who sprang up in the second century, and were so called from their leader, Valentinus.

This sect was one of the most famous and most numerous amongst the ancients. Valentinus, who was the author of it, was an Egyptian, and began there to teach the doctrine of the Gnostics. His merit made him aspire to the episcopacy; but another having been preferred before him, Valentinus, enraged at this denial and resolved to revenge himself of the affront given him, departed from the doctrine of the Church, and revived old errors. He began to preach his doctrine in Egypt, and from thence coming to Rome, under the pontificate of Pope Hyginus, he there spread his errors, and continued to dogmatize till the pontificate of Anicetus, i. e. from the year 140 to 160.

Of all the Gnostics, none formed a more regular system than Valentinus. His notions were drawn from the principles of the Platonists. The Æons were attributes of the Deity, or Platonic ideas, which he realized, or made persons of them, to compose thereof a complete deity, which he called Pleroma, or Plenitude; under which was the Creator of the world, and the angels, to whom he committed the government of it. The most ancient heretics had already established those principles, and invented genealogies of the Æons: but Valentinus, refining upon what they had said, placed them in a new order, and thereto added many fictions. His system was this:

The first principle is Bythos, i. e. depth: it remained for many ages unknown, having with it Ennoia, i. e. Thought, and Sigê, i. e. Silence. From these sprung the Nous, or Intelligence, which is the only son, equal to it alone, and capable of comprehending it; whose sister is Aletheia, i. e. Truth. This is the first quaternity of Æons, which is the source and original of all the rest. For Nous and Aletheia produced the Word and the Life; and from these two proceeded Man and the Church. This is the second quaternity of the eight principal Æons. The Word and the Life, to glorify the Father, produced five couple of Æons: man and the Church formed six. These thirty Æons bear the name of attributes and compose the Pleroma, or Plenitude of the Deity. Sophia, or Wisdom, the last of these Æons, being desirous to arrive at the knowledge of Bythos, gave herself a great deal of uneasiness, which created in her anger and fear, of which was born matter. But the Horos, or Bounder, stopped her, preserved her in the Pleroma, and restored her to perfection. Then she produced the CHRIST and the HOLY SPIRIT; which brought the Æons to their last perfection, and made every one of them contribute their utmost to form the SAVIOUR. Her Enthymese, or Thought, dwelling near the Pleroma, perfected by the CHRIST, produced everything that is in the world, by its divers passions. The CHRIST sent into it the SAVIOUR, accompanied with angels, who delivered it from its passions, without annihilating it; and from thence was formed corporeal matter, which was of two sorts; the one bad, arising from the passions; the other good, proceeding from conversion, but subject to the passions.

There are also three substances, the material, the animal, and the spiritual. The Demiurgus, or maker of the world, by whom the Enthymese formed this world, is the animal substance: he formed the terrestrial man, to whom the Enthymese gave a spirit: the material part perished necessarily; but that which is spiritual can suffer no corruption; and that which is animal stood in need of the spiritual Saviour, to hinder its corruption. This SAVIOUR or CHRIST passed through the womb of the Virgin, as through a canal, and at his baptism the Saviour of the Pleroma descended upon him in the form of a dove. He suffered as to his animal part, which he received from Demiurgus, but not as to his spiritual part. There are likewise three sorts of men, the spiritual, material, and animal. These three substances were united together in Adam; but they were divided in his children. That which was spiritual went into Seth, the material into Cain, and the animal into Abel. The spiritual men shall be immortal, whatever crimes they commit; the material, on the contrary, shall be annihilated, whatever good they do: the animal shall be in a place of refreshment, if they do good; and shall be annihilated, if they do evil. The end of the world shall come, when the spiritual men shall have been formed and perfected by the Nous. Then the Enthymese shall ascend up to the Pleroma again, and be re-united with the SAVIOUR. The spiritual men shall not rise again: but shall enter with the Enthymese into the Pleroma, and shall be married to the angels, who are with the SAVIOUR. The Demiurgus shall pass into the region where his mother was, and shall be followed by the animal men, who have lived well; where they shall have rest. In fine, the material and animal men, who have lived ill, shall be consumed by the fire, which will annihilate all matter.

The disciples of Valentinus did not strictly confine themselves to his system. They took a great deal of liberty, in ranging the Æons according to their different ideas, without condemning one another upon that account. But what is most abominable is, that from these chimerical principles they drew detestable conclusions as to morality: for, because spiritual beings could not perish, being good by nature, hence they concluded that they might freely and without scruple commit all manner of actions, and that it was not at all necessary for them to do good; but above all, they believed continence to be useless. We have, in Clemens Alexandrinus, an extract of a letter of Valentinus, in which he maintains, that GOD does not require the martyrdom of his children, and that, whether they deny or confess CHRIST before tyrants, they shall be saved. If they believed that good works were necessary, it was only for animal men. Some believed that baptism by water was superfluous; others baptized in the name of the unknown Father, of the truth the mother of all, of him who descended in JESUS, of the light, redemption, and community of powers. Many rejected all outward ceremonies.

In fine, the errors of the Valentinians were wholly incompatible with the Christian doctrine. If they did not destroy the unity of GOD, they made of him a monstrous composition of different beings. They attributed the creation to another principle: they set up good and bad substances by nature. JESUS CHRIST, according to them, was but a man, on whom the celestial CHRIST descended. The HOLY GHOST was but a simple Divine virtue. There is no resurrection of the body. Spiritual men do not merit eternal life; it is due to them by their nature; and do what they will they can never miss of it; as material men cannot escape annihilation, although they live an unblameable life.

VALESIANS. Christian heretics, disciples of Valesius, an Arabian philosopher, who appeared about the year 250, and maintained that concupiscence acted so strongly upon man, that it was not in his power to resist it, and that even the grace of GOD was not sufficient to enable him to get the better of it. Upon this principle he taught that the only way for a man to be saved was to make himself an eunuch. The Origenists afterwards fell into the same error; but it was Valesius who gave birth to it. The bishop of Philadelphia condemned this philosopher, and the other Churches of the East followed his example.

The maxims of the Valesians were very cruel. They were not satisfied to mutilate those of their sect, but they had the barbarity to make eunuchs of strangers who chanced to pass by where they lived. This heresy spread greatly in Arabia, and especially in the territory of Philadelphia.

VAUDOIS. (See Waldenses.)

VAULT. An arched roof, so constructed as to be supported by mutual compression. Vaulting and Gothic architecture are so intimately connected, that the latter has been defined as “the truthful elaboration of vaulted structure;” and vaulting has been called “the final cause of Gothic architecture, that to which all its members subserve, for which everything else is contrived, and without which the whole apparatus would be aimless and unmeaning.”[20] To enter into the science of vaulting would be quite beyond our present purpose; we can only very loosely assign the various forms of vaults to the respective styles to which they belong.

The earliest and simplest vault is that called the waggon vault, i. e. a simple semi-cylindrical vault, one side of which rests throughout on each wall of the span to be vaulted. This vault was used by the Romans, and for a while in our Romanesque: but it was very soon discontinued for one in which the whole space to be vaulted was divided into equal squares, and a semi-cylinder being supposed to be thrown over each square in each direction, the one crossing and cutting the other, the points at which they would cut were taken as the groins, and all below these parts being removed, an arched way was left in either direction. This formed a simple quadripartite vault, but as yet of very rude construction. Some of the defects of this were remedied by supplying ribs at the groins, which not only strengthened the vault, but also served in a great degree to conceal its defects of form. By and by the compartments were also separated by a rib, springing transversely over the space to be vaulted. The introduction of bosses at the intersection of the diagonal ribs, and the various moulding of the ribs themselves, was as far as the Normans proceeded with this kind of vault, except that they had various methods of bringing the apex of the intersecting cylinders into the same plane, by stilting or depressing them, where they were obliged to apply low vaults to rectangles with unequal sides.

In the Early English, the pointed arch was applied to the vault, as well as to all other arched constructions, and groining ribs were never omitted; still the transverse rib, or that separating two bays, is by no means invariably found. The ribs were multiplied as architecture advanced; and, during the Geometrical period, we have often, in addition to the diagonal and transverse ribs, a rib along the apex of the vault, both longitudinal and transverse, and sometimes two or more additional ribs rising from the vaulting shaft to the ridge rib. In the later Decorated, these ribs are often tied together by little cross ribs, at various angles, and the vault thus formed is called a lierne vault: this was continued into the Perpendicular period; its complexity rather than richness gradually increasing with the multiplication of ribs and bosses. It is a long process to arrive at the exact office of each rib; but there is in each case a constructive reason for its adoption.

The later architects of England adopted a more gorgeous, and, in some respects, a more scientific vault than any of those mentioned, which, from the equal radiation of its numerous ribs over the whole surface of the inverted conoids, of which the whole surface consists, is called fan vaulting; a system really more simple and perfect than any of the others, though to the eye so exceedingly elaborate.

VENIAL SIN. The Church of Rome, following the schoolmen, represents some sins as pardonable, and others not. The first they call venial, the second, mortal, sins. Thomas Aquinas makes seven distinctions in sin. (See Sin.)

VENI, CREATOR SPIRITUS. A hymn to the HOLY GHOST. The HOLY GHOST is that person of the Blessed TRINITY, to which the distributing of the several offices in the Church, and qualifying the persons for them, is generally ascribed in Scripture. (Acts xiii. 2, 4; xx. 28; 1 Cor. xii. 11.) And upon that ground it is fit that a particular address be made to the Spirit before the ordination, which we do by this hymn. It is said to have been composed by St. Ambrose, and is placed among his works as an hymn for Pentecost; and on that day it is annually used in the Roman Church, and was so of old. It was inserted into the office for consecrating a bishop as early as the year 1100; and with a later hand put into the ordination of a priest about 500 (620) years ago in the Roman Church, and so it stands there to this day. And the Protestants have so well approved of it, that the Lutheran Churches begin their office with the same hymn. And our reformers translated it into metre in the larger way in King Edward the Sixth’s first ordinal. Since which time (namely, in the review of the Common Prayer under King Charles the Second, Dr. Nicholls) it hath been abbreviated, and put into fewer words, but to the same case, as it stands foremost here.—Dean Comber.

Though the words of these hymns have lost something from time, the prayer is too serious, too important, ever to be forgotten. We are not so enthusiastic as to expect an extraordinary communication of the SPIRIT to any minister of the gospel. Neither are we so void of spiritual feeling as to imagine that the Divine influence, which GOD himself has promised, and an innumerable host of Christians have displayed by their conduct, cannot touch our hearts. We do truly believe that it is the grace of GOD, operating with our spirit, which enables us to fulfil our duty in so arduous a situation. We may “resist and quench the SPIRIT” (Acts vii. 51; 1 Thess. v. 19); and we may “grow in grace.” (2 Pet. iii. 18.) From these expressions we are taught, to leave our hearts open in the one case, and in the other to aim at greater perfection. In both our connexion with the SPIRIT is made manifest; for, “if we have not the Spirit of CHRIST, we are none of his.” (Rom. viii. 9.) May the SPIRIT of Divine grace “visit our minds,” and “inspire our souls” with holy affections, that we may improve those “manifold gifts,” which alone give stability to the Church of CHRIST, and are derived from him, “the fountain and the spring of all celestial joy.”—Brewster.

VENITE. The 95th Psalm. The Psalmist here calls upon us with this arousing exhortation, “O come, let us sing unto the LORD!” and the apostle to the same purpose wills us to “admonish one another in psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs, singing and making melody in your hearts unto GOD.” (Col. iii. 16) Where he seems to quicken our backwardness, and to stir us up to a due sense of the Divine favour and goodness. And this is to be done, both outwardly with the voice, by singing unto the LORD; and inwardly with the heart, by heartily rejoicing in GOD, who is “the strength of our salvation.” It is by his power that our salvation is effected, and upon his mercy alone all our hopes of it are founded, and therefore both our heart and tongue are to become the instruments of his praise.—Hole.

Whenever we repeat this psalm, we should, if we wish to improve and be edified by it, always make some such reflections as these that follow. The wandering of the Israelites through the wilderness represents our travelling through this world; their earthly Canaan, or promised land, being a type or figure of heaven, of that blessed country, to which we are all invited, and where, if it be not our own fault, we may all one day arrive. The same Divine providence which once guided and protected them, now watches over and defends us;—“they did all eat the same spiritual meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink.” (1 Cor. x. 3, 4.) The manna, with which they were miraculously sustained, was an emblem of the true “bread of life, which came down from heaven,” for the support of our souls; and the water, which they drank out of the rock, prefigured the graces of the HOLY SPIRIT, which we receive from the true fountain of life; for “that rock was CHRIST,”—that is, it represented CHRIST. Now if they, through their infidelity and disobedience, notwithstanding all the signal favours they enjoyed, fell short of the promised rest, and perished in the wilderness, so shall we, who are blessed with still higher privileges, if we tread in their steps, most assuredly fail of our eternal inheritance in the heavenly Canaan, and be doomed to everlasting destruction. “Take heed,” therefore, “brethren,” as the apostle justly infers, “lest there be in any of you an evil heart of unbelief, in departing from the living GOD. But exhort one another daily, while it is called to-day, lest any of you be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin.” (Heb. iii. 12, 13.) Let us not rest in a bare speculative belief, but endeavour to obtain and preserve a lively faith and hearty trust in the promises of GOD made to us in the gospel. This, and this only, will support us in our pilgrimage here on earth, and carry us safe to our eternal rest in heaven.—Waldo.

According to ancient use in the Western Church, the Venite always precedes the Morning Psalm, except on Easter Day, when another anthem is appointed.

VERGER. (From virgu, a rod.) He who carries the mace before the dean or canons in a cathedral or collegiate church. In some cathedrals the dean has his own verger, the canons theirs: in others the verger goes before any member of the church, whether capitular or not, when he leaves his place to perform any part of the service. An officer of a similar title precedes the vice-chancellor in the English universities.

VERSE. A line or short sentence, generally applied to poetry, but also applicable to prose, as Cicero employs it. See Facciolati in voc. Hence it came to mean a short sentence. It has, in an ecclesiastical sense, these several meanings:

1. The short paragraphs, numbered for the sake of reference, into which the Bible is at present divided, are called verses. These divisions were introduced into the Old Testament by Rabbi Nathan, in the fifteenth century. Those in the New were introduced by Robert Stephens in 1551.

2. The short sentence of the minister, which is followed by the response of the choir or people, in the Latin ritual. These are marked V. & R. It is something like the versicles in our service, but is frequently longer.

3. A sentence or short anthem, as in the Introits of the Latin service.

4. Verse in the English choral service means those passages in the hymns or anthems which are sung by a portion only of the choir, sometimes by a single voice, as contradistinguished from the full parts, or chorus. Thus we have full and verse anthems.

VERSICLES. Short or diminutive verses, said alternately by the minister and people; such, for example, as the following:—

Min. O LORD, show thy mercy upon us;

Ans. And grant us thy salvation.

Min. O GOD, make clean our hearts within us;

Ans. And take not thy HOLY SPIRIT from us.

The versicles, properly so called, (with their responses,) are in most instances passages from the Psalms, and are thus distinguished from other suffrages, which are neither verses from the Psalms, nor form in each petition and response a continuous sentence. In the Litany the two versicles with their responses, “O Lord, deal not with us after our sins,” and “O Lord, let thy mercy be showed upon us,” are distinguished from the other suffrages (in the Litany) by having the words Priest and Answer prefixed; and by being each a verse from the Psalms. To which may be added, that till the last Review, these had been always prefaced in the English Litany, since the Reformation, by the words “the versicles.”

VESICA PISCIS. (See Piscis.)

VESPERS, or EVEN-SONG, is mentioned by the most ancient Fathers, and it is probable that the custom of holding an assembly for public worship at this time is of the most primitive antiquity. Certainly in the fourth century, and perhaps in the third, there was public evening service in the Eastern Churches, as we learn from the Apostolical Constitutions; and Cassian, in the beginning of the fifth century, appears to refer the evening and nocturnal assemblies of the Egyptians to the time of St. Mark the Evangelist.

VESTMENTS. (See Ornaments.) The vestment mentioned in the rubric of King Edward VI.’s first Prayer Book, is the same as the Chasuble. (See Chasuble.)

VESTRY. (Anciently Revestry or Sacristy.) A room attached to a church for the keeping of the vestments and the sacred vessels. The most usual place for the vestry was at the north side of the chancel, at the east end. There was not infrequently an altar in the vestry; and sometimes it was arranged with an additional chamber, so as to form a domus inclusa for the residence of an officiating priest.

And from their meeting in this room, certain assemblies of the parishioners, for the despatch of the official business of the parish, are called vestries or vestry meetings. It is not, however, essential to the validity of the meeting, that it should be held in the vestry of the church. It may be convened in any place in the parish, provided the parishioners have free access to it, even though the place fixed on be private property. Notice of meeting must be given three days previously, by affixing on or near the doors of all churches or chapels within the parish, a printed or written notice. The incumbent is ex officio chairman of the meeting. All persons rated to the relief of the poor, whether inhabitants of the parish or not, are entitled to attend the vestry and vote thereat: and this right is also extended to all inhabitants coming into the parish since the last rate for the relief of the poor, if they consent to be rated. But no person is entitled to vote, who shall have neglected or refused to pay any rate which may be due, and shall have been demanded of him, nor is he entitled to be present at any vestry meeting. A motion to adjourn the vestry for six or twelve months, or for any time, with a view to defeat the object of the meeting, is illegal, and therefore no such motion should be received by the chairman.

The functions of vestries are, to take due care for the maintenance of the edifice of the church, and the due administration of Divine service; to elect churchwardens, to present for appointment fit persons as overseers of the poor, to administer the property of the parish, and (if so appointed under local acts) to superintend the paving and lighting of the parish, and to levy rates for those purposes.

The remedy for neglect of duty by a vestry is a mandamus from the court of Queen’s Bench, directed to the officer whose duty it would be to perform the particular act, or in some cases by an ordinary process against him, or by a process against the churchwardens out of the ecclesiastical courts.

In the year 1818 was passed the 58 Geo. III. c. 69, making general regulations for the holding of vestries, and this act was amended next year by the 59 Geo. III. c. 85. In the same year was passed the 59 Geo. III. c. 12, commonly called Sturges Bourne’s Act, authorizing the formation of select vestries for the management of the relief of paupers; but that is superseded by the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834.

The 1 & 2 Wm. IV. c. 20 is an important act relating to vestries, commonly called Hobhouse’s Act. It authorizes, upon the petition of a certain number of parishioners paying rates, the formation of a representative select vestry. To 1000 ratepayers 12 representatives are allowed; above 1000, 24; above 2000, 36; and so on, allowing 12 additional representatives for every additional 1000 ratepayers, until the number of the select vestry reaches 120, which is the limit of elected members. There are others ex officio, including the clergy of the district. Section 40 of this act saves all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and provides that the act shall not invalidate or avoid any ecclesiastical law or constitution of the Church of England, save as concerns the appointment of vestries.

A series of church-building acts, eighteen in number, were passed between 1818 and 1848, beginning with the 58 Geo. III., and ending with the 11 & 12 Vict. They contained clauses which provided for the formation of select vestries in the new ecclesiastical districts constituted by those acts. In 1851 came the 14 & 15 Vict. c. 97, which enumerates all these acts, and by section 20 not only forbids the formation of select vestries in new districts to be formed, but abolishes all those which had been formed under the acts enumerated.

By the Metropolitan Burials Acts of 1852, (15 & 16 Vict. c. 85, amended and extended by 16 & 17 Vict. c. 134,) new and important duties were thrown upon vestries. It is therein provided, that, upon the requisition in writing of ten or more ratepayers of any parish in the metropolis in which the place or places of burial shall appear to such ratepayers insufficient or dangerous to health, (and whether any order in council in relation to any burial ground in such parish has or has not been made,) the churchwardens or other persons to whom it belongs to convene meetings of the vestry of such parish, shall convene a meeting of the vestry, for the special purpose of determining whether a burial ground shall be provided under this act for the parish; and public notice of such vestry meeting, and the place and hour of holding the same, and the special purpose thereof, shall be given in the usual manner in which notices of the meetings of the vestry are given, at least seven days before holding such vestry meeting; and if it be resolved by the vestry that a burial ground shall be provided under this act for the parish, a copy of such resolution, extracted from the minutes of the vestry, and signed by the chairman, shall be sent to one of her Majesty’s principal secretaries of state.

In case of such resolution as aforesaid, the vestry shall appoint not less than three, nor more than nine persons, being ratepayers of the parish, to be the burial board of such parish, of whom one third, or as nearly as may be one third, (to be determined among themselves,) shall go out of office yearly, at such time as shall be from time to time fixed by the vestry, but shall be eligible for immediate re-appointment: provided always, that the incumbent of the parish shall be eligible to be appointed and re-appointed from time to time as one of the members of the said board, although not a ratepayer of the parish; provided also, that any member of the board may at any time resign his office, on giving notice in writing to the churchwardens or persons to whom it belongs to convene meetings of the vestry.

Any vacancies in the board may be filled up by the vestry when and as the vestry shall think fit.

The board shall meet at least once in every month at their office, or some other convenient place, previously publicly notified, and the said board may meet at such other time as at any previous meeting shall be determined upon; and it shall be at all times competent for any two members of the board, by writing under their hands, to summon, with at least forty-eight hours’ notice, the board for any special purpose mentioned in such writing, and to meet at such times as shall be appointed therein.

At all meetings of the board, any number not less than three members of such board shall be a sufficient number for transacting business, and for exercising all the powers of the board.

The board shall appoint, and may remove at pleasure, a clerk, and such other officers and servants as shall be necessary for the business of the board, and for the purposes of their burial ground; and, with the approval of the vestry, may appoint reasonable salaries, wages, and allowances for such clerk, officers, and servants, and, when necessary, may hire and rent a sufficient office for holding their meetings and transacting their business.

Entries of all proceedings of the board, with the names of the members who attend each meeting, shall be made in books to be provided and kept for that purpose, under the direction of the board, and shall be signed by the members present, or any two of them; and all entries purporting to be so signed shall be received as evidence, without proof of any meeting of the board having been duly convened or held, or of the presence at any such meeting of the persons named in any such entry as being present thereat, or of such persons being members of the board, or of the signature of any person by whom any such entry purports to be signed, all which matters shall be presumed until the contrary be proved; and the board shall provide and keep books in which shall be entered true and regular accounts of all sums of money received and paid, for or on account of the purposes of this act in the parish, and of all liabilities incurred by them for such purposes, and of the several purposes for which such sums of money are paid and such liabilities incurred.

All such books shall, at all reasonable times, be open to the examination of every member of such board, churchwarden, overseer, and ratepayer, without fee or reward, and they respectively may take copies of, or extracts from, such books, or any part thereof, without paying for the same; and in case the members of such board, or any of them, or any of the officers or servants of such board having the custody of the said books, being thereunto reasonably requested, refuse to permit or do not permit any churchwarden, overseer, or ratepayer to examine the same, or take any such copies or extracts, every such member, officer, or servant so offending shall for every such offence, upon a summary conviction thereof before any justice of the peace, forfeit any sum not exceeding five pounds.

The vestry shall yearly appoint two persons, not being members of the board, to be auditors of the accounts of the board, and at such time in the month of March in every year as the vestry shall appoint, the board shall produce to the auditors their accounts, with sufficient vouchers for all monies received and paid, and the auditors shall examine such accounts and vouchers, and report thereon to the vestry.

The expenses incurred, or to be incurred, by the burial board of any parish in carrying this act into execution, shall be chargeable upon and paid out of the rates for the relief of the poor of such parish; the expenses to be so incurred for or on account of any parish in providing and laying out a burial ground under this act, and building the necessary chapel or chapels thereon, not to exceed such sum as the vestry shall authorize to be expended for such purpose; and the overseers or other officers authorized to make and levy rates for the relief of the poor in any parish shall, upon receipt of a certificate under the hands of such number of members of the burial board as are authorized to exercise the powers of the board, of the sums required from time to time for defraying any such expenses as aforesaid, pay such sums out of the rates for the relief of the poor, as the board shall direct.

Provided always, that it shall be lawful for the board, with the sanction of the vestry and the approval of the commissioners of her Majesty’s treasury, to borrow any money required for providing and laying out any burial ground under this act, and building a chapel or chapels thereon, or any of such purposes, and to charge the future poor rates of the parish with the payment of such money and interest thereon; provided that there shall be paid in every year, in addition to the interest of the money borrowed and unpaid, not less than one-twentieth of the principal sum borrowed, until the whole is discharged.

The commissioners for carrying into execution an act of the session holden in the 14th and 15th years of her Majesty, c. 23, “to authorize for a further period the advance of money out of the consolidated fund to a limited amount for carrying on public works and fisheries and employment of the poor,” and any act or acts, amending or continuing the same, may from time to time make to the burial board of any parish for the purposes of this act any loan under the provisions of the recited act, or the several acts therein recited or referred to, upon security of the rates for the relief of the poor of the parish.

The money raised for defraying such expenses, and the income arising from the burial ground provided for the parish, except fees payable to the incumbent, clerk, and sexton of the parish, and the other fees herein directed to be otherwise paid, shall be applied by the board in or towards defraying the expenses of such board under this act; and whenever, after repayment of all monies borrowed for the purposes of this act in or for any parish, and the interest thereof, and after satisfying all the liabilities of the board with reference to the execution of this act in or for the parish, and providing such a balance as shall be deemed by the board sufficient to meet their probable liabilities during the then next year, there shall be at the time of holding the meeting of the vestry at which the yearly report of the auditors shall be produced, any surplus money at the disposal of the board, they shall pay the same to the overseers, in aid of the rate for the relief of the poor of the parish.

The vestries of any parishes which shall have respectively resolved to provide burial grounds under this act, may concur in providing one burial ground for the common use of such parishes, in such manner, not inconsistent with the provisions of this act, as they shall mutually agree; and may agree as to the proportions in which the expenses of such burial ground shall be borne by such parishes, and the proportion for each of such parishes of such expenses shall be chargeable upon and paid out of the monies to be raised for the relief of the poor of the same respective parish accordingly; and, according and subject to the terms which shall have been so agreed on, the burial boards appointed for such parishes respectively shall, for the purpose of providing and managing such one burial ground, and taking and holding land for the same, act as one joint burial board for all such parishes, and may have a joint office, clerk, and officers, and all the provisions of this act shall apply to such joint burial board accordingly; and the accounts and vouchers of such board shall be examined and reported on by the auditors of each of such parishes; and the surplus money at the disposal as aforesaid of such board, shall be paid to the overseers of such parishes respectively in the same proportions as those in which such parishes shall be liable to such expenses.

For the more easy execution of the purposes of this act, the burial board of every parish appointed under this act shall be a body corporate, by the name of “The Burial Board for the Parish of ——, in the County of ——,” and by that name shall have perpetual succession and a common seal, and shall sue and be sued, and have power and authority (without any licence in mortmain) to take, purchase, and hold land for the purposes of this act; and where the burial boards of two or more parishes act as, and form, one joint burial board for all such parishes for the purposes aforesaid, such joint board shall for such purposes only be a body corporate, by the name of “The Burial Board for the Parishes of —— and ——, in the County of ——,” and by that name shall have perpetual succession, and a common seal, and shall sue and be sued, and have power and authority as aforesaid to take, purchase, and hold land for the purposes of this act.

Every burial board shall, with all convenient speed, proceed to provide a burial ground for the parish or parishes for which they are appointed to act, and to make arrangements for facilitating interments therein; and in providing such burial ground, the board shall have reference to the convenience of access thereto from the parish or parishes for which the same is provided; and any such burial ground may be provided either within or without the limits of the parish, or all or any of the parishes, for which the same is provided; but no ground not already used as or appropriated for a cemetery, shall be appropriated as a burial ground, or as an addition to a burial ground, under this act, nearer than 200 yards to any dwelling house, without the consent in writing of the owner, lessee, and occupier of such dwelling house.

For the providing such burial ground, it shall be lawful for the burial board, with the approval of the vestry or vestries of the parish or respective parishes, to contract for and purchase any lands for the purpose of forming a burial ground, or for making additions to any burial ground to be formed or purchased under this act, as such board may think fit, or to purchase from any company or persons entitled thereto any cemetery or cemeteries, or part or parts thereof, subject to the rights in vaults and graves, and other subsisting rights, which may have been previously granted therein: provided always that it shall be lawful for such board, in lieu of providing any such burial ground, to contract with any such company or persons entitled as aforesaid for the interment in such cemetery or cemeteries, and either in any allotted part of such cemetery or cemeteries or otherwise, and upon such terms as the burial board may think fit, of the bodies of persons who would have had rights of interment in the burial grounds of such parish or respective parishes.

VIA MEDIA. The position occupied in the Christian world by the Anglican Church. There are three parties at present dividing the kingdom—the Church, the Romanist, the ultra-Protestant; of these the Church occupies the middle, Romanism and ultra-Protestantism the extreme positions. Were the Church withdrawn or forced from this central position, the two extremes would soon collide in civil and religious contention and rancour. The Church is the peace-preserving power in the home empire; her advantages and resources in this respect are singularly her own. As far as the Roman is a Church, she agrees with Rome: educated Romanists, however much they regret the disunion of the sees of Rome and Canterbury, respect her ecclesiastical and apostolic character. As far as the renunciation of errors dangerous to salvation constitutes Protestantism, she is thoroughly Protestant; learned and sober Nonconformists, therefore, have always considered her as the bulwark of the reformed religion. She possesses what Rome does not, to conciliate the Nonconformist; she possesses what ultra-Protestantism does not, to attract the esteem of the Roman Catholic. She has wherewith to conciliate to herself these two extremes, totally irreconcileable with each other. Were all religious parties in the realm to meet at this moment to draw up a national form of Christianity consistent with both Scripture and Catholic antiquity, the vast majority, we doubt not, would conscientiously prefer the liturgy and articles of the Church to any form or articles propounded by any one sect out of the Church. Without the Church, again, ultra-Protestantism would prove but a rope of sand to oppose the subtle machinations and united movement of the papal hierarchy. With her, at peace with both, though not in communion with either, these hostile schemes have as yet been prevented from committing the nation to the horrors of intestine commotion. The statesman who would undermine or debilitate this passive supremacy—for to all aggressive or domineering purposes it is entirely passive—on the chance that conflicting sects would extend to each other the mild toleration which now under the Church all impartially enjoy, must have studied religious passions and religious history to little profit.

The great mass of Protestant communities sends each individual to the Bible alone; thence to collect, as it may happen, truth or falsehood, by his own interpretation, or misinterpretation, and thence to measure the most weighty and mysterious truths by the least peculiar and appropriate passages of sacred Scripture. The Church of Rome sends her children neither to the Bible alone, nor to tradition alone; nor yet to the Bible and tradition conjointly, but to an infallible living expositor: which expositor sometimes limits, and sometimes extends, and sometimes contradicts, both the written word and the language of Christian antiquity. The Church of England steers a middle course. She reveres the Scripture: she respects tradition. She encourages investigation: but she checks presumption. She bows to the authority of ages: but she owns no living master upon earth. She rejects alike the wild extravagance of unauthorized opinion, and the tame subjection of compulsory belief. Where the Scripture clearly and freely speaks, she receives the dictates as the voice of God. When Scripture is neither clear nor explicit, or when it may demand expansion and illustration, she refers her sons to an authoritative standard of interpretation, but a standard which it is their privilege to apply for themselves. And when Scripture is altogether silent, she provides a supplementary guidance: but a guidance neither fluctuating nor arbitrary; the same in all times, and under all circumstances; which no private interest can warp, and no temporary prejudice can lead astray. Thus, her appeal is made to past ages, against every possible error of the present. Thus, though the great mass of Christendom, and even though the vast majority of our own national Church, were to depart from the purity of Christian faith and practice, yet no well-taught member of that Church needs hesitate or tremble. His path is plain. It is not merely his own judgment, it is not by any means the dictatorial mandate of an ecclesiastical director, which is to silence his scruples, and dissolve his doubts. His resort is, that concurrent, universal, and undeviating sense of pious antiquity, which he has been instructed, and should be encouraged, to embrace, to follow, and to revere.—Bishop Jebb.

VIATICUM. The provision made for a journey. Hence, in the ancient Church, both baptism and the eucharist were called Viatica, because they were equally esteemed men’s necessary provision and proper armour, both to sustain and conduct them safe on their way in their passage through this world to eternal life. The administration of baptism is thus spoken of by St. Basil and Gregory Nazianzen, as the giving to men their viaticum or provision for their journey to another world; and under this impression it was frequently delayed till the hour of death, being esteemed as a final security and safeguard to future happiness. More strictly, however, the term viaticum denoted the eucharist given to persons in immediate danger of death, and in this sense it is still occasionally used. The 13th Canon of the Nicene Council ordains that none “be deprived of his perfect and most necessary viaticum, when he departs out of this life.” Several other canons of various councils are to the same effect, providing also for the giving of the viaticum under peculiar circumstances, as to persons in extreme weakness, delirium, or subject to canonical discipline.

VICAR. In order to the due understanding of this office, as distinguished from those of rector and perpetual curate, it will be necessary to describe in this article the three several offices in their order.

The appellation of rector is synonymous with that of parson, which latter term, although frequently used indiscriminately, as applicable also to vicars and even curates, is, according to Blackstone, the most legal, beneficial, and honourable title that a parish priest can enjoy. Parson, in the legal signification, is taken for the rector of a church parochial: he is said to be seised in jure ecclesiæ. Such an one, and he only, is said vicem seu personam ecclesiæ gerere. He is called parson (persona) because by his person the Church, which is an invisible body, is represented; and he is in himself a body corporate, in order to protect and defend the rights of the Church (which he personates) by a perpetual succession. And, as Lord Coke says, the law had an excellent end therein, viz. that in his person the Church might sue for and defend her right. A parson, therefore, is a corporation sole, and has during his life the freehold in himself of the parsonage house, the glebe, the tithe, and other dues.

But these are sometimes appropriated; that is to say, the benefice is perpetually annexed to some spiritual corporation, either sole or aggregate, being the patron of the living, which the law esteems equally capable of providing for the service of the Church as any single private clergyman. This contrivance seems to have sprung from the policy of the monastic orders. At the first establishment of parochial clergy, the tithes of the parish were distributed in a fourfold division: one for the use of the bishop, another for maintaining the fabric of the church, a third for the poor, and the fourth to provide for the incumbent. When the sees of the bishops became otherwise amply endowed, they were prohibited from demanding their usual share of these tithes, and the division was into three parts only; and hence it was inferred by the monasteries, that a small part was sufficient for the officiating priest, and that the remainder might well be applied to the use of their own fraternities, (the endowment of which was construed to be a work of the most exalted piety,) subject to the burden of repairing the church, and providing for its constant supply. And therefore they begged and bought for masses and obits, and sometimes even for money, all the advowsons within their reach, and then appropriated the benefices to the use of their own corporation. But in order to complete such appropriation effectually, the king’s licence and consent of the bishop must first have been obtained; because both the king and the bishop may, some time or other, have an interest, by lapse, in the presentation to the benefice, which can never happen if it be appropriated to the use of a corporation which never dies, and also because the law reposes a confidence in them that they will not consent to anything that shall be to the prejudice of the Church. The consent of the patron also is necessarily implied, because (as was before observed) the appropriation can be originally made to none but to such spiritual corporation as is also the patron of the Church; the whole being, indeed, nothing else but an allowance for the patrons to retain the tithes and glebe in their own hands, without presenting any clerk, they themselves undertaking to provide for the service of the church.

The terms appropriation and impropriation are now so commonly used indiscriminately, that it has become almost unnecessary to mention the distinction between them; but appropriation, in contradistinction to impropriation, means the annexing a benefice to the proper and perpetual use of some spiritual corporation either sole or aggregate, being the patron of a living, which is bound to provide for the service of the church, and thereby becomes perpetual incumbent, the whole appropriation being only an allowance for the spiritual patrons to retain the tithes and glebe in their own hands, without presenting any clerk, they themselves undertaking to provide for the service of the church; while impropriation is supposed to be properly used when the profits of the benefice are held in lay hands, as being improperly so. But, in truth, the correctness of the distinction, even originally, seems doubtful: they are used as synonymous in statutes in the times of Elizabeth, of Mary, and of Charles II.; and even prior to the Reformation, in a petition to parliament in the time of Henry VIII., the term used is “impropried.” Both terms were borrowed from the form of the grant, “in proprios usus,” and they are peculiar or principally confined to this country. Blackstone says, that appropriations can be made to this day; upon which Mr. Christian observes, “It cannot be supposed that at this day the inhabitants of a parish, who had been accustomed to pay their tithes to their officiating minister, could be compelled to transfer them to an ecclesiastical corporation, to which they might be perfect strangers,” and that “there probably have been no new appropriations since the dissolution of monasteries.” Upon this same proposition, Mr. Justice Coleridge observes, alluding to the opinion of Mr. Christian, “The truth of this position has been questioned, and the doubt is not likely to be solved by any judicial decision. But I am not aware of any principle which should prevent an impropriation from being now legally made, supposing the spiritual corporation already seised of the advowson of the church, or enabled to take it by grant. The power of the king and the bishop remain undiminished.”

This appropriation may be severed, and the church become disappropriate, in two ways; as, first, if the patron or appropriator presents a clerk, who is instituted and inducted to the parsonage; for the incumbent so instituted and inducted is, to all intents and purposes, completed parson: and the appropriation, being once severed, can never be re-united again, unless by a repetition of the same solemnities. And when the clerk so presented is distinct from the vicar, the rectory thus vested in him becomes what is called a sinecure, because he had no cure of souls, having a vicar under him, to whom that cure is committed. Also, if the corporation which has the appropriation is dissolved, the parsonage becomes disappropriate at common law; because the perpetuity of person is gone, which is necessary to support the appropriation.

These sinecure rectories here spoken of had their origin in the following manner: The rector, with proper consent, had a power to entitle a vicar in his church to officiate under him, and this was often done; and by this means two persons were instituted to the same church, and both to the cure of souls, and both did actually officiate. So that however the rectors of sinecures, by having been long excused from residence, are in common opinion discharged from the cure of souls, (which is the reason of the name,) and however the cure is said in the law books to be in them habitualiter only, yet, in strictness, and with regard to their original institution, the cure is in them actualiter, as much as it is in the vicar, that is to say, where they come in by institution; but if the rectory is a donative, the case is otherwise; for coming in by donation, they have not the cure of souls committed to them. And these are most properly sinecures, according to the genuine signification of the word.

But no church, where there is but one incumbent, is properly a sinecure. If indeed the church be down, or the parish become destitute of parishioners, without which Divine offices cannot be performed, the incumbent is of necessity acquitted from all public duty; but still he is under an obligation of doing this duty whenever there shall be a competent number of inhabitants, and the church shall be rebuilt. And these benefices are more properly depopulations than sinecures.

But sinecure rectors and rectories are now in the course of gradual suppression, and will soon have entirely passed away; for it is declared by the stat. 3 & 4 Vict. c. 113, that all ecclesiastical rectories, without cure of souls, in the sole patronage of her Majesty, or of any ecclesiastical corporation, aggregate or sole, where there shall be a vicar endowed or a perpetual curate, shall, as to all such rectories as may be vacant at the passing of that act, immediately upon its so passing, and as to all others immediately upon the vacancies thereof respectively, be suppressed; and that as to any such ecclesiastical rectory without cure of souls, the advowson whereof, or any right of patronage wherein, shall belong to any person or persons, or body corporate, other than as aforesaid, the ecclesiastical commissioners for England shall be authorized and empowered to purchase and accept conveyance of such advowson or right of patronage, as the case may be, at and for such price or sum as may be agreed upon between them and the owner or owners of such advowson or right of patronage, and may pay the purchase money, and the expenses of and attendant upon such purchase, out of the common fund in their hands; and that after the completion of such purchase of any such rectory, and upon the first avoidance thereof, the same shall be suppressed; and that upon the suppression of any such rectory as aforesaid, all ecclesiastical patronage, belonging to the rector thereof as such rector, shall be absolutely transferred to, and be vested in, the original patron or patrons of such rectory.

The office of vicar, as distinct from that of rector, would sufficiently appear from what has been already said of the latter. The vicar was originally little more than a stipendiary curate of the present day, being a minister deputed or substituted by the spiritual corporation, who held the revenues of the benefice, to perform the ecclesiastical duties in their stead. Usually, though not always, he was one of their own body; and his stipend was entirely at their discretion, and he was removable at their caprice. The evil results of such a practice are apparent; and an effectual attempt to arrest the evil was made by a statute in the reign of Richard II.; but this was found to be insufficient; and accordingly it was enacted by statute 4 Henry IV. c. 12, that the vicar should be a secular ecclesiastic; perpetual; not removable at the caprice of the monastery; that he should be canonically instituted and inducted; that he should be sufficiently endowed at the discretion of the ordinary to do Divine service, to inform the people, and to keep hospitality. It is under this latter statute, therefore, that our vicarages in their present form came into existence, and the endowments of them have usually been by a portion of the glebe or land belonging to the parsonage; and a particular share of the tithes which the appropriators found it most troublesome to collect, and which are therefore generally called privy or small tithes, the greater or prœdial tithes being still reserved to their own use. But one and the same rule was not observed in the endowment of all vicarages. Hence some are more liberally, and some more scantily, endowed; and hence the tithes of many things, as wood in particular, are in some parishes rectorial, and in some, vicarial tithes.

The distinction, therefore, between a rector and a vicar, at the present day, is this, that the rector has generally the whole right to all the ecclesiastical dues within his parish; the vicar is entitled only to a certain portion of those profits, the best part of which are absorbed by the appropriator, to whom, if appropriations had continued as in their origin, he would in effect be perpetual curate with a fixed salary.

The parson, and not the patron of the parsonage, is of common right the patron of the vicarage. The parson, by making the endowment, acquires the patronage of the vicarage. For, in order to the appropriation of a parsonage, the inheritance of the advowson was to be transferred to the corporation to which the church was to be appropriated; and then the vicarage being derived out of the parsonage, the parson, of common right, must be patron thereof. So that if the parson makes a lease of the parsonage, (without making a special reservation to himself of the right of presenting to the vicarage,) the patronage of the vicarage passeth as incident to it. But it was held in the 21 James I., that the parishioners may prescribe for the choice of a vicar. And before that, in the 16 James I., in the case of Shirley and Underhill, it was declared by the court, that though the advowson of the vicarage of common right is appendant to the rectory, yet it may be appendant to a manor, as having been reserved specially upon the appropriation.

And if there be a vicar and parson appropriate, the ordinary and parson appropriate may, in time of vacation of the vicarage, reunite the vicarage to the parsonage.

From what has been already observed of the distinction between rector and vicar, it will be easy to anticipate what remains to be said of a perpetual curate; for a perpetual curate is, in many things, in the same position as was a vicar previous to the statute of Henry IV. before mentioned. The fact is, that certain cases were exempted from the operation of that statute; for if the benefice was given ad mensam monachorum, and so not appropriated in the common form, but granted by way of union pleno jure, it was allowed to be served by a curate of their own house, consequently not a secular ecclesiastic; and the like exemption from the necessity of appointing a vicar was sometimes also granted by dispensation, or on account of the nearness of the church.

At the dissolution of the monasteries, when appropriations were transferred from spiritual societies through the king to single lay persons, to them also, for the most part, was transferred the appointment of the vicars in the parishes where they were the appropriators, and in places where, by means of exemptions, there was no regularly endowed vicar; and as they were appropriators of the whole ecclesiastical dues, the charge of providing for the cure was laid on them; for neither in fact, nor in presumption of law, nor habitualiter, could a lay rector as such have cure of souls; they were consequently obliged to nominate some particular person to the ordinary for his licence to serve the cure; and such curates thus licensed became perpetual, in the same manner as vicars had been before, not removable at the caprice of the appropriator, but only by due revocation of the licence of the ordinary.

A perpetual curacy was formerly adjudged not to be an ecclesiastical benefice, so that it was tenable with any other benefice; but now perpetual curacies are expressly declared to be benefices within the meaning of that word in the Benefices Pluralities Act, and a perpetual curate is consequently liable to its restrictions in the same manner as any other incumbent; and it has been recently determined that perpetual curates, or their representatives, are liable to be sued in an action for dilapidations in the same manner as other incumbents.

In some cases it might be a matter of considerable difficulty to determine whether a place is a perpetual curacy or a chapelry only; and the more so, since, for most practical purposes, the question would be quite immaterial, and therefore less likely to have been judicially determined; but as an aid in deciding certain other questions which might arise, it might be important: and the following are the rules laid down by Lord Hardwicke for determining whether it is a perpetual curacy or not.

To determine this, he says, “consider it first as to the rights and privileges appearing to belong to the chapel itself; next, as to the right of the inhabitants within the district; thirdly, as to the rights and dues belonging to the curate of the chapelry. If all these rights concur to show the nature of a perpetual curacy, that must determine it.

“As to the first consideration, it appears this is a chapel belonging to a country town. It has belonging to it all sorts of parochial rights, as clerk, warden, &c., all rights of performing Divine service, baptism, sepulture, &c., which is very strong evidence of itself that this is not barely a chapel of ease to the parish to which it belongs, but stands on its own foundation, capella parochialis, as it is called in Hobart; and this differs it greatly from the chapels in London, which are barely chapels of ease, commencing within time of memory, which have not baptism or sepulture; all which sort of rights belong to the mother-church, and the rector or vicar of the parish, who has the cure of souls, has the nomination, as the rector of St. James’s or St. Martin’s has, but they have no parochial rights, which clearly belong to this chapel. Nor have any of the inhabitants of this chapelry a right to bury in the parish church of Northop, and that right of sepulture is the most strong circumstance, as appears from 3 Selden’s History, Tithes, fol. column 1212, to show that it differs not from a parish church.

“The next circumstance to determine this question is the right of the inhabitants, viz. to have service performed there, and baptism and christening, and having no right to resort to the parish church of Northop for these purposes, nor to any other place, if not here; nor are they or have they been rateable to the parish church of Northop. It was determined in the case of Castle Birmidge, Hob. 66, that the having a chapel of ease will not exempt the inhabitants within that district from contributing to repairs of the mother-church, unless it was by prescription, which would then be a strong foundation, that it must be considered as a curacy or chapelry.

“Next, as to the rights and dues of the curate. All these concur to show it to be a perpetual curacy, and not at all at the will and pleasure of the vicar; for the curate has always enjoyed the small tithes and surplice fees, nor is there any evidence to show that the vicar has received the small tithes.”

A nomination to a perpetual curacy may be by parol. “Most regularly,” Lord Hardwicke says, “it ought to be in writing;” but, he adds, “I do not know that it has been determined that it is necessary. A presentation to a church need not be in writing, but may be by parol; if so, I do not see why a nomination to a perpetual curacy may not be by parol.”

A perpetual curate has an interest for life in his curacy, in the same manner and as fully as a rector or vicar; that is to say, he can only be deprived by the ordinary, and that in proper course of law; and, as Lord Hardwicke observes, it would be a contradiction in terms to say that a perpetual curate is removable at will and pleasure.

The ministers of the new churches of separate parishes, ecclesiastical districts, consolidated chapelries, and district chapelries, are perpetual curates, so that they are severally bodies politic and corporate, with perpetual succession, and consequently may accept grants made to them and their successors; and they are to be licensed and to be removable in the same manner as other perpetual curates. This is also the case with those ministers who are appointed to new districts or parishes under the Church Endowment Act; and as licence operates to all such ministers in the same manner as institution would in the case of a presentative benefice, it would render voidable any other livings which such ministers might hold, in the same manner as institution.

VICARS CHORAL. The assistants or deputies of the canons or prebendaries of collegiate churches, in the discharge of their duties, especially, though not exclusively, those performed in the choir or chancel, as distinguished from those belonging to the altar and pulpit.

The vicars choral, as their name implies, were originally appointed as the deputies of the canons and prebendaries for Church purposes; that is, to provide for the absence or incapacity of the great body of capitular members: the clerical vicars to chant in rotation the prayers at matins and evening, &c., and the whole body to form a sufficient and permanent choir for the performance of the daily service; a duty which the canons were originally required to perform in person. The presbyteral members were usually four, being the vicars of the four dignitaries, personæ principales (see Persona). Sometimes they were five; the rest were deacons, and in minor orders, in later times chiefly laymen.

This institution was most salutary; since, were every canon required to have the peculiar qualifications required from vicars, viz. a practical knowledge of ecclesiastical music, men of more essential and higher qualities would of necessity be often excluded from the canonical stalls. In fact, the appointment of deacons and inferior ministers to this peculiar office, which we do not find established till the beginning of the fourth century, (i. e. the κανονικοὶ ψαλταὶ, vide Bingham, iii. 7,) bears a striking analogy to the regulation of the Jewish temple; where some of the Levites, the deacons of the elder Church, were newly appointed by David to the musical service.... Originally the vicars choral were commensurate with the capitular members, each of these having a vicar, appointed by himself, and holding his place only so long as his principal lived. The numbers have now greatly diminished. At York, they were at one time, 36; at Lincoln, 25; at Hereford, 20. At St. Patrick’s each vicar is still denominated from a dignitary or prebendary, twenty-six in number; but one vicar is in many instances the representative of two stalls; and he is designated from both, as “the prebendary of A and B, vicar.”

In all cathedrals of the old foundation in England, and in Ireland, where there were choirs, the vicars choral formed a minor corporation, in some way under the control of the dean or chapter, but with separate estates, with collegiate buildings, halls, chapels, some of which still subsist. Those at Hereford were incorporated in the 15th century, those at Exeter in Henry IV.’s time. At Southwell they formerly formed a college, till the Reformation. These presidents were styled custos, or warden, subdean, subchanter, provost, or procurator. In Ireland, but twelve of the cathedrals have had foundations for vicars choral, as far as any record remains, and in some of these their very sufficient endowments had been suffered by a long course of neglect and abuse to be diverted from their original purpose, and were a few years ago alienated by law.—A better spirit has happily arisen of late years.—In Scotland it does not appear that vicars choral were attached to all cathedrals. Bishop Elphinston endowed twenty vicars choral or minor canons at Aberdeen, in 1506; at Glasgow, vicars of the choir were founded in 1455; Elgin cathedral modelled on that of Lincoln, in 1224, had twenty-two vicars choral, commensurate with the chapter.

In cathedrals of the new foundation, the term vicar choral was generally superseded by that of Minor Canon for the clergy, and Lay-clerk for the laity. (See Minor Canon.)

The term was occasionally used in a less strict sense, to signify a choral priest or chaplain. Thus the church of St. Nicholas in Galway was founded in 1501, for a warden and eight vicars choral, (or singing vicars, as they were sometimes called,) who served that church. The corporation is styled in some ancient documents, Wardianus et Capitulum. A few vicars are still maintained, who serve the church in turn, but discharge no choral duty.

In all foreign cathedrals, there are inferior choral members, though the designations vary much; they consist of priests, deacons, clergy of the inferior orders, and laymen.—See Jebb on Choral Service.

VICAR GENERAL. An ecclesiastical officer, who assists the bishop in the discharge of his office, as in ecclesiastical causes and visitations; much the same as the chancellor. The archbishop of Canterbury has his vicar general; and this is the designation of the bishop’s principal official in Ireland, where the diocesan title of chancellor is unknown.

In the reign of Henry VIII., when the rejection of papal usurpation led for a time to a recoil of a very Erastian character, Thomas Cromwell, afterwards Earl of Essex, was appointed the king’s vicar general, vicegerent, and special and principal commissary; with powers of visitation and correction over all the spirituality; an anomalous office, which could not exist but in times of confusion.—Vide Collin’s Eccl. History, and Cromwell’s Commission in vol. ii., Appendix, p. 21.

VICAR PENSIONARY. Certain clergymen appointed at a fixed stipend to serve churches, the titles of which belonged to a collegiate foundation: as at St. Salvador’s College, St. Andrews.—Vide Lyons’ History of St. Andrews.

VICE-DEAN, or SUBDEAN. In cathedrals of the new foundation, one of the canons is annually chosen to represent the dean in his absence; and as such he ranks next to him in the choir and chapter.

VIDAME: Vicedominus. The vicegerent, or official of a bishop in temporals. A dignitary in a few foreign cathedrals is thus called: a sort of subdean.

VIGIL. The night or evening before certain holy-days of the Church. In former times it was customary to have religious services on these eves, and sometimes to spend a great part of the night in prayer and other devotions, to qualify the soul for the better observance of the festival itself on the morrow. These nights thus spent were called vigils or watchings, and are still professedly observed in the Church of England.

This term originated in a custom of the early Christians, who fasted and watched the whole night previous to any great festival; hence Vigiliæ, Vigils, or watchings, from Vigilo, to watch.—As a military custom this was most ancient. The Jews seem originally to have divided the night into three watches; but in the New Testament we read of “the fourth watch of the night,” (Mark vi. 48,) a custom, perhaps, introduced by their conquerors, the Romans, who divided their night into four vigils. The primitive Christians might have been inclined to this custom from various references to it in the Gospel; particularly in the close of the parable of the ten virgins; though it is not improbable that the secrecy with which they were obliged to meet, “for fear of the Jews,” (John xx. 19,) and other persecutors, went far towards establishing it. This, like many other innocent or necessary ceremonies, having been at length abused, the nocturnal vigils were abolished, about the year 420, and turned into evening fasts, preparatory to the principal festival. But it appears that a vigil was observed on All Hallows Day, by watching and ringing of bells all night long, even till the year 1545, when Henry VIII., in his letter to Cranmer, as to “creeping to the cross,” &c., desired it might be abolished.

It is not every festival which has a vigil preceding it. Those appointed by the Church are as follows:—

Before the Nativity of our LORD.

the Purification and Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin. Easter Day. Ascension Day. Pentecost. St. Matthias. St. John Baptist. St. Peter. St. James. St. Bartholomew. St. Matthew. St. Simon and St. Jude. St. Thomas. St. Andrew. All Saints.

It has been given as a reason why the other holy-days have no vigils before them, that they generally happened between Christmas and the Purification, or between Easter and Whitsuntide, seasons of joy which the Church did not think fit to break into by fasting and humiliation.—See fully on this subject, Wheatly on the Common Prayer.

VIRGIN MARY. (See Mariolatry and Mother of God.) The mother of our Blessed LORD and SAVIOUR, JESUS CHRIST. What follows is from the celebrated Bishop Bull. “She was of all the women, of all the virgins in Israel, elected and chosen by GOD to be the instrument of bringing into the world the long-desired MESSIAS. All the virtuous daughters of Jacob, a good while before the revelation of our SAVIOUR, but especially in the age when he appeared, (the time wherein they saw the more punctual and remarkable prophecies concerning the coming of the MESSIAS fulfilled,) desired, and were not without hopes, each of them, that they might have had this honour done unto them. But it was granted to none of all these holy women and virgins, but to the Virgin Mary. And therefore ‘all generations shall call her blessed.’

“The Blessed Virgin Mary was the only woman that took off the stain and dishonour of her sex, by being the instrument of bringing that into the world, which should repair and make amends for the loss and damage brought to mankind by the transgression of the first woman, Eve. By a woman, as the principal cause, we were first undone; and by a woman, as an instrument under GOD, a Saviour and a Redeemer is born to us. And the Blessed Virgin Mary is that woman. Hence Irenæus, in his fifth book, makes a comparison between the virgin Eve, (for such the ancients believed her to be till after her transgression,) and the Virgin Mary. ‘Seductionem illam solutam,’ &c., i. e. ‘That seduction being dissolved, whereby the virgin Eve designed for man was unhappily seduced; the Virgin Mary, espoused to man, by the truth, happily received the glad tidings from an angel. For as the former was seduced by the speech of an angel to flee from GOD, having transgressed his commandments: so the latter, by the word also of an angel, received the good news, ut portaret DEUM, that she should bear GOD within her, being obedient to his word. And as the former was seduced to flee from GOD, so the latter was persuaded to obey GOD. So that the Virgin Mary became the comforter of the virgin Eve.’ Where the last words of the holy martyr are grossly misinterpreted by the Latin translator, and have given to the Papists to conclude from them, that Eve was saved by the intercession of the Virgin Mary. A most absurd conceit, unworthy of the learned and holy Father, or indeed of any man else of common sense; for who knows not that Eve was past all need of intercession, before ever the Blessed Mary could be capable of making intercession for her? Doubtless the Greek word used by Irenæus here was παράκλητος, which, as it signifies ‘an advocate,’ so it also as frequently signifies ‘a comforter,’ and so ought to have been rendered here. But, you will say, how did Eve receive comfort from the Blessed Virgin Mary? I answer, in that gracious promise delivered by GOD himself in the sentence passed on the serpent, after Eve’s seduction by him, where it is said, ‘that the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent’s head.’ Every man now knows that the seed there spoken of is CHRIST; and, consequently, that the individual woman, whose immediate seed he was to be, is the Blessed Virgin Mary. The holy Virgin was the happy instrument of the saving incarnation of the SON of GOD, who hath effectually crushed the old serpent, the devil, and destroyed his power over all those that believe on himself, and thereby she became the instrument of comfort to Eve and all other sinners. This is certainly all the good Father intended by that expression.

“The Blessed Virgin was consecrated to be a temple of the Divinity in a singular manner. For the eternal SON of GOD, by an ineffable conjunction, united himself to that human nature, which was miraculously conceived and formed in her, even whilst it was within her; and so he that was born of her, at the very time that he was born of her, was Θεανθρωπος, GOD and Man. O astonishing condescension of the SON of GOD! O wonderful advancement of the Blessed Virgin! and therefore we daily sing in our Te Deum, ‘Thou art the King of Glory, O CHRIST; Thou art the everlasting SON of the FATHER. When thou tookest upon thee to deliver man, thou didst not abhor the Virgin’s womb.’ Upon which account, the fathers of the third General Council at Ephesus, convened against Nestorius, approved the title of Θιοτοκος, ‘the Mother of GOD,’ given to the Blessed Virgin.”

A little afterwards he says, “I will mention some few instances of extravagant honour which the Papists give, but which we of the Church of England utterly refuse to yield to the Blessed Virgin, out of a true zeal to the honour of GOD.

“We will not give her lavish and excessive attributes, beyond what the Holy Scriptures allow her, and the holy men of the primitive Church afforded her. We will call her ‘blessed,’ as the mother of our LORD in the sense above explained. But we dare not call her ‘queen of heaven,’ ‘queen of angels, patriarchs, prophets, and apostles,’ ‘source of the fountain of grace,’ ‘refuge of sinners,’ ‘comfort of the afflicted,’ ‘advocate of all Christians,’ as she is called in that Litany of our Lady, still used in their devotions. For we have no instance of such attributes given to the Blessed Virgin in the Holy Scriptures, and they are too big for any mere creature.

“We will not ascribe those excellencies to her that she never had nor could have; as a fulness of habitual grace, more grace than all the angels and archangels of GOD put together ever had; that she was born without original sin, and never committed any the least actual sin, and consequently, never needed a saviour. These are wild things, which very many of the Papists, drunk with superstition, say of her.

“We will not give her the honour of invocation, or praying to her, as all the Papists do, for the unanswerable reasons above mentioned. Indeed, as long as that one text of Scripture remains in our Bibles, which we read, (1 Tim. ii. 5,) ‘There is one GOD, and one Mediator between GOD and men, the Man CHRIST JESUS,’ we shall never be persuaded, by any sophistry or subtle distinctions of our adversaries, to betake ourselves to the mediation of the Blessed Virgin, much less of any other saint. Much more do we abhor the impiety of those among the Papists, who have held it disputable, whether the milk of the Blessed Virgin, or the blood of her Son, be to be preferred; and at last could pitch upon no better resolution than this, that the milk and blood should be mixed together, and both compound a medicine for their souls.

“We abhor to divide the Divine kingdom and empire, giving one-half, the better half, the kingdom of mercy, to the Blessed Virgin, and leaving only the kingdom of justice to her Son. This is downright treason against the only universal King and Monarch of the world.

“We are astonished at the doxology which some great and learned men of the Church of Rome have not been ashamed to close their printed books with, ‘Laus DEO Deiparæque Virgini:’ ‘Praise be to GOD, and the Virgin-mother.’

“We should tremble every joint of us, to offer any such recommendation as this to the Virgin Mary. Hear, if you can without horror, a prayer of theirs to her. It is this: ‘O my Lady, holy Mary, I recommend myself into thy blessed trust and singular custody, and into the bosom of thy mercy, this night and evermore, and in the hour of my death, as also my soul and my body; and I yield unto thee all my hope and consolation, all my distress and misery, my life and the end thereof, that by thy most holy intercession, and by thy merits, all my works may be directed and disposed, according to thine and thy SON’S will. Amen.’ What fuller expressions can we use to declare our absolute affiance, trust, and dependence on the eternal SON of GOD himself, than they here use in this recommendation to the Virgin? Yea, who observes not, that the will of the Blessed Virgin is expressly joined with the will of her SON, as the rule of our actions, and that so as that her will is set in the first place. A plain smatch of their old blasphemous impiety, in advancing the Mother above the Son, and giving her a commanding power over him. Can they have the face to say, that all this is no more than desiring the Blessed Virgin to pray for them, as we desire the prayers of one another on earth? And yet this recommendation is to be seen in a Manual of Prayers and Litanies, printed at Antwerp no longer ago than 1671, and that permissu superiorum, in the Evening Prayers for Friday. A book it is, to my knowledge, commonly to be found in the hands of our English Papists; for I had it from a near relation of mine, (who had been perverted by the emissaries of Rome, but is since returned again to the communion of the Church of England,) who assured me that she used it herself, by the direction of her confessor, in her private devotions.”

No instance of Divine honour paid to Mary (remarks Coleman from Augusti) is recorded of an earlier date than the fifth century. Cyril of Alexandria, and Proklus of Constantinople, were the first to pay these honours to her. Festivals to her memory began to be held about the year 431, but were not generally observed until the sixth century. From this time until the sixteenth century, they were general in all the Western Churches, though differing in number and in rank, in the several countries of Europe. The Greek Church observes only three great festivals of this description.

The following is a brief enumeration of the principal festivals in question.

1. The festival of the Purification. Candlemas, Feb. 2, instituted in the sixth century.

2. Of the Annunciation, popularly styled Lady Day, March 25th, an early festival, styled by St. Bernhard, radix omnium festorum.

3. Of the Visitation of Mary to Elizabeth, instituted by Urban VI. 1389.

4. Of the Assumption of Mary into Heaven, Aug. 15th, early instituted. Mary was the tutelary divinity of France; and for this reason this day was observed with peculiar care. It was also the birthday of Napoleon, and accordingly was observed under his dynasty as the great festival of the nation.

5. Of the Nativity of Mary, Sept. 8th, instituted in the Eastern Church in the seventh century; in the Western, in the eleventh or twelfth.

6. Of the Naming of Mary, A. D. 1513.

7. Of Conception. This feast, according to Bellarmine, was not necessarily dependent upon the question so fiercely discussed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries respecting the immaculate conception.

VISITATION. This is that office which is performed by the bishop usually once in three years, or by his archdeacon every year, by visiting the churches throughout the diocese. It is the duty of a commissary to summon the churchwardens and sidesmen to a visitation, but he has no authority to summon any other persons; but if he does summon those persons, and they, refusing to appear, should be excommunicated for this contempt, a prohibition would be granted. (Noy, 122.) Two things are requisite in these visitations: 1st, The charge. 2nd, The inquiry. The charge consists of such things as the visitor thinks proper to impart to the clergy; but usually it is to put them in mind of their duty, and to persuade them to perform it. The inquiry formerly consisted of several articles taken out of the canons; and the bishop’s visitation being accounted an episcopal synod, there were at that time certain persons who attended it, and who were called Testes Synodales, or Juratores Synodi, and they were to present those who were negligent in performing religious offices, or any irregularities amongst the clergy, both in respect to their morals and behaviour, and likewise all dilapidations, and generally what they found to be amiss in the diocese. The bishop at first exercised this jurisdiction alone; it was what was implied in his very office; and this he was to do in every parish throughout his diocese once a year, there to examine the minister and the people, which he might do with more ease at that time, because parish churches were not so numerous then as afterwards. When this was disused, then ecclesiastical persons were to be assembled in a certain place, and inquiry was made, upon oath, concerning the state of the clergy, and at this place they were all bound to appear.

Afterwards, when bishops came to be ministers of state, and to attend the courts of kings, which began in the Norman reigns, then archdeacons were vested with this jurisdiction under the bishops, and visited in those years wherein the bishops did not. But still the bishops were to visit once in three years, and being then the king’s barons and statesmen, they came with very great equipage, insomuch that, by the Council of Lateran, their number was limited according to their qualities, viz. if the visitor was an archbishop, he was not to have above fifty horses in his retinue; if a bishop, he was not to exceed thirty; if a cardinal, then twenty-five; if an archdeacon, he was to have no more than seven, and a dean but two; and if they respectively exceeded those numbers, then no procuration was due for the maintenance of the supernumeraries. But even this was very chargeable to the parochial clergy, for the visitor was to be maintained at their expense a day and night in every parish; and, therefore, it was thought fit to turn that charge into a certain sum, which is now called procurations, and this is paid to archdeacons in that very year wherein bishops visit, for it is by some affirmed to be due to them ratione officii; and some say it is due to them by virtue of the statute of 33 Henry VIII. c. 5, by which these duties are made pensions. The first of these opinions is contrary to several canons, which not only enjoin personal visitations, but expressly forbid any procurations to be paid where the archdeacon himself did not visit in person. But notwithstanding those canons, custom has so far prevailed, that the archdeacons receive these fees in the bishop’s triennials, when they do not visit in person; but instead of that they hold two chapters about Easter and Michaelmas, and there, by themselves or their officials, they formally inquire into the state and condition of the Church, which inquiry is now called a visitation, and for which they are entitled to these fees.

Visitation, as commonly understood, denotes the act of the bishop, or other ordinary, going his circuit through his diocese or district, with a full power of inquiry into such matters as relate to church government and discipline. By the canon law visitations were to be once a year, but that was intended of parochial visitations, or a personal repairing to every church, as appears not only from the assignment of procurations, but also by the indulgence, where every church cannot be conveniently repaired to, of calling together the clergy and laity from several parts into one convenient place, that the visitation of them may not be postponed. From this indulgence and the great extent of the dioceses grew the custom of citing the clergy and people to attend visitations at particular places. But as to parochial visitation, or the inspection into the fabrics, mansions, utensils, and ornaments of the church, that care has long devolved upon the archdeacons, who, at their first institutions in the ancient church, were only to attend the bishops at their ordination and other public services in the cathedral, but being afterwards occasionally employed by them in the exercise of jurisdiction, not only the work of parochial visitation, but also the holding of general synods or visitations, when the bishop did not visit, came by degrees to be known and established branches of the archdiaconal office as such, which by this means attained to the dignity of ordinary, instead of delegated jurisdiction; and by these degrees came on the present practice of triennial visitations by bishops; so as the bishop is not only not obliged by law to visit annually, but is actually restrained from it.

“By the 137th canon it is enjoined, that forasmuch as a chief and principal cause and use of visitation is, that the bishop, archdeacon, or other assigned to visit, may get some knowledge of the state, sufficiency, and ability of the clergy and other persons whom they are to visit, we think it convenient that every parson, vicar, curate, schoolmaster, or other person licensed whatsoever, do at the bishop’s first visitation, or at the next visitation after his admission, show and exhibit unto him his letters of orders, institution, and induction, and all other his dispensations, licenses, of faculties whatsoever, to be by the said bishop either allowed or (if there be just cause) disallowed and rejected, and, being by him approved, to be (as the custom is) signed by the registrar, and that the whole fees accustomed to be paid in the visitations in respect of the premises, be paid only once in the whole time of every bishop, and afterwards but half of the said accustomed fees in every other visitation during the said bishop’s continuance.”

Gibson says, that none but the bishop or other person exercising ecclesiastical authority by commission from him, has right de jure communi to require these exhibits of the clergy; therefore, if the archdeacon require it, it must be on the foot of custom, the beginning whereof, he says, has probably been encroachment, since it is not likely that any bishop should give to the archdeacon and his official a power of allowing or disallowing such instruments as have been granted by himself or his predecessors. The canon last mentioned appears to be in observance now, for it is the practice for each clergyman to exhibit these letters of orders, &c. on his first attendance at the bishop’s visitation, and on the first appointment to an office, &c. in any diocese, as well as upon several other occasions.

By a constitution of Othobon it is ordained, that archdeacons visit the churches profitably and faithfully by inquiring of the sacred vessels and vestments, and how the service is performed, and generally of temporals and spirituals, and what they find to want correction that they correct diligently. And it was further ordained by this, as well as by other constitutions, that they should not extort money by giving sentence unjustly.

By a constitution of Archbishop Reynolds, it was enjoined that archdeacons and their officials in the visitation of churches have a diligent regard of the fabric of the church, and especially of the chancel, to see if they want repair; and if they find any defects of that kind, limit a certain time under a penalty within which they shall be repaired.

By a constitution of Archbishop Langton, archdeacons in their visitation are to see that the offices of the church are duly administered, and shall take an account in writing of all the ornaments and utensils of churches, and of the vestments and books, and shall require them to be presented before them every year, that they may see what has been added and what lost.

It is said that the archdeacon, although there be not a cause, may visit once a year; and if there be a cause, he may visit oftener; and that where it is said in the canon law, he ought to visit from three years to three years, this is to be understood so that he shall visit from three years to three years of necessity, but that he may visit every year if he will.

At these archdiaconal visitations the churchwardens are to make presentments; and though their duty in that particular has become in practice, to a great extent, obsolete, yet it may be well to state the law of the Church upon the subject. The following canons relate to these presentments.

Canon 113. “Because it often cometh to pass, that churchwardens, sidemen, questmen, and such other persons of the laity as are to take care for the suppressing of sin and wickedness, as much as in them lieth, by admonition, reprehension, and denunciation to their ordinaries, do forbear to discharge their duties therein, either through fear of their superiors, or through negligence, more than were fit, the licentiousness of these times considered, we do ordain, that hereafter every parson and vicar, or in the lawful absence of any parson and vicar, then their curates and substitutes, may join in every presentment with the said churchwardens, sidemen, and the rest above mentioned, at the times of visitation, if they the said churchwardens and the rest will present such enormities as are apparent in the parish; or if they will not, then every such parson and vicar, or, in their absence as aforesaid, their curates, may themselves present to their ordinaries at such times, and when else they think it meet, all such crimes as they have in charge or otherwise, as by them (being the persons that should have the chief care for the suppressing of sin and impiety in their parishes) shall be thought to require due reformation. Provided always, that if any man confess his secret and hidden sins to the minister, for the unburdening of his conscience, and to receive spiritual consolation and ease of mind from him, we do not any way bind the said minister by this our constitution, but do straitly charge and admonish him, that he do not at any time reveal and make known to any person whatsoever any crime or offence so committed to his trust and secrecy, (except they be such crimes as by the laws of this realm his own life may be called in question for concealing the same,) under pain of irregularity.”

Canon 116. “It shall be lawful for any godly-disposed person, or for any ecclesiastical judge, upon knowledge or notice given unto him or them, of any enormous crime within his jurisdiction, to move the minister, churchwardens, or sidemen, as they tender the glory of GOD and reformation of sin, to present the same, if they shall find sufficient cause to induce them thereunto, that it may be in due time punished and reformed.”

Canon 119. “For the avoiding of such inconveniences as heretofore have happened, by the hasty making of bills and presentments upon the days of visitation and synods, it is ordered, that always, hereafter, every chancellor, archdeacon, commissary, and every other person having ecclesiastical jurisdiction, at the ordinary time when the churchwardens are sworn, and the archbishop and bishops, when he or they do summon their visitation, shall deliver or cause to be delivered to the churchwardens, questmen, and sidemen of every parish, or to some of them, such books of articles as they or any of them shall require (for the year following) the said churchwardens, questmen, and sidemen to ground their presentments upon, at such times as they are to exhibit them. In which book shall be contained the form of the oath which must be taken immediately before every such presentment; to the intent that, having beforehand time sufficient, not only to peruse and consider what their said oath shall be, but the articles also whereupon they are to ground their presentments, they may frame them at home both advisedly and truly, to the discharge of their own consciences, (after they are sworn,) as becometh honest and godly men.”

Canon 115. “Whereas, for the reformation of criminous persons and disorders in every parish, the churchwardens, questmen, sidemen, and other such church officers are sworn, and the minister charged, to present as well the crimes and disorders committed by the said criminous persons, as also the common fame which is spread abroad of them, whereby they are often maligned, and sometimes troubled, by the said delinquents or their friends; we do admonish and exhort all judges, both ecclesiastical and temporal, as they regard and reverence the fearful judgment-seat of the highest Judge, that they admit not in any of their courts any complaint, plea, suit or suits, against any such churchwardens, questmen, sidemen, or other church officers, for making any such presentments, nor against any minister for any presentments that he shall make: all the said presentments tending to the restraint of shameless impiety, and considering that the rules both of charity and government do presume that they did nothing therein of malice, but for the discharge of their consciences.”

Canon 116. “No churchwardens, questmen, or sidemen of any parish shall be enforced to exhibit their presentments to any having ecclesiastical jurisdiction above once in every year where it hath been no oftener used, nor above twice in every diocese whatsoever, except it be at the bishop’s visitation: provided always, that, as good occasion shall require, it shall be lawful for every minister, churchwardens, and sidemen, to present offenders as oft as they shall think meet: and for these voluntary presentments no fee shall be taken.”

Canon 117. “No churchwardens, questmen, or sidemen, shall be called or cited, but only at the said time or times before limited, to appear before any ecclesiastical judge whatsoever, for refusing at other times to present any faults committed in their parishes, and punishable by ecclesiastical laws. Neither shall they or any of them, after their presentments exhibited at any of those times, be any further troubled for the same, except upon manifest and evident proof it may appear that they did then willingly and wittingly omit to present some such public crime or crimes as they knew to be committed, or could not be ignorant that there was then a public fame of them, or unless there be very just cause to call them for the explanation of their former presentments: in which case of wilful omission, their ordinaries shall proceed against them in such sort as in causes of wilful perjury in a court ecclesiastical it is already by law provided.”

Canon 118. “The office of all churchwardens and sidemen shall be reputed to continue until the new churchwardens that shall succeed them be sworn, which shall be the first week after Easter, or some week following, according to the direction of the ordinary; which time so appointed shall always be one of the two times in every year when the minister, and churchwardens, and sidemen of every parish shall exhibit to their several ordinaries the presentments of such enormities as have happened in their parishes since their last presentments. And this duty they shall perform before the newly chosen churchwardens and sidemen be sworn, and shall not be suffered to pass over the said presentments to those that are newly come into that office, and are by intendment ignorant of such crimes, under pain of those censures which are appointed for the reformation of such dalliers and dispensers with their own consciences and oaths.”

Canon 116. “For the presentments of every parish church or chapel, the registrar of any court where they are to be exhibited shall not receive in one year above 4_d._, under pain, for every offence therein, of suspension from the execution of his office for the space of a month, toties quoties.”

Canon 26. “No minister shall in any wise admit to the receiving of the holy communion any churchwardens or sidemen, who, having taken their oaths to present to their ordinaries all such public offences as they are particularly charged to inquire of in their several parishes, shall (notwithstanding the said oaths, and that their faithful discharge of them is the chief means whereby public sins and offences may be reformed and punished) wittingly and willingly, desperately and irreligiously, incur the horrible crime of perjury, either in neglecting or in refusing to present such of the said enormities and public offences as they know themselves to be committed in their said parishes, or are notoriously offensive to the congregation there, although they be urged by some of their neighbours, or by their minister, or by the ordinary himself, to discharge their consciences by presenting of them, and not to incur so desperately the said horrible sin of perjury.”

Canon 121. “In places where the bishop and archdeacon do, by prescription or composition, visit at several times in one and the same year, lest for one and the self-same fault any of his Majesty’s subjects should be challenged and molested in divers ecclesiastical courts, we do order and appoint, that every archdeacon or his official, within one month after the visitation ended that year and the presentments received, shall certify under his hand and seal, to the bishop or his chancellor, the names and crimes of all such as are detected and presented in his said visitation, to the end the chancellor shall henceforth forbear to convent any person for any crime or cause so detected or presented to the archdeacon. And the chancellor, within the like time after the bishop’s visitation ended and presentments received, shall, under his hand and seal, signify to the archdeacon or his official the names and crimes of all such persons, which shall be detected or presented unto him in that visitation, to the same intent as aforesaid. And if these officers shall not certify each other as is here prescribed, or after such certificate shall intermeddle with the crimes or persons detected and presented in each other’s visitation, then every of them so offending shall be suspended from all exercise of his jurisdiction by the bishop of the diocese until he shall repay the costs and expenses which the parties grieved have been at by that vexation.”

As to legal proof: in case the party presented denies the fact to be true, the making good the truth of the presentment, that is, the furnishing the court with all proper evidences of it, undoubtedly rests upon the person presenting. And as the spiritual court in such case is entitled by law to call upon churchwardens to support their presentments, so are churchwardens obliged, not only by law, (Dr. Gibson says,) but also in conscience, to see the presentment effectually supported; because, to deny the court those evidences which induced them to present upon oath, is to desert their presentment, and is little better, in point of conscience, than not to present at all, inasmuch as, through their default, the presentment is rendered ineffectual as to all purposes of removing the scandal, or reforming the offender. And from hence he takes occasion to wish that the parishioners would think themselves bound (as on many accounts they certainly are bound) to support their churchwardens in seeing that their presentments are rendered effectual. In any point which concerns the repairs or ornaments of churches, or the providing conveniences of any kind for the service of GOD, when such defects as these are presented, the spiritual judge immediately, and of course, enjoins the churchwarden presenting to see the defect made good, and supports him in repaying himself by a legal and reasonable rate upon the parish. But what he intends is, the supporting the churchwardens in the prosecution of such immoral and unchristian livers as they find themselves obliged by their oath to present, as fornicators, adulterers, common swearers, drunkards, and such like, whose example is of pernicious consequence, and likely to bring many evils upon the parish.

It is customary for the archdeacon at his visitation, to call upon one of his clergy to preach what is called a visitation sermon; and although it appears that formerly it was the duty of the visitor himself to preach this sermon, it seems to be doubtful whether the clergyman so called upon by the archdeacon may refuse.

VISITATION OF THE SICK. In so uncertain a world, where sickness sometimes interrupts the very joys of marriage, it is no wonder that the sad office should be placed next to matrimony; for all people in all conditions, of all ages and sexes, are subject to diseases continually; so that when any person falls sick, those that are in health must “remember them, as being themselves also in the body,” (Heb. xiii. 3, ) and liable to the same calamities; and all Christians are commanded to visit their neighbours in this estate, and are promised they shall be rewarded by GOD for so doing. (Ps. xli. 1, 2; Matt. xxv. 34, 36; James i. 27; Eccles. vii. 35.) And in the primitive times they were famous for this piece of charity. But it is especially the duty of the clergy to visit the sick, a duty instituted and enjoined by GOD himself: “Is any sick among you? let him call for the elders of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the LORD; and the prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the LORD shall raise him up, and if he have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him.” (James v. 14, 15.) In which words (being the original and foundation of this office) we may note, first, that the duty is enjoined by Divine authority, and therefore it is not barely a point of civility, but an act of religion, and a necessary duty which GOD requires from us. Secondly, the time to perform it is, “when any are sick among us;” for then the parties have most need of comfort, advice, and prayers to support them and procure help for them, as also to prepare them for their last and great account; and then these religious exercises will do us most good, because sickness embitters the world and endears heaven to us, making us pray devoutly, and hearken willingly to holy advice; so that this happy opportunity must not be lost; nor may it be deferred till the sick persons be very weak and nigh to death, for then they are incapable either to join in the office, or to receive the main benefits thereof; and the word in St. James is, “if any be infirm” (ver. 14); to note, this should be done in the beginning of sickness, and not put off till the physicians give men over. Thirdly, as to the manner of performing this duty; the sick man (or his friends) must “send for” the priest, who else may either not know of his sickness, or when it may be seasonable to visit; and if he come unsent for, it is more than he is obliged to do; but yet it is an act of great charity, because GOD requires the elders of the Church shall do this duty. The sick man must pray for himself (ver. 13); and his neighbours may pray with him and for him (ver. 16); but neither of these sufficeth; he must send for the minister besides, who, now the Church is settled, lives not far from him, and he is most able to give counsel, and most likely to prevail, because GOD requires him to perform this office, which is described in St. James. 1. By “praying over him,” that is, beside him, in the house where he lies sick. And since GOD enjoins prayer shall be made, and doth not prescribe the form; as all other Churches have made proper forms, so hath ours also composed this, which is the most full and useful office on this occasion extant in the world. 2. In St. James’s time, and as long as the miraculous gift of healing continued, they “anointed the sick with oil also in the name of JESUS,” not to convey any grace to the soul, (as the Papists now pretend to do by their extreme unction, lately made a sacrament,) but to work a miraculous cure, which was the usual effect in those ages. But the power and gift being now ceased, the reformed Churches left off the oil, which was the sign, because the thing signified was now taken away. But yet we retain all the substantial parts of this office. 3. Here are by St. James set down “the benefits” which may be obtained by it, which are annexed to the “prayer of faith,” the part which was not ceremonial, and which continues still as the benefits also shall do, namely, this shall be a means “to save the sick;” and more particularly, 1. “The LORD shall raise him up,” that is, if GOD see that health be good for him, the devout performing of this office shall contribute to his recovery; or, 2. However, (because men are mortal and must die at some time,) it shall be a means to procure “forgiveness” of the sins he “hath committed;” not the priest only will absolve him upon his penitent confession, but GOD will seal his pardon, and then, whether life or death follow, the man shall be happy. Wherefore, as we love our friends, or our own souls, all care must be taken that this necessary and profitable office be not neglected. The method of performing which in this Church may be thus described: The usual office contains, 1. Supplications to avert evil, in the salutation and short litany. 2. Prayers to procure good things, in the LORD’S Prayer and the two collects. 3. Exhortations prescribed in the large form of exhortation; and directions in the rubric, to advise the sick man to forgive freely, to give liberally, to do justice in settling his estate, and to confess his sins humbly and ingenuously unto GOD’S minister now with him. 4. Consolations, in the absolution, the prayer to GOD to confirm it; in the 71st Psalm, and the concluding benedictions.

Secondly, there are added, 1. Extraordinary prayers for a sick child, for one past recovery, for a dying person, and for one troubled in conscience. 2. The manner of administering the communion to the sick.—Dean Comber.

As to the form of prayer to be used on this occasion, it is left to the prudence of the Church; since GOD hath only in general ordered prayers to be made, but not prescribed any particular words, therefore several Churches have made and used several forms proper for the occasion. The Greek Church hath a very large office in their Euchologion; which seems to have been much corrupted by the superstitious additions of later ages, though some of the ancient prayers may yet be discerned there. The most ancient of the Western Church are those which bear the names of St. Ambrose and St. Gregory; and that which Cardinal Bona cites with this title, “Pro infirmis,” written about 900 (1040) years ago, and supposed to be part of the old Gallican service. And upon the Reformation, the several Protestant Churches had their several forms, which are in use amongst them at this day. But this office of the Church of England may be thought to excel all that are now extant in the world; and it exactly agrees with the method of the primitive visitation of the sick in St. Chrysostom’s time.—Dean Comber.

VISITATORIAL POWER. Every corporation, whether lay or ecclesiastical, is visitable by some superior; and every spiritual person being a corporation sole, is visitable by the ordinary. There is, however, in our ecclesiastical polity, an exception to this rule; for, by composition, the archbishop of Canterbury never visits the bishop of London. During a visitation, all inferior jurisdictions are inhibited from exercising jurisdiction: but this right, from the inconvenience attending the exercise of it, is usually conceded; so that the exercise of jurisdiction in the inferior court is continued notwithstanding.

VOLUNTARY. A piece of music played on the organ, usually after the Psalms, sometimes after the second lesson. This was formerly more usual than now; and was practised in many cathedrals, where it is now laid aside, as at St. Paul’s, and Christ Church in Dublin. In the latter place it is transferred to another interval of the service. The name is derived from its performance not being obligatory, but optional with those who are in authority. Pieces of music played at other intervals of the service are properly called symphonies. Lord Bacon approves of voluntaries as affording time for meditation.

VULGAR TONGUE. This expression in the baptismal office stood formerly “in the English tongue.” The alteration was made in compliance, as it should seem, with a suggestion of Bishop Cosin, that “suppose, as it often falls out, that children of strangers, which never intend to stay in England, be brought there to be baptized,” it would be exceptionable that “they also should be exhorted and enjoined to learn those principles of religion in the English tongue.”

VULGATE. The name given to what is called the vulgar Latin translation of the Bible. It was a name anciently applied to any popular edition; and the Septuagint, as Dr. Hody remarks, was sometimes so called by St. Jerome. This is the most ancient version of the whole Scriptures into Latin now extant, and the only one which the Church of Rome acknowledges to be authentic.

The Vulgate of the Old Testament was translated, almost word for word, from the Greek of the Septuagint; the author of it is not known, or so much as guessed at. It was a long time known by the name of the Italic version, as being of very great antiquity in the Latin Church. (See Italic Version.) It was commonly in use, before St. Jerome made a new one from the Hebrew. St. Austin preferred this Vulgate before all the other Latin versions, as rendering the words and sense of the sacred text more closely and justly than any of the rest. It was since corrected from the emendations of St. Jerome; and it is the mixture of the ancient Italic version with the corrections of St. Jerome, that is now called the Vulgate, and which the Council of Trent has declared to be authentic. The version of St. Jerome, however, forms the main part of the Vulgate, with the exception of some of the apocryphal books, and the Psalter. The translation of the latter from the Hebrew was not adopted publicly by the Western Church, though still to be found in his works. The Psalter was twice corrected by him from the old Italic version; the first recension was for a long time used in the Roman Church, the latter was first adopted by the Churches of Gaul and Britain, and was finally adopted by the Western Church by an ordinance of Pius V. The old Roman Psalter being still, however, used at the Vatican, at St. Mark’s, Venice, and in part of the diocese of Britain.

A revision of the Vulgate was made by order of Sixtus V., and published at Rome in 1590. But this, though pronounced by papal authority to be authentic, became such an object of ridicule among the learned from its gross inaccuracies, that his successor, Gregory XIV., caused it to be suppressed, and another authentic Vulgate was published in 1592, by Clement VIII.—Walton’s Prolegomena. Hodius de Bibl. text. orig. Horne’s Introd.

The Vulgate of the New Testament is, by the Romanists, generally preferred to the common Greek text. The priests read no other at the altar; the preachers quote no other in the pulpit, nor the divines in the schools. (See Bible.)

WAFERS. The bread which is used in the eucharist by the Romanists, and by Lutheran Protestants in the LORD’S supper, is so designated. In the ancient Church, so long as the people continued to make oblations of bread and wine, the elements for the use of the eucharist were usually taken out of them; and, consequently, so long, the bread was that common leavened bread, which they used upon other occasions; and the use of wafers, and unleavened bread, was not known in the Church till the eleventh or twelfth centuries. This is now acknowledged by the most learned writers of the Romish communion. The school divines, who maintain that the primitive Church always consecrated in unleavened bread, argue that we must suppose they followed the example of our SAVIOUR, who celebrated his last supper with unleavened bread. But ecclesiastical history, and the writings of the ancient Fathers, unanimously testify the contrary; and it is noted by Epiphanius, as a peculiar rite of the Ebionite heretics, that they celebrated the eucharist with unleavened bread and water only.

How the change in this matter was made, and the exact time when, is not easily determined. Cardinal Bona’s conjecture seems probable enough; that it crept in upon the people’s leaving off to make their oblations in common bread; which occasioned the clergy to provide it themselves, and they, under pretence of decency and respect, brought it from leaven to unleaven, and from a loaf of common bread, that might be broken, to a nice and delicate wafer, formed in the figure of a Denarius, or penny, to represent the pence, for which our SAVIOUR was betrayed; and then also the people, instead of offering a loaf of bread, as formerly, were ordered to offer a penny, which was either to be given to the poor, or to be expended upon something pertaining to the sacrifice of the altar.

This alteration in the eucharistical bread occasioned great disputes between the Eastern and Western Churches, which divided about it; for the Western Church ran so far into an extreme, as almost to lose the nature of the sacramental element, by introducing a thing that could hardly be called bread, instead of that common staff of life, which our LORD had appointed to be the representative of his body in the eucharist. But there wanted not some discerning and judicious men, who complained of this abuse, as soon as it began to be introduced.

The first Common Prayer Book of King Edward VI. enjoins unleavened bread to be used throughout the whole kingdom, for the celebration of the eucharist. It was ordered to be round, in imitation of the wafers, used by the Greek and Roman Churches; but it was to be without all manner of print, the wafers usually having the impression either of a crucifix or the holy lamb; and something more large and thicker than the wafers, which were of the size of a penny. This rubric, affording matter for scruple, was set aside at the review of the liturgy in the fifth of King Edward; and another inserted in its room, by which it was declared sufficient, that the bread be such as is usually eaten at the table with other meats. By the injunctions of Queen Elizabeth, wafer bread seems to have been again enjoined, for among other orders this was one, “For the more reverence to be given to these holy mysteries—the sacramental bread, &c., made and formed plain without any figure thereupon, of the same fineness and fashion round, though somewhat bigger in compass and thickness, as the usual bread and wafers, heretofore called singing cakes, which served for the use of private mass.”

WAGER. (See Battle and Ordeal.)

WAKE. (See Dedication.)

WALDENSES. (See Albigenses.) Some difficulty exists as to the origin and history of the sect to which this name has been attached. According to Mosheim, the sect originated with Peter Waldo, a merchant of Lyons, about the year 1160. They flourished chiefly in the valleys of Piedmont; and hence, rather than from Peter Waldo or Valdo, it is supposed by some that they acquired the name of Valdenses or Vaudois. From the perusal of the Scriptures and other writings, and from comparing the doctrines of Scripture with the superstitions and practices of the age in which he lived, Waldo perceived the corruption of the existing mediæval Church, and, in advance of his age, became a reformer. He shared the fate of those who are so circumstanced. He had many followers, and exposed both himself and them to suspicion and persecution. It is probable that, in attacking error, the Waldenses themselves sometimes became erroneous. They are accused of having maintained the unlawfulness of oaths and of infant baptism, and of being seditious. These charges were easily made, but writers of celebrity have undertaken to confute them. The marvel is, that, when every attempt was made to blacken their character, the success of their accusers was not greater than it has proved to be. It is certain that they were austere, if not morose, in their practice; that they prohibited wars and law suits, penal punishments, and all attempts to acquire wealth.

Those of them who dwelt in the valleys of Piedmont in the seventeenth century, were subjected by the Church of Rome to the most barbarous and inhuman persecutions, especially in the years 1655, 1656, and 1696. The most horrible scenes of violence and bloodshed were exhibited in this theatre of papal tyranny, and the Waldenses at last owed their existence and support to the interference of the English and Dutch governments.

WARBURTONIAN LECTURE. A lecture founded by Bishop Warburton, to prove the truth of revealed religion in general, and the Christian in particular, from the completion of the prophecies in the Old and New Testament which relate to the Christian Church, especially to the apostasy of papal Rome. To this foundation we owe the admirable discourses of Hurd, Halifax, Bagot, Davison, and many others.

WARDEN. The head of some colleges, and the superior of some conventual churches, in which the chapter remains, is called a warden. The head of the collegiate church of Galway is called warden: as was the case at Manchester, till the erection of the collegiate church there into a cathedral.

WEDNESDAY. This day has been marked in many cases by the Church with an especial religion. Thus it was often added to Friday as a weekly fast, and in our own Church it is numbered among the rogation and ember days; besides which, throughout the year the Litany is appointed to be sung or said on Wednesday, as well as on Sunday and Friday after Morning Prayer.

WESLEYANS. (See Methodists.)

WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY. (See Assembly of Divines.)

WESTMINSTER CONFESSION. (See Confessions of Faith.)

WHITSUNDAY. One of the great festivals of the Church, held in commemoration of the descent of the HOLY GHOST on the day of Pentecost. It occurs ten days after Holy Thursday, or Ascension Day. The reason of this day being called Whitsunday, or more properly Whitesunday, is, because on this day, being a remarkable time for baptism, the catechumens, who were then baptized, as well as those who had been baptized before at Easter, appeared in the ancient Church in white garments. It has also been thought that the name was symbolical of those vast diffusions of light and knowledge which were then shed upon the apostles, in order to the enlightening of a world then in the darkness of superstition and idolatry.

This day the HOLY GHOST came down from heaven upon his Church, as the Epistle tells, according to the promise of the Gospel; in honour of whom and of his gifts we keep this holy day.—Bp. Sparrow.

As to the name, the most received opinion is, that the word is at length “Whitesunday;” so called from the white garments worn by the persons baptized in the ancient Church. For the administering of which sacrament, Easter, and this, and the Sundays between, were the most solemn seasons. Particularly on this day, the last of those Sundays, (when that solemnity determined, and the preparation for it had been extended to the utmost length,) as well on that account, as for the deserved veneration due to so great a festival, vast numbers offered themselves to be received to baptism. And, in token of their being cleansed from all past sins, as well as for an emblem of that innocence and purity, to which they then obliged themselves, they were clad in white; and from the multitude of such vestments then put on, are supposed to have given occasion for this LORD’S day being distinguished by that name.—Dean Stanhope.

The reason why this time was of old appointed for solemn baptism, was, 1. Because this day the apostles were baptized with the HOLY GHOST and fire (Acts ii. 3). 2. Because this day 3000 were baptized by the apostles (Acts ii. 41). In memory of which, the Church ever after held a solemn custom of baptizing at this feast.—Bp. Sparrow.

Some conclude from St. Paul’s earnest desire of being at Jerusalem at this time, that the observation of it as a Christian festival is as old as the apostles; but, whatever St. Paul’s design was, we are assured that it hath been universally observed from the very first ages of Christianity.—Wheatly.

This day is called Pentecost, because there are fifty days betwixt the true passover and Whitsunday. As there were fifty days from the Jews’ passover to the giving of the law to Moses in Mount Sinai, which law was written with the finger of GOD (for from the fourteenth day of the first month, the day of the passover, to the third day of the third month, the day of the law’s giving, Exod. xix. 1, 16, are fifty days); so from the true passover, which was celebrated when CHRIST was offered up for us, are fifty days to this time, when the HOLY GHOST came down upon the Church, to write the new law of charity in their hearts. Upon this meditation, St. Augustine breaks out thus: “Who would not prefer the joy and pleasure of these mysteries, before all the empires of the world? Do you not see, that as the two seraphim cry one to another, Holy, holy, holy,” (Isa. vi. 3,) “so the two Testaments, Old and New, faithfully agreeing, evince the sacred truth of GOD?” It should be noted, that we must not count the fifty days from the very day of the passover, but from the Sunday following; and so GOD directed the Jews, (Lev. xxiii. 15,) speaking of their Pentecost or Feast of Weeks, “and ye shall count from the morrow after the sabbath; from that day seven weeks shall be complete.”—Bp. Sparrow.

The first lesson for the morning contains the law of the Jewish Pentecost, or Feast of Weeks, which was a type of ours; for as the law was at this time given to the Jews from Mount Sinai, so also the Christians upon this day received the new evangelical law from heaven, by the administration of the HOLY GHOST. The first lesson for the evening is a prophecy of the conversion of the Gentiles to the kingdom of CHRIST, through the inspiration of the apostles by the Spirit of GOD; the completion of which prophecy is recorded in both the second lessons, but especially in the portion of Scripture for the Epistle, which contains a particular description of the first wonderful descent of the HOLY GHOST upon the apostles, who were “assembled together in one place,” in expectation of that blessed Spirit, according to the promise of our SAVIOUR mentioned in the Gospel.—Wheatly.

The same harmony of Epistle, Gospel, and collect, and lessons, and Psalms, that has been observed upon Christmas, and Easter, and Ascension, may with pleasure be mentioned upon this day.—Bp. Sparrow. It is observed as a Scarlet day at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge; and at several cathedrals on this day, as on the two following, the service is performed in a more solemn manner than usual, as at Christmas and Easter.

WICLIFITES. The followers of John Wickliff. He was of Merton college in Oxford, where he took his doctor’s degree with great reputation. He was once sent ambassador by Edward III. to the pope. He preached against the real presence, pilgrimages, purgatory, &c., so strenuously at Oxford, that the monks prevailed with Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, to silence him. He was rector of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, much favoured by the great men in his time, and is justly reckoned the first reformer. The fame of him reached to Rome, and occasioned Pope Gregory XI. to write to Richard II. to assist the bishops in suppressing Wickliff and his followers. In Henry IV.’s time, his books were condemned at Oxford; and at last, when the Council of Constance met, about 1428, they condemned him, with this sentence: “That John Wickliff, being a notorious heretic, and obstinate, and dying in his heresy, his body and bones, if they may be discerned from the bodies of other faithful people, should be taken up out of the ground, and thrown away far from the burial of the Church.” The bishop of Lincoln executed this sentence, and forty-one years after his burial he burnt the remains, (which was more than the sentence commanded,) and cast them into a neighbouring brook called the Swift. The followers of Wickliff were called Lollards. Wickliff’s notions were: “The Scriptures ought to be in the vulgar tongue, contain all things necessary to salvation, may be understood by every well-disposed man: he declared against traditions, the pope’s authority, their power over the temporalities of kings, and pronounced the pope to be the chiefest antichrist. He taught that the Church of Rome may err; he rejected merit of works, transubstantiation, and owned but two sacraments; he was against images, auricular confession, pardons, indulgences, and monastic vows; he approved the marriage of priests.”

WILL, FREE. (See Free Will.)

WISDOM, THE BOOK OF. An apocryphal book of Scripture; so called, on account of the wise maxims and useful instructions contained therein.

The Book of Wisdom is commonly ascribed to King Solomon, either because the author imitated that king’s manner of writing, or because he sometimes speaks in his name. It is certain Solomon was not the author of it; for it was not written in Hebrew, nor was it inserted in the Jewish canon, nor is the style like Solomon’s: and therefore St. Jerome observes justly, that it smells strongly of the Grecian eloquence; that it is composed with art and method, after the manner of the Greek philosophers, very different from that noble simplicity, so full of life and energy, to be found in the Hebrew books. It has been attributed by many of the ancients to Philo, a Jew, but more ancient than he whose works are now extant. But it is commonly ascribed to an Hellenistical Jew, who lived since Ezra, and about the time of the Maccabees.

It may properly be divided into two parts: the first is a description and encomium of wisdom; the second, beginning at the tenth chapter, is a long discourse in the form of prayers, wherein the author admires and extols the wisdom of GOD, and of those who honour him; and discovers the folly of the wicked, who have been the professed enemies of the good and virtuous in all ages of the world.

WORD, THE. (See Jesus.) The only-begotten SON of the FATHER, the uncreated WISDOM, the second person of the most HOLY TRINITY, equal and consubstantial with the FATHER. St. John the Evangelist, more expressly than any other, has opened to us the mystery of the Word of GOD, when he tells us, “In the beginning was the WORD, and the WORD was with GOD, and the WORD was GOD. The same was in the beginning with GOD. All things were made by him, and without him was not anything made that was made.” The Chaldee paraphrasts, the most ancient Jewish writers extant, generally use the name MEMRA, or WORD, where Moses puts the name JEHOVAH. In effect, according to them, it was MEMRA who created the world; who appeared to Abraham in the plain of Mamre; and to Jacob at Bethel. It was MEMRA to whom Jacob appealed to witness the covenant between him and Laban. The same WORD appeared to Moses at Sinai; gave the law to the Israelites; spoke face to face with that lawgiver; marched at the head of that people; enabled them to conquer nations, and was a consuming fire to all who violated the law of the LORD. All these characters, where the paraphrast uses the word MEMRA, clearly denote Almighty GOD. This WORD therefore was GOD, and the Hebrews were of this opinion at the time that the Targum was composed.

WORKS. (See Good Works, Justification, and Sanctification.) The doctrine of our Church on the subject of works is contained in the following articles:

“XI. Of the Justification of Man.

“We are accounted righteous before GOD only for the merit of our Lord Jesus Christ, by faith, and not for our own works or deservings; wherefore, that we are justified by faith only is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification.

“XII. Of Good Works.

“Albeit that good works, which are the fruits of faith, and follow after justification, cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of GOD’S judgment; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to GOD in CHRIST, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith; insomuch that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known as a tree discerned by the fruit.

“XIII. Of Works before Justification.

“Works done before the grace of CHRIST, and the inspiration of his Spirit, are not pleasant to GOD, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in JESUS CHRIST; neither do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the school authors say) deserve grace of congruity: yea rather, for that they are not done as GOD hath willed and commanded them to be done, we doubt not but they have the nature of sin.”

WORSHIP. Besides the usual application of this term to the supreme homage and devotion due only to the DIVINE BEING, it is occasionally used in the Bible and Prayer Book, to denote honour, respect, and reverence given to men. Thus, in the 84th Psalm, it is said that “the Lord will give grace and worship (favour and dignity) to them that live a godly life.” In Luke xiv. 10, we read that the humble guest “shall have worship in the presence of those who sit at meat with him.” And in 1 Chron. xxix. 20, it is said, that all the congregation “bowed down their heads, and worshipped the LORD and the king.” In the Order of Matrimony in the English Prayer Book, the husband promises to worship his wife, that is, to render to her all that respect and honour to which she is entitled by the command of GOD, and the station she holds.

For the better understanding of this phrase we must know, that anciently there were two sorts of wives, one whereof was called the primary or lawful wife, the other was called the half-wife, or concubine. The difference betwixt these two was only in the differing purpose of the man, betaking himself to the one or the other: if his purpose was only fellowship, there grew to the woman by this means no worship at all, but rather the contrary. In professing that his intent was to add by his person honour and worship unto hers, he took her plainly and clearly to be his wife, not his concubine. This it is, which the civil law doth mean, when it makes a wife differ from a concubine in dignity. The worship that grew unto her, being taken with declaration of this intent, was, that her children became by this means free and legitimate heirs to their father, (Gen xxv. 5, 6,) and herself was made a mother over his family. Lastly, she received such advancement of state, as things annexed to his person might augment her with: yea, a right of participation was thereby given her, both in him, and even in all things which were his; and therefore he says not only, “with my body I thee worship,” but also, “with all my worldly goods I thee endow.” The former branch having granted the principal, the latter granteth that which is annexed thereto.—Hooker.

The Jews anciently used the same phrase: “Be unto me a wife, and I, according to the word of GOD, will worship, honour, and maintain thee, according to the manner of husbands among the Jews, who worship, honour, and maintain their wives.” And that no man quarrel at this harmless phrase, let him take notice, that to worship here signifies, to make worshipful or honorable, as you may see, 1 Sam. ii. 30. For where our last translation reads it, “him that honours me, I will honour;” in the old translation, which our Common Prayer Book uses, it is, “him that worships me, I will worship,” that is, I will make worshipful; for that way only can GOD be said to worship man.—Bp. Sparrow.

These words are objected to by our adversaries, as a great crime in our Church, for obliging the bridegroom to make an idol of his bride, and to declare, in the most extravagant strain of all compliments, that he worships her. But this imputation is owing to the want of a just consideration of the purport of the old English word “worship,” which signifies an honourable regard, as is yet to be seen in our usual expressions still retained in common discourse, as Your Worship, Worshipful &c. And so King James, in the conference at Hampton Court, told Dr. Reynolds, who made this objection. For our Church is not only content that the wife should be endowed with a share of the husband’s goods, but that the husband should oblige himself to promote his spouse to the dignity of the uxorial honour, for she would not have the men joined to concubines by this religious solemnity; and, therefore, she ties the man to make profession, that he is willing to have the person he marries not only to be a partner in his bed, but that she should have all the dignity of a wife allowed her. And that is the meaning of these words, “with my body I thee worship:” I not only give thee a right in my body, but that in the honourable and worshipful way of a wife. For, by the old Roman law, this was the difference between a wife and a concubine: that the husband before marriage promised that he designed to promote the woman he was married to, to the honour of materfamilias, or mistress of the family.—Dr. Nicholls.

The first right accruing to the wife by marriage, is honour; and, therefore, the man says, “with my body I thee worship;” that is, “with my body I thee honour:” for so the word signifies in this place; and so Mr. Selden, and before him Martin Bucer, who lived at the time when our liturgy was compiled, have translated it. The design of it is to express that the woman, by virtue of this marriage, has a share in all the titles and honours which are due, or belong to, the person of her husband. It is true the modern sense of the word is somewhat different: for which reason, I find, that at the review of our liturgy, after the restoration of King Charles II., “worship” was promised to be changed for “honour.” How the alteration came to be omitted I cannot discover; but so long as the old word is explained in the sense that I have given of it, one would think no objection could be urged against using it.—Wheatly.

XEROPHAGIA. (Ξηροφαγία, from ξηρός, dry, φάγω, to eat.) Fast days in the first ages of the Christian Church, on which they ate nothing but bread and salt, the word signifying so much as to eat dry things; afterwards there were pulse, herbs, and fruits added. This great fast was kept the six days of the holy week for devotion, and not by obligation; so that the Church condemned the Montanists, who of their own private authority, would not only oblige all people to observe the Xerophagia of the holy week, but also other fasts that they had established, as well as several Lents. The Essenes, whether they were Jews or the first Christians of the Church of Alexandria, observed Xerophagia on certain days; for Philo says, they put nothing to their bread and water but salt and hyssop.

YEAR, ECCLESIASTICAL. (See Advent, Calendar, and Feasts.)

YULE. An old word signifying festival, and still in use to designate the festival of Christmas. The yule of August anciently signified Lammas. See Johnson in voc.

ZEALOTS. An ancient sect of the Jews, so called from their pretended great zeal for GOD’S laws, and the honour of religion. They were a branch of the Pharisees, though some account them a distinct sect. (See Pharisees.)

The Zealots were a most outrageous and ungovernable people, and, on pretence of asserting the honour of GOD’S laws, and the strictness and purity of religion, assumed a liberty of questioning notorious offenders, without staying for the ordinary formalities of law: nay, when they thought fit, they executed capital punishments upon them with their own hands. Thus, when a blasphemer cursed GOD by the name of any idol, the Zealots, who next met him, immediately killed him, without ever bringing him before the Sanhedrim. They looked upon themselves as the true successors of Phinehas, who, out of a great zeal for the honour of GOD, did immediate execution upon Zimri and Cozbi; which action was so pleasing to GOD, that he made with him, and his seed after him, the covenant of an everlasting priesthood. In imitation of Phinehas, these men took upon them to execute judgment in extraordinary cases; and not only by the connivance, but with the permission both of the rulers and the people; till, in after-times, under this pretence, their zeal degenerated into all manner of licentiousness and extravagance. And they not only became the pests of the commonwealth at home, but opened the door for the Romans to break in upon the Jews, to their final and irrecoverable ruin; for they were continually encouraging the people to throw off the Roman yoke, and assert their native liberty.

They made no scruple of robbing, plundering, and killing the principal of the nobility, under pretence of holding correspondence with the Romans, and betraying the liberty of their country; and, upon the merit of this, they assumed to themselves the titles of benefactors and saviours of the people. They abrogated the succession of ancient families, thrusting ignoble and obscure persons into the office of the high priesthood, that by this means they might draw over the most infamous villains to their party. And, not contented to affront men, they injured the majesty of heaven, and proclaimed defiance to the Divinity itself, by breaking into and profaning the most holy place.

Many attempts were made, especially by Annas the high priest, to reduce them to order; but neither force of arms, nor fair and gentle methods, could prevail upon them. They persisted in these violent proceedings, and, joining with the Idumeans, committed all manner of outrage, and slew many of the high priests themselves; and even when Jerusalem was besieged by the Roman army, they never left off to promote tumults and distractions, till their intestine quarrels ended, at last, in the sacking of the city.

ZUINGLIANS. The disciples of Zuinglius, whose opinion was that Luther’s scheme of Reformation fell very short of the extent to which it ought to have been carried. Under this impression, and with a view, as he termed it, of restoring the Church to its original purity, Zuingle sought to abolish many doctrines and rites of the Roman Catholic Church, which Luther had retained. In some points of doctrine he also differed from Luther, and his opinion on the real presence made a complete separation between them. Luther held that, together with the bread and wine, the body and blood of CHRIST were really present in the eucharist. Zuingle held, that the bread and wine were only signs and symbols of the absent body and blood of CHRIST; so that the eucharistic rite was merely a pious and solemn ceremony, to bring it to the remembrance of the faithful. The opinions of Zuingle were adopted in Switzerland, and several neighbouring nations. They gave rise to the most violent animosities between their favourers and the disciples of Luther. Frequent advances to peace were made by the Zuinglians; Luther uniformly rejected them with sternness. He declared an union to be impossible; he called them “ministers of Satan.” When they entreated him to consider them as brothers, “What fraternity,” he exclaimed, “do you ask with me, if you persist in your belief?” On one occasion, the ingenuity of Bucer enabled him to frame a creed, which each party, constructing the words in his own sense, might sign. This effected a temporary truce; but the division soon broke out with fresh animosity. “Happy,” exclaimed Luther, “is the man who has not been of the Council of the Sacramentarians; who has not walked in the ways of the Zuinglians.”

THE END.

JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.

-----

Footnote 1:

“An Ecclesiastical Biography, containing the Lives of Ancient Fathers and Modern Divines. By Walter Farquhar Hook, D. D., Vicar of Leeds.”

Footnote 2:

Author of “The History of the Christian Church, to the Pontificate of Gregory the Great: for general readers as well as for Students in Theology.” 8vo, 12_s._

Footnote 3:

The Confession which was subscribed at Halyrud-house the 25th of February, 1587–8, by the King, Lennox, Huntly, the Chancellor, and about ninety-five other persons, hath here added, “Agreeing to the word.” Sir John Maxwell of Pollock hath the original parchment. If the clerk nominated shall have been ordained a less time than three years, the testimonial may be from the time of ordination.

Footnote 4:

It is recommended that the clergyman nominating be not a subscriber to the testimonial.

Footnote 5:

This notice must be dated on a day subsequent to the date of the bishop’s permission.

Footnote 6:

Here the infirm persons are presented to the king on their knees, and the king layeth his hands upon them.

Footnote 7:

Here they are again presented unto the king upon their knees, and the king putteth gold about their necks.

Footnote 8:

Sancti Bonaventuræ Opera, tom. vi. part ii., from p. 466 to 473. Fol. Moguntiæ, 1609.

Footnote 9:

“The Glories of Mary, Mother of God; translated from the Italian of blessed Alphonsus Liguori, and carefully revised by a Catholic Priest.” John Coyne, Dublin, 1833.

Footnote 10:

As the practice may not be alike in every diocese, application should be made by a candidate to the bishop’s secretary for instructions.

Footnote 11:

It is to be observed that the proper address to an archbishop is, “To the Most Reverend ——, by Divine Providence Lord Archbishop of ——;” and the style “Grace” is to be used instead of “Lordship.” The proper address to the bishop of Durham is, “To the Right Reverend ——, by Divine Providence ——.”

Footnote 12:

For three years, or such shorter period as may have elapsed since the date of the College testimonial.

Footnote 13:

It is recommended that the party giving the title be not one of the subscribers.

Footnote 14:

The bishop in whose diocese the curacy conferring the title is situate.

Footnote 15:

See 76th sect. of 1 & 2 Victoria, c. 106.

Footnote 16:

The concluding part of the nomination, within inverted commas, is not to be used, except in the nomination to serve as a title for orders.

Footnote 17:

It is not usual to confer priest’s orders till the candidate has been a deacon one whole year.

Footnote 18:

Mr. Sharpe, in his work on “Decorated Window Tracery,” goes back one step, to the occurrence of a round window in the apex of a semi-Norman façade, over two round head-lights. If we were in search of what might suggest tracery, we might go back still further, to the panels often occurring, even in early Norman triforium arcades, as at Rochester; and sometimes, as at Peterborough, in groups of three or four, and deeply sunk.

Footnote 19:

See Sharpe’s “Decorated Window Tracery,” p. 93.

Footnote 20:

Garbet’s “Rudimentary Treatise;” a work well worth much study.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

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