XX. ――HISTORY (part 2 of 2)

XX. ――HISTORY (part 2 of 2)

The United States, thus victorious in arms at home and on the ocean, commanded the respect of their enemy; and the directory made overtures of peace. The president immediately appointed ministers, who, on their arrival at Paris, found the executive authority in the possession of Buonaparte as first consul. They were promptly received, and in September, 1800, a treaty was concluded satisfactory to both countries.

The services of Washington had not been required in his capacity of commander-in-chief; but he did not live to witness the restoration of peace. On Friday, December 13, while attending some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger, he passed the afternoon in his usual manner; but at night was seized with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe, attended by fever, and a quick and laborious respiration. Respiration became more and more contracted and imperfect until half-past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the father of his country. Intelligence of this event, as it rapidly spread, produced spontaneous, deep, and unaffected grief, suspending every other thought, and absorbing every different feeling. Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, immediately adjourned. The senate of the United States, in an address to the president on this melancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of truth, in speaking of their Washington.

According to the unanimous resolution of congress, a funeral procession moved from the legislative hall to the German Lutheran church, where an oration was delivered by general Lee, a representative from Virginia. The procession was grand and solemn; the oration impressive and eloquent. Throughout the Union similar marks of affliction were exhibited; a whole people appeared in mourning. In every part of the republic funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation’s grief.

In the year 1800 the seat of government of the United States was removed to Washington, in the district of Columbia. After congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of congress at the permanent seat of their government, and congress on the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president said: ‘It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up to the supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be forever held in veneration! Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish forever!’

At this period a presidential election again occurred. From the time of the adoption of the constitution, the republican party had been gradually increasing in numbers. The two parties being now nearly equal, the contest inspired both with uncommon ardor. The federalists supported Mr. Adams and general Pinckney; the republicans, Mr. Jefferson and colonel Burr. The two latter received a small majority of the electoral votes; and as they received also an equal number, the selection of one of them to be president devolved upon the house of representatives. After thirty-five trials, during which the nation felt intense solicitude, Mr. Jefferson was chosen. Colonel Burr received the votes of the federalists, and lost, in consequence, the confidence of his former friends. By the provisions of the constitution he became, of course, vice-president.

A second census of the inhabitants of the United States was completed in 1801. They amounted to five millions three hundred and nineteen thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, having in ten years increased nearly one million four hundred thousand. In the same number of years the exports increased from nineteen to ninety-four millions, and the revenue from four millions seven hundred seventy-one thousand, to twelve millions nine hundred and forty-five thousand dollars. This rapid advance in the career of prosperity has no parallel in the history of nations, and is to be attributed principally to the institutions of the country, which, securing equal privileges to all, gave to the enterprise and industry of all free scope and full encouragement.

In 1802, the state of Ohio was admitted into the Union. It was formerly a portion of the north-western territory, for the government of which, in 1787, an ordinance was passed by the continental congress. In thirty years from its first settlement, the number of its inhabitants exceeded half a million. The state of Tennessee, which was previously a part of North Carolina, and which lies between that state and the river Mississippi, had been admitted in 1796.

The right of deposit at New Orleans, conceded to the citizens of the United States by Spain, and necessary to the people of the western country, had, until this period, been freely enjoyed. In October, the chief officer of that city prohibited the exercise of it in future. This violation of a solemn engagement produced, throughout the states of Ohio and Kentucky, indignant clamor and violent commotion. In congress a proposition was made to take possession by force of the whole province of Louisiana; but a more pacific course was adopted. Knowing that the province had been ceded, although not transferred, to France, the president instituted a negotiation to acquire it by purchase. In April, 1803, a treaty was concluded, conveying it to the United States for fifteen millions of dollars. Its acquisition was considered by the United States of the greatest importance, as it gave them the entire control of a river which is one of the noblest in the world.

At this period, also, there was another important acquisition of territory. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, reduced by wars and other causes to a few individuals, who were unable to defend themselves against the neighboring tribes, transferred its country to the United States; reserving only a sufficiency to maintain its members in an agricultural way. The stipulations on the part of the United States were, to extend to them patronage and protection, and to give them certain annual aids, in money, implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice. This ceded country extends along the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up the Ohio; and is esteemed as among the most fertile within the limits of the Union.

The United States had for some time enjoyed the undisputed repose of peace, with only one exception. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states, had made demands founded neither in right nor in compact, and had denounced war on the failure of the American government to comply with them before a given day. The president, on this occasion, sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of the sincere desire of the American government to remain in peace; but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack. It was a seasonable and salutary measure; for the bey had already declared war; and the American commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded, while that of the Atlantic was in peril. The arrival of the squadron dispelled the danger. The Insurgente, which had been so honorably added to the American navy, and the Pickering, of fourteen guns, the former commanded by captain Fletcher, the latter by captain Hillar, were lost in the equinoctial gale, in September, 1800.

In 1801, the Enterprise, of fourteen guns, captain Sterrett, fell in with a Tripolitan ship of war of equal force. The action continued three hours and a half, the corsair fighting with great obstinacy, and even desperation, until she struck, having lost fifty killed and wounded, while the Enterprise had not a man injured. In 1803, commodore Preble assumed the command of the Mediterranean squadron, and after humbling the emperor of Morocco, who had begun a covert war upon American commerce, concentrated most of his force before Tripoli. On arriving off that port, captain Bainbridge, in the frigate Philadelphia, of forty-four guns, was sent into the harbor to reconnoitre. While in eager pursuit of a small vessel, he unfortunately advanced so far that the frigate grounded, and all attempts to remove her were in vain. The sea around her was immediately covered with Tripolitan gun-boats, and captain Bainbridge was compelled to surrender. This misfortune, which threw a number of accomplished officers and a valiant crew into oppressive bondage, and which shed a gloom over the whole nation, as it seemed at once to increase the difficulties of a peace an hundred fold, was soon relieved by one of the most daring and chivalrous exploits that is found in naval annals. Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, then one of commodore Preble’s subalterns, proposed a plan for re-capturing or destroying the Philadelphia. The American squadron was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably to the plan proposed, lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, four guns and seventy-five men, proceeded, under the escort of the Syren, captain Stewart, to the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within half gun-shot of the bashaw’s castle, and several cruisers and gun-boats surrounded her with jealous vigilance.

The Intrepid entered the harbor alone, about eight o’clock in the evening, and succeeded in getting near the Philadelphia, between ten and eleven o’clock, without having awakened suspicion of her hostile designs. This vessel had been captured from the Tripolitans, and, assuming on this occasion her former national appearance, was permitted to warp alongside, under the alleged pretence that she had lost all her anchors. The moment the vessel came in contact, Decatur and his followers leaped on board, and soon overwhelmed a crew which was paralyzed with consternation. Twenty of the Tripolitans were killed. All the surrounding batteries being opened upon the Philadelphia, she was immediately set on fire, and not abandoned until thoroughly wrapped in flames; when, a favoring breeze springing up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey, and sailed triumphantly out of the harbor amid the light of the conflagration. Not the slightest loss occurred on the side of the Americans to shade the splendor of the enterprise.

In July, 1804, commodore Preble brought together all his forces before Tripoli, determined to try the effect of a bombardment. The enemy having sent some of his gun-boats and galleys without the reef at the mouth of the harbor, two divisions of American gun-boats were formed for the purpose of attacking them, while the large vessels assailed the batteries and town. On the 3d of August this plan was put in execution. The squadron approached within gun-shot of the town, and opened a tremendous fire of shot and shells, which was as promptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and shipping. At the same time the two divisions of gun-boats, the first under the command of captain Somers, the second under captain Stephen Decatur, who had been promoted as a reward for his late achievement, advanced against those of the enemy. The squadron was about two hours under the enemy’s batteries, generally within pistol-shot, ranging by them in deliberate succession, alternately silencing their fires, and launching its thunders into the very palace of the bashaw; while a more animated battle was raging in another quarter. Simultaneously with the bombardment the American gun-boats had closed in desperate conflict with the enemy. Captain Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior force, soon carried her by boarding, when, taking his prize in tow, he grappled with another, and in like manner transferred the fight to the enemy’s deck.

In the fierce encounter which followed this second attack, captain Decatur, having broken his sword, closed with the Turkish commander, and, both falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal wound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was raising his dirk to plunge it into his breast. Lieutenant Trippe, of captain Decatur’s squadron, had boarded a third large gun-boat, with only one midshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and left him to wage the unequal fight of eleven against thirty-six, which was the number of the enemy. Courage and resolution, however, converted this devoted little band into a formidable host, which, after a sanguinary contest, obliged the numerous foe to yield, with the loss of fourteen killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre wounds, and had three of his party wounded, but none killed. Several bombardments and attacks succeeded each other at intervals throughout the month. Day after day death and devastation were poured into Tripoli with unsparing perseverance, each attack exhibiting instances of valor and devotedness which will give lustre to history. The eyes of Europe were drawn to the spot where a young nation, scarcely emerged into notice, was signally chastising the despotic and lawless infidel, to whom some of her most powerful governments were then paving tribute.

On the 4th of September, commodore Preble, in order to try new experiments of annoyance, determined to send a fireship into the enemy’s harbor. The Intrepid was fitted out for this service, being filled with powder, shells, and other combustible materials. Captain Somers, who had often been the emulous rival of Decatur in the career of glory, was appointed to conduct her in, having for his associates in the hazardous enterprise lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel, all volunteers. The Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus, were to convey the Intrepid as far as the mouth of the harbor. Captain Somers and lieutenant Wadsworth made choice of two of the fleetest boats in the squadron, manned with picked crews, to bring them out. At eight o’clock in the evening she stood into the harbor with a moderate breeze. Several shot were fired at her from the batteries. She had nearly gained her place of destination when she exploded, without having made any of the signals previously concerted to show that the crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful catastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to the most painful anxiety. The convoy hovered about the harbor until sunrise, when no remains could be discovered either of the Intrepid or her boats. Doubt was turned into certainty, that she had prematurely blown up, as one of the enemy’s gun-boats was observed to be missing, and several others much shattered and damaged.

Commodore Preble, in his account, says, that he was led to believe ‘that those boats were detached from the enemy’s flotilla to intercept the ketch, and without suspecting her to be a fireship, the missing boats had suddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers and the heroes of his party observing the other three boats surrounding them, and no prospect of escape, determined at once to prefer death, and the destruction of the enemy, to captivity and torturing slavery, put a match to the train leading directly to the magazine, which at once blew the whole into the air, and terminated their existence;’ and he adds, that his ‘conjectures respecting this affair are founded on a resolution which captain Somers and lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed, neither to be taken by the enemy, nor suffer him to get possession of the powder on board the Intrepid.’[144] Soon after these events, commodore Preble gave up the command in the Mediterranean to commodore Barron, and returned to the United States. His eminent services were enthusiastically acknowledged by his admiring fellow-citizens, as well as those of his associates in arms, ‘whose names,’ in the expressive language of congress on the occasion, ‘ought to live in the recollection and affection of a grateful country, and whose conduct ought to be regarded as an example to future generations.’

While the squadron remained before Tripoli other deeds of heroism were performed. William Eaton, who had been a captain in the American army, was, at the commencement of this war, consul at Tunis. He there became acquainted with Hamet Caramauly, whom a younger brother had excluded from the throne of Tripoli. With him he concerted an expedition against the reigning sovereign, and repaired to the United States to obtain permission and the means to undertake it. Permission was granted, the co-operation of the squadron recommended, and such pecuniary assistance as could be spared was afforded. To raise an army in Egypt, and lead it to attack the usurper in his dominions, was the project which had been concerted. In the beginning of 1805, Eaton met Hamet at Alexandria, and was appointed general of his forces. On the 6th of March, at the head of a respectable body of mounted Arabs, and about seventy Christians, he set out for Tripoli. His route lay across a desert one thousand miles in extent. On his march, he encountered peril, fatigue, and suffering, the description of which would resemble the exaggerations of romance. On the 25th of April, having been fifty days on the march, he arrived before Derne, a Tripolitan city on the Mediterranean, and found in the harbor a part of the American squadron destined to assist him. He learnt also that the usurper, having received notice of his approach, had raised a considerable army, and was then within a day’s march of the city. No time was therefore to be lost.

The next morning he summoned the governor to surrender, who returned for answer, ‘My head or yours.’ The city was assaulted, and after a contest of two hours and a half, possession was gained. The Christians suffered severely, and the general was slightly wounded. Great exertions were immediately made to fortify the city. On the 8th of May it was attacked by the Tripolitan army. Although ten times more numerous than Eaton’s band, the assailants, after persisting four hours in the attempt, were compelled to retire. On the 10th of June another battle was fought, in which the enemy were defeated. The next day the American frigate Constitution arrived in the harbor, which so terrified the Tripolitans that they fled precipitately to the desert. The frigate came, however, to arrest the operations of Eaton in the midst of his brilliant and successful career. Alarmed at his progress, the reigning bashaw had offered terms of peace, which being much more favorable than had before been offered, were accepted by Mr. Lear, the authorized agent of the government. Sixty thousand dollars were given as a ransom for the unfortunate American prisoners, and an engagement was made to withdraw all support from Hamet. The nation, proud of the exploits of Eaton, regretted this diplomatic interference, but the treaty was subsequently ratified by the president and senate.

During the year 1804, the Delaware Indians relinquished to the United States their title to an extensive tract east of the Mississippi, between the Wabash and Ohio, for which they were to receive annuities in animals and implements for agriculture, and in other necessaries. This was an important acquisition, not only for its extent and fertility, but because, by its commanding the Ohio for three hundred miles, and nearly half that distance the Wabash, the produce of the settled country could be safely conveyed down those rivers, and, with the cession recently made by Kaskaskias, it nearly consolidated the possessions of the United States north of the Ohio, from lake Erie to the Mississippi.

Early in the following year Mr. Jefferson was re-elected to fill the president’s chair by the decided majority of sixty-two votes against sixteen, a circumstance which he viewed as an indication of a great decay in the strength of the federal party.[145] George Clinton was also elected vice-president.

During the year 1806, a circumstance occurred which put to the test the attachment of the inhabitants of the southern and western states, as well as the good faith of the American government in her foreign relations. Colonel Burr, whose character and influence had formerly encouraged him in the hope of filling the highest office of his country, subsequently lost the public confidence and fell into obscurity. While unobserved by his fellow-citizens he was by no means inactive; he was employed in purchasing and building boats on the Ohio, and in engaging men to descend that river. His professed intention was to form a settlement on the banks of the Washita, in Louisiana; but the nature of his preparations, and the incautious disclosures of his associates, led to the suspicion that his real object was of a far different character.

‘His conspiracy,’ says president Jefferson, in a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, ‘has been one of the most flagitious of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the western states from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom. The man who could expect to affect this with American materials must be a fit subject for Bedlam. Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate force of our form of government as this conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow his fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise than by assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left with about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in a mass wherever he was, or was suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was crushed in one instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man of the military but to take care of their respective stations. His first enterprise was to have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico. It is with pleasure I inform you that not a single native Creole, and but one American, of those settled there before we received the place, took any part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions.’ In August, 1807, he was tried before chief-justice Marshall, and the evidence of his guilt not being deemed sufficient he was acquitted. The people, however, very generally believed him guilty.

The American government at this period began to be seriously affected by the contest which was raging in Europe. Under the guidance of the splendid talents of Napoleon the military prowess of France had brought most of the European nations to her feet. America profited from the destruction of the ships and commerce of other nations; being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port the productions of France and the dependent kingdoms; and also to the ports of those kingdoms the manufactures of England: indeed, few ships were found on the ocean except those of the United States and Great Britain. These advantages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed unmolested. American ships carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies were, in the early stage of the war, captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prizes; and now several European ports under the control of France were by British orders in council, dated in May, 1806, declared in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet; and American vessels attempting to enter those ports were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered, as well as the United States, from these proceedings; but her vengeance fell not so much upon the belligerent as upon the neutral party. By a decree, used at Berlin in November, 1806, the French emperor declared the British islands in a state of blockade, and of course authorized the capture of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with those islands. From these measures of both nations the commerce of the United States severely suffered, and their merchants loudly demanded of the government redress and protection.

This was not the only grievance to which the contest between the European powers gave rise. Great Britain claimed a right to search for and seize English sailors, even on board neutral vessels while traversing the ocean. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States were seized, dragged from their friends, transported to distant parts of the world, compelled to perform the duty of British sailors, and to fight with nations at peace with their own. Against this outrage upon personal liberty and the rights of American citizens, Washington, Adams, and Jefferson had remonstrated in vain. The abuse continued, and every year added to its aggravation. In June, 1807, a circumstance occurred which highly and justly incensed the Americans. The frigate Chesapeake, being ordered on a cruise in the Mediterranean sea, under the command of commodore Barron, sailing from Hampton roads, was come up with by the British ship of war Leopard, one of a squadron then at anchor within the limits of the United States. An officer was sent from the Leopard to the Chesapeake, with a note from the captain respecting some deserters from some of his Britannic majesty’s ships, supposed to be serving as part of the crew of the Chesapeake, and inclosing a copy of an order from vice-admiral Berkeley, requiring and directing the commanders of ships and vessels under his command, in case of meeting with the American frigate at sea, and without the limits of the United States, to show the order to her captain, and to require to search his ship for the deserters from certain ships therein named, and to proceed and search for them; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he was permitted to search for deserters from their service, according to the customs and usage of civilized nations on terms of amity with each other.

Commodore Barron gave an answer, purporting that he knew of no such men as were described; that the recruiting officers for the Chesapeake had been particularly instructed by the government, through him, not to enter any deserters from his Britannic majesty’s ships; that he knew of none such being in her; that he was instructed never to permit the crew of any ship under his command to be mustered by any officers but her own; that he was disposed to preserve harmony, and hoped his answer would prove satisfactory. The Leopard, shortly after this answer was received by her commander, ranged along side of the Chesapeake, and commenced a heavy fire upon her. The Chesapeake, unprepared for action, made no resistance, but having suffered much damage, and lost three men killed, and eighteen wounded, commodore Barron ordered his colors to be struck, and sent a lieutenant on board the Leopard, to inform her commander that he considered the Chesapeake her prize. The commander of the Leopard sent an officer on board, who took possession of the Chesapeake, mustered her crew, and, carrying off four of her men, abandoned the ship. Commodore Barron, finding that the Chesapeake was very much injured, returned, with the advice of his officers, to Hampton roads. On receiving information of this outrage, the president, by proclamation, interdicted the harbors and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was despatched with instructions to the American minister at London, to call on the British government for the satisfaction and security which this outrage required.

Buonaparte having declared his purpose of enforcing with rigor the Berlin decree; the British government having solemnly asserted the right of search and impressment, and having intimated their intention to adopt measures in retaliation of the French decree, the president recommended to congress that the seamen, ships, and merchandise of the United States should be detained in port to preserve them from the dangers which threatened them on the ocean; and a law laying an indefinite embargo was in consequence enacted. A few days only had elapsed when information was received that Great Britain had prohibited neutrals, except upon most injurious conditions, from trading with France or her allies, comprising nearly every maritime nation of Europe. This was followed in a few weeks by a decree issued by Buonaparte, at Milan, declaring that every neutral vessel which should submit to be visited by a British ship, or comply with the terms demanded, should be confiscated, if afterwards found in his ports, or taken by his cruisers. Thus, at the date of the embargo, were orders and decrees in existence rendering liable to capture almost every American vessel sailing on the ocean. In the New England states, the embargo, withholding the merchant from a career in which he had been highly prosperous, and in which he imagined that he might still be favored by fortune, occasioned discontent and clamor. The federalists, more numerous there than in any other part of the Union, pronounced it a measure unwise and oppressive. These representations, and the distress which the people endured, induced a zealous opposition to the measures of the government.

The president, in his message on the opening of the tenth congress, stated the continued disregard shown by the belligerent nations to neutral rights, so destructive to the American commerce; and referred it to the wisdom of congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things. ‘With the Barbary powers,’ he said, ‘we continue in harmony, with the exception of an unjustifiable proceeding of the dey of Algiers towards our consul to that regency,’ the character and circumstances of which he laid before congress. ‘With our Indian neighbors the public peace has been steadily maintained. From a conviction that we consider them as a part of ourselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and interests, the attachment of the Indian tribes is gaining strength daily, is extending from the nearer to the more remote, and will amply requite us for the justice and friendship practised towards them. Husbandry and household manufacture are advancing among them, more rapidly with the southern than northern tribes, from circumstances of soil and climate; and one of the two great divisions of the Cherokee nation has now under consideration to solicit the friendship of the United States, and to be identified with us in laws and government in such progressive manner as we shall think best.’

Mr. Jefferson, following and confirming the example of Washington, determined not to continue in office for a longer term than eight years. ‘Never did a prisoner,’ says the president of the American republic, ‘released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes it will be because no human wisdom could avert them.’

ADMINISTRATION OF MR. MADISON.

Mr. Jefferson was succeeded in the presidency by Mr. Madison. One of the first acts of congress under the new president was to repeal the embargo; but at the same time to prohibit all intercourse with France and England.

In the non-intercourse law a provision was inserted, that if either nation should revoke her hostile edicts, and the president should announce that fact by proclamation, then the law should cease to be in force in regard to the nation so revoking. On the 23d of April, Mr. Erskine, minister plenipotentiary from his Britannic majesty to the United States, pledged his court to repeal its anti-neutral decrees by the 10th of June; and, in consequence of an arrangement now made with the British minister, the president proclaimed that commercial intercourse would be renewed on that day; but this arrangement was disavowed by the ministry; and, in October, Mr. Erskine was replaced by Mr. Jackson, who soon giving offence to the American government, all farther intercourse with him was refused, and he was recalled.

The Rambouillet decree, alleged to be designed to retaliate the act of congress which forbade French vessels to enter the ports of the United States, was issued by Buonaparte on the 23d of March. By this decree, all American vessels and cargoes, arriving in any of the ports of France, or of countries occupied by French troops, were ordered to be seized and condemned.

On the 1st of May congress passed an act, excluding British and French armed vessels from the waters of the United States; but providing, that if either of the above nations should modify its edicts before the 3d of March, 1811, so that they should cease to violate neutral commerce, of which fact the president was to give notice by proclamation, and the other nation should not, within three months after, pursue a similar course, commercial intercourse with the first might be renewed, but not with the other.

In August the French government assured Mr. Armstrong, the American envoy at Paris, that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, the revocation to take effect on the first day of November ensuing. Confiding in this assurance, the president, on the second day of November, issued his proclamation, declaring that unrestrained commerce with France was allowed, but that all intercourse with Great Britain was prohibited.

Great Britain, having previously expressed a willingness to repeal her orders whenever France should repeal her decrees, was now called upon by the American envoy to fulfil that engagement. The British ministry objected, however, that the French decrees could not be considered as repealed, a letter from the minister of state not being, for that purpose, a document of sufficient authority; and still persisted to enforce the orders in council. For this purpose British ships of war were stationed before the principal harbors of the United States. All American merchantmen, departing or returning, were boarded, searched, and many of them sent to British ports as legal prizes. The contempt in which the British officers held the republican navy, in one instance, led to an action. Commodore Rogers, in the President frigate, met in the evening a vessel on the coast of Virginia; he hailed; but, instead of receiving an answer, was hailed in turn, and a shot was fired, which struck the main-mast of the President. The fire was instantly returned by the commodore, and continued for a few minutes, when, finding his antagonist was of inferior force, and that her guns were almost silenced, he desisted. On hailing again, an answer was given, that the ship was the British sloop of war Little Belt, of eighteen guns. Thirty-two of her men were killed and wounded, and the ship was much disabled.

For several years the Indian tribes residing near the sources of the Mississippi had occupied themselves in murdering and robbing the white settlers in their vicinity. At length, the frontier inhabitants being seriously alarmed by their hostile indications, in the autumn of 1811 governor Harrison resolved to move towards the Prophet’s town, on the Wabash, with a body of Kentucky and Indiana militia, and the fourth United States regiment, under colonel Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians, and to put a stop to their threatened hostilities. His expedition was made early in November. On his approach within a few miles of the Prophet’s town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace and submission, and requested the governor to encamp for the night; but this was only a treacherous artifice. At four in the morning the camp was furiously assailed, and a bloody contest ensued; the Indians were however repulsed. The loss on the part of the Americans was sixty-two killed, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded, and a still greater number on the side of the Indians. Governor Harrison, having destroyed the Prophet’s town, and established forts, returned to Vincennes.

In November reparation was made by the British for the attack on the Chesapeake. Mr. Foster, the British envoy, informed the secretary of the United States, that he was instructed to repeat to the American government the prompt disavowal made by his majesty, on being apprized of the unauthorized act of the officer in command of his naval forces on the coast of America, whose recall from a highly important and honorable command immediately ensued, as a mark of his majesty’s disapprobation; that he was authorized to offer, in addition to that disavowal on the part of his royal highness, the immediate restoration, as far as circumstances would admit, of the men who, in consequence of admiral Berkeley’s orders, were forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, to the vessel from which they were taken; or, if that ship were no longer in commission, to such seaport of the United States as the American government may name for the purpose: and that he was also authorized to offer to the American government a suitable pecuniary provision for the sufferers, in consequence of the attack on the Chesapeake, including the families of those seamen who fell in the action, and of the wounded survivors. The president acceded to these propositions; and the officer commanding the Chesapeake, then lying in the harbor of Boston, was instructed to receive the men who were to be restored to that ship. The British envoy, however, could give no assurance that his government was disposed to make a satisfactory arrangement of the subject of impressment, or to repeal the orders in council. These orders, on the contrary, continued to be enforced with rigor; and, on the restoration of a free commerce with France, a large number of American vessels, laden with rich cargoes, and destined to her ports, fell into the power of British cruisers, which, since 1803, had captured nine hundred American vessels.

Early in November, 1811, president Madison summoned the congress. His message indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives reported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army; for raising an additional force of ten thousand men; for authorizing the president to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for repairing the navy; and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen in self-defence. A bill from the senate, for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much discussion, was also agreed to by the house.

The American congress, although continuing the preparations for war, still cherished the hope that a change of policy in Europe would render unnecessary an appeal to arms till May in the following year. Towards the close of that season, the Hornet arrived from London, bringing information that no prospect existed of a favorable change. On the 1st of June, the president sent a message to congress, recounting the wrongs received from Great Britain, and submitting the question, whether the United States should continue to endure them, or resort to war. The message was considered with closed doors. On the 18th, an act was passed, declaring war against Great Britain; and the next day a proclamation was issued. Against this declaration, however, the representatives belonging to the federal party presented a solemn protest, which was written with great ability.

At the time of the declaration of war, general Hull was also governor of the Michigan territory, of which Detroit is the capital. On the 12th of July, with two thousand regulars and volunteers, he crossed the river dividing the United States from Canada, apparently intending to attack Malden, and thence to proceed to Montreal. Information was, however, received, that Mackinaw, an American post above Detroit, had surrendered to a large body of British and Indians, who were rushing down the river in numbers sufficient to overwhelm the American forces. Panic-struck, general Hull hastened back to Detroit. General Brock, the commander at Malden, pursued him, and erected batteries opposite Detroit. The next day, meeting with no resistance, general Brock resolved to march directly forward and assault the fort. The American troops awaited the approach of the enemy, and anticipated victory; but, to their dismay, general Hull opened a correspondence, which ended in the surrender of the army, and of the territory of Michigan. An event so disgraceful, occurring in a quarter where success was confidently anticipated, caused the greatest mortification and amazement throughout the Union.

General Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia, had the command of the troops which were called the army of the centre. His head-quarters were at Lewistown, on the river Niagara, and on the opposite side was Queenstown, a fortified British post. The militia displaying great eagerness to be led against the enemy, the general determined to cross the river at the head of about one thousand men; though successful at first, he was compelled, after a long and obstinate engagement, to surrender. General Brock, the British commander, fell in rallying his troops.

The army of the north, which was under the immediate command of general Dearborn, was stationed at Greenbush, near Albany, and at Plattsburgh, on lake Champlain. From the latter post, a detachment marched a short distance into Canada, surprised a small body of British and Indians, and destroyed a considerable quantity of public stores. Other movements were anxiously expected by the people; but, after the misfortunes of Detroit and Niagara, the general deemed it inexpedient to engage in any important enterprise.

While, on land, defeat attended the arms of the republic, on the ocean we gained victories, which compensated our loss, and gained us immortal glory. On the 19th of August, captain Hull, commanding the Constitution, of forty-four guns, fell in with the British frigate Le Guerriere. She advanced towards the Constitution, firing broadsides at intervals; the American reserved her fire till she had approached within half pistol-shot, when a tremendous cannonade was directed upon her, and in thirty minutes, every mast and nearly every spar being shot away, captain Dacres struck his flag. Of the crew, fifty were killed and sixty-four wounded; while the Constitution had only seven killed and seven wounded. The Guerriere received so much injury, that it was thought to be impossible to get her into port, and she was burned. Captain Hull, on his return to the United States, was welcomed with enthusiasm by his grateful and admiring countrymen. The vast difference in the number of killed and wounded certainly evinced great skill, as well as bravery, on the part of the American seamen. But this was the first only of a series of naval victories. On the 18th of October, captain Jones, in the Wasp, of eighteen guns, captured the Frolic, of twenty-two, after a bloody conflict of three-quarters of an hour. In this action the Americans obtained a victory over a superior force; and, on their part, but eight were killed and wounded, while on that of the enemy about eighty. The Wasp was unfortunately captured, soon after her victory, by a British ship of the line. On the 25th, the frigate United States, commanded by captain Decatur, captured the British frigate Macedonian. In this instance, also, the disparity of loss was astonishingly great: on the part of the enemy, a hundred and four were killed and wounded; on that of the Americans, but eleven. The United States brought her prize safely to New York. A most desperate action was fought on the 29th of December, between the Constitution, of forty-four guns, then commanded by captain Bainbridge, and the British frigate Java, of thirty-eight. The combat continued more than three hours; nor did the Java strike till she was reduced to a mere wreck. Of her crew, a hundred and sixty-one were killed and wounded, while of that of the Constitution there were only thirty-four.

These naval victories were peculiarly gratifying to the feelings of the Americans; they were gained in the midst of disasters on land, and by that class of citizens whose rights had been violated; they were gained over a nation whom long continued success had taught to consider themselves lords of the sea, and who had confidently affirmed that the whole American navy would soon be swept from the ocean. Many British merchantmen were also captured, both by the American navy and by privateers, which issued from almost every port, and were remarkably successful. The number of prizes made during the first seven months of the war exceeded five hundred.

At the commencement of the session of congress held in the autumn of 1812, the president, in his message, stated that immediately after the declaration of war, he communicated to the British government the terms on which its progress might be arrested; that these terms were, the repeal of the orders in council, the discharge of American seamen, and the abandonment of the practice of impressment; and that the ministry had declined to accede to his offers. He also stated that, at an early period of the war, he had received official information of the repeal of the orders in council; that two propositions for an armistice had been made to him, both of which he had rejected, as they could not have been accepted without conceding to Great Britain the right of impressment. The rejection of these propositions was approved by the national representatives, who, far from abandoning the ground they had taken, adopted more vigorous measures for the prosecution of the war.

While the war was proceeding in America, a friendly power abroad interposed for its termination. Soon after the spring session of congress, an offer was communicated from the emperor of Russia of his mediation, as the common friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The offer was immediately accepted by the American government, and provision made for the contemplated negotiation. Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, and John Quincy Adams, were appointed commissioners, and invested with the requisite powers to conclude a treaty of peace with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great Britain. They were also authorized to enter into such conventional regulations of the commerce between the two countries as might be mutually advantageous. The two first-named envoys proceeded to join their colleague at St. Petersburgh, where he then was as resident minister from the United States. A commission was also given to the envoys, authorizing them to conclude a treaty of commerce with Russia, with a view to strengthen the amicable relations, and improve the beneficial intercourse, between the two countries.

On the 24th of May, congress was convened by proclamation of the president. Laws were enacted, imposing a direct tax of three millions of dollars; authorizing the collection of various internal duties; providing for a loan of seven and a half millions of dollars; and prohibiting the merchant vessels of the United States from sailing under British licenses. Near the close of the session, a committee appointed to inquire into the subject made a long report upon the spirit and manner in which the war had been conducted by the British.

The scene of the campaign of 1813 was principally in the north, towards Canada. Brigadier-general Winchester, of the United States army, and nearly five hundred men, officers and soldiers, were made prisoners at Frenchtown, by a division of the British army from Detroit, with their Indian allies, under colonel Proctor. Colonel Proctor leaving the wounded Americans without a guard, the Indians returned, and deeds of horror followed. The wounded officers were dragged from the houses, killed, and scalped in the streets. The buildings were set on fire. Some who attempted to escape were forced back into the flames, while others were put to death by the tomahawk, and left shockingly mangled in the highway. The infamy of this butchery does not fall upon the perpetrators alone, but extends to those who were able, and were bound by a solemn engagement, to restrain them. The battle and massacre at Frenchtown clothed Kentucky and Ohio in mourning. Other volunteers, indignant at the treachery and cruelty of their foes, hastened to the aid of Harrison. He marched to the rapids of the Miami, where he erected a fort, which he called fort Meigs, in honor of the governor of Ohio. On the 1st of May it was invested by a large number of Indians, and by a party of British troops from Malden, the whole commanded by colonel Proctor. An unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege was made by general Clay, at the head of twelve hundred Kentuckians; but the fort continued to be defended with bravery and skill. The Indians, unaccustomed to sieges, became weary and discontented; and, on the 8th of May, they deserted their allies. The British, despairing of success, then made a precipitate retreat.

On the northern frontier a body of troops had been assembled, under the command of general Dearborn, at Sackett’s Harbor, and great exertions were made by commodore Chauncey to build and equip a squadron on lake Ontario, sufficiently powerful to contend with that of the British. By the 25th of April the naval preparations were so far completed, that the general and seventeen thousand troops were conveyed across the lake to the attack of York, the capital of Upper Canada. On the 27th, an advanced party, commanded by brigadier-general Pike, who was born in a camp, and bred a soldier from his birth, landed, although opposed at the water’s edge by a superior force. After a short but severe conflict, the British were driven to their fortifications. The rest of the troops having landed, the whole party pressed forward, carried the first battery by assault, and were moving towards the main works, when the English magazine blew up, with a tremendous explosion, hurling upon the advancing troops immense quantities of stone and timber. Numbers were killed; the gallant Pike received a mortal wound; the troops halted for a moment, but, recovering from the shock, again pressed forward, and soon gained possession of the town. Of the British troops, one hundred were killed, nearly three hundred were wounded, and the same number made prisoners.

The object of the expedition attained, the squadron and troops returned to Sackett’s Harbor, and subsequently sailed to fort George, situated at the head of the lake. After a warm engagement, the British abandoned the fort, and retired to the heights at the head of Burlington bay.

While the greater part of the American army was thus employed, the British made an attack upon the important post of Sackett’s Harbor. On the 27th of May, their squadron appeared before the town. Alarm guns instantly assembled the citizens of the neighborhood. General Brown’s force amounted to about one thousand men; a slight breastwork was hastily thrown up at the only place where the British could land, and behind this he placed the militia, the regulars, under colonel Backus, forming a second line. On the morning of the 29th, one thousand British troops landed from the squadron, and advanced towards the breastwork; the militia gave way, but by the bravery of the regulars, under the skilful arrangement of general Brown, the British were repulsed, and re-embarked so hastily as to leave behind most of their wounded.

The sea-coast was harassed by predatory warfare, carried on by large detachments from the powerful navy of Great Britain. One squadron, stationed in Delaware bay, captured and burnt every merchant vessel which came within its reach, while a more powerful squadron, commanded by admiral Cockburn, destroyed the farm-houses and gentlemen’s seats along the shore of Chesapeake bay. Frenchtown, Havre-de-Grace, Fredericktown, and Georgetown were sacked and burnt. Norfolk was saved from a similar fate by the determined bravery of a small force stationed on Craney island, in the harbor. A furious attack was made upon Hampton, which, notwithstanding the gallant resistance of its small garrison, was captured.

The ocean was the theatre of sanguinary conflicts. Captain Lawrence, in the sloop of war Hornet, on the 23d of February, met the British brig Peacock, and a fierce combat ensued. In less than fifteen minutes the Peacock struck her colors, displaying at the same time a signal of distress. The victors hastened to the relief of the vanquished; the same strength which had been exerted to conquer was equally ready to save; but the Peacock sunk before all her crew could be removed, carrying down nine British seamen, and three brave and generous Americans. On his return to the United States, captain Lawrence was promoted to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, then in the harbor of Boston. For several weeks the British frigate Shannon, of superior force, had been cruising before the port; and captain Broke, her commander, had announced his wish to meet, in single combat, an American frigate. Inflamed by this challenge, captain Lawrence, although his crew was just enlisted, set sail on the 1st of June to seek the Shannon. Towards evening of the same day they met, and instantly engaged, with unexampled fury. In a very few minutes, and in quick succession, the sailing master of the Chesapeake was killed, captain Lawrence and three lieutenants were severely wounded, her rigging was so cut to pieces that she fell on board the Shannon, captain Lawrence received a second and mortal wound, and was carried below; at this instant, captain Broke, at the head of his marines, gallantly boarded the Chesapeake, when resistance ceased, and the American flag was struck by the British. Of the crew of the Shannon twenty-four were killed and fifty-six wounded. Of that of the Chesapeake, forty-eight were killed and nearly one hundred wounded. The youthful and intrepid Lawrence was lamented, with sorrow deep, sincere, and lasting.[146]

The next encounter at sea was between the American brig Argus and the British brig Pelican, in which the latter was victorious. Soon after, the American brig Enterprise, commanded by lieutenant Burrows, captured the British brig Boxer, commanded by captain Blyth. Both commanders were killed in the action, and were buried, each by the other’s side, in Portland.

While each nation was busily employed in equipping a squadron on lake Erie, general Clay remained inactive at fort Meigs. About the last of July, a large number of British and Indians appeared before the fort, hoping to entice the garrison to a general action in the field. After waiting a few days without succeeding, they decamped, and proceeded to fort Stephenson, on the river Sandusky. This fort was little more than a picketing, surrounded by a ditch, and the garrison consisted of but one hundred and sixty men, who were commanded by major Croghan, a youth of twenty-one. The force of the assailants was estimated at about four hundred in uniform, and as many Indians; they were repulsed, and their loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, is supposed to have exceeded one hundred and fifty; those of the remainder who were not able to escape were taken off during the night by the Indians. The whole loss of major Croghan during the siege was one killed and seven slightly wounded. About three the next morning the British sailed down the river, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing and considerable military stores.

By the exertions of commodore Perry, an American squadron had been fitted out on lake Erie early in September. It consisted of nine small vessels, in all carrying fifty-four guns. A British squadron had also been built and equipped, under the superintendence of commodore Barclay. It consisted of six vessels, mounting sixty-three guns. Commodore Perry, immediately sailing, offered battle to his adversary, and on the 10th of September the British commander left the harbor of Malden to accept the offer. In a few hours the wind shifted, giving the Americans the advantage. Perry, forming the line of battle, hoisted his flag, on which were inscribed the words of the dying Lawrence, ‘Don’t give up the ship.’ Loud huzzas from all the vessels proclaimed the animation which this motto inspired. About noon the firing commenced; and after a short action two of the British vessels surrendered, and the rest of the American squadron now joining in the battle, the victory was rendered decisive and complete. The British loss was forty-one killed, and ninety-four wounded. The American loss was twenty-seven killed, and ninety-six wounded, of which number twenty-one were killed and sixty-two wounded on board the flagship Lawrence, whose whole complement of able-bodied men before the action was about one hundred. The commodore gave intelligence of the victory to general Harrison in these words: ‘We have met the enemy, and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop.’

The Americans were now masters of the lake; but the territory of Michigan was still in the possession of colonel Proctor. The next movements were against the British and Indians at Detroit and Malden. General Harrison had previously assembled a portion of the Ohio militia on the Sandusky river; and on the 7th of September four thousand from Kentucky, the flower of the state, with governor Shelby at their head, arrived at his camp. With the co-operation of the fleet, it was determined to proceed at once to Malden. On the 27th the troops were received on board, and reached Malden on the same day; but the British had, in the mean time, destroyed the fort and public stores, and had retreated along the Thames towards the Moravian villages, together with Tecumseh’s Indians, amounting to twelve or fifteen hundred. It was now resolved to proceed in pursuit of Proctor. On the 5th of October a severe battle was fought between the two armies at the river Thames, and the British army was taken by the Americans. In this battle Tecumseh was killed, and the Indians fled. The British loss was nineteen regulars killed, and fifty wounded, and about six hundred prisoners. The American loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to upwards of fifty. Proctor made his escape down the Thames.

On the 29th of September the Americans took possession of Detroit, which, on the approach of Harrison’s army, had been abandoned by the British. Preparations were now made for subduing Upper Canada, and taking Montreal; but owing to the difficulties attending the concentration of the troops, and perhaps also to the want of vigor in the commanders, that project was abandoned, and the army under Wilkinson, marching to French Mills, there encamped for the winter. This abortive issue of the campaign occasioned murmurs throughout the nation, and the causes which led to it have never been fully developed. The severest censure fell upon general Armstrong, who was secretary of war, and upon general Hampton. The latter soon after resigned his commission in the army, and general Izard was selected to command the post at Plattsburgh.

Major-general Harrison, commander-in-chief of the eighth military district in the United States, issued a proclamation, stating, that the enemy having been driven from the territory of Michigan, and a part of the army under his command having taken possession of it, it became necessary that the civil government of the territory should be re-established, and the former officers resume the exercise of their authority. He therefore proclaimed, that all appointments and commissions which have been derived from British officers were at an end; that the citizens were restored to all the rights and privileges which they enjoyed previously to the capitulation made by general Hull on the 15th of August, 1812; and, until the will of the government should be known, directed that all persons having civil offices in the territory of Michigan, at the period of the capitulation of Detroit, should resume the exercise of the powers appertaining to their offices respectively.

The United States squadron, chased by commodore Hardy with a superior naval force, had taken refuge in the harbor of New London, where the decayed and feeble state of the fortifications afforded a precarious defence. The menacing appearance of the British squadron at the entrance of the harbor, and the strong probability that the town would be destroyed in the conflict, which had been long expected, produced among the inhabitants the greatest consternation. In this moment of alarm, the major-general of the third division, and the brigadier-general of the third brigade, considered themselves justified, at the earnest entreaty of the citizens, in summoning the militia to their assistance. Governor Smith, of Connecticut, approved this proceeding, and immediately forwarded supplies, and adopted measures of defence. ‘On this occasion,’ said the governor to the legislature, ‘I could not hesitate as to the course which it became my duty to pursue. The government of Connecticut, the last to invite hostilities, should be the first to repel aggression.’

The Indians at the southern extremity of the Union had imbibed the same hostile spirit as those at the north-western. They had been visited by Tecumseh, and by his eloquence had been persuaded that the Great Spirit required them to unite and attempt the extirpation of the whites. In the fall of 1812, a cruel war was carried on by the Creeks and Seminoles against the frontier inhabitants of Georgia. General Jackson, at the head of two thousand five hundred volunteers from Tennessee, marched into the country of the Indians. Overawed by his presence, they desisted for a time from hostility; but, after his return, their animosity burst forth with increased and fatal violence. Dreading their cruelty, about three hundred men, women, and children, sought safety in fort Mimms, in the Tensaw settlement. Although frequent warnings of an intended attack had been given them, yet, at noonday, on the 30th of August, they were surprised by a party of six hundred Indians, who, with axes, cut their way into the fort, and drove the people into the houses which it inclosed. To these they set fire. Many persons were burnt, and many killed by the tomahawk. Only seventeen escaped to carry the horrid tidings to the neighboring stations. The whites resolved on vengeance.

Again general Jackson, at the head of three thousand five hundred militia of Tennessee, marched into the southern wilderness. A detachment under general Coffee encountering at Tallushatchie a body of Indians, a sanguinary conflict ensued. The latter fought with desperation, neither giving nor receiving quarter, until nearly every warrior had perished. Yet still was the spirit of the Creeks unsubdued, and their faith in victory unshaken. With no little sagacity and skill they selected and fortified another position on the Tallapoosa, called by themselves Tohopeka, and by the whites Horseshoe Bend. Here nearly a thousand warriors, animated with a fierce and determined resolution, were collected. Three thousand men, commanded by general Jackson, marched to attack this post. To prevent escape, a detachment under general Coffee encircled the Bend. The main body advanced to the fortress; and for a few minutes the opposing forces were engaged muzzle to muzzle at the port-holes; but at length the troops, leaping over the walls, mingled in furious combat with the savages. When the Indians, fleeing to the river, beheld the troops on the opposite bank, they returned and fought with increased fury and desperation. Six hundred warriors were killed; four only yielded themselves prisoners; the remaining three hundred escaped. Of the whites, fifty-five were killed, and one hundred and forty-six wounded.

It was deemed probable that further resistance would be made by the Indians at a place called the Hickory-ground; but on general Jackson’s arriving thither in April, 1814, the principal chiefs came out to meet him, and among them was Wetherford, a half-blood, distinguished equally for his talents and cruelty. ‘I am in your power,’ said he; ‘do with me what you please. I have done the white people all the harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them bravely. There was a time when I had a choice; I have none now, even hope is ended. Once I could animate my warriors; but I cannot animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice; their bones are at Tallushatchie, Talladega, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. While there was a chance of success I never supplicated peace; but my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation and myself.’ Peace was concluded, and general Jackson and his troops enjoyed an honorable but short repose.

It was the declared intention of the British to lay waste the whole American coast, from Maine to Georgia. Of this intention demonstration was made by their descent upon Pettipauge, and the destruction which followed in that harbor. Early in April, a number of British barges, supposed to contain about two hundred and twenty men, entered the mouth of Connecticut river, passed up seven or eight miles, and came on shore at a part of Saybrook called Pettipauge, where they destroyed about twenty-five vessels. Guards of militia were placed without delay at nearly all the vulnerable points on the seaboard, and where troops could not be stationed patrols of videttes were constantly maintained.

On the 25th of April, admiral Cochrane declared, in addition to the ports and places blockaded by admiral Warren, all the remaining ports, harbors, bays, creeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, islands, and sea-coasts of the United States, from Black Point, on Long Island sound, to the northern and eastern boundaries between the United States and the British province of New Brunswick, to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade. On the other hand, the president of the United States issued a proclamation, declaring that the blockade proclaimed by the British of the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly two thousand miles in extent, being incapable of execution by any adequate force actually stationed for the purpose, formed no lawful prohibition or obstacle to such neutral and friendly vessels as may choose to visit and trade with the United States; and strictly ordered and instructed all the public armed vessels of the United States, and all private armed vessels commissioned as privateers, or with letters of marque and reprisal, not to interrupt, detain, or molest any vessels belonging to neutral powers, bound to any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States; but, on the contrary, to render all such vessels all the aid and kind offices which they might need or require.

The pacification in Europe offered to the British a large disposable force, both naval and military, and with it the means of giving to the war in America a character of new and increased activity and extent. The friends of the administration anticipated a severer conflict, and prepared for greater sacrifices and greater sufferings. Its opposers, where difficulties thickened and danger pressed, were encouraged to make more vigorous efforts to wrest the reins of authority from men who, they asserted, had shown themselves incompetent to hold them. The president deemed it advisable to strengthen the line of the Atlantic, and therefore called on the executive of several states to organize and hold in readiness for immediate service a corps of ninety-three thousand five hundred men.

The hostile movements on the northern frontier were now becoming vigorous and interesting. In the beginning of July, general Brown, who had been assiduously employed in disciplining his troops, crossed the Niagara with about three thousand men, and took possession, without opposition, of fort Erie. In a strong position at Chippewa, a few miles distant, was intrenched an equal number of British troops, commanded by general Riall. On the 4th, general Brown approached their works; and the next day, on the plains of Chippewa, an obstinate and sanguinary battle was fought, which compelled the British to retire to their intrenchments. In this action, which was fought with great judgment and coolness on both sides, the loss of the Americans was about four hundred men, that of the British was upwards of five hundred. Soon afterwards, general Riall, abandoning his works, retired to the heights of Burlington. Here lieutenant-general Drummond, with a large reinforcement, joined him, and assuming the command, led back the army towards the American camp. On the 25th was fought the battle of Bridgewater, which began at four in the afternoon and continued until midnight. After a desperate conflict the British troops were withdrawn, and the Americans left in possession of the field.

The loss on both sides was severe, and nearly equal. Generals Brown and Scott having both been severely wounded, the command devolved upon general Ripley. He remained a few hours upon the hill, collected the wounded, and then returned unmolested to the camp. This battle was fought near the cataract of Niagara, whose roar was silenced by the thunder of cannon and the din of arms, but was distinctly heard during the pauses of the fight. The American general found his force so much weakened, that he deemed it prudent again to occupy fort Erie. On the 4th of August it was invested by general Drummond with five thousand troops. In the night between the 14th and 15th, the besiegers made a daring assault upon the fort, which was repelled with conspicuous gallantry by the garrison, the former losing more than nine hundred men, the latter but eighty-four. The siege was still continued. On the 2d of September, general Brown, having recovered from his wounds, threw himself into the fort, and took command of the garrison. For their fate great anxiety was felt by the nation, which was, however, in some degree, removed by the march from Plattsburgh of five thousand men to their relief. After an hour of close fighting they entered the fort, having killed, wounded, and taken one thousand of the British. The loss of the Americans was also considerable, amounting to more than five hundred. On the 21st of September, the forty-ninth day of the siege, general Drummond withdrew his forces.

The march of the troops from Plattsburgh having left that post almost defenceless, the enemy determined to attack it by land, and, at the same time, to attempt the destruction of the American flotilla on lake Champlain. On the 3d of September, Sir George Prevost, the governor-general of Canada, at the head of fourteen thousand men, entered the territories of the United States. On the 6th they arrived at Plattsburgh. It is situated near lake Champlain, on the northern bank of the small river Saranac. On their approach, the American troops, who were posted on the opposite bank, tore up the planks of the bridges, with which they formed slight breastworks, and prepared to dispute the passage of the stream. The British employed themselves for several days in erecting batteries, while the American forces were daily augmented by the arrival of volunteers and militia. Early in the morning of the 11th, the British squadron, commanded by commodore Downe, appeared off the harbor of Plattsburgh, where that of the United States, commanded by commodore M’Donough, lay at anchor prepared for battle. At nine o’clock the action commenced. Seldom has there been a more furious encounter than the bosom of this transparent and peaceful lake was now called to witness. During the naval conflict the British on land began a heavy cannonade upon the American lines, and attempted at different places to cross the Saranac; but as often as the British advanced into the water they were repelled by a destructive fire from the militia. At half-past eleven the shout of victory heard along the American lines announced the result of the battle on the lake. Thus deprived of naval aid, in the afternoon the British withdrew to their intrenchments, and in the night they commenced a precipitate retreat. Upon the lake the American loss was one hundred and ten; the British, one hundred and ninety-four, besides prisoners. On land, the American loss was one hundred and nineteen; that of the British has been estimated as high as two thousand five hundred.

The inhabitants of the middle and southern states, anticipating a great augmentation of the English force, and uncertain where the blow would fall, made exertions to place every exposed position in a posture of defence. About the middle of August, a British squadron of between fifty and sixty sail arrived in the Chesapeake, with troops destined for the attack of Washington, the capital of the United States.

A body of five thousand of them having landed, an action was fought at Bladensburg, six miles from Washington. General Winder commanded the whole American force; commodore Barney the flotilla. The British were commanded by major-general Ross and rear-admiral Cockburn. The Americans were repulsed, and the British advanced towards the capital. A body of militia had been assembled in this emergency; but the president and heads of departments, on reviewing the force brought out for defence, despaired of success, and dispersed. General Ross, at the head of about seven hundred men, took possession of Washington, and burned the capitol, or senate-house, the president’s house, and public offices, the arsenal, the navy yard, and the bridge over the Potomac. The loss of the British in this expedition was nearly a thousand men, in killed, wounded, and missing; the loss of the Americans was ten or twelve killed, and thirty or forty wounded. Commodore Barney’s horse was killed under him, and himself wounded in the thigh and taken prisoner; but he was parolled on the field of battle for his bravery. The capture of Washington reflected no credit upon those by whom it ought to have been defended; but the destruction of the national edifices was still more disgraceful to the character of the invaders. The whole civilized world exclaimed against the act, as a violation of the rules of modern warfare. The capitals of most of the European kingdoms had lately been in the power of an enemy; but in no instance had the conqueror been guilty of similar conduct. The act was also as impolitic as it was barbarous; it naturally excited an indignant spirit throughout the republic, and led its inhabitants to vie with each other in exerting all their faculties to overcome the ravagers of their country.

After the capture of Washington, the British army re-embarked on board the fleet in the Patuxent, and admiral Cockburn moved down that river, and proceeded up the Chesapeake. On the 29th of August the corporation of Alexandria submitted to articles of capitulation, and the city was delivered up to the British. On the 11th of September the British admiral appeared at the mouth of the Patapsco, fourteen miles from Baltimore, with a fleet of ships of war and transports amounting to fifty sail. The next day six thousand troops were landed at North point, and commenced their march towards the city. In this march, when the foremost ranks were harassed by a brisk fire from a wood, major-general Ross was mortally wounded. A battle was fought on this day. The American forces, the militia, and the inhabitants of Baltimore, made a gallant defence, but were compelled to retreat; the British, however, abandoning the attempt to get possession of the city, retired to their shipping during the night of the 13th of September.

On the ocean, the Essex, commanded by captain Porter, after a bloody combat, struck to a British frigate and sloop of war, whose united force was much superior. The American sloop Peacock captured the Epervier, of equal force. The sloop Wasp, commanded by captain Blakely, captured the Reindeer, and afterwards, in the same cruise, sunk the Avon, both of superior force. She made several other prizes, but never returned into port; she probably foundered at sea.

The closing scene of this unnecessary and disgraceful war, the more detestable when contemplated as a series of human sacrifices for the preservation of a commercial system, was creditable to the genius and bravery of the American republic. The operations of the British in Louisiana were commenced by a small expedition, the naval part under the command of captain Percy, and the troops under colonel Nicholls. They landed and took forcible possession of Pensacola, and were aided by the Spaniards in all their proceedings; they collected all the Indians that would resort to their standard; and colonel Nicholls then sent an officer to the piratical establishment at Barataria to enlist the chief, Lafitte, and his followers in their cause; the most liberal and tempting offers were made them.

These people, however, showed a decided preference for the American cause; they deceived the English by delay; conveyed intelligence of their designs to the governor at New Orleans, and offered their services to defend the country. Disappointed in securing their aid, the expedition proceeded to the attack of fort Bowyer, on Mobile point, commanded by major Lawrence, with one hundred and thirty men. The result, however, was a loss to the besiegers of more than two hundred men; the commodore’s ship was so disabled that they set fire to her, and she blew up, and the remaining three vessels, shattered and filled with wounded men, returned to Pensacola. While the British thus sheltered in this place, where they were busily occupied in bringing over the Indians to join them, general Jackson formed an expedition of about four thousand men, regulars and militia, to dislodge them. He summoned the town, was refused entrance by the Spanish governor, and his flag of truce was fired upon; the British soldiers being in the forts, where their flag had been hoisted, in conjunction with the Spanish, the day before the American forces appeared. Preparations were immediately made to carry the place; one battery having been taken by storm, with slight loss on either side, the governor surrendered, the English having previously retired on board their ships. The forts below, which commanded the passage, were blown up, and this enabled the English fleet to put to sea.

General Jackson then evacuated the Spanish territory, and marched his troops back to Mobile and New Orleans, which he reached on the second day of December. Having reviewed a corps of volunteers the day of his arrival, he immediately proceeded to visit every post in the neighborhood, to give orders for adding fortifications, and establishing defensive works and outposts in every spot where the enemy might be expected, as there was the greatest uncertainty where a landing would be made; he mingled with the citizens, and infused into the greater part his own spirit and energy. By his presence and exhortations they were animated to exertions of which before they were not supposed to be capable. All who could wield a spade, or carry a musket, were either put to work upon the fortifications, or trained in the art of defending them. The Mississippi, upon the eastern bank of which New Orleans stands, flows to the ocean in several channels; one, leaving the main stream above the city, runs east of it, and forms in its course lake Pontchartrain and lake Borgne. Early in December, the British entered this channel, with a force of about eight thousand men, a part of whom had just left the shores of the Chesapeake, the remainder having arrived direct from England.

A small squadron of gun-boats, under lieutenant Jones, was despatched to oppose their passage into the lake. These were met by a superior force, and after a spirited conflict, in which the killed and wounded of the British exceeded the whole number of the Americans, they were compelled to surrender. The loss of the gun-boats left no means of watching the movements of the enemy, or of ascertaining where the landing would be made. Orders were given for increased vigilance at every post; the people of color were formed into a battalion; the offer of the Baratarians to volunteer, on condition of a pardon for previous offences, if they conducted themselves with bravery and fidelity, was accepted. General Jackson, after applying to the legislature to suspend the act of habeas corpus, and finding that they were consuming these extreme moments in discussion, proclaimed martial law, and from that moment his means became more commensurate with the weight of responsibility he had to sustain.

On the 22d the British, having landed, took a position near the main channel of the river, about eight miles below the city. In the evening of the 23d, general Jackson made a sudden and furious attack upon their camp. They were thrown into disorder; but they soon rallied, and fought with a bravery at least equal to that of the assailants. Satisfied with the advantage first gained, he withdrew his troops, fortified a strong position four miles below New Orleans, and supported it by batteries erected on the west bank of the river. On the 28th of December, and the 1st of January, vigorous but unsuccessful attacks were made upon these fortifications by the English. In the mean time both armies had received reinforcements; and general Sir E. Packenham, the British commander, resolved to exert all his strength in a combined attack upon the American positions on both sides of the river. With almost incredible industry, he caused a canal, leading from a creek emptying itself into lake Borgne to the main channel of the Mississippi, to be dug, that he might remove a part of his boats and artillery to that river. On the 7th of January, from the movements observed in the British camp, a speedy attack was anticipated. This was made early on the 8th. The British troops, formed in a close column of about sixty men in front, the men shouldering their muskets, all carrying fascines, and some with ladders, advanced towards the American fortifications, from whence an incessant fire was kept up on the column, which continued to advance, until the musketry of the troops of Tennessee and Kentucky, joined with the fire of the artillery, began to make an impression on it which soon threw it into confusion.

For some time the British officers succeeded in animating the courage of their troops, making them advance obliquely to the left, to avoid the fire of a battery, every discharge from which opened the column, and mowed down whole files, which were almost instantaneously replaced by new troops coming up close after the first; but these also shared the same fate, until at last, after twenty-five minutes’ continual firing, through which a few platoons advanced to the edge of the ditch, the column entirely broke, and part of the troops dispersed, and ran to take shelter among the bushes on the right. The rest retired to the ditch where they had been when first perceived, four hundred yards from the American lines. There the officers with some difficulty rallied their troops, and again drew them up for a second attack, the soldiers having laid down their knapsacks at the edge of the ditch, that they might be less encumbered. And now, for the second time, the column, recruited with the troops that formed the rear, advanced. Again it was received with the same galling fire of musketry and artillery, till it at last broke again, and retired in the utmost confusion. In vain did the officers now endeavor, as before, to revive the courage of their men; to no purpose did they strike them with the flat of their swords, to force them to advance; they were insensible of every thing but danger, and saw nothing but death, which had struck so many of their comrades.

The attack had hardly begun, when the British commander-in-chief, Sir Edward Packenham, fell a victim to his own intrepidity, while endeavoring to animate his troops with ardor for the assault. Soon after his fall, two other generals, Keane and Gibbs, were carried off the field of battle, dangerously wounded. A great number of officers of rank had fallen; the ground over which the column had marched was strewed with the dead and wounded. Such slaughter on their side, with scarcely any loss on the American, spread consternation through the British ranks, as they were now convinced of the impossibility of carrying the lines, and saw that even to advance was certain death. Some of the British troops had penetrated into the wood towards the extremity of the American line, to make a false attack, or to ascertain whether a real one were practicable. These the troops under general Coffee no sooner perceived, than they opened on them a brisk fire with their rifles, which made them retire. The greater part of those who, on the column’s being repulsed, had taken shelter in the thickets, only escaped the batteries to be killed by the musketry. During the whole hour that the attack lasted, the American fire did not slacken for a single moment. By half after eight in the morning, the fire of the musketry had ceased. The whole plain on the left, as also the side of the river, from the road to the edge of the water, was covered with the British soldiers who had fallen. About four hundred wounded prisoners were taken, and at least double that number of wounded men escaped into the British camp; and a space of ground, extending from the ditch of the American lines to that on which the enemy drew up his troops, two hundred and fifty yards in length, by about two hundred in breadth, was literally covered with men, either dead or severely wounded.[147] Perhaps a greater disparity of loss never occurred; that of the British in killed, wounded, and prisoners, in this attack, which was not made with sufficient judgment, and which, besides, was embarrassed by unforeseen circumstances, was upwards of two thousand men; the killed and wounded of the Americans was only thirteen.

The events of the day on the west side of the river present a striking instance of the uncertainty of military operations. There the Americans were thrice the number of their brave assailants, and were protected by intrenchments; but they ingloriously fled. They were closely pursued, until the British party, receiving intelligence of the defeat of the main army, withdrew from pursuit, and recrossed the river. They then returned and resumed possession of their intrenchments. General Lambert, upon whom the command of the British army had devolved, having lost all hopes of success, prepared to return to his shipping. In his retreat he was not molested; general Jackson wisely resolving to hazard nothing that he had gained in attempting to gain still more.

The Americans naturally indulged in great joy for this signal victory. Te Deum was sung at New Orleans, and every demonstration of gratitude manifested by the inhabitants of the Union generally. The state of Louisiana passed votes of thanks to several of the officers concerned in the defence, and omitted general Jackson, in consequence of his having set aside the action of the civil authorities and proclaimed martial law.

Although the results of the war had been honorable to the American arms, a large portion of the inhabitants of the New England states were unceasingly opposed to the measures of the administration. The governor of Massachusetts convoked the general court of that state; the legislature of Connecticut was about to hold its usual semi-annual session; and the legislature of Rhode Island also assembled. When these several bodies met, what should be done in this unexampled state of affairs became a subject of most solemn deliberation. To insure unity of views and concert in action, the legislature of Massachusetts proposed a ‘conference,’ by delegates from the legislatures of the New England states, and of any other states that might accede to the measure. Their resolution for this purpose, and the circular letter accompanying it, show, that the duty proposed to be assigned to these delegates was merely to devise and recommend to the states measures for their security and defence, and such measures as were ‘not repugnant to their federal obligations as members of the Union.’

The proposition was readily assented to by several states, and the delegates appointed in pursuance of it met at Hartford, on the 15th of December following. The convention recommended, 1. That the states they represent take measures to protect their citizens from ‘forcible draughts, conscriptions, or impressments, not authorized by the constitution of the United States.’ 2. That an earnest application be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the states separately, or in concert, may take upon themselves the defence of their territory against the enemy, and that a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within the states be appropriated to this object. 3. That the several governors be authorized by law to employ the military force under their command in assisting any state requesting it, to repel the invasions of the public enemy. 4. That several amendments of the constitution of the United States, calculated in their view to prevent a recurrence of the evils of which they complain, be proposed by the states they represent for adoption either by the states’ legislatures, or by a convention chosen by the people of each state. Lastly, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defence of these states be still neglected, it would, in their opinion, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in June, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. The effect of these proceedings upon the public mind in the aggrieved states was alike seasonable and salutary. The very proposal to call a convention, and the confidence reposed in the men delegated to that trust, served greatly to allay the passions, and to inspire confidence and hope. Nor was the influence of this body upon the national councils less perceptible. Within three weeks after the adjournment of the convention and the publication of their report, an act passed both houses of the national legislature, and received the signature of the president, authorizing and requiring him to ‘receive into the service of the United States any corps of troops which may have been or may be raised, organized, and officered, under the authority of any of the states,’ to be ‘employed in the state raising the same, or an adjoining state, and not elsewhere, except with the consent of the executive of the state raising the same.’ Before the commissioners who were sent to confer with the government could reach Washington, a bill passed the senate, providing for the payment of the troops and militia already called into service under the authority of the states. The arrival of the treaty of peace at this juncture rendered all farther proceedings unnecessary.

During the preceding year the British government had declined to treat under the mediation of Russia, and a direct negotiation had been agreed on. Ghent was ultimately determined as the place of meeting; and in the autumn of 1814 the commissioners prosecuted their labors, but at first with very doubtful success. By the 24th of December a treaty was agreed upon and signed by the plenipotentiaries of the respective powers at Ghent; and in February of the following year it received the ratification of the president.[148]

While the people of the United States were rejoicing at the return of peace, their attention was called to a new scene of war. By a message from the president to the house of representatives, with a report of the secretary of state, it appeared that the dey of Algiers had violently, and without just cause, obliged the consul of the United States, and all the American citizens in Algiers, to leave that place, in violation of the treaty then subsisting between the two nations; that he had exacted from the consul, under pain of immediate imprisonment, a large sum of money, to which he had no just claim; and that these acts of violence and outrage had been followed by the capture of at least one American vessel, and by the seizure of an American citizen on board of a neutral vessel; that the captured persons were yet held in captivity, with the exception of two of them, who had been ransomed; that every effort to obtain the release of the others had proved abortive; and that there was some reason to believe they were held by the dey as means by which he calculated to extort from the United States a degrading treaty. The president observed, that the considerations which rendered it unnecessary and unimportant to commence hostile operations on the part of the United States were now terminated by the peace with Great Britain, which opened the prospect of an active and valuable trade of their citizens within the range of the Algerine cruisers; and recommended to congress the consideration of an act declaring the existence of a state of war between the United States and the dey of Algiers, and of such provisions as might be requisite for the prosecution of it to a successful issue. A committee of congress, to whom was referred a bill ‘for the protection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerine cruisers,’ after a statement of facts, concluded their report by expressing their united opinion, ‘that the dey of Algiers considers his treaty with the United States as at an end, and is waging war with them;’ and in March war was declared against the Algerines.

An expedition was immediately ordered to the Mediterranean, under the command of commodore Bainbridge. The squadron in advance on that service, under commodore Decatur, lost not a moment after its arrival in the Mediterranean in seeking the naval force of the enemy, then cruising in that sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them commanded by the Algerine admiral. The American commander, after this demonstration of skill and prowess, hastened to the port of Algiers, where he readily obtained peace, in the stipulated terms of which the rights and honor of the United States were particularly consulted by a perpetual relinquishment, on the part of the dey, of all pretensions to tribute from them. The impressions thus made, strengthened by subsequent transactions with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, by the appearance of the larger force which followed under commodore Bainbridge, and by the judicious precautionary arrangements left by him in that quarter, afforded a reasonable prospect of future security for the valuable portion of American commerce which passes within reach of the Barbary cruisers.

President Madison, in his message to the congress of 1816, having adverted to the peace of Europe and to that of the United States with Great Britain, said, he had the ‘satisfaction to state, generally, that they remained in amity with foreign powers.’ He proceeded to say, that the posture of affairs with Algiers at that moment was not known; but that the dey had found a pretext for complaining of a violation of the last treaty, and presenting as the alternative war or a renewal of the former treaty, which stipulated, among other things, an annual tribute. ‘The answer,’ says the president, ‘with an explicit declaration that the United States preferred war to tribute, required his recognition and observance of the treaty last made, which abolishes tribute, and the slavery of our captured citizens. The result of the answer had not been received. Should he renew his warfare on our commerce, we rely on the protection it will find in our naval force actually in the Mediterranean. With the other Barbary states our affairs have undergone no change. With reference to the aborigines of our own country,’ he continues, ‘the Indian tribes within our limits appear also disposed to remain in peace. From several of them purchases of lands have been made, particularly favorable to the wishes and security of our frontier settlements as well as to the general interests of the nation. In some instances, the titles, though not supported by due proof, and clashing those of one tribe with the claims of another, have been extinguished by double purchases, the benevolent policy of the United States preferring the augmented expense to the hazard of doing injustice, or to the enforcement of justice against a feeble and untutored people, by means involving or threatening an effusion of blood. I am happy to add that the tranquillity which has been restored among the tribes themselves, as well as between them and our own population, will favor the resumption of the work of civilization, which had made an encouraging progress among some tribes; and that the facility is increasing for extending that divided and individual ownership, which exists now in movable property only, to the soil itself; and of thus establishing, in the culture and improvement of it, the true foundation for a transit from the habits of a savage to the arts and comforts of social life.’

The doubtful state of the relations between the United States and the dey of Algiers, to which the president alluded in his message, arose either from a strong impulse of the love of extortion in the dey, or from the influence of some foreign personages; the rising differences were, however, settled by the prudent management of the American consul, Mr. Shaler, and peace has not since been broken on the part of the Algerines.

Among the incidents of domestic interest which indicate the rapid growth and increasing prosperity of the republic, we may notice the formation of the territory of Indiana into a state, and its admission into the Union; the progress of canals in various states; the institution of a national bank; and the arrival of many thousand emigrants, chiefly from Great Britain. Treaties were, during this year, negotiated with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee Indians, ceding large portions of their respective territories to the United States, and acknowledging their tribes to be under the protection of the republic.

ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE.

The term of Mr. Madison’s administration having expired in the year 1817, James Monroe was inaugurated president, and Daniel D. Tompkins vice-president. In his speech to congress on his inauguration, the president expresses sentiments in which every true friend to the human race will fully concur. ‘It is particularly gratifying to me,’ says Mr. Monroe, ‘to enter on the discharge of these official duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the executive, on just principles, with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due.’

During this year the republic received another accession by the erection of the territory of Mississippi into a state, and its admission into the Union. By the act of admission it is provided, that the public lands, while belonging to the United States, and for five years from the day of sale, shall be exempted from all taxes; that lands belonging to the citizens of the United States residing without the state shall never be taxed higher than lands belonging to persons residing within the state; and that the river Mississippi, and the navigable rivers and waters leading into it, or into the gulf of Mexico, shall be common highways, and forever free of toll or duty to all the citizens of the United States. In return for this concession, congress provided, that, after paying a debt to Georgia and indemnifying certain claimants, five per cent. of the net proceeds of the public lands lying within the state shall be devoted to the making of roads and canals for the benefit of the state.

In the summer of this year an expedition was undertaken against East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the revolted Spanish colonies. The leader of this expedition styled himself ‘Citizen Gregor M‘Gregor, brigadier-general of the armies of the united provinces of New Grenada and Venezuela, and general-in-chief, employed to liberate the provinces of both the Floridas, commissioned by the supreme governments of Mexico and South America.’ The persons that combined for this purpose took possession of Amelia island, at the mouth of St. Mary’s river, near the boundary of the state of Georgia. The president, apprized of this transaction, ordered an expedition, consisting of naval and land forces, to repel the invaders, and to occupy the island. A squadron, under the command of J. D. Henley, with troops under the command of James Banhead, arrived off Amelia island on the 22d of December, and the next day took possession of it, hoisting the American flag at Fernandina. The president, in a message to congress relative to the capture, observed: ‘In expelling these adventurers from these posts it was not intended to make any conquest from Spain, or to injure, in any degree, the cause of the colonies.’ The real reason of the measure seems to have been, that the invasion interfered with endeavors which were then making on the part of the United States to obtain the cession of the Floridas from the Spaniards.

In the following year the Union received the accession of another state, that of Illinois. At the time of its admission, the government of the United States granted to the state one section or thirty-sixth part of every township for the support of schools, and three per cent. of the net proceeds of the United States’ lands lying within the state for the encouragement of learning, of which one-sixth part must be exclusively bestowed on a college or university. The constitution happily provides that no more slaves shall be introduced into the state. In 1819, the Alabama territory was admitted as a state into the Union; and the Arkansaw territory was, by an act of congress, erected into a territorial government. In the following year the district of Maine was separated from Massachusetts, formed into a distinct state, and admitted into the Union.

During this year the American congress did themselves honor by providing more effectually against carrying on the slave-trade. The enactment declared, that if any citizen of the United States, being of the ship’s company of any foreign ship or vessel engaged in the slave-trade, or any person whatever being of the crew or ship’s company of any ship or vessel owned by, or navigated for, any citizens of the United States, shall on foreign shore seize any negro or mulatto, not held to service or labor by the laws either of the states or territories of the United States, with intent to make him a slave, or shall decoy or forcibly bring or receive him on board with such intent, he shall be adjudged a pirate, and on conviction shall suffer death.

A treaty for the cession of the Floridas was concluded at Washington, February 22, 1819, between Spain and the United States. In the year 1821, it was reluctantly ratified by the king of Spain, and possession was taken of those provinces according to the terms of the treaty. On the 1st of July, general Jackson, who had been appointed governor of the Floridas, issued a proclamation, declaring ‘that the government heretofore exercised over the said provinces under the authority of Spain has ceased, and that that of the United States of America is established over the same; that the inhabitants thereof will be incorporated in the union of the United States, as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the federal constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment of all the privileges, rights, and immunities of the citizens of the United States; that in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion they profess; that all laws and municipal regulations which were in existence at the cessation of the late government remain in full force, and all civil officers charged with their execution,’ with certain exceptions and limitations, ‘are continued in their functions.’ On the 7th of July, the colonel commandant, Don Jose Gallava, commissioner on the part of his Catholic majesty, made to major-general Jackson, the commissioner of the United States, a delivery of the keys of the town of Pensacola, of the archives, documents, and other articles, mentioned in the inventories, declaring that he releases from their oath of allegiance to Spain the citizens and inhabitants of West Florida who may choose to remain under the dominion of the United States. On the same day, colonel Joseph Coppinger, governor of East Florida, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants, announcing that, on the 10th day of this month, ‘possession will be given to colonel Robert Butler, the commissioner legally authorized by the United States.’ The American authorities were accordingly put in possession of the Floridas.

During this year Missouri was admitted as a state into the Union, forming the eleventh state added to the thirteen confederated states which signed the declaration of independence, making the present number of the United States twenty-four. The proposition for the admission of this state, which was brought forward in the session of 1819, produced vehement discussion in the congress, and excited an intense interest throughout the whole Union. The inhabitants of Missouri, the territory having been considered as a part of Louisiana, had derived from their connection with the Spaniards and French the custom, which they deemed equivalent to the right, of possessing slaves; it was proposed, however, in admitting the territory to the privileges of a state, to prevent the increase and to insure the ultimate abolition of slavery, by the insertion of the following clause: ‘Provided, that the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all the children born within the said state after the admission thereof into the Union shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.’ Judging from the previous views and measures of the general government, in similar and analogous cases, it could hardly have been conjectured, that the result of proposing such a limited and qualified restriction would be doubtful. The house of representatives, after a short but animated debate, refused to pass the bill without the restriction; but the senate refused to pass the bill with it; consequently the bill itself was lost, and Missouri still continued under her former territorial government.

Such was the rapidity with which the several proceedings passed in the two houses of congress, that it was scarcely known beyond its walls that such a question was agitated, before it was decided. When, however, it came to be generally known what principles had been advanced, what votes had been given, with what ardor and vehemence the advocates of slavery had urged their demands, not merely upon the justice, the reason, and good sense of congress, but upon their interests, their prejudices, and their fears, by how slender a majority a measure had been checked, which, in the estimation of many of the best friends of American liberty, would have been productive of incalculable and interminable mischiefs, it excited a feeling of universal surprise and alarm. It is instructive to observe that many of the staunchest advocates of liberal ideas, who delighted in appropriating to themselves exclusively the name of republicans, suffered their jealousy of the interference of the congress in the internal government of an individual state to engage them on the side of the perpetuators of slavery. Jefferson, who prided himself in being the devoted friend of liberty, thus expresses himself: ‘The real question, as seen in the states afflicted with this unfortunate population, is, are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger? For, if congress has the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of the states within the states, it will be but another exercise of that power to declare that all shall be free. Are we then to see again Athenian and Lacedemonian confederacies? to wage another Peloponnesian war to settle the ascendency between them? Or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war? That remains to be seen; but not, I hope, by you or me. Surely they will parley awhile, and give us time to get out of the way.’[149] The consequence of this combination was the passing of the bill for the admission of Missouri in the next session of the congress, without the restricting clause.

No circumstances of particular interest in the transactions of the general government occurred till the year 1824, when articles of a convention between the United States of America and Great Britain for the suppression of the African slave-trade were subscribed at London by plenipotentiaries appointed for that purpose. By the first article, the commanders and commissioned officers of each of the two high contracting parties, duly authorized by their respective governments to cruise on the coasts of Africa, America, and the West Indies, for the suppression of the slave-trade, are empowered, under certain restrictions, to detain, examine, capture, and deliver over for trial and adjudication by some competent tribunal, any ship or vessel concerned in the illicit traffic of slaves, and carrying the flag of the other.

In the spring of this year a convention was also concluded between the United States of America and the emperor of Russia. By the third article of this convention it was agreed, ‘that, hereafter, there shall not be formed by the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the said states, any establishment upon the northern [north-west] coast of America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of fifty-four degrees and forty minutes of north latitude; and that, in the same manner, there shall be none formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia, south of the same parallel.’

This year is signalized in American history by the visit of the venerable la Fayette, on the express invitation of congress. He arrived in the harbor of New York on the 13th of August, and proceeded to the residence of the vice-president at Staten island. A committee of the corporation of the city of New York, and a great number of distinguished citizens, proceeded to Staten island to welcome him to their capital. A splendid escort of steam-boats, decorated with the flags of every nation, and bearing thousands of citizens, brought him to the view of assembled multitudes at New York, who manifested their joy at beholding him, by acclamations and by tears. At the city hall the officers of the city and many citizens were presented to him; and he was welcomed by an address from the mayor. While he was at New York, deputations from Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Haven, and from many other cities, arrived with invitations for him to visit them. After remaining a few days at New York, he proceeded to Boston, where he met with the same cordial reception. The general soon after returned to New York, visited Albany and the towns on Hudson’s river, and afterwards passed through the intermediate states to Virginia. He returned to Washington during the session of congress, and remained there several weeks. Congress voted him the sum of two hundred thousand dollars, and a township of land, as a remuneration, in part, of his services during the war of the revolution, and as a testimony of their gratitude.

In the year 1825, John Quincy Adams was inaugurated president of the United States, and John C. Calhoun, vice-president. In his speech to congress the president took a retrospective view to the epoch of the confederation. ‘The year of jubilee since the first formation of our union,’ observed Mr. Adams, ‘has just elapsed; that of the declaration of our independence is at hand. Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve. A territory bounded by the Mississippi has been extended from sea to sea. New states have been admitted to the Union, in numbers nearly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired, not by conquest, but by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings.’ Having noticed the progress of agriculture and of settlements, of commerce and arts, of liberty and law, Mr. Adams thus sketches the features of the administration of the preceding president: ‘In his career of eight years, the internal taxes have been repealed; sixty millions of public debt have been discharged; provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the revolution; the regular armed force has been reduced, and the constitution revised and perfected; the accountability for the expenditure of public moneys has been made more effective; the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific ocean; the independence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognised, and recommended, by example and by counsel, to the potentates of Europe; progress has been made in the defence of the country, by fortifications and the increase of the navy; towards the effectual suppression of the African traffic in slaves; in alluring the aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind; in exploring the interior regions of the Union; and in preparing, by scientific researches and surveys, for the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country. In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my predecessor, the line of duty for his successor is clearly delineated. To pursue to their consummation those purposes of improvement in our common condition instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations.’

The transactions between the United States and the Indian tribes have occasioned considerable discussion among the philanthropists of both the new and the old world; we shall, therefore, notice the treaties which were formed somewhat particularly. In February, a treaty was concluded with the Creek nation of Indians. The commissioners on the part of the United States represented to the Creeks, that it is the policy and wish of the general government, that the several Indian tribes within the limits of any of the states of the Union should remove to territory to be designated on the west side of the Mississippi river, as well for the better protection and security of the said tribes, and their improvement in civilization, as for the purpose of enabling the United States, in this instance, to comply with a compact entered into with the state of Georgia, on the 24th of April, 1802. The chiefs of the Creek towns assented to the reasonableness of the proposition, and expressed a willingness to emigrate beyond the Mississippi, those of Tokaubatchee excepted. The Creeks accordingly, by the first article of the treaty, ceded to the United States all the lands within the boundaries of the state of Georgia now occupied by them, or to which they have title or claim, lying within certain described boundaries; and by the second it was agreed, that the United States will give in exchange for the lands hereby acquired the like quantity, acre for acre, westward of the Mississippi, on the Arkansas river. Other stipulations favorable to the equitable claims of the emigrating parties were made; particularly that a deputation may be sent to explore the territory herein offered them in exchange; and if the same be not acceptable to them, then they may select any other territory west of the Mississippi, on Red, Canadian, Arkansas, or Missouri rivers, the territory occupied by the Cherokees and Choctaws excepted; and if the territory to be selected shall be in the occupancy of other Indian tribes, then the United States will extinguish the title of such occupants for the benefit of the said emigrants.

The Kansas Indians, by treaty, ceded to the United States all their lands both within and without the limits of Missouri, excepting a reservation beyond that state on the Kansas river, about thirty miles square, including their villages. In consideration of this cession, the United States agreed to pay three thousand five hundred dollars a year for twenty years; to furnish the Kansas immediately with three hundred head of cattle, three hundred hogs, five hundred fowls, three yoke of oxen, and two carts, and with such farming utensils as the Indian superintendent may deem necessary; to provide and support a blacksmith for them; and to employ persons to aid and instruct them in their agricultural pursuits, as the president may deem expedient. Of the ceded lands, thirty-six sections on the Big Blue river were to be laid out under the direction of the president, and sold for the support of schools among the Kansas. Reservations were also made for the benefit of certain half-breeds; and other stipulations mutually satisfactory. It was also agreed, that no private revenge shall be taken by the Indians for the violation of their rights; but that they shall make their complaint to the superintendent or other agent, and receive justice in a due course of law; and it was lastly agreed, that the Kansas nation shall never dispose of their lands without the consent of the United States, and that the United States shall always have the free right of navigation in the waters of the Kansas.

A treaty was also concluded with the Great and Little Osages, at St. Louis, Missouri. The general principles of this treaty are the same as those of the treaty with the Kansas. The Indians cede all their lands in Arkansas and elsewhere, and then reserve a defined territory, west of the Missouri line, fifty miles square; an agent to be permitted to reside on the reservation, and the United States to have the right of free navigation in all the waters on the tract. The United States pay an annuity of seven thousand dollars for twenty years; furnish forthwith six hundred head of cattle, six hundred hogs, one thousand fowls, ten yoke of oxen, six carts, with farming utensils, persons to teach the Indians agriculture, and a blacksmith, and build a commodious dwelling-house for each of the four principal chiefs, at his own village. Reservations were made for the establishment of a fund for the support of schools for the benefit of the Osage children; and provision was made for the benefit of the Harmony missionary establishment. The United States also assume certain debts due from certain chiefs of the tribes; and agree to deliver at the Osage villages, as soon as may be, four thousand dollars in merchandise, and two thousand six hundred in horses and their equipments.

In May a general convention of peace, amity, navigation, and commerce, between the United States of America and the republic of Colombia, was signed by the president, at Washington.

The fiftieth anniversary, the jubilee, as it was termed, of American independence, was observed throughout the states with great enthusiasm, and was rendered additionally interesting by the remarkable circumstance that both Adams and Jefferson, eminent men among the fathers of their country, died on that day.

The opposition to the administration of Mr. Adams gained strength and development by daily increase, and numerous parties combined for its support or overthrow in various parts of the country. These parties were generally of a geographical character, and in the nineteenth congress it was usually found that the representatives from the southern, took sides directly opposed to those from the northern and western states. A resolution was expressed in some quarters to put down the administration at every hazard, no matter what might be its policy, its integrity, or its success. The cry of corruption was re-echoed by office seekers, and the more desperate portion of the oppositionists, till it began to gain currency with the public, and proved sufficient to secure the downfall of the administration against which it was raised.

The Panama mission was a fruitful subject of clamor and opposition. It was stigmatized as imprudent, unnecessary, at variance with our true and prevailing policy, and pregnant with peril. Charges of extravagance in expenditures were next brought against the heads of the government, and resolutions were introduced in congress, intimating that the executive patronage was too large, and ought to be diminished. The assertion of the president of his constitutional authority to appoint, during the vacation of congress, diplomatic agents to transact the foreign business of the country, was represented as the assumption of an undelegated power. Every opportunity was seized to represent the policy of the federal authorities as tending towards consolidation, and as indicating a disposition for an expensive and magnificent scheme of government.

In conformity with the views of the opposition, a nomination for the next presidency was immediately made, and in October, 1825, the legislature of Tennessee recommended general Jackson to the suffrages of the people of the United States for the highest office in their gift. The nomination he formally accepted, in an address delivered before both houses of the legislature of that state, in which he resigned his seat in the senate. In this address he plainly intimated his dissatisfaction at the result of the late presidential election, and a willingness to sanction an opposition to the administration on the ground of its corrupt origin. This same ground had been taken by the adherents of the vice-president in the discussion of Mr. M’Duffie’s proposed amendment of the constitution in the first session of the nineteenth congress. The public mind was irritated and exasperated by these charges, which were diffused with an industry and zeal to be paralleled only by their baseness. Accusation and recrimination became frequent and passionate, and the most bitter and indignant feelings took place of the tranquillity that had so long reigned in the political world.

At length the charge of corruption was brought from a responsible quarter, and an investigation ensued, which resulted in the complete acquittal of the parties accused. Directly after the adjournment of the eighteenth congress, a letter appeared, bearing date the 8th of March, 1825, purporting to relate a conversation with general Jackson, in which he said that a proposition had been made to him by Mr. Clay’s friends to secure his election to the presidency, on condition that Mr. Adams should not continue as secretary of state. This proposition was said to have been indignantly repelled. A correspondence immediately ensued on this subject between Mr. Beverly, the author of the letter in question, and general Jackson, in which an account of the negotiation alluded to was given at length, and the general disclaimed making any charge against Mr. Clay, and denied having accused him of being privy to the communication. Testimony was now produced by Mr. Clay and his friends, which completely refuted the charge of bargain, and hurled it with scorn in the teeth of his enemies. It was proved beyond a question that in voting for Mr. Adams in the house of representatives, Mr. Clay and his friends had acted with entire consistency, and that any other course would have indeed laid them open to the charge of gross and palpable violation of the principles they had always professed in relation to the election. But the accusation had been made to answer the purpose for which it was framed, and the opposition to the administration had found a permanent basis to build upon.

Mr. Adams continued to act on the principles which he had professed in his inaugural speech, of administering the government without regard to the distinctions of party. In the distribution of offices he asked merely as to the qualifications of the candidates, not of their political opinions. No one suffered by that ruthless policy, which bears so close a resemblance to the proscription of the Roman emperors; the one striking at life itself, the other at the means of life. It is difficult to say which of the two is the more cruel, but they are surely equally unjust and vindictive. The system which makes the presidential chair a mere scramble for office, and the chief executive of the nation a dispenser of loaves and fishes to political adherents, is too mean, narrow, and contemptible, not to be subversive of all the best purposes of government, and must end in the subversion of government itself. The political forum is converted into an arena of battle, and the first moments of victory are sacred to spoil, devastation, and rapine. The lust of gold stifles the cry of mercy, and all the rules of honorable warfare are violated in the fierceness and vindictiveness of triumph. Office holders should be content with fulfilling the duties of their respective stations, and not consider themselves in the light of mere partisans, rewarded for upholding a particular man or set of men. The people pay them for a different service. Mr. Adams regarded this subject in its true bearings, and he acted in it with the stern and fearless integrity which has marked the whole course of his political life. Regardless of consequences, he was perhaps often injudicious in the diffusion of executive patronage, and sometimes furnished the enemy with artillery to be employed in the destruction of his own citadel.

But however the efforts of the opposition might embarrass the movements of the administration, they could not retard the rapid progress of the country in wealth and prosperity. The great works of internal improvement contemplated by the act of April, 1824, were prosecuted with great spirit and vigor. Many routes for roads and canals were surveyed, and a great mass of topographical knowledge was thus collected at Washington. The attention of the general government was also directed to many other subjects of internal improvement, such as the navigation of several important rivers, building lighthouses, piers, and removing obstructions from bays and harbors. The navigation of the Mississippi and Ohio was much improved during this year, by the removal of snags and other impediments from their channels. An impulse was thus given to the efforts of the state governments, and canals and roads were laid out in various directions. Manufacturing establishments flourished with great vigor, and gave proofs of becoming lasting sources of wealth and employment to the national industry. In the year ending September 30, 1826, the value of domestic manufactures exported amounted to five millions eight hundred and fifty-two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars, of which one million one hundred and thirty-eight thousand one hundred and twenty-five dollars consisted of cotton piece goods. The increase of tonnage in the United States during 1826, was one hundred eleven thousand and seventy-nine tons, being double the increase of any one of the preceding twelve years. In conformity with the plan proposed for the settlement of the remaining tribes of the aborigines on the west of the Mississippi, provision was made for the removal thither of such Indians as were disposed to emigrate. Fourteen hundred Shawnees, and about seven hundred Creeks, removed in this manner to spots selected by themselves. The Cherokees refused to cede another foot of land, notwithstanding the efforts made by the general government to procure such a cession of territory as would satisfy the claims of Georgia. The north-western Indians now gave hostile indications, and attacked and murdered some American citizens; but by the prompt measures adopted by governor Cass, the murderers were given up and tranquillity again restored.

Congress having adjourned without passing any law for the purpose of meeting the restrictive measures of the British government in respect to the colonial trade, the president issued a proclamation, dated March 17th, closing the ports of the United States against vessels from the British colonies, which had been opened by the act of 1822. By this measure the British restrictions were completely reciprocated, and the president was sustained in it by public opinion.

The second session of the nineteenth congress commenced on the 4th of December, 1826, when the two houses were organized in the usual manner. The message of the president on this occasion gave a clear account of our foreign relations, and made particular reference to the controversy with Great Britain on the colonial trade. The death of the emperor Alexander of Russia was mentioned in terms which the friendly feelings displayed by that monarch towards this country seemed to require. Our commercial connections with France and the Netherlands were represented to be placed on a more favorable basis than at the commencement of the preceding congress. In the post-office there had been received during the year a surplus of eighty thousand dollars above the expenditures. The revenue was sufficiently large to authorize the application of seven millions sixty-seven thousand and thirty-nine dollars to the reduction of the public debt, and three millions nine hundred and forty-four thousand three hundred and fifty-nine dollars to the payment of interest. A system was recommended for the permanent increase of the navy; the unsettled land claims in Florida and Louisiana; the works of internal improvement, reported by the board of engineers; and the attention of congress was particularly called to the irregularities of the Brazilian and Buenos-Ayrean squadrons towards neutral flags. The estimates of appropriations for the different departments of the government were submitted with the message; and a system of cavalry tactics prepared during the summer under the direction of the war department. These were the most important topics suggested by the message.

The Creek controversy, which might have been considered as happily settled by the treaty of 22d of April, was still to continue a subject of excitement. Instead of waiting till the tribes had removed from their ceded lands, governor Troup ordered the surveyors employed by him to enter the Indian territories and commence the surveys, previous to the time prescribed by the treaty for the removal. The Indians resisted these encroachments, and the governor ordered out a force of militia. In this posture of affairs, the president determined to support the laws of the Union by the authority which the constitution had placed in his hands, previously submitting the affair to congress, to have it determined whether it were necessary to resort to any new measures. On the 5th of February he transmitted to both houses of congress a message, in which he gave a plain statement of the facts, and declared his determination to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the nation by all the force committed for that purpose to his charge. ‘That the arm of military force will be resorted to only in the event of the failure of all other expedients provided by the laws, a pledge has been given by the forbearance to employ it at this time. It is submitted to the wisdom of congress to determine, whether any further acts of legislation may be necessary or expedient to meet the emergency which these transactions may produce.’

Great excitement was displayed in both houses on the receipt of this message. The committee of the representatives, to which it was referred reported that it ‘is expedient to procure a cession of the Indian lands in the state of Georgia, and that until such a cession is procured, the law of the land, as set forth in the treaty at Washington, ought to be maintained by all necessary, constitutional, and legal means.’ The firmness of the president brought the governor of Georgia to reason, and he addressed a letter to the delegation of that state at Washington, submitting to the decision of congress, and denying any intention of a resort to force, except the sovereignty of the state came into collision with the United States. A cession of the Creek land in Georgia was finally procured, and the dispute in respect to this portion of the Indian territory was put at rest.

A bill for an additional protection on woollens was agitated during this session, and finally laid on the table by the casting vote of the vice-president. The defeat of this measure occasioned much discussion in all parts of the Union, and stimulated the friends of this branch of industry to renewed exertions. In Pennsylvania a state convention was proposed, to choose delegates to attend a general convention at Harrisburg on the 30th of July, 1827. Other states answered with alacrity to this invitation, and a meeting was held at the appointed time, of delegates in the highest degree respectable in point of talent, weight of character, and dignity of standing. The reports of their committees, on various subjects connected with domestic industry, exhibited the importance and the necessity of increased protection, and a memorial to congress, drawn up in conformity with these views, was unanimously adopted. These proceedings were received in the southern states with much dissatisfaction. They were represented as at war with their best interests, and with the spirit of the constitution. No means were omitted to raise a strong excitement in the community, in opposition to all increase of the woollen duty; but at the time of the twentieth congress, the public mind was more and more impressed with the opinion that effectual measures would be resorted to for the relief of this branch of national industry.

We have not room for a detailed account of the various measures of Mr. Adams’ administration. During the whole of it the United States enjoyed uninterrupted peace; for the foreign policy of the government had nothing in view but the maintenance of our national dignity, the extension of our commercial relations, and the successful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments.

A portion of these claims upon Sweden and Denmark was obtained, and the claims which arose against the Brazilian government, during the war between that power and Buenos Ayres, were speedily adjusted by the liquidation of the claims. The exorbitant pretensions of Great Britain respecting the West India trade were resisted, although at the expense of the direct trade between the United States and the British islands.

The difficulties which occurred in carrying into effect the treaty of Ghent, relative to deported slaves, and other property taken away, having been found insurmountable, the sum of one million two hundred and four thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars, which was amply sufficient, was obtained from the British government in satisfaction of these claims. A convention was also concluded with that government, and a mode provided for the peaceable settlement of the long pending and finally threatening dispute concerning the north-east boundary of the United States. The treaty of commerce between the United States and Great Britain, and the convention effecting a temporary compromise of their conflicting claims to the territory west of the Rocky mountains, both of which expired by their own limitation, October 20th, 1828 were renewed for an indefinite period, with liberty to either party to terminate them, on giving one year’s notice. Some commercial difficulties, which grew out of an adherence of the government of the Netherlands to the principles of discriminating duties, were adjusted to mutual satisfaction. New treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce, in which the liberal principles maintained by the United States, in her commercial and foreign policy, were generally recognised, were concluded with Colombia, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, Guatemala, and the Hanseatic league.

It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government, that the character of the administration was most strongly displayed. During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those powers vested in the federal government, for the development of the resources of the country; and the public revenue liberally expended in prosecuting those national measures to which the sanction of congress had been deliberately given, as the settled policy of the government.

In the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world, with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of five millions one hundred and twenty-five thousand six hundred and thirty-eight dollars in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the United States was surrendered by Mr. Adams, who became a private citizen, to general Jackson, his successor.

Thus ended the administration of Mr. Adams; an administration marked by definite and consistent policy and energetic councils, governed by up-right motives, but from the beginning devoted to the most violent opposition and a signal overthrow. The election which terminated in the defeat of Mr. Adams was marked with extreme bitterness, asperity, and profligacy. On both sides the press was virulent, libellous, and mean. No privacy was safe, no confidence was sacred; even the tombs of the illustrious dead were violated, and their ashes defiled. The arts of party warfare were more insidious than the arts of savage treachery, and its arms more ruthless than the tomahawk or the scalping knife. Calumny and falsehood were the usual resources of the most violent partisans, and the only weapons that they never for a moment laid aside. The brave soldier was described as a malignant savage, and the experienced statesman as a man who had purchased by intrigue a position that he was determined to maintain by corruption. It must be most sincerely hoped that an era may never again arrive in our history to be stamped so indelibly with the brand of shame; that public opinion will ever require of the public press a more decent regard to the charities of life and the duties of truth.

ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.

As the election of General Jackson to the presidency of the United States brought the democratic party into power, and was hailed by that party as an event, in their view, most auspicious to the interests of the country, unusual efforts were made to render the occasion of his inauguration, one of great interest and attraction. On the 4th of March, 1829, the ceremony took place, and was, in all respects, grand and imposing. At half past eleven of that day, the president elect, preceded by the marshal of the district, and the committee of arrangements, entered the senate chamber, and took his seat in front of the secretary’s desk. On the right of the president’s chair sat the distinguished chief justice of the United States, and the associate judges. The left was occupied by the foreign ministers and their suites, in their official costumes. The rear of the senators and the lobby under the eastern gallery were occupied by ladies; while the western gallery was assigned to members of the house of representatives.

At noon, all repaired in solemn procession to the eastern portico of the capitol; where, in the presence of an immense concourse of people, filling the portico, the steps, and the inclosure, the president delivered his inaugural address.

After expressing his gratitude to the nation for the honor conferred on him, and a determination to promote the welfare of his country, he proceeded, as is usual on similar occasions, to state his political creed; or those principles which would guide him in the administration of the government. “I shall keep steadily in view,” said he, “the limitation, as well as the extent of executive power.” With foreign nations, he would study to preserve peace, and cultivate friendship. The rights of the separate states should be respected, and the power, which they had reserved to themselves should not be confounded with those, which had been granted to the confederacy. A due solicitude should be exercised in the management of the public revenue, and a strict and faithful economy observed in the administration of the government. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should be equally favored. Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge should be promoted, as far as might be consistent with the constitution. An increase of the standing army for the present would not be deemed advisable; but a gradual increase of the navy, would be urged as important to the national honor, and national security.

He next spoke of the Indian tribes――towards whom it would be his desire to observe a just and liberal policy――to secure their rights and administer to their wants, as far as duty to the government and justice to the people would admit.

One task――that of reform――would demand his speedy and vigilant attention. Abuses had sprung up, which had brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections. These must be corrected and those causes counteracted, which had disturbed the rightful course of appointment to office, and which had too often placed, or continued power in unfaithful, or incompetent hands.

In the selection of men to office, it would be his endeavor to place power in the hands of those whose diligence and talents would insure the faithful performance of their respective duties.

In conclusion, he said――“A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications, will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue, left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind that reformed, our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications, that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of his divine care and gracious benediction.”

The oath to support the constitution was next administered to him by Chief Justice Marshall. This was announced by the prolonged discharge of artillery from various points; during which the president was conducted to his mansion, where he received the congratulations of the people.

Antecedently to the formation of his cabinet, much speculation existed in the country, as to the persons whom General Jackson would call to his counsels. As he was in a great measure uncommitted in respect to the future policy of his government, no inconsiderable anxiety was felt, especially by office holders, on the subject of these appointments, as these would furnish some indications as to his future course. All speculation, however, was soon terminated by the nomination of Martin Van Buren, of New York, as secretary of state; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, as secretary of war; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John Branch, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; William T. Barry, of Kentucky, postmaster-general; John M. Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general. These several nominations were ratified by the senate, without opposition.

At the time of his appointment, Mr. Van Buren was governor of the state of New York. This office he immediately resigned――retiring with a complimentary address from the legislature of that state. Mr. Van Buren was considered as a man distinguished for tact and self-possession, and as destined to act a distinguished part in the public counsels to which he had been called. The attorney-general was considered a man of liberal attainments, and fully qualified, by his learning and eloquence, for the station to which he was elevated. The other members of the cabinet had not been particularly distinguished for their public services. Mr. Eaton was the personal friend of the president. Mr. Ingham had been an active partisan in Pennsylvania, the state which brought General Jackson into the field, as a candidate. The motives which influenced the appointment of Mr. Branch as secretary of the navy were never satisfactorily ascertained. Previously to this time, the postmaster-general had not been a constituent of the cabinet, but it was now determined to introduce him as a member. Mr. Barry, who succeeded John M’Lean, in this office, the latter being removed to the bench of the Supreme Court, was one of the leaders of the relief party in Kentucky.

The cabinet was now constituted; and, after confirming the nominations of several individuals to diplomatic posts, and lucrative stations in the land office, custom-house, and navy, the senate adjourned on the 17th of March, the Executive having informed that body, that he had no further business to lay before them.

In the course of his inaugural address, General Jackson had expressed his conviction of the necessity of reform, in regard to the distribution of the public offices, within the control of the executive. To this “task of reform,” as he termed it, he immediately addressed himself, on the adjournment of the senate. Availing himself of the right of the Executive to fill vacancies occurring in the recess, he removed the principal officers of the treasury, the marshals, and district attorneys in most of the eastern, middle, and western states, the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic ports, the greater part of the receivers and registers in the land office, and changed the ministers plenipotentiary to Great Britain, France, Netherlands, and Spain.

But a still more unprecedented change was made in the post office department――the number of removals here, between the 4th of March, 1829, and the 22d of March, 1830, being four hundred and ninety-one. These removals contrasted strongly with those of former administrations. Washington, during his administration of eight years, removed but nine; Mr. Adams, ten; Mr. Jefferson, thirty-nine; Mr. Madison, five; Mr. Monroe, nine; John Quincy Adams, two.

The removals thus effected by General Jackson, so sudden, and so numerous, were strongly censured by the opposers of the administration. The president was charged with usurping an authority not conferred by the constitution, which it was contended only gave him the right to fill vacancies, either accidentally occurring, or caused by some official misconduct. It was charged, also, that prior to his election, he had expressed an opinion, that members of congress should not be appointed to office, during the term for which they had been elected, nor for two years after. Yet, in direct opposition to his express views, he was conferring a greater number of offices on members of congress, in the compass of a single year, than any of his predecessors had done, during the entire period of their administration.

On the other hand, the friends of the president justified his course. They maintained that he was “solely invested with the right of removal; that it was a discretionary right, for the exercise of which he was responsible solely to the nation; that that power was given to enable him, not only to remove incumbents for delinquency, or incapacity, but with the view of reforming the administration of the government, and introducing officers of greater efficiency, or sounder principles into its various departments. Occasion was also taken, owing to the defalcation of a few of those removed, to assert the necessity of reform; and great efforts were made to create an impression on the public mind of the necessity of a general removal of the officers of the federal government.”[150]

The preceding changes were the subject of much discussion, on the assembling of congress. A spirited opposition was instituted by the minority in the senate, against the principles of the Executive, in relation to removals, both on the ground of their unconstitutionality and inexpediency. Most of those who had been appointed by the president to office were, notwithstanding this opposition, confirmed; but several were rejected by strong votes.

On the 7th of December, 1829, commenced the first session of the twenty-first congress. Andrew Stevenson was again elected speaker of the house. On the day following, the president communicated his first message. It embodied several topics of interest and importance. The principal of these related to an amendment of the constitution, to the choice of president and vice-president――a modification of the tariff――a provision for the disposition of the surplus revenue, after the extinguishment of the national debt――the assignment of a territory west of the Mississippi for the Indian tribes, within the states――and a consideration of the expediency of extending the charter of the Bank of the United States.

The foreign relations of the state, the president said, were satisfactory, except in relation to England and France. The boundary line between Maine and the British Provinces of Canada and New Brunswick was still the subject of controversy; for although by mutual consent the question had been submitted to the king of the Netherlands, neither party would abide his decision.

Another controversy between these two governments respected the West India trade. The treaty of commerce between the two countries, on the termination of the late war, although reciprocal, did not extend to the colonial possessions of Great Britain. In consequence of this, the policy of England was to render the intercourse of the United States with the West Indies, chiefly, if not exclusively, advantageous to herself. Accordingly, in different years, various acts had been passed by the British government, having the above monopoly in view. Measures retaliatory had, from time to time, been adopted by the United States. In effect, the trade was lost to the United States. This important subject was now brought to the attention of congress, and before the close of the session the controversy was adjusted. It was conceded to the British government, what it had long claimed, but denied by the American government――the exclusive power to the former of regulating her colonial trade. The president was also authorized to confer on British vessels all those privileges, as well in the circuitous, as in the direct voyage, which Great Britain had demanded. These concessions being deemed sufficient by the British government, her West India ports were opened by her to the United States, on terms satisfactory to the latter. A renewal of the trade was the immediate consequence.

The controversy between the United States and France related to depredations upon the property of American citizens, during the reign of Napoleon. Claims growing out of these depredations remained unpaid. The president informed congress that he had given instructions to our minister to press these demands on the French government, with appropriate earnestness.

He next proceeded to recommend “such an amendment of the constitution, as would remove all intermediate agency in the election of president and vice-president.” “The mode,” said he, “may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connexion with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of chief magistrate to a single term, of either four, or six years.”

Next, adverting to the surplus revenue, he expressed his belief, that the most safe, just and federal disposition, which could be made of the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several states according to their ratio of representation; and should this measure not be found warranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amendment, authorizing it.

In regard to the disposal of the Indian tribes, the president suggested the propriety of setting apart an ample district, west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or territory, now formed, to be guarantied to the tribes as long as they shall occupy it; each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. “There,” said the president, “they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other control from the United States, than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier, and between the several tribes.”

Another important subject, included in the message, and one which, as years have succeeded, has occasioned great political dissension, was the subject of the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank. Although several years would elapse, before the charter would expire, the Executive deemed it a subject of sufficient importance, thus early to bring it before the legislature and the people. In so doing, and in the terms employed, he was understood to be opposed to such an institution. “Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank,” he observed, “are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens; and it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency.”

“Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the government, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the government, and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid all constitutional difficulties; and, at the same time, secure all the advantages to the government and country that were expected to result from the present bank.”

The message of the president, embracing subjects of great importance, and unfolding, as it did, his views in relation to them, excited an intense interest throughout the country. It gave birth to strong and animated debates in the national legislature, in which many of the ablest statesmen of both political parties participated. The subjects of greatest interest debated, related to the Indian affairs――the public lands――the United States Bank――the tariff――and internal improvements.

One of the most embarrassing subjects which fell under the cognizance of the new administration, related to the Indian tribes, within the limits of the states already admitted into the Union; but especially to the Cherokees, a powerful tribe, within the limits of Georgia. This state laid claim to the territory occupied by the tribe; and, encouraged by the views of the executive, viz., that he could not interpose to prevent a state from extending her laws over the tribes, within her limits, authorized an intrusion upon the Indian territory for the purpose of surveying it, and extending her jurisdiction over it. The state laws were accordingly attempted to be enforced. One George Tassel, a Cherokee, was arraigned for the murder of another Cherokee, tried, and condemned.

About this time, Samuel Worcester and other missionaries were arrested, by order of the governor, and taken before the superior court of Gwinnett county, for refusing to obtain a permit from the government of Georgia to reside within the territory, or to take an oath of allegiance to the state. Mr. Worcester and Mr. Thompson, being missionaries, were discharged by the court, on the alleged ground, that they were agents of the government, having been employed to disburse among the Indians a portion of their annuities. This decision of the court gave great offence to the state authorities; and the governor obtained from the general government a disavowal that the missionaries were its agents. No sooner was this disavowal received, than Mr. Worcester and Ezra Butler were warned to quit the nation, with which order, not complying, they were arrested, tried, and sentenced to four years confinement at hard labor, in the penitentiary of Georgia. Much indignation was manifested throughout the country at this violation of personal rights, superadded to what this course was claimed to be, a complete disregard of the federal compact, and the faith of treaties. The decision of the president, however, sustained Georgia in the ground she had taken, and she proceeded to carry out her policy towards the Cherokees.

The case of the missionaries, however, was, at length, brought before the Supreme Court of the United States. The decision of that court, March 30, 1832, involved the question of jurisdiction over the country of the Cherokees. The claims of Georgia were set aside by this decision, as unconstitutional; and her laws by which the Indians had been deprived of their rights, and the missionaries confined and imprisoned, were pronounced null and void. This decision of the supreme judicial tribunal of the United States was resisted by Georgia, and the missionaries continued in prison. This unpleasant controversy was, at length, ended by a letter addressed, January 8th, 1833, by the missionaries to the governor of Georgia, in which they informed his Excellency, that they had forwarded instructions to their counsel, to prosecute the case no farther. Upon this, January 14th, his Excellency issued his proclamation remitting the farther execution of the sentence, and discharging the missionaries from prison. We shall only add, that on the 23d of May, 1838, a military force of several thousand men, under the command of Gen. Scott, was assembled on the Cherokee territory, for the purpose of removing the nation to the territory assigned them beyond the great river of the west, a bill having passed congress in 1831, authorizing the president to set apart such portions of the public territory, west of the Mississippi, as he should deem necessary for the permanent residence of the Cherokees, and other emigrating tribes. This bill, at the time of its introduction into congress, 22d of February, 1830, gave rise to a long and spirited debate in both houses, during which the whole subject of the relations of the federal government with the Indians was developed. The final vote on it in the house was close, being one hundred and two affirmative, and ninety-seven negative. In the senate, the majority was larger. The passage of this bill, connected with the course taken by the president in relation to the Indians, formed an era in the policy of the United States, respecting the aboriginal tribes.

Another exciting topic agitated in congress, related to the public lands. These lands were acquired by the federal government in two modes. The portion west of the Mississippi, forming much the larger part, is held under the Louisiana treaty, having been acquired by purchase from France. The residue was acquired at the treaty of 1783, the fruits of conquest from the crown of Great Britain. Out of these territories, new states had been formed. Prior to the adoption of the federal constitution, but few sales had been made. In 1800, the acts containing the principal features of the present land system were passed. These have been subsequently modified, and in 1820 cash sales were substituted for sales on credit.

Acting upon the new principle advanced by Georgia, in relation to the sovereignty of the state over all lands within its limits, some of the new states have set up a claim to the property in the soil of all lands, not owned by individuals, as an incident of sovereignty.

In consequence of these claims, and memorials of some of the western legislatures against the existing mode of disposing of the public lands, Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, on the 29th of December, 1829, introduced into the senate the following resolution:――“Resolved, that the committee on public lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of limiting, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands, to such lands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are subject to entry at the minimum price, and also whether the office of surveyor-general may not be abolished, without detriment to the public interest.”

This resolution was immediately and strongly opposed, as a part of a systematic policy for crippling the growth of the west. It was urged that it would serve to prevent emigration to those states, within whose territory these lands lay. The debate to which this resolution gave rise continued for several weeks, during which Messrs. Hayne and Webster made speeches, which will long be remembered for their eloquence, ingenuity and power. Others mingled in the warm and animated discussion, wandering from the subject of the public lands to discuss almost every topic of general interest connected with the politics of the day.

In his message to congress, the President had expressed an opinion against renewing the charter of the United States Bank, which would expire in 1836. The bank had not applied for such renewal, but being pressed on the attention of congress, it was referred to the committee on finance in both houses of congress for examination. On the 30th of April, 1830, Mr. M’Duffie, the chairman of the committee of ways and means, in the house, made a report diametrically opposite to the recommendations of the President. Respecting the first proposition contained in the message, that congress had not constitutional power to incorporate a bank, the committee deemed that question no longer open for discussion. They also came to a different opinion from that contained in the message, respecting the expediency of the measure. The report from the committee on finance in the senate concurred with that of the house in its conclusions, and was equally decisive in its condemnation of the sentiments of the President. The effect produced in the public mind by the message was entirely done away, and the stock of the bank, which had fallen, upon the delivery of the message, from one hundred and twenty-six to one hundred and twenty, rose, after the publication of these reports, to one hundred and twenty-seven, and finally attained the price of one hundred and thirty dollars per share.

In December, 1832, a memorial was presented to congress from the president and directors of the United States Bank for a renewal of its charter. Soon after, a committee was appointed by the house to investigate the proceedings of the bank. A majority of this committee, adopting the views of the Executive, reported against a renewal of the charter, principally on the ground of a violation of its charter by illegal transactions. A counter report was presented by the minority, in the conclusion of which they bore unequivocal testimony to the fidelity of the officers of that institution. On the 10th of June, the question was taken in the senate on a bill to incorporate the bank, which passed that body by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty. On the 3d of July the question was taken in the house, and the charter renewed by a vote of one hundred and seven to eighty-five. On the 10th, the bill was returned by the President with his objections.

Although not unexpected to the country, the veto put upon the bill by the President gave great dissatisfaction to the friends of the bank in every section of the United States. A general disturbance of the currency was predicted as the necessary consequence. “We have arrived at a new epoch,” said one of the advocates of the bank on the floor of the senate: “We are entering on experiments with the government and constitution of the country, hitherto untried and of fearful and appalling aspects.” Another subject of importance introduced in the message respected internal improvements. During the administration of Washington and the elder Adams, no application was made of the public revenue to internal improvements; the government having as many demands upon the treasury, growing out of debts incurred in the Revolution, as could be met. But during the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the internal improvement policy was begun, by an act passed May 1st, 1802, making appropriations for opening roads in the north-west territory. This was followed by other similar appropriations. During Mr. Madison’s administration, the appropriations were increased, and still further augmented, while Mr. Monroe was in office. On the accession of Mr. Adams, the policy was still pursued; and as he was understood to give a still more liberal construction of the constitution on this subject, more appropriations were made for the above object during his administration than during those of all his predecessors. General Jackson, while holding a seat in the senate of the United States, had voted with the friends of internal improvements. It was therefore anticipated by a numerous class in the United States, and among them were some of his friends, that he would follow out the policy of his predecessors. In his message to congress, however, he first manifested an unwillingness to the exercise of this power by congress. As the session advanced, it became more and more apparent that he was hostile to all appropriations to the above object. And, finally, all doubt was ended by his return of several bills appropriating money for internal improvements, with objections.

A decided majority in congress being in favor of such appropriations, notwithstanding the views of the Executive, several bills were introduced into the house similar to those which the President had rejected, and were passed by both houses by decided majorities. The President and his cabinet thus found themselves compelled to yield to public opinion expressed in congress, and although their determination checked the action of the federal government in relation to internal improvements, still they had surrendered every principle, upon which their opposition to the system could be founded. By these decisive votes in congress, this policy was considered as firmly established, and nothing was required to carry it into effect with moderation and discretion, but the harmonious co-operation between different branches of the government.

During the summer of 1831 a new cabinet was organized, consisting of Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state; Louis M’Lane, of Delaware, secretary of the treasury; Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the navy; Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, attorney-general.

The public press had for some time been filled with rumor that there existed but little, if any harmony in the first cabinet. The question of the succession, it is said, was a matter of jealousy and disunion even at this early day. But the chief difficulty, according to a communication from the attorney-general, arose from a determination on the part of the president to compel the families of the dismissed members to associate with the wife of the secretary of war. By this statement it appeared, that these ladies had, in accordance with the general understanding of the female part of society at Washington, declined to visit the family of the secretary of war, and that this neglect, being resented by that gentleman, had produced a coolness between him and the heads of those families. As the President warmly espoused the feelings of the secretary of war, as of an old and confidential friend, it was rumored early in the year, that their removal would be a consequence of this resentment; and the attorney-general stated, that about that time a confidential friend of the President (Richard M. Johnson), called upon him and other refractory members, as from the President, and intimated to them that, unless they would consent to at least a formal intercourse between their families and that of the secretary of war, he had determined to remove them from office. They replied, that while they felt bound to maintain a frank and harmonious intercourse with their colleague, they would not permit any interference with the social relations of their families, and wholly refused to comply with the request. Other friends, however, interfered, and the president was induced to waive any further prosecution of the subject at that time. To that refusal, however, he attributed the want of harmony in the cabinet, and its consequent dissolution.

On the 4th of July, 1831, a treaty settling the claims of American citizens on France for spoliations during Napoleon’s government was signed by Mr. Rives, and Sebastiani, at Paris, and the ratifications in due time were exchanged between the two governments.

By this treaty, the French government agreed to pay to the United States, for seizures, captures, sequestration, or destruction of their vessels, cargoes, or other property, 25,000,000 francs, in six equal annual instalments. The government of the United States on their part, agreed to pay 1,500,000 francs to the government of France, in satisfaction of all claims in behalf of France, its citizens, or the royal treasury, either for ancient supplies or accounts, or for unlawful seizures, captures, detentions, arrests or destruction of French vessels, cargoes, or other property, in six annual instalments, to be reserved out of the instalments payable to the United States; interest at the rate of four per cent., is to be allowed on the above sums, from the exchange of the ratifications. The sum thus stipulated to be paid by France did not amount to more than one-third of the just claims of the citizens of the United States, but their liquidation, even upon terms comparatively unfavorable, was so desirable, that the conclusion of this treaty was hailed by all parties.

During the spring of 1832 hostilities were commenced by the Sac and Fox Indians on the western borders of the United States, under the celebrated chief, Black Hawk. This aggression created a necessity for the interposition of the Executive, who ordered a portion of the troops under Generals Scott and Atkinson, together with a detachment of militia from the state of Illinois, into the field. After a harassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and the difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were defeated, and Black Hawk and the Prophet were taken prisoners. The confederated tribes of the Sacs and Foxes have long been distinguished for their spirit of adventure, as well as their restless and savage disposition. During the late war with Great Britain they aided her by their arms. In 1829 and 1830, these tribes, claiming a part of the country upon Rock river, attempted to establish themselves in that quarter, and the necessary consequence of which was frequent collisions with the white inhabitants. In 1831, their aggressions were so serious as to require a detachment of troops in the field. The appearance of these alarming the Indians they agreed to confine themselves to their own lands west of the Mississippi. Scarcely, however, had this arrangement been settled, before a party of these Indians assaulted and murdered a number of the Menomonies, a tribe friendly to the United States, while encamped in the village of Prairie du Chien. This wanton outrage, it was deemed necessary to rebuke, lest these disaffected Indians should harass and disturb the border settlements. Accordingly, General Atkinson was ordered, March 7th, 1832, to demand the surrender of the Menomonie murderers. This demand was disregarded. Hostilities immediately ensued, which were terminated in the month of August following by a general battle, which led to the entire rout of the Indians, and of the delivery of Black Hawk and the Prophet, on the 27th of August, as prisoners of war. These leaders of the war were conducted to Washington, whence they passed through some of the principal cities of the United States, and were sent home, having pledged to conduct themselves with due regard to the United States.

On the 3d of December, 1832, the twenty-second congress commenced its second session. In his message, the President, having alluded in brief but appropriate terms to the cholera, which had been spreading its desolations over portions of the United States, represented the relations of the country with foreign powers in a state of amity. The finances of the country were in a prosperous state; the national debt on the first of January, 1833, would be reduced to about seven millions; doubts were expressed as to the safety of the deposits in the United States Bank, and a decision of the question as to the disposal of public lands was urged.

December 10th, the President issued a solemn and impressive proclamation addressed to the citizens of the United States, in relation to the hostile attitude of South Carolina to the Union, in consequence of the acts of congress of 29th May, 1828, and of 14th of July, 1833, altering and amending the several acts imposing duties on imports――which acts had, in a convention of the above state, held at Columbia, November 24th, been pronounced to be unconstitutional, and therefore void, and of no binding force within the limits of that state. This proclamation was an able document, furnishing a sound exposition of the principles and powers of the government, and breathing a spirit of patriotic devotion to the constitution and union of the states. It evinced a fixed determination to maintain the laws and to resist all treasonable and disorganizing measures. Happily, this firmness of the Executive, with subsequent conciliatory measures of congress, saved the Union. For a considerable period the southern states, with the exception of South Carolina, had been considered, opposed to the exercise of power by the federal government. This state, although voting with the adjacent states on all local and on most national questions, had on some occasions, as in 1816, been foremost in asserting the right of congress to legislate on certain disputed points. Among these were the subjects of internal improvement, the United States Bank, and the tariff. A change of opinion had now taken place there, and it began to go beyond any of the advocates of state rights in its assertion of state sovereignty. A vehement opposition to the tariff, both in 1824 and on the subsequent modification in 1828, had been led by the talented delegation from South Carolina in congress; and when they were defeated in the halls of legislation, with characteristic energy they renewed their efforts to overturn the system, and to render it unpopular with the people. In the latter part of November, 1832, a state convention assembled at Columbia, which, at length, passed an ordinance, by which they declared: “That the several acts and parts of acts of the congress of the United States, purporting to be laws for the imposing of duties and imports on the importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United States, and more especially” two acts for the same purposes passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of July, 1832, “are unauthorized by the constitution of the United States, and violate the true meaning and intent thereof, and are null and void, and no law,” nor binding on the citizens of that state or its officers; and by the said ordinance it is further declared to be “unlawful for any of the constituted authorities of the state or the United States, to enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said acts within the same state, and that it is the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full effect to the said ordinance.” This tone of menace naturally aroused the Executive to corresponding energy and decision. He immediately issued a proclamation, which will be long admired for its sound and able exposition of the principles of the constitution――for its breathings of a spirit of exalted patriotism――and its eloquent appeal to Carolina herself and to the other states, which were perhaps ready to join her standard, to remember the toil and blood which American liberty cost――the sacredness of the constitution――and the importance of the preservation of the Union. While the proclamation of the President was commended by most of the states of the Union, as an able and judicious document, it served to increase, rather than allay, the excited citizens of South Carolina. The legislature of that state being in session, authorized and instructed her governor to issue a counter proclamation, which he did on the 20th of December, in which, in consonance with the legislative resolutions, he “solemnly warned the citizens of South Carolina against all attempts to seduce them from their primary allegiance to the state.” “I charge you,” said he, “to be faithful to your duty as citizens of South Carolina, and earnestly exhort you to disregard those ‘vain measures’ of military force, which, if the President, in violation of all his constitutional obligations, and your most sacred rights, should be tempted to employ, it would become your solemn duty at all hazards to resist.” On the same day general orders were issued by authority of the legislature, to raise volunteers, either in companies, troops, battalions, squadrons, &c., for the purpose of repelling invasion and in support of the rights of the state. Under a deep sense of the importance of energy befitting the emergency, the President, January 16th, 1833, addressed a message to congress, in which, after giving a history of proceedings both on the part of Carolina and the general government, he recommended the adoption of such measures as would clothe the Executive with competent power to suppress the risen spirit of insubordination――sustain the public officers in the discharge of their duties――and give power to the courts to carry out their constitutional decisions. While the storm was apparently thus gathering strength, and was ready to burst in still greater violence upon the nation, two events occurred which served to allay it, and indeed were the harbingers of comparative peace and amity. The first of these was an affectionate appeal of the general assembly of Virginia to the patriotism and magnanimity of South Carolina, expressed in a preamble and resolutions, as honorable to the “Ancient Dominion” as any act of her life, and worthy of her in the days of Patrick Henry and his contemporaries. The other event was the passage of a bill introduced by Mr. Clay, termed the “compromise bill,” which was designed as an act of pacification between the north and south――a middle course between extremes; and although not entirely satisfactory perhaps to either party, it was accepted by both, and was the means, under Providence, of staying the risen storm. A convention was soon after held in South Carolina, which, in view of the appeal of Virginia, and the modification of the tariff, proceeded to recommend the following ordinance: “Whereas, the congress of the United States by an act recently passed has made such a reduction and modification of the duties upon foreign imports, as amounts substantially to an ultimate reduction of the duties to the revenue standard, and that no higher duties shall be made than may be necessary to defray the expenditures of the government:” “It is therefore ordained and declared, that the ordinance, entitled ‘An ordinance to nullify certain acts of the congress of the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties on the importation of foreign commodities,’ and all acts passed in pursuance thereof, be henceforth deemed and held to have no effect; provided, that the act entitled ‘An act further to amend the militia laws of this state,’ passed on the 20th day of December, 1832, shall remain in force until it shall be repealed, or modified by the legislature.”

The excitement at Washington at this time was seldom if ever surpassed. Every day was prominent with important measures and occurrences. The reception of, and debate upon, Mr. Clay’s “compromise bill” were things not to be forgotten. The senate, we are told, was a scene of the most intense interest. A multitude of both sexes filled the hall. Profound silence and gravity prevailed, and a deep sensation was evinced, as much by that general silence, as by the marked interruption of it once or twice by audible emotions. There was an opinion expressed on many sides that the “tariff bill would not, after all, pass the senate.” But the opinion was not, we see confirmed, by the issue. It passed that body by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. It was called the “bloody bill,” by the government journal, and was held by it to represent “the mortal remains of state rights.”

Congress adjourned on Friday morning, March the 1st, at one o’clock. On the following Monday, General Jackson, who had been re-elected President, was inaugurated with much parade and amid great shoutings. His address on the occasion, was received with great applause. The oath was administered to him and Mr. Van Buren by the chief justice. The President in his address recognised the importance of state rights, but properly insisted upon the equal, if not superior value of the Union, and the sacred duty of every state to contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the government. He recognised the interest and importance of the time, and promised all his powers to sustain that principle which should make and continue us a united and happy people.

During the summer of 1833, the President visited New England, by the way of Philadelphia and New York; and, having proceeded as far as Concord in Massachusetts, returned again to the seat of government.

In this tour, the President was received in every place through which he passed with those demonstrations of respect and attention which are overdue to the chief magistrate of a free and enlightened people. Whatever opinions were entertained of his administration by his political opponents, they united in every suitable expression of honor to the man, whom the suffrages of a majority had elevated to the highest office in the nation. The President’s tour commenced on the 6th of June, and was suddenly terminated in the beginning of July――his return to Washington being hastened, as was said, by the state of his health, which had become too feeble to endure the fatigue incidental to such an expedition.

About this time several changes were effected in the cabinet. Edward Livingston, secretary of state, received the appointment of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the court of France, and Louis M’Lane, secretary of the treasury, took his place, and William J. Duane, the office of Mr. M’Lane.

On the 18th of September, a communication was read to the cabinet by the President, showing his decision on the subject of the removal of the public deposits from the Bank of the United States. His own mind was determined upon that of removal; and he begged his cabinet “to consider the proposed measure as his own――in which he should require no one to sacrifice opinion or principle.” Mr. Duane being opposed, as was thought, to this course of the President, was removed, and R. B. Taney appointed in his place.

On Monday, the 30th of June, congress terminated its session. A few days before the close of the session, Andrew Stevenson was nominated as minister to the court of St. James, and Roger B. Taney, as secretary of the treasury. The latter gentleman had received his appointment from the President, during the recess of the senate. It had been the uniform practice for appointments of this kind to be laid before the senate, at the commencement of the session; but General Jackson had withheld his name till near its close; and for nearly seven months Mr. Taney had been permitted to discharge the duties of an office, which, according to the substantial meaning, if not the literal construction of the constitution, he had no right to hold.

The rejection of Mr. Stevenson was justified, on the principles early advanced by General Jackson, that the appointment of members of congress to important offices was calculated to introduce corruption into the government. But other reasons operated, and among them, the disclosure made to the senate of the assurance of the President months previously, through the secretary of state, to Mr. Stevenson, that he should have the appointment. This promise was made, it was said, under the expectation that Mr. Stevenson would carry out the views and several measures of the Executive; and in this view the ratification of his nomination was deemed highly improper.

Before the session closed, the following nominations were made and confirmed. John Forsyth, of Georgia, to be secretary of state; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the treasury; Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, secretary of the navy; William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania, minister to Russia.

Just before the termination of the session, June 21st, the President communicated to congress, in a special message, the death of the illustrious La Fayette, which took place at his residence, La Grange, in France, on the 20th of May, at the advanced age of seventy-six. At the same time, orders were issued to the army and navy to honor the memory of the last of the generals of the Revolution. The house and senate chamber were both hung in black, agreeably to a resolution, unanimously adopted. It was also recommended by resolution, to the people of the United States to wear a badge of mourning for thirty days; and John Quincy Adams was appointed to deliver at the next session of congress, an oration on the life and character of our country’s friend.

The second session of the twenty-third congress commenced December 1st, 1834. The foreign relations of the country were represented by the President in his message to be unimpaired, and with all countries, save France, the understanding was such as was desirable. That government, however, still continued to persevere in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our citizens. The other prominent subjects regarded the United States Bank――the regulation of the deposits――and the impolicy and unconstitutionality of appropriations for internal improvements. The conduct of France towards the United States, in neglecting the payment of a just and already allowed debt, was generally censured in the United States. The President informed congress, “that, in his opinion, the United States ought to insist on a prompt execution of the treaty, and should an appropriation not be made by the French Chambers at their next session, prompt measures would not only be most honorable and just, but have the best effect on our national character.” This recommendation of the President was considered by some, in its practical effect, as a declaration of war, and especially as he recommended, in case of longer neglect, a law authorizing reprisals upon French property. But the expediency of reprisals upon French property recommended by the President, or indeed of any immediate action on the part of the national government, was considered by many extremely doubtful; and the senate, on the 14th of January, by a unanimous vote, stated this to be its opinion in a resolution to that effect. A similar resolution was adopted by the house. The prospect of a serious collision between these two nations, for a time so dark, at length passed away. In 1835, the President announced that France had acknowledged the validity of our claims as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, although payment was still withheld.

It may here be added, that during the year 1836, the President announced to the great satisfaction of the country that the appropriations having been made, our diplomatic relations with France had been resumed, and promised to be mutually beneficial to the two countries.

On the 6th of July, occurred the death of the venerable John Marshall, in Philadelphia, in the eighty-eighth year of his age. He had long been an ornament to the legal profession, and for several years had filled with distinguished ability the office of chief justice of the United States. To great talents and distinguished attainments, he united that integrity which inspired all parties with confidence, and that Christian principle which caused the nation to mourn over him at his decease, as “a great man fallen in Israel.”

The twenty-fourth congress commenced its first session on the 7th of December, 1835. James K. Polk was elected speaker. Among the appointments by the President at this period, were those of Roger B. Taney, as chief justice of the United States, and Andrew Stevenson, minister to Great Britain. The nomination of the latter met with strong opposition in the senate.

During this session the committee on naval affairs in the senate reported a bill, directing an “exploring expedition” to the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas, and authorizing the President to send out a sloop of war for that purpose. Mr. Reynolds, who may be considered the father of the scheme, presented the subject with much eloquence in the hall of representatives, at Washington. But the most important act of the legislature, was the “deposit or distribution act”――or a law requiring and regulating the deposits of the money of the United States with the banks of the several states, and the distribution of the surplus revenue among the several states. In the senate, the vote on the engrossment of the bill was, yeas, forty; nays, six. In the house, yeas, one hundred and sixty-three; nays, forty-four.

In April, an act had passed congress establishing the territory of Wisconsin. In June, Arkansas was admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states――together with Michigan, under certain conditions. The act of admission settled the boundary dispute between Ohio and Michigan――and Michigan was admitted on her assent to the act.

Congress adjourned on the 4th of July――without any other event of much importance within the walls of the capitol. The only appointment of note made near the close of the session, was that of Lewis Cass, as minister to France.

One week after the close of the session, (July 11th,) an important circular was issued from the treasury department in relation to money to be received in payment for public lands. By this circular the receivers of public money were instructed, after the 15th day of August next ensuing, to receive in payment of the public lands nothing except what is directed by the existing laws, viz., gold and silver, and in proper places, Virginia land scrip. In order to secure the faithful execution of these instructions, all receivers were strictly prohibited from accepting for land sold, any draft, certificate, or other evidence of money or deposit, though for specie, unless signed by the treasurer of the United States, in conformity to the act of April 24th, 1820.

The last annual message of General Jackson was transmitted to the twenty-fourth congress, on the 6th of December, 1836, that body having entered upon its second session the preceding day.

The foreign relations of the country the President represented as amicable. In regard to the “deposit or distribution act,” passed by the last congress, it had received, he said, his “reluctant approval,” and “the consequences apprehended from it had been measurably realized. It was an act merely for the deposit of the surplus moneys of the United States in the state treasuries for safe keeping, until wanted for the service of the general government――but it had been spoken of as a gift――would be so considered――and might be so used.”

Contrary to the views of a large portion of the citizens of the United States, the President represented the “specie circular” of the 11th of July, as producing many “salutary consequences.” “It is confidently believed,” said he, “that the country will find in the motive which induced that order, and the happy consequences which will have ensued, much to commend and nothing to condemn.” In opposition to this opinion of the President, there were those who attributed to the operation of that circular a great part of the pecuniary embarrassment and disturbances of the currency, which afflicted the country.

Early in 1837, (January 14th,) a resolution called the “expunging resolution,” originally introduced into the senate, March 18th, 1833, and which had given birth to long and even acrimonious debates, was adopted by a majority of that body. The object of this resolution was to obliterate, or expunge from the senate journal a resolution adopted March 28th, 1834, censuring the President for removing Mr. Duane, and assuming power over the public revenue not conferred by the constitution. This latter resolution had given the President and his friends serious annoyance, and frequent but vain efforts had been made to blot it from the journal. At length, Mr. Benton succeeded by a small majority; and late at night, on the 10th of January, 1837, the secretary of the senate, by order, brought the journal of 1833–4, into the senate chamber, and spread open the condemned page upon the table. He then proceeded to draw black lines on the four sides of the recorded resolution, and on the face of it wrote――“expunged by order of the senate, January 16th, 1837.” Against this proceeding, Daniel Webster, in behalf of himself and colleague, read a solemn protest.

The time for the election of a successor to General Jackson having arrived, the ceremony of counting the votes given by the several electoral colleges for that object took place in the presence of both houses of congress, on the 8th of February, 1837, when Martin Van Buren was declared to be elected President for four years from the 4th day of March. The candidates were five in number. Mr. Van Buren, received of the votes cast, one hundred and seventy; William Henry Harrison, seventy-three; Hugh L. White, twenty-six; Daniel Webster, fourteen; and William L. Magnum, eleven.

In reviewing the administration of General Jackson, it is not to be denied that he was a remarkable man. He doubtless possessed many of those great qualities which give to one the indisputable command over the many. He was early inured to hardship and danger, and early acquired great independence of thought and action, and a contempt of opposition, which followed him through all the vicissitudes of his career. He made no pretensions to learning, or scholarship of any kind; indeed, his education was superficial and but barely sufficient to conduct him decently through life. In an accurate knowledge of the theory and science of government, and the details of legislation, many of his contemporaries were immeasurably his superior; but what he lacked in knowledge, he made up in boldness and decision. His measures were often hastily conceived, but pertinaciously adhered to. Obedience to his commands were as much required, while President of the United States, as while a general at the head of our armies. It is not to be denied, that he entered upon the discharge of his duties as president with an honest desire to serve his country faithfully, but such was the natural pertinacity of his character, that in the opinion of his political opponents, he was led to insist upon measures, the wisdom of which, under other circumstances, he himself would have questioned. The destruction of the United States Bank was in reality the great measure of his administration, he early conceived a prejudice against the officers of that institution, and was probably honest in the belief that its management was wrong. Hence, he was led with characteristic ardor to commence measures of hostility against it, which, it is well known, ended in the ruin of that great fiscal institution of the country. Its fall involved the fortunes of hundreds and thousands, whose entire means of subsistence were embarked in its immense capital. The ruin of this institution, in the belief of many, was conducive to the interests of the country, notwithstanding the sufferings it entailed upon thousands. Another portion of the community believe its downfall to have been the precursor of that wide spread commercial embarrassment――that derangement of the currency――that blight and bankruptcy of thousands, which for years distressed and harrassed the country. General Jackson, as a military commander, had doubtless his defects. He was stern, imperious, and determined. Yet, for his bravery, his patriotism, his success, he deserves a grateful remembrance; and due respect will doubtless be paid to his memory by the generations that follow. His reputation as a statesman will not be so unequivocal. Different estimates will be made――different views will be entertained. All will accord to him energy, independence, promptness, and determination; while some will not give him credit for having pursued that line of policy which resulted in the greatest prosperity to his country.

ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.

On the 4th of March, 1837, the inauguration of Mr. Van Buren took place in accordance with the form prescribed by the constitution, in the presence of a large assemblage from all quarters of the country. The ex-president, the President elect, and the chief justice of the United States, arrived at the scene about twelve o’clock; the two former in a beautiful carriage, made from the timber of the frigate Constitution, escorted by the Potomac Dragoons, and a corps of infantry.

The address of Mr. Van Buren, on the occasion of his inauguration, may be said to have disappointed both political parties throughout the country. The temper of it was conceded even by his opposers to be good, and its entire exemption from invidious comparisons and allusions was worthy of all commendation. It was even less partisan, perhaps, than the political friends of the new President expected or desired; but to his opponents it induced the hope, that the vindictive strife which had long harassed the country, would be followed by a more tolerant policy. “If any exception be taken to the address,” said a distinguished journal, soon after its delivery, “it certainly will not be from the south, whose good-will its language is particularly adapted to conciliate.” By way of conciliating the south, he repeated an expression of opinion made before his election, that no bill which had for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding states, would receive his sanction during his presidential career. To this he added: “For myself I desire to declare, that the principle that will govern me in the high duty to which my country calls me, is a strict adherance to the letter and spirit of the constitution, as it was designed by those who framed it. Looking back to it as a sacred instrument carefully and not easily framed; remembering that it was throughout a work of concession and compromise; viewing it as limited to national objects; regarding it as leaving to the people and to the states all power not explicitly parted with, I shall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it, by anxiously referring to its provisions for direction in every action. To matters of domestic concernment, which it has intrusted to the federal government, and to such as relate to our intercourse with foreign nations, I shall zealously devote myself; beyond those limits I shall never pass.”

On retiring from the presidential chair, General Jackson published a farewell address to his fellow-citizens, after the example of Washington. By his political friends this address was highly extolled, both for the wisdom and importance of its political maxims, and the warm regard expressed for the country and its institutions.

Others regarded it with less favor. They could admit that it expressed sound constitutional opinions on some important points, and developed the true policy of the federal government in relation to its intercourse with foreign nations――in relation to the several state sovereignties, and to the means of defence by an increase of the navy, and the establishment of more and better constructed fortifications. But they were not prepared to unite with this “second father of his country”――as his warm admirers denominated him――in his views of the currency of the country, nor in the wisdom of the measures which he had pursued, and which he still recommended in relation to it. They also dissented from some of his statements respecting the success of his administration, and particularly from the declaration, that he had left the “people prosperous and happy.”

Immediately after the termination of the twenty-fourth congress, the senate, in conformity with a previous summons issued by the President of the United States, held an extra session, for the purpose of transacting executive business. The following gentlemen having been nominated by the President, were confirmed by the senate, for the offices which they respectively filled, and composed the new cabinet, viz.: John Forsyth, secretary of state; Levi Woodbury, secretary of the treasury; Joel R. Poinsett, secretary of war; Mahlon Dickerson, secretary of the navy; Benjamin F. Butler, attorney-general. These gentlemen, with the exception of Mr. Poinsett, were members of the cabinet of General Jackson.

From whatever source it originated, there was no doubt of the fact, that a most extraordinary pressure in pecuniary affairs was now experienced throughout the country. From New York city a committee of merchants proceeded to Washington to confer with the President, upon the present and the threatening difficulties, and to obtain, if possible, the repeal of the treasury circular. The answer they received was, that it would neither be repealed nor modified. In the month of May, the financial affairs of the country reached a crisis towards which they had for some months past been rapidly hastening. The banks of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore having suffered a heavy run for specie, which they could now no longer endure, resolved to suspend specie payments; which suspension was soon generally followed by a like suspension on the part of the banks throughout the whole country. Numerous failures of the merchants in all the principal cities were, about the same time, matters of almost daily occurrence. In New York they became at length so much a matter of course that they ceased to excite notice.

The banks in which the United States government deposited the national revenue were involved in the greatest calamity; and of course the law of congress which required these revenues to be deposited in specie-paying banks could not be complied with. The consequent embarrassment experienced by the government, induced the President on the fifteenth day of May, to issue his proclamation for an extra session of congress, to be convened on the first Monday of September following.

The extraordinary condition in which the country now found itself, led to a variety of measures for the purpose of affording temporary relief. Several of the state legislatures passed acts legalizing the suspension of specie payments on the part of the banks, and declaring that it should work no forfeiture of their charters. Some of the city governments passed by-laws, directing the issue of certificates for small sums, from five cents to two dollars, which should be receivable for taxes and debts due to the city government. Baltimore, for example, passed an ordinance for the issue of such certificates for an amount not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, and Philadelphia a like ordinance for certificates to the amount of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The banks themselves were obliged to adopt new rules of business, and the entire pecuniary condition of the country seemed suddenly changed.

On the 4th of September, in compliance with the proclamation of the President, congress assembled in extra session. In his message of the following day, the President alleged as the reason for convening congress in extra session, the inability of the government to comply with the law requiring the revenues to be deposited in specie-paying banks, the apprehension that the suspension of specie payments in addition to the before existing pecuniary embarrassments of the country would so far diminish the public revenue, that it would be insufficient to defray the unavoidable expenses of the government, and the difficulties experienced by the mercantile interest in meeting their engagements. “Sensible that adequate provisions for these unexpected exigencies could only be made by congress, convinced that some of them would be indispensably necessary to the public service before the regular period of your meeting, and desirous also to enable you to exercise your full constitutional powers for the relief of the country,” the President remarks, “I could not with propriety avoid subjecting you to the inconvenience of assembling at as early a day as the state of the popular representation would permit.” The message proceeds to ascribe the pecuniary embarrassments of the country to the redundancy of credit acquired by excessive issues of bank paper, and by means of foreign loans, contracted by the states and state institutions; and above all, by the lavish accommodations extended by foreign dealers to our merchants, and as the consequence of this redundancy of credit, to what the message terms, “a spirit of adventurous speculation, embracing the whole range of human enterprise.” The President next adverted to the best mode of keeping the public funds. A national bank, as a fiscal agent, he repudiated, and also local banks, they having failed to answer the expectations of the government in this particular. He would propose “a separation of the fiscal operations of the government from those of individuals or corporations;” a divorcement of the government from banks and banking, and a thorough change of the custodaries of the public revenue. As a means of immediate relief, he advised to the postponement of the fourth instalment of the deposits with the states, and the issue of treasury notes receivable for all public dues, but without interest. Both by the President and the secretary of the treasury a new mode was proposed of keeping the public revenue. They proposed to place it in the custody of commissioners, or receivers-general, at certain central points; into their hands it was to be paid, and kept by them, subject to the call and control of the treasurer. Most of the money, it was supposed, could be paid out near the places where it was collected, and thus save the expense and hazard of transmission to the seat of government. “This organization,” said the secretary, “would be advantageous as a separate establishment for this business alone, and as an independent check on most of those collecting the revenues. But it would require some addition to the present number of offices, and in the first instance would more increase the public expense.” The whole additional offices supposed to be necessary were ten. The annual increase of expenses was estimated at sixty thousand dollars. The danger of losses would be no greater, and probably less, under this organization, than at present. Such was the general plan proposed for keeping the public moneys, and which it was urged would render the government more independent, and less subject to be affected by the vicissitudes of trade and speculation, and less under the control of selfish and moneyed corporations.

In accordance with the recommendation of the President and secretary of the treasury, a bill was early introduced into the senate for the safe keeping of the public funds, commonly denominated the Sub-Treasury bill. This was intended to be the prominent measure of the session, and was urged with great power and by numerous considerations upon the senate and house of representatives. By the senate it was adopted by a vote of twenty-six to twenty. In the house, after undergoing an animated and protracted discussion, it was laid upon the table, by a vote of one hundred and twenty to one hundred and seven. Subsequently, an effort was made to reconsider the vote by which the bill was laid upon the table, but was lost; the motion for reconsideration being itself disposed of in the same manner by a vote of one hundred and nineteen to one hundred and four.

The extra session of congress was brought to a close on the 16th of October. The two principal measures adopted, designed for the relief of the government, were the postponement to the first day of January, 1839, of the payment of the fourth instalment of the deposits with the states, and the issue of treasury notes to an amount not exceeding ten millions of dollars, reimbursable in one year, and of the denomination of not less than fifty dollars.

In the autumn of 1837, an insurrection broke out in the British provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. Citizens of the United States, sympathizing with the insurgents, enlisted into their cause, and attempts were made, in violation of the laws of the United States, to raise troops in our territory to aid the revolutionists. Great excitement prevailed among the inhabitants along the line of our north-western frontier. The President of the United States in order to sustain the laws, issued his proclamation under date of the 5th of January, declaring that all persons who should compromit the neutrality of the United States, would render themselves liable to punishment under those laws, which would be rigidly enforced. At the same time orders were issued from the war department to General Scott to repair to the Canada frontier with an armed force, to be furnished by the States of New York and Vermont, for the purpose of repelling an apprehended invasion of our soil. The immediate occasion of issuing these orders was an attack made by an armed force from Canada upon the American steamboat Caroline. This vessel, owned by an American citizen, and bound for Schlosser, upon the east side of the Niagara river, and within the United States, was boarded about midnight, on the 29th of December, by seventy or eighty armed men, who immediately commenced an attack upon the crew and passengers with muskets, swords, and cutlasses, and soon set her on fire, towed her into the current of the river, and abandoned her to the mercy of the cataract. Out of thirty-three individuals known to have been on board of her, twelve could not be found, and of those found, one, Amos Durfee, was dead, having been shot through the head with a musket hall, and several others were wounded.

Immediate steps were taken by the department of state to bring the whole subject to the notice of the British government. Sir Allen N. M’Nabb, the commander of the British forces on the Niagara frontier, in justification of this attack on the Caroline, alleged that he had the most positive information that she had been sold to the pirates on Navy Island, and, loaded with provisions and munitions of war, was destined to co-operate with the British rebels. Although the civil war in Canada was soon brought to a close, the difficulties between the two governments, growing out of the attack on the Caroline, still remained unadjusted.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress commenced on the first Monday of December, 1837. The message of the President represented the condition of our foreign relations as not materially changed since the last annual message of his predecessor. Of questions pending between the United States and foreign governments, the most important regarded our north-eastern boundary. “The sole result of long pending negotiations and a perplexing arbitration,” the President observed, “appears to be a conviction, that a conventional line must be adopted, from the impossibility of ascertaining the true one, according to the description contained in the treaty. Without coinciding in this opinion, which is not thought to be well founded, my predecessor gave the strongest proof of the earnest desire of the United States to terminate satisfactorily the dispute, by proposing the substitution of a conventional line, if the consent of the states interested in the question could be obtained. To this proposition the British government have not yet replied.” The President urges upon the consideration of congress the claims of the government upon Mexico; that government having as yet declined to do any thing satisfactorily for the adjustment of our demands upon her for many cases both of public and private wrongs. The subject of the collection, transfer, and safe keeping of the public moneys was again represented as requiring the attention of the legislative department. The President considered congress as having decided, at the last session, against the creation of a national bank, and also against the deposit system. He therefore brought forward again the sub-treasury scheme as the only remaining expedient. A graduation of the prices of the public lands according to a valuation to be made, and an extension of the pre-emption laws in favor of settlers, were measures which the President seemed to regard with favor. The system of removing the Indians commenced by Mr. Jefferson in 1804, having been steadily persevered in by every succeeding president, was well nigh terminating in complete success, almost all the Indian tribes having been removed and established west of the Mississippi. The war in Florida still continuing, the principal part of the army had been concentrated there, with a view and in the expectation of bringing the war in that territory to a speedy close.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress was terminated on the 9th of July, 1838, without however any thing having been done for the safe keeping, transfer, collection, and disbursement of the public moneys; and on the 14th of the same month, the secretary of the treasury issued his circular to the collectors and receivers announcing this fact, and urging upon them the necessity of scrupulously enforcing the regulations and instructions of the department, of accuracy in their accounts, punctuality in their returns, promptness in their payments, and of an entire forbearance to use any part of the public moneys. The acts passed at this session of congress were chiefly of a private nature, and few, if any of the measures recommended by the President in his message, were adopted.

On the 13th of August, 1838, by previous concert, many of the banks resumed specie payments. On the 23d of July previous, a convention was held in the city of Philadelphia, in which the banks of the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, were represented, and which unanimously resolved to recommend the 13th of August as a suitable and convenient time, on which to resume. Accordingly, on the arrival of that day, the resumption was generally effected without commotion, without injury to themselves, and without inconvenience to the mercantile part of the community. This was an event which had been devoutly looked for, and was welcomed by the whole country. Some anxiety was felt as to the effect resumption would have upon the specie-paying banks; but generally, it was accomplished with ease. In Philadelphia, where this anxiety was perhaps the greatest, the demands for specie were confined to the wants of the community for change.

On the 3d of December, 1838, the twenty-fifth congress commenced its third session. On the following day the President transmitted his message, in which he represented the foreign relations of the country as generally friendly. With Mexico an advance had been made toward an adjustment of difficulties by the conclusion of a treaty, which, when ratified, would refer all subjects of controversy to the arbitrament of a friendly power. The work of removing the Indians west of the Mississippi was yet in successful progress, the entire removal of the Cherokees having been now effected.

Of the financial state of the government and country, the President spoke in tones of exultation. “When we call to mind,” said he, “the recent extreme embarrassments produced by excessive issues of bank paper, aggravated by the unforeseen withdrawal of much foreign capital, and the inevitable derangement arising from the distribution of the surplus revenue among the states as required by congress; and consider the heavy expenses incurred by the removal of Indian tribes; by the military operations in Florida; and on account of the unusually large appropriations made at the last two annual sessions of congress for other objects, we have a striking evidence in the present official state of our finances, (estimated at $2,765,000 in the treasury on the 1st of January, 1839,) of the abundant resources of the country to fulfil all its obligations.”

This, by the opposition, was considered an extraordinary representation on the part of the President, when it was considered that the government had resorted to the issue of treasury notes by millions; and had withheld more than nine millions from the states, in order to maintain its credit and continue its operations. But still more extraordinary was it, in the view of some, that all the improvements in the condition of the country should be ascribed to the agency of the general government; when it was well known that the government as such, had done little, if any more than look after its own interest. Not a measure had been adopted for the relief of the banks, except extending the time of payment of the public deposits, which the government could not collect――and nothing for the people, except postponing the payment of bonds for duties to the amount of four or five millions of dollars.

The President also renewed his recommendation of the sub-treasury, and urged its adoption on the ground, as it was then understood, of a recent remarkable defalcation of a collector in one of the principal cities of the Union. This collector, it was subsequently made known to congress by a special message, was Samuel Swartwout, collector of the customs at New York. He was appointed to the office of the customs by General Jackson, in April, 1829, during the recess of the senate. On the 29th of March, 1830, he was nominated to the senate, and confirmed for four years. In 1834, he was appointed again. His term expired in March, 1838. To the nation this defalcation was surprising and distressing, and the more startling, as from the secretary’s report it appeared, that during the whole time of Mr. Swarlwout’s continuance in office, no suspicions had been excited at the treasury, that he was guilty of default. Yet, on investigation, it appeared that his peculations began with the first year of his holding the office, and continued to roll up rapidly to the close. It amounted to about one million and a quarter of dollars.

On the 26th of February, a message from the President was transmitted to congress, in relation to difficulties which existed between Maine and “the disputed territory.” Portions of this territory were under the actual jurisdiction and sovereignty of the British authorities, and other portions was under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the State of Maine. Pending the negotiations between the government of the United States and that of Great Britain, for a final adjustment of the question, it seems to have been understood by the State of Maine, that the actual state of things in the territory was to remain undisturbed――Great Britain exercising her sovereignty where she already held it, and Maine doing the same. It appears, however, that a numerous band of depredators, chiefly from the adjoining British provinces, but without the sanction of their own government, entered on a part of the territory actually held by the State of Maine, and proceeded to cut down and destroy the timber. The governor of Maine, on being apprised of this fact, and under a special resolve of the legislature, despatched the land agent of the state, with what was deemed a sufficient force to repel the aggression. While the agent was proceeding in the accomplishment of his duty, he was seized by the trespassers and conveyed a prisoner into the province of New Brunswick. Thereupon, the governor of Maine dispatched a sheriff, and an officer appointed in place of the land agent, with an armed force, to vindicate the authority and honor of the state. Sir John Harvey, the lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, took fire, and a warm, if not an angry, correspondence ensued between him and the governor of Maine. The whole country, both on the side of Maine and in the British provinces, was thrown into a state of intense excitement; troops were raised and other hostile preparations made by both parties, and every thing seemed to threaten an immediate collision. In this crisis of affairs, the President of the United States transmitted a special message to congress, inviting their attention to the subject; and Major Gen. Scott received orders to repair to the scene of threatened hostilities, for the purpose of arresting any hostile movement, until an opportunity could be afforded for the two governments to treat upon the matter in dispute. The message to congress resulted in the passing of the act before mentioned, conferring additional powers on the President, and General Scott soon succeeded in restoring the quasi belligerents to a more amicable temper, and in effecting a temporary adjustment of the immediate difficulties. The military forces were to be withdrawn, and a small civil posse was to be left under the land agent to protect the timber, already cut, and to prevent further depredations, and the questions of possession and jurisdiction, were to remain as they were before the strife began.

During the third session of the twenty-fifth congress, an event occurred which excited the sensibilities of the whole nation, and called forth expressions of decided disapprobation from the candid of all parties. This was a duel fought with rifles near the city of Washington, between Jonathan Cilley and William J. Graves, both members of the house, the former from Maine, the latter from Kentucky. On the third fire, Mr. Cilley fell, mortally wounded.

The remains of the murdered man were attended to the grave by the President, the heads of departments, the members of both houses of congress, and a large concourse of citizens. The judges of the Supreme Court, then in session, were invited to attend the funeral. Most honorable to themselves, and honorable to the exalted stations they held, they entered upon their record the following resolves:

Resolved, That the justices of the Supreme Court entertain a high respect for the character of the deceased, sincerely deplore his untimely death, and sympathize with his bereaved family in the heavy affliction which has fallen upon them.

Resolved, That with every desire to manifest their respect for the house of representatives, and the committee of the house by whom they have been invited, and for the memory of the deceased, the justices of the Supreme Court cannot, consistently with the duties they owe to the public, attend in their official characters the funeral of one who has fallen in a duel.

Resolved, That these proceedings be entered on the minutes of the court, and that the chief justice inclose a copy to the chairman of the committee of the house of representatives.

The above tragical event justly excited the indignation of the nation. From every quarter a demand was made for some law to prevent such “wickedness in high places.” At length, a bill for an act was reported by a committee appointed for that purpose, which passed by a vote of one hundred and ten to twenty-one. The first section provided, that if any person shall, in the District of Columbia, challenge another to fight a duel, or accept a challenge, or shall knowingly carry a challenge to fight a duel in or out of the District of Columbia; and such duel shall be fought in or out of said district, and either of the parties shall be slain or mortally wounded, the surviving party and others connected, shall, on conviction, be punished by imprisonment and hard labor in the penitentiary for a term not exceeding ten years.

A second section provided, that the mere challenge, or aiding and abetting a challenge, which resulted in no duel, should be punished as above, for a term of five years.

A third section provided, that if any person be guilty of assaulting, striking or wounding another, for refusing to accept a challenge, or who shall post or publish any person, or use toward them opprobrious language for refusing to accept a challenge, shall, on conviction, be punished as above for a term not exceeding three years.

In August following (26th, 1839,) an event of a novel and interesting character occurred in the capture of the schooner Amistad, a Spanish vessel, found lying in the waters near Long Island. On board of her were two white men, Spaniards, Jose Ruiz and Pedro Montez, and fifty-four African negroes, under the command of one of their own number, whose name was Cinquez. The Amistad, it appeared from subsequent investigations, had sailed from Havana, in the Island of Cuba, for another port in the West India Islands, with a cargo of merchandise, and the Africans on board, claimed as slaves by the two Spaniards, Ruiz and Montez. After having been four nights at sea, the negroes rose upon the whites, killed the captain and crew, took possession of the schooner, and, in endeavoring to return to Africa, were at length found conveyed to the shores of Long Island.

The Amistad was first discovered by the United States revenue brig Washington, which took possession of her, with her cargo and crew, and brought her into the port of New London. The negroes, after an investigation before the district judge, were committed to take their trial before the circuit court of the United States, to be holden at Hartford, on the 17th of September, on a charge of piracy and murder on the high seas. The grand jury, however, under the charge of the court, found no bill against them, and they were discharged from the complaint, but retained in custody under a claim of property interposed by Ruiz and Montez――of the captors for salvage――and of the United States, made in compliance with a demand of the Spanish minister, that they should be surrendered to Spain, in accordance with a treaty existing between that government and the United States. The district attorney also filed a claim on behalf of the United States, that they should be delivered into the hands of the President to be sent back to Africa. On this state of the case, a writ of habeas corpus was obtained from the circuit court then in session at Hartford, to try their right to their liberty. That court decided, that as the Africans were held in custody under a regular process from the district court, they could not be discharged by habeas corpus, but must take their trial on the merits of the case. When the cause came on before the district court, the several claims aforesaid, with a single exception, were declared unfounded, and the Africans were ordered to be delivered to the President to be restored to Africa. From this decree an appeal was taken to the circuit court, which affirming the decree as a matter of form, the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, which adjudged the Africans entitled to their unqualified discharge. The negroes rested their claim on the ground that they were free inhabitants of Africa, had been seized and sold to a slave trader, who had carried them to Cuba in violation of the existing laws of Spain. The conduct of the President of the United States, in making the United States government a party against these Africans, and in appealing from the decree of the district court in their favor, at the instance of the Spanish minister, was regarded by the friends of the Africans as an unwarranted and illegal exercise of power, and was severely reprobated and condemned by many of the public journals. The President was charged with being desirous of delivering up the Africans to the Spanish government, and was said to have ordered a vessel of war to proceed to New Haven, Connecticut, to be ready to take the Africans, for this purpose, from the hands of the district court. The friends of the President, however, claimed that he acted in this matter from a desire merely to ascertain the treaty obligations of the United States, and to preserve them inviolate.

On the 9th of October, 1839, another suspension of specie payments commenced at Philadelphia. It was soon followed on the part of the banks in the interior of Pennsylvania, in Baltimore, in Washington, and in Richmond, until in a short time it became general throughout the south and south-west. In this suspension the banks of New York and New England did not in general participate, but with the exception of the Rhode Island banks, continued to meet the demands made upon them for specie. This suspension was supposed to have for its immediate cause the difficulties and embarrassments of the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, whose drafts on Paris had been protested for non-acceptance. The drafts, however, were, on arriving at maturity, with a single exception, honored by Rothschild.

On the assembling of the twenty-sixth congress, on the 2nd of December, much difficulty was experienced in organizing the house of representatives. Five persons belonging to New Jersey had received certificates of election from the governor, which certificates, it was contended, of right belonged to others. On this question the two political parties in congress were suddenly arrayed against each other, and the state of feeling which followed can scarcely be described. At length the following resolution was offered to the house by Mr. Graves.

Resolved, That the acting clerk of the house shall proceed with the call of the members from the different states of the Union in the usual way, calling the names of such members from New Jersey as hold the regular and legal commissions from the Executive of that state. The discussion of the above resolution was continued until it was apparent to the whole house――the clerk refusing to put it――that unless some other and extraordinary measure was adopted, commensurate with the difficulties in which they were involved, no organization could be effected. In this juncture a resolution was offered, appointing Mr. Adams chairman of the house, which being adopted by a large majority, he was conducted to the chair.

Under the guidance of Mr. Adams, the house proceeded on the 12th to ballot for a speaker. Six ballotings were taken, when no choice having been made, an adjournment to the 16th was moved and carried. On this latter day, the balloting was resumed and resulted, on the eleventh balloting, in the choice of Robert M. T. Hunter,――the New Jersey members not voting.

On the 20th, the question was taken on a resolution to administer the oath to the five gentlemen from the State of New Jersey, who had presented credentials to the speaker and demanded to be sworn, and decided in the negative, one hundred and sixteen to one hundred and twelve.

This decision created a great sensation throughout the Union. It was a wide departure from precedent, and deeply wounding to the pride of New Jersey, as well as injurious to her interests.

The subsequent history of this case is interesting, but, in the opinion of the whig party, reflected great discredit on the majority in the house of representatives. An investigation of the subject was ordered, and the committee on elections entered upon the duty assigned them. They were proceeding in their investigations, when, on the 28th of February, the house directed the committee “to report forthwith which five of the ten individuals, claiming seats from the state of New Jersey, received the greatest number of lawful votes from the whole state for representatives in the congress of the United States, at the election of 1838, in said state.”

This committee reported in favor of the five administration candidates. A minority report was at the same time presented, which was ordered to lie on the table.

On the 10th of March, a resolution was introduced by Mr. Petriken, declaring the five persons who had brought no legal certificates, entitled to their seats, and directing the speaker to qualify them.

The previous question being moved by the author of the resolutions, debate was suppressed, and the vote taken, and the resolution adopted by a vote of one hundred and eleven to eighty-one; several whig members refusing to vote.

To a portion of the American people, no act could have appeared more arbitrary and unjust, however right and proper it might have seemed to the party in power; nor could many divest themselves of the impression, that this course was adopted to secure certain objects, which the administration had in view.

The opposition to Mr. Van Buren’s administration, growing out of his views and his course in relation to the currency, and augmented and heightened by the commercial revulsions which the country had experienced, and the pecuniary embarrassments under which it had been laboring for years, was now fast approaching to its crisis. On the 4th of December, 1839, a Whig National Convention, composed of delegates from the different states assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice-president of the United States. The convention remained in session between two and three days, when having selected William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, as candidate for president, and John Tyler, of Virginia, as candidate for vice-president, and with great unanimity of feeling, resolved to support them, it adjourned.

The nomination thus made was unexpected to a considerable portion of the whig party. For a long time, their attention had been turned towards Henry Clay, and an anxious wish prevailed on the part of his special friends, that he should be put in nomination. They confidently expected it. But antecedently to the meeting of the convention, it had been the general, and even the universal opinion, that when that body should assemble and an interchange of views had been made, the man should be selected, who, it was thought, would concentrate the greatest strength against the existing administration. Preferences were, therefore, to be surrendered at the shrine of the country’s good――while, therefore, it was at first with painful emotions that the friends of Mr. Clay yielded, it was done with great unanimity and even cheerfulness, when it was perceived that by the nomination of Gen. Harrison other influences and interests would be secured, which were likely to result in his election.

From this time, General Harrison was distinctly before the people of the United States, as the candidate of the whig party for the presidency. With unexampled unanimity they rallied about him; and from this time the two great parties took the field, and never since the adoption of the constitution, did political enthusiasm rise higher, or were greater efforts made to elect the candidates, which each party proposed. The powers of the press were called into requisition, conventions, mass-meetings, varying from one thousand to twenty-five thousand, were assembled in various sections of the country; clubs were formed――log cabins erected, and the excitement and enthusiasm rolled up and were prolonged by the long and patriotic appeals of many of the first orators and statesmen in the country. The entire country was moved; the common business of men was visibly neglected and forgotten; the one all-absorbing theme was the approaching election and its issue. On that issue thousands were staked, and as men had thousands depending, their efforts were correspondingly vigorous and varied. Happy would the historian feel, if he could in truth exempt either party from the imputation of unfairness in every political transaction connected with the presidential election. Which party was the most censurable, we shall not attempt to decide. Individuals belonging to both were in some transactions sufficiently wrong.

On the 21st of July, 1840, the twenty-sixth congress adjourned. Two acts only of a public character are worthy of notice. The one providing “for taking the sixth census of the United States,” and the other “for the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenues.”

The act, viz., that for the collection, &c., of the public revenue, usually denominated the sub-treasury system, may be regarded as the great financial measure of Mr. Van Buren’s administration. It was early proposed by him, and in every subsequent message was urged upon the consideration of congress, as the best scheme which could be devised, by which the public revenue could be collected, safely kept, transferred, and disbursed. The debates on this system, by the supporters and opposers of the administration during the several sessions in which it was agitated, would fill volumes. By the President and his friends, it was eulogized and warmly recommended; by the opposition party, it was pointedly resisted and condemned. On this measure, and others, of a financial character connected with it, perhaps more than any other Mr. Van Buren staked his political fortune. With this, he entered into the election as a candidate for the presidency a second term.

On the 7th of December, 1840, the second session of the twenty-sixth congress commenced. Mr. Van Buren presented his last annual message; in which, after representing the foreign relations of the country as amicable, he proceeded to express his pleasure, that notwithstanding the various embarrassments which the government had to encounter; the great increase of public expenditure by reason of the Florida war; the difficulty of collecting moneys still due from certain banks, and the diminution of the revenue, &c., the business of the government had been carried on without the creation of a national debt.

Nominally the government had no such debt, but the foundation of a large debt had been laid, and only a few months from the time Mr. Van Buren left the presidential chair, the disclosure was made, that the country was involved in debt, and congress was called upon to provide means to sustain the waning credit of the government.

On the 10th of February, the ceremony of counting the votes for president and vice-president, took place in the hall of the house of representatives, in the presence of both houses of congress. The result was at length announced by the vice-president, as follows: For president――William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, two hundred and thirty-four; Martin Van Buren, of New York, sixty. For vice-president――John Tyler, of Virginia, two hundred and thirty-four; Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, forty-eight; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, eleven; James K. Polk, of Tennessee, one.

The majority for General Harrison in the electoral college was one hundred and forty-eight; a greater majority than any president had had, since the days of Washington. And thus a question was officially decided, which had excited the two great political parties of the country for months, and called forth more efforts on either side, than had been made at any previous election, since the formation of the government. The press, daily and weekly, had continued to pour out its political sentiments, and spread abroad its influences for and against the respective candidates; considerations of great interest and importance were urged; much truth was uttered and disseminated, and much calumny, falsehood, and detraction; popular meetings in numbers, character, and enthusiasm, never before known on the American soil, were held towards the conclusion of the political contest in every state, and in almost every county. Statesmen and orators of the highest reputation and ability itinerated the country, urging the freemen of the nation, on the one hand to retain the then president in power, and to carry out the principles and policy of his administration, as they valued the prosperity and perpetuity of the government; and, on the other hand, endeavoring to persuade them to discard a man, who by his selfishness, his disregard of the wants and necessities of the country, his obstinate adherence to measures after they were proscribed by the people, was laying the foundation of the ruin of the country; and to elevate a man to his place, one of the remnants of the “olden time;” a friend and companion of the earlier patriots of the country, who would restore the ancient order of things, and bring back the government to its original principles of action.

ADMINISTRATIONS OF WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON AND JOHN TYLER.

William Henry Harrison was inducted into the office of President of the United States, on the 4th of March, 1841. The ceremony of inauguration was attended by an immense concourse of people from all parts of the Union, who now united in giving an appropriate welcome to the hero, whom they had elevated to this proud distinction. For a period of twelve years, the government had been under the control of a party, whose principles and policy were opposed to those of General Harrison, and his political friends. It was quite natural, therefore, that on the occurrence of a change of administration so grateful to the latter, they should give expression to their feelings in demonstrations of unwonted joy.

The inaugural procession was grand and imposing, comprising several military companies, officers and soldiers, who fought under General Harrison, with a flag displayed at their head, taken from the enemy at the battle of the Thames, the President elect on a beautiful white charger, the committee of the senate, ex-presidents of the United States, the judiciary, foreign ministers, members of congress, members of the Harrisburg convention, governors, and ex-governors of states, members of state legislatures, officers of the army and navy, citizens, Tippecanoe clubs, corporate authorities, &c.

The inaugural address of General Harrison was a clear, plain, comprehensible document, and was delivered in a full, clear, unbroken voice, interrupted occasionally by the shouts of the multitudes responding to the principles and sentiments, which the address contained. The President elect spoke of his political sentiments and of the principles, which should govern him in the administration of the government. He declared himself clearly and explicitly in favor of a single presidential term, recognised the peculiar principles of the party which had chosen him to office in regard to the currency, spoke of the abuse of the veto power, the importance of preserving the elective franchise in its purity, the impropriety of Executive interference with the legislation of congress, the necessity of maintaining the national honor, of keeping the public faith with the aborigines of the country, and pledged himself to preserve the Constitution, so far as in him lay, in its original purity. Just as the President elect came to the concluding paragraph of his address, he paused to receive the oath of office from the hands of the chief justice of the United States; which done, he concluded with the following solemn and impressive declaration. “I deem the present occasion,” he said, “sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being, who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers, and who has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time.”

The new senate having been convened, proceeded shortly after the induction of General Harrison into office, to confirm the nominations made by him of gentlemen, whom he wished to constitute his cabinet――viz., Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, secretary of state; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, secretary of war; George E. Badger, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general; and Francis Granger, of New York, postmaster-general.

Thus was the government organized under the presidency of General Harrison, and in a manner which the friends of the President regarded as highly auspicious to the best interests of the country. Many great and difficult questions, connected both with the foreign and domestic policy of the government, met the administration at the very threshold of its coming into power, and required all their wisdom, and skill, and patriotism, for a safe and satisfactory adjustment. On the one hand, there were the north-eastern boundary question, still pending with Great Britain, and certain difficulties and delicate matters growing out of the burning of the steamer Caroline, and the subsequent arrest and imprisonment, in the state of New York, of one Alexander M’Leod, a British subject, for the murder of Amos Durfee, one of the crew of that boat; and on the other, the agitating and embarrassing questions relating to the currency and financial condition of the country. The party, however, which had placed General Harrison in power, flattered themselves, that with the aid of the able cabinet he had selected, he would soon be able to adjust and arrange those difficult matters in a manner highly conducive to the national welfare. On the 17th of March, the President issued his proclamation convening congress to assemble in extra session, on the 31st of May following, for the purpose of taking into consideration the condition of the revenue and finances of the country. The great subject which had been the gist of the political controversy just ended, was thus to receive the almost immediate attention of congress; and the friends of the administration indulged the hope that the measures, which they believed the good of the country demanded, would soon be adopted, and on a footing promising the most complete success. What then was their disappointment and their grief, when, in less than a month reports were spread throughout the country, that the President was dangerously sick, and in a few days after, that he was no more! On the 4th of April, 1841, the following circular, signed by the different members of the cabinet, was issued, announcing to the nation the intelligence of his death.

“An all-wise Providence having suddenly removed from this life William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States, we have thought it our duty, in the recess of congress, and in the absence of the vice-president from the seat of government, to make this afflicting bereavement known to the country, by this declaration, under our hands. He died at the President’s house, in this city, this 4th day of April, Anno Domini, 1841, at thirty minutes before one o’clock in the morning.

“The people of the United States, overwhelmed like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life has been patriotic, useful, and distinguished; and that the last utterance of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the Constitution, and the preservation of its true principles. In death, as in life, the happiness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts.”

A bereavement like this, unprecedented in the annals of the country, excited a universal sentiment of grief; and men of all parties united to do homage to the memory of the illustrious dead. After the performance of appropriate religious service at the presidential mansion, the body, followed by a magnificent cortege, was conveyed to the receiving tomb, in the city of Washington, whence it has been since transferred, at the request of the family friends, to a rural mound on the banks of the Ohio, near the former abode of the deceased.

The sad event was subsequently celebrated in all the principal cities and towns in the nation, by funeral processions, and funeral orations, in honor of the departed President.

On the very night of the melancholy catastrophe, the cabinet despatched a special messenger to the residence of the vice-president, in Virginia, to acquaint him with the national loss, that he might enter on the duties of the presidential office, which were now devolved on him by the Constitution. The vice-president, on receiving the intelligence, hastened to the seat of government, took the oath to discharge the duties of the office of President of the United States, invited the cabinet chosen by General Harrison to remain in their places, and immediately entered on the administration of the government. Thus, for the first time, in the history of the United States, was the vice-president called to discharge the functions of President.

President Tyler, having no public opportunity of presenting to the nation an exposition of the policy, which would guide his administration, in the form of an inaugural address, early after entering upon the duties to which Providence had called him, issued an official address to the people, containing a brief exposition of the principles, which he designed should govern him in the administration of public affairs. These were in general in accordance with those of his predecessor, and of the great political party, which had elevated him to the second office in the nation.

On the 13th of April, President Tyler addressed to the people of the United States, a recommendation of a national fast, to be observed on the 14th of May, with reference to the recent melancholy national bereavement. This recommendation of the President was strictly regarded throughout the country, and the 14th of May, 1841, was solemnly and religiously observed as a day of national fasting, humiliation and prayer.

On the 31st of May, 1841, congress assembled in accordance with the proclamation, which had been issued by President Harrison, and forthwith entered upon the business for which they had been assembled.

The first bill of importance, matured and adopted, was one to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States. As a reason for the adoption of such a system, it was urged with just weight, that owing to the extraordinary revulsions in trade and the pecuniary embarrassments resulting therefrom, which had taken place in the country within the last four years, there were more than five hundred thousand debtors in the United States, insolvent and for ever cut off from the prospect of being able to do any thing, either for themselves or their creditors, unless a bankrupt law should be passed for their relief. Petitions against the passage of this bill were also presented: and it met with strenuous opposition from members of congress of both political parties. The chief exception taken to the bill was its retrospective operation――discharging, as it did, contracts made before its passage. The operation of this measure was doubtless to furnish relief to many honest debtors; but it is needless to say, that the dishonest, in too many instances, took advantage of its provisions, and released themselves from solemn obligations, which they were able, but which they were unwilling, to fulfil.

The sub-treasury law, which Mr. Van Buren had so often and strenuously recommended to congress, and which had been adopted towards the close of his administration, was among the earliest laws repealed at the extra session. The vote on the question of repeal in the senate was twenty-nine to eighteen; in the house, one hundred and thirty-four to eighty-seven.

Another important measure adopted, was a bill providing for the distribution of the net proceeds of the public lands, and to allow to actual settlers certain pre-emption rights.

The main provisions of the bill are, that from and after the thirty-first day of December, 1841, there shall be allowed and paid to the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Michigan, over and above what each of the said states is entitled to by the terms of the compacts entered into between them and the United States upon their admission into the Union, the sum of ten per cent. upon the net proceeds of the sales of the public lands, which subsequent to the thirty-first day of December, 1841, shall be made within the limits of the said states respectively; and that after deducting the said ten per cent. and what by the before-mentioned compacts has been allowed to the states aforesaid, the residue of the net proceeds, after paying the expenses of the General Land Office, the expenses of surveying, and selling the said lands, &c., shall be divided among the twenty-six states of the Union, and the district of Columbia, and the territories of Wisconsin, Iowa, and Florida, according to their respective federal representative population, as ascertained by the last census, to be applied by the legislatures of the said states to such purposes as the said legislatures may direct; the share of the district of Columbia, however, to be applied to free schools, or education in some form, as Congress may direct. The net proceeds of the said sales are to be paid to the agents of the states, at the treasury of the United States, half yearly, that is, on the first day of January, and the first day of July, in each year.

The act grants to each of the states to which the ten per cent. distribution is to be made, five hundred thousand acres of land for purposes of internal improvement; or in cases where such grants have heretofore been made to any state, such number of acres as together with the previous grants, shall amount to five hundred thousand acres.

The provisions of this act in regard to pre-emption, are, substantially, that, with certain limitations, and restrictions provided in the act, every person being the head of a family, or widow, or single man, over the age of twenty-one years, and a citizen of the United States, or having filed a declaration of an intention to become a citizen in accordance with the naturalization laws, who since the first day of June, 1840, has settled, or shall hereafter settle on the public lands, may have the privilege of purchasing such land in which he has settled or shall settle, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, on paying to the United States the minimum price of such land.

The act is to continue in force until it shall be otherwise provided by law, unless the United States shall become involved in war with any foreign power, in which event, it is to be suspended during the war; and if at any time during the existence of the act, there shall be an imposition of duties on imports inconsistent with the provisions of the revenue act of 1832, and other revenue laws, and beyond the twenty per cent. duty on the value of the imports established by that act, in such case, the act is to be suspended until this cause of suspension shall be removed.

The duties on imports, having been constantly decreasing for several years, in accordance with the provisions of the revenue act of 1832, the revenue had at length become insufficient for the purposes of the government. A bill, therefore, was passed by congress for the imposition of duties of twenty per cent. on the value of all articles of import not expressly excepted therein. It was to take effect on the 1st of October, 1841.

But the great measure of the extra session however, was the establishment of a Bank of the United States. Whether there should be such an institution in the country, existing by any law of congress, had, indeed, been a great and exciting question for the twelve previous years. Both General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, and the party, which they represented, were hostile to any such institution. During the then recent presidential contest this question had been extensively discussed, and the rival candidates, it was very well understood, entertained opposite views on the subject. The election of Gen. Harrison was considered, therefore, as an expression in favor of such an institution, by that majority of the people, which elevated him to the presidency; and the creation of such a bank, it was understood, was among the weighty and important matters on account of which the new President issued his proclamation for an extra session of congress. President Tyler, too, in his message to congress, on the assembling, seemed to join in the intimation before given by President Harrison, that some suitable agency ought forthwith to be established, for the purpose of collecting, keeping, and disbursing the public revenues.

Accordingly, soon after the opening of congress, a bill for the establishment of a National Bank, prepared by the secretary of the treasury, Mr. Ewing, was referred to a committee of the senate. This bill being drawn up by a member of the cabinet, it was generally supposed was in accordance with the views of the President, and if passed, would receive his sanction.――The bill provided for the establishment of a bank in the district of Columbia, to be termed, the “Fiscal Bank of the United States,” with power to establish branches in the states, with the consent of the states.――The committee of the senate to whom the subject had been referred, after due deliberation, reported a bill for the establishment of a Fiscal Bank, concurring in the main with the bill framed by the secretary of the treasury, but differing from it in one important feature, namely, in the power of the parent bank to establish branches in the different states without their assent. The charter of the bank of 1816 was assumed as the basis of the bill. The parent bank was to be located at the city of Washington, and to be under the control of nine directors, to be appointed annually, and to receive an annual stipend for their services, but not to be allowed any accommodation from the bank, in the shape of loans or discounts. The parent bank was to make no loans or discounts except to the United States government, and to that, only such as should be authorized by law. The capital stock of the bank was to be the sum of thirty millions of dollars; congress retaining the power to increase it to fifty millions. The dividends were to be limited to seven per cent. on the capital stock, the excess over that sum to be reserved until it should constitute a fund of two millions of dollars to be appropriated to the purpose of making good any losses which might be sustained, and the excess beyond that sum of two millions to be paid into the United States treasury. The directors were to have power to establish branches in the different states, and to commit the management of them to such persons as they should see fit. Foreigners were prohibited from holding any part of the capital stock. The United States were to subscribe for one-sixth part of the shares, and the individual states were also to be allowed to subscribe. Such were the main features of the bill as reported by the committee of the senate.

This bill, on being reported to the senate, encountered strenuous opposition from the anti-administration senators, who used all their efforts and skill, first to render it a nullity by means of different amendments which they proposed, and finally to destroy it altogether. The great advocate of the bill was the chairman of the committee who reported it, the Hon. Henry Clay. The most serious opposition to it came in the shape of an amendment, prepared by the Hon. Wm. C. Rives, of Virginia. This senator, perceiving in the bill what he deemed an infringement upon the rights of the states, reserved to them by the constitution, moved so to amend it, that no branches should be established in the states without the assent of their legislatures; branches being once established, however, not to be withdrawn without the assent of congress. This amendment was regarded by Mr. Clay and those who acted with him, as calculated to affect the bill in a vital part, and was strenuously resisted. After considerable debate, however, and a calculation of the probable chances of its passage unless some concession were made to the views of the friends of state-rights, Mr. Clay consented to a compromise, and the bill was so modified as to give the parent bank power to establish branches in such states as should not at the first session of their legislature, holden after its passage, express their dissent, and to make it imperative on the directors to establish a branch in any state in which two thousand shares should have been subscribed, or should be holden, whenever upon application of the legislature of such state congress should by law require the same. In case the legislature of any state should express neither assent nor dissent, its assent was to be presumed; and it was to be the duty of the directors to establish branches in the states, at all events, whether with the assent of the states or against their dissent, in case congress should by law so direct, for the purpose of carrying into effect any of their constitutional powers.

With this amendment, and some others of less importance, the bill finally passed the senate, and in a few days thereafter the house of representatives, and was presented to the President for his approval. The President, after retaining the bill in his hands until the constitutional period of ten days, allowed him for the purpose of consideration, had nearly expired, and during which time the whole country was awaiting his decision with the most anxious solicitude, at last, on the 16th of August, returned it to the senate with his veto.

In his assigning his reasons for such a measure, the President says, “the power of congress to create a National Bank to operate per se over the Union has been a question of dispute from the origin of the government. Men most justly and deservedly esteemed for their high intellectual endowments, their virtue, and their patriotism, have in regard to it, entertained different and conflicting opinions. Congresses have differed. The approval of one President has been followed by the disapproval of another. The people at different times have acquiesced in decisions both for and against. The country has been and still is agitated by this unsettled question. It will suffice for me to say, that my own opinion has been uniformly proclaimed to be against the exercise of any such power by this government. On all suitable occasions, during a period of twenty-five years, the opinion thus entertained has been unreservedly expressed.”

This exercise of the veto power by the President, produced a great sensation both in congress and elsewhere throughout the country. With the political friends of the President, that is, with those to whom he owed his elevation to power, it was generally a subject of extreme regret; and it was even rumored that, in consequence of the veto, the cabinet would be dissolved, and an open separation would ensue between the President and the whig party. By the anti-administration party, on the other hand, the veto was hailed with joy, and the President, it was said, had saved his country. The message, however, met with a milder reception from the dominant party in congress than had generally been anticipated. The President seemed to be generally regarded as honest in his convictions and conscientious in his scruples, and a desire was soon manifested, on the part of those whose views differed from his, to have a new bill introduced into congress which should be free from what the President regarded as constitutional objections. The reasoning of the President in regard to the bill which he had returned, seemed to be directed mainly against the power to discount, and the power to establish offices of discount in the different states. In regard to the power to deal in exchanges, he expressed himself with more favor, and it was pretty generally inferred by those who read the message, that he would not disapprove a bill to establish a bank whose object should be to deal in exchanges. Accordingly, in a few days after the reception of the veto, a bill to establish such a bank under the title of the “Fiscal Corporation of the United States,” was introduced into the house of representatives, by the Hon. John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, soon passed, sent to the senate, there confirmed, and transmitted to the President for his signature. This bill, it was supposed, had been drawn up by those well acquainted with the President’s views, and in such a manner that he would surely give it his sanction. It was supposed that the party in power would not hazard a second experiment of the kind without having satisfactorily ascertained that such was the fact. But rumor soon began to whisper, that this bill also was to meet the fate of its predecessor. Nothing, however, was definitely known on the subject, until the 9th of September, when the President fully confirmed all that rumor had said, by returning the bill to the house of representatives with his veto.

This was a result sufficiently mortifying to the party, which had contributed to the election of Mr. Tyler as the associate of the lamented Harrison, and tended, in no small degree, to weaken the confidence which that party had reposed in him. From this time, it was obvious, that the President and his former political friends could no longer act in concert.

On the 13th of September, congress adjourned. Two days before, the whig members of the senate and of the house of representatives held a meeting in the city of Washington, at which it was resolved to publish an address to the people of the United States, containing a succinct exposition of the prominent proceedings of the extra session.

In that address, after speaking of the repeal of the sub-treasury law――the enactment of the land bill――and the passage of the bankrupt act――on account of which, considering their importance, they might well congratulate themselves and the country――they proceeded to profess their “profound and poignant regret,” that they had been defeated in two attempts to create a fiscal agent, of the necessity and importance of which they had satisfactory proof. “Twice have we,” said they, “with the utmost diligence and deliberation matured a plan for the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursing of the public moneys through the agency of a corporation adapted to that end, and twice has it been our fate to encounter the opposition of the President, through the application of the veto power. The character of that veto in each case, the circumstances in which it was administered, and the grounds upon which it has met the decided disapprobation of your friends in congress, are sufficiently apparent in the public documents, and the debates relating to it. This subject has acquired a painful interest with us, and will doubtless acquire it with you, from the unhappy developments, with which it is accompanied. We are constrained to say that we find no ground to justify us in the conviction that the veto of the President has been interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well considered opinions of constitutional scruples as to his duty, in the case presented.” In another part of that address they say, “It is with profound sorrow we look to the course pursued by the President. He has wrested from us one of the best fruits of a long and painful struggle, and the consummation of a glorious victory; he has even, perhaps, thrown us once more upon the field of political strife, not weakened in numbers nor shorn of the support of the country, but stripped of the arms which success had placed in our hands, and left us again to rely upon that high patriotism, which, for twelve years, sustained us in a conflict of unequal asperity, and which finally brought us to the fulfilment of those brilliant hopes which he had done so much to destroy.”

The dissatisfaction thus manifested by the dominant party in congress soon extended itself to the cabinet of the President, which, in less than a week following the second veto of the President, was dissolved; the different members, with the exception of the secretary of state, resigning their places. The reasons for this step were given in detail, in a letter addressed to the President by Mr. Ewing, the secretary of the treasury, and published in the public journals. These reasons mainly referred to the exercise of the veto power by the President, and more especially to the course which Mr. Ewing stated the President had pursued in relation to the bill for the establishment of a fiscal corporation. This bill, Mr. Ewing says, was drawn up at the President’s request, considered and approved by him, and at his instance introduced into congress. On the resignation of his cabinet, the President nominated the following gentlemen to fill their places, viz.: Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John M’Lean, of Ohio, secretary of war; Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, secretary of the navy; Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, attorney-general; and Charles A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, postmaster-general; which nominations the senate confirmed.

It may be here added, that great surprise was manifested, and deep regret expressed, that Mr. Webster, the secretary of state, still continued to occupy his place in the cabinet. His political friends, while they believed he was actuated by pure and patriotic motives, would have been better pleased, had he by resignation borne signal testimony against a course pursued by the President, subversive of some of the most favorite measures of the party, which had elevated him to the high office he held. The continuance of Mr. Webster in office proved, however, of signal advantage to the country, as through his instrumentality, more than that of any other man, that long agitated and most vexatious question, relative to the north-eastern boundary, was settled to the satisfaction of both the governments, interested therein.

On the 6th of December following, the twenty-seventh congress commenced its second session. In his message on the following day, the President adverted to several topics of national interest――the principal of which were our relations with Great Britain――the Florida war――the census――the tariff――and the adoption of some plan for the safe-keeping of the public funds.

Great Britain had made known to this government, the President said, that the expedition, which was fitted out from Canada for the destruction of the steamboat Caroline, in the winter of 1837, and which had resulted in the destruction of said boat, and the death of an American citizen, was undertaken by order from the authorities of the British government; and that if Alexander M’Leod, a British subject, indicted for that murder, was engaged in that expedition, that government demanded his release, on the ground that he was acting under orders of the government. Fortunately for the peace of the two countries, before this demand was made, M’Leod had been tried in the state of New York and acquitted. The affair of the Caroline, however, remained unadjusted; and, having now been publicly sanctioned by the British government, it would become a matter of grave negotiation with that government.

The war with the Indian tribes on the peninsula of Florida during the summer and fall, had been prosecuted with untiring activity and zeal. In despite of the sickness incident to the climate, our troops had penetrated the fastnesses of the Indians, broken up their encampments, and harassed them exceedingly.

The census for 1840, had been completed, and exhibited a grand total of 17,069,453; making an increase over the census of 1830, of 4,202,646, and showing a gain in a ratio exceeding thirty-two and a half per cent., for the last ten years.

Apprehending that a revision of the tariff might be deemed necessary, the President expressed a wish, that in that case, moderate counsels might prevail. In regard to discrimination as to articles, on which a duty might be laid, he admitted that so long as reference was had to revenue to the wants of the treasury, no well founded objection could exist against such discrimination, although by that means incidental protection should be furnished to manufactures. It might, however, he said, be esteemed desirable that no such augmentation of the taxes should take place, as would have the effect of annulling the land proceeds distribution act of the last session, which act is declared to be in operation the moment the duties are increased beyond twenty per cent., the maximum rate established by the compromise act.

Next, he adverted to a pledge, which he had given at a former day, to suggest a plan for the control and safe-keeping of the public funds. “This plan contemplates,” said he, “the establishment of a board of control, at the seat of government, with agencies at prominent commercial points, or wherever else congress shall direct, for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys; and a substitution, at the option of the public creditors, of treasury notes, in lieu of gold and silver. It proposes to limit the issues to an amount not to exceed 15,000,000 dollars――without the express sanction of the legislative power. It also authorizes the receipt of individual deposits of gold and silver to a limited amount, and the granting of certificates of deposit, divided into such sums, as may be called for by the depositors. It proceeds a step further, and authorizes the purchase and sale of domestic bills, and drafts resting on a real and substantial basis, payable at sight, or having but a short time to run, and drawn on places not less than one hundred miles apart――which authority, except in so far as may be necessary for the government purposes exclusively, is only to be exerted upon express condition, that its exercise shall not be prohibited by the state in which the agency is situated.

“In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits, and on bills bought and sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates, and to subduct from the earnings of industry, the least possible sum. It uses the state banks at a distance from the agencies as auxiliaries, without imparting any power to trade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as appear to be necessary. It is the creature of law, and exists only at the pleasure of the legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis, in order to redeem the notes at the places of issue――produces no dangerous redundancy of circulation――affords no temptation to speculation――is attended by no inflation of prices――is equable in its operation――makes the treasury notes, which it may use along with the certificates of deposit, and the notes of specie paying banks――convertible at the place where collected, receivable in payment of government dues――and, without violating any principle of the Constitution, affords the government and the people such facilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted, whenever you require it, to your consideration.”

Among the measures adopted by the second session of the twenty-fifth congress, the first we shall notice was an act for apportioning the representatives, among the several states according to the fourth census. Several different ratios were proposed, but at length the number of one representative for every 50,179 was adopted by the house. This number was changed in the senate for 70,680; and after a long discussion in the house, the amendment was agreed to. A further amendment was also concurred in, viz., that each state having a fraction greater than a moiety of the said ratio should be entitled to an additional representative. This act received the approval and signature of the President on the twenty-fifth of June. But accompanying the message, announcing that approval, was an intimation that he had caused the act to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, accompanied by an exposition of his reasons for giving it his sanction. Such a course on the part of a president, being unprecedented, a resolution was adopted, calling on the secretary for an authenticated copy of those reasons.

When furnished, it appeared that the chief objection which the President had to the bill, was its mandatory requisition upon the states to form districts for the choice of representatives to congress, in single districts. Of the constitutional power of congress in this respect, as well as in regard to the policy of the act, he had serious doubts; but he had signed the bill “from respect to the declared will of the two houses.”

The course thus taken by the President, in depositing this act, with his reasons, in the office of the secretary of state, being entirely novel, and in the view of many highly exceptionable, the subject was referred to a committee, who submitted a long report, in which they said, “the committee consider the act of the President, notified by him to the house of representatives, in his message of the 23d ult., as unauthorized by the constitution and laws of the United States, pernicious in its immediate operation, and imminently dangerous in its tendencies. They believe it to be the duty of the house to protest against it, and to place upon their journal an earnest remonstrance against its ever being again repeated.”

On the 31st of March, 1842, an interesting scene transpired in the Senate. This was the withdrawal of Mr. Clay from his senatorial office, to private life, after a continuous service of nearly thirty-six years in the public councils, in conformity to a letter of resignation, which, on the 16th of February, he had addressed to the general assembly of Kentucky. Previously to retiring, Mr. Clay made use of the occasion of presenting the credentials of his appointed successor, to address to the senate some valedictory remarks, in which he touched briefly and successively on the high constitutional attributes and character of the senate, on his long service in that and other departments of the public service, on the state of public affairs, with some references personal to himself. This address, delivered with unusual earnestness and depth of intonation, was received by the senate, and an immense concourse of auditors, with deep silence and the most profound attention. As it was an event, and a moment calculated to fill the veteran statesman with emotion, it was one which imparted a sympathetic interest to the public; and, in the expectation and hope of hearing again, and for the last time, the manly tones of that voice which had so often thrilled every heart with delight and admiration, the chamber and galleries were early filled with an eager and anxious auditory of both sexes. Seldom have the anticipations of any assemblage in the capitol been more richly realized, or their sensibilities more profoundly excited. The scene was indeed most impressive, and will never be forgotten by any of the thousand individuals who witnessed it. At one moment, when the orator approached the theme of his gratitude to the noble state, which had so long honored and cherished him, when his utterance was choked, and his voice failed, and he paused to wipe the tears from his eyes, it is believed there were few other eyes present which remained dry.

In the course of his valedictory, he said: “I go from this place under the hope that we shall mutually consign to perpetual oblivion, whatever personal collisions may at any time unfortunately have occurred between us; and that our recollections shall dwell in future only on those conflicts of mind with mind, those intellectual struggles, those noble exhibitions of the powers of logic, argument, and eloquence, honorable to the senate, and to the nation, in which each has sought and contended for what he deemed the best mode of accomplishing one common object, the interest and the most happiness of our beloved country. To these thrilling and delightful scenes, it will be my pleasure and my pride to look back in my retirement with unmeasured satisfaction.”

In conclusion, he added: “In retiring as I am about to do, for ever from the senate, suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers of our constitution may be fulfilled; that the high destiny designed for it, may be fully answered; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may eventuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved country, in maintaining its rights and honors abroad, and upholding its interests at home. I retire, I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I wish I could take my leave of you under more favorable auspices; but, without meaning at this time to say whether on any, or on whom reproaches for the sad condition of the country should fall, I appeal to the senate and to the world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued exertions to avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me.

“May the most precious blessings of Heaven rest upon the whole senate, and each member of it, and may the labours of every one redound to the benefit of the nation, and the advancement of his own fame and renown. And when you shall return to the bosom of your constituents, may you receive that most cheering and gratifying of all human rewards――their cordial greeting of ‘Well done, good and faithful servant.’

“And now, Mr. President, and senators, I bid you a long, a lasting, and a friendly farewell.”

During the month of June, 1842, the Exploring Expedition returned to the United States, having been absent three years and ten months, and having sailed nearly 90,000 miles. The vessels attached to this expedition left the Capes of the Chesapeake, August 19th, 1838, and sailed for Rio Janeiro, whence, on the 6th of January, 1839, they sailed for the north of Patagonia, and thence to Nassau Bay, in Terra del Fuego. The Peacock, Porpoise, and two schooners thence made cruises towards the pole; but as the season was far advanced, they did not quite reach the highest latitude attained by Cook. The Vincennes remained at Nassau Bay to carry on surveys, and magnetic observations. In May, the vessels were again together at Valparaiso, and in July they left the South American coast, and after surveying fourteen or fifteen of the Pawmotee Islands, two of the Society Islands, and all the Navigator’s group, on the 28th of November, they reached Sidney, in New South Wales. On their second antarctic cruise, land was first discovered in longitude 160 degrees east, and latitude 66 degrees, 30 minutes south. The Vincennes and Porpoise pursued the barrier of ice to the westward, as far as 97 degrees east longitude, seeing the land at intervals for fifteen hundred miles. They could not land, however, though many specimens of rocks were collected and brought home. On the 24th of April, the vessels proceeded to the Feejees, where nearly four months were occupied in surveys and scientific observations. They next visited the Sandwich Islands――the Vincennes spending the winter at the group. The Peacock and Flying Fish were cruising in the equatorial regions of the Pacific, visiting and making charts of the various groups of islands scattered throughout the seas. In the spring of 1841, the Vincennes and Porpoise were on the coast of Oregon, where the former was wrecked. They made several land expeditions into the interior, of from five hundred to a thousand miles each, and one of eight hundred miles to San Francisco, in California. The vessels left California in November, 1841; and, after touching at the Sandwich Islands, and visiting Manilla, Singapore, and the Cape of Good Hope, reached New York as above stated.

During their absence, they surveyed nearly two hundred and eighty different islands, besides eight hundred miles in Oregon, and one thousand, five hundred miles along the icy barrier of the antarctic continent. The number of sketches of natural scenery brought home, were about five hundred; the number of portraits about two hundred. Of birds about one thousand species, and twice that number of specimens were collected; besides great numbers of fishes, reptiles, insects, shells, &c. This expedition was fitted out at a great expense, and its results have proved highly honorable to the nation which projected, and the officers who executed it. Several volumes containing a history of the expedition, with its discoveries, scientific researches, &c., have been published, at the national expense.

On the 20th of August, 1842, an important treaty with England, the first it is believed ever negotiated with that power in the United States, was ratified by the senate, by a vote of 39 to 9. By this treaty, the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain was settled. For nearly half a century, this question had agitated both countries; and while the question had thus remained unsettled, events were frequently occurring to create new difficulties in reference to it, until, at length, such was the sensitiveness of parties interested, it was perceived that the controversy must be settled, and that, too, in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, or the countries might find themselves, ere long, involved in war. But in this state of things, the English ministry resolved to gratify at once their sense of the importance of immediate adjustment, and their respect for the government of the United States, by sending a special and extraordinary mission. For this work of reconciliation, they selected Lord Ashburton, a gentleman fully acquainted, for many years, with affairs between his own country and ours; and who was ready to sit down to existing topics in a business-like way, to treat them frankly and fairly, and to remove all obstacles, as far as he was able. He is reported to have said of himself, “I came not to make difficulty, but to make a treaty.” Fortunately for the country, at this most important juncture, Mr. Webster was still in the cabinet. Perhaps no other citizen in the United States was so competent to negotiate on this confessedly important, but difficult subject. The President also manifested a sincere desire to arrange the questions in difference between the United States and England, in a manner honorable and satisfactory. As the states of Massachusetts and Maine were interested in the divisional or boundary line, which should be agreed upon, commissioners were appointed by the legislature of those states, to protect their respective interests――on the part of Maine, EDWARD KAVANAUGH, EDWARD KENT, N. P. PREBLE, and JOHN OTIS; on the part of Massachusetts, ABBOT LAWRENCE, JOHN MILLS, and CHARLES ALLEN.

By the first article of this treaty, the north-eastern boundary line is defined and established. “It is hereby agreed and declared, that the line of boundary shall be as follows:――Beginning at the monument at the source of the river St. Croix, as designated and agreed to by the commissioners under the 5th article in the treaty of 1794, between the governments of the United States and Great Britain; thence, north, following the exploring line run and marked by the surveyors of the two governments, in the years 1817 and 1818, under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, to its intersection with the river St. John, and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence, up the middle of the main channel of said river St. John, to the mouth of the river St. Francis; thence up the middle of the main channel of said river St. Francis, and of the lakes through which it flows, to the outlet of the lake Pohenagamook; thence, south-westerly, in a straight line, to a point on the north-west branch of the river St. John, which point shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of the St. John, in a straight line, and in the nearest direction; but if said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers, which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the river St. John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said north-west branch of the river St. John, to a point seven miles in a straight line from the said summit or crest; thence, in a straight line, in a course about south eight degrees west, to the point where the parallel of latitude of 46 degrees, 25 minutes north, intersects the south-west branch of the St. John; thence, southerly, by the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands, at the Metjarmette portage; thence, down along the said highlands which divide the waters which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the head of Hall’s stream; thence, down the middle of said stream, till the line thus run intersects the old line of boundary surveyed and marked by Valentine and Collins, previously to the year 1774, as the 45th degree of north latitude, and which has been known and understood to be the line of actual division between the states of New York and Vermont on one side, and the British province of Canada on the other; and, from said point of intersection, west along the said dividing line as heretofore known and understood, to the Iroquois or St. Lawrence river.”

It was also stipulated that each country should maintain on the coast of Africa, a naval force of vessels sufficient to carry in all not less than eighty guns, to be independent of each other, but to act in concert and co-operation, for the suppression of the slave trade. By the 10th article, it was stipulated that fugitives from justice found in either country should be delivered up by the two governments respectively upon complaint and upon what should be deemed sufficient evidence to sustain the charge.

On the 10th of November, 1842, the President issued his proclamation, announcing the ratification of the treaty, and the exchange of ratifications between the two governments, which was done at London on the 13th of October, 1842, by Mr. Everett and the Earl of Aberdeen.

Thus was settled a controversy, which for half a century had disturbed the harmony of the two governments――which had given birth to frequent disturbances, within and in the neighborhood of the disputed territory, and which as the controversy remained unsettled, was becoming more perplexed and intricate, and every year more likely to engender hostilities between the two nations.

Among the measures of a public nature, which occupied the attention of the 2d session of the 27th congress, no one excited more interest than the revision of the tariff. The government was in debt, and its credit in the wane. Authorized loans could not be negotiated. The revenue was falling off. The manufacturing interests were suffering; all branches of industry were drooping. Said the Committee, to whom the subject was referred, in their report, “A well regulated tariff, on a scale sufficient for the wants of the government is the only effectual remedy for the evils the government and the people are now suffering. It will inspire confidence throughout the country. It will again set every wheel in motion. It will improve and enlarge the currency. It will send out its life, giving influence to the extremity of the nation, and give vigor and activity to the whole system. It will (and nothing else will) restore credit to the country. The people of this country know that our resources are abundant. Let them but see that congress has provided a proper revenue, and has done it in such a manner, as at the same time to encourage and protect their own protective industry in all its branches, whether it relates to commerce, agriculture, manufactures, or the mechanic arts, throughout the broad extent of our lands, and the credit of the government will commence at once, and receive all the aid it may need.”

In accordance with these views, a bill was reported by the above committee, providing, 1st, a general ad valorem duty of 30 per cent. with free exceptions, where the duty was on that principle. 2. A discrimination was made for the security of such interests as could not be preserved without it, as well as for revenue, by specific duties on valuations, some higher, and some lower than the general ad valorem duty.

This measure was powerfully sustained by the friends of the manufacturing interests in the country. But it met with great opposition. Every inch was contested. Great excitement prevailed, both in and out of congress. Parties were nearly equally balanced on the question; and, for a time, serious apprehensions were entertained as to its fate. But, at length, (July 16th,) the bill passed――in the house, by a vote of 116 to 112,――in the senate, (August 5th,) by a vote of 25 to 23.

Thus was decided, a question, which, in the view of many, was of incalculable importance to the country; one, certainly, which had interested all hearts, and had given birth to debates, as warm and animated, as any which had been listened to for years. All eyes were now turned towards the Executive, upon whom devolved the fearful responsibility of approving or rejecting it.

In a few days, the decision of the President was communicated to congress――he had rejected it――had added another veto to those which had already filled his friends with surprise and regret.

At the opening of the extra session of congress, the President had himself recommended a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the states; and an act was accordingly passed to that effect; but it ordained “that if at any time, during the existence of that act there should be an imposition of duties or imposts, inconsistent with the provision of the act of the 2d of March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by that act, to wit., 20 per cent. on the value of such imposts, or any of them, then the distribution should be suspended, and should continue so suspended, until the cause should be removed.” The bill now presented to the President for his consideration provided, that notwithstanding the duties were raised beyond 20 per cent., the distribution should be made. On this ground principally the veto was based.

The friends of a judicious tariff were thus placed in a most embarrassing situation. It had been their intention to adjourn soon after the passage of this important measure; but, under this unexpected defeat and embarrassment, what should they do? Not a few were for closing the session, and placing the responsibility upon the President. But the country was suffering; the credit of the government was sinking lower and lower. Something must be done. Another effort must be put forth. Sacrifice must be made.

While the judicious and patriotic men in congress were thus deliberating as to the path of duty, a committee of the house, at the head of which was Mr. Adams, to whom the veto message of the President had been referred, reported. After reviewing the course which the Executive had pursued――his repeated attempts to frustrate the action of congress by the exercise of the veto――“that regal power of the constitution,” they observed; “the whole legislative power of the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with regard to the action of congress, upon measures of vital importance, in a state of suspended animation, strangled by the five repeated strictures of the executive cord.” “The will of one man has frustrated all the labours of congress, and prostrated all their powers.” “The power of the present congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people, has been struck with apoplexy by the Executive hand.” In such terms, did the committee speak of the alarming and unreasonable exercise of the veto power by the President. Two counter reports were made by members of the committee, who dissented from the report.

On the 17th of August, the house passed upon the tariff bill returned by the President. The vote stood 96 to 87――two thirds not voting in the affirmative, as required by the constitution, the bill was rejected.

On the 22d of August, the same revenue bill, which had been vetoed by the President, was passed by the house, 105 to 102, with the exception of the section concerning the land fund, and the duties upon the articles of tea and coffee, which were omitted. “We do not remember ever to have witnessed, during thirty-five years attendance at the house of representatives,” said the editor of the Intelligencer, “a more exciting scene, a severer contest, a greater earnestness and self devotion, than characterized the proceedings and votes on this bill.” Many were reluctant to strike out the land clause, and thus yield to what they considered prejudice and obstinacy on the part of the President――but the exigencies of the country demanded the sacrifice at their hands, and in the spirit of patriotism they made it.

On the 27th of August, the bill with amendments passed the senate by the close vote of 24 to 23, and on the 29th these amendments were concurred in by the house; and the bill, soon after, received the signature of the President, and became a law of the land.

The report of the committee on the veto of the President of the revenue bill has already been noticed. Against this report, the President on the 30th of August entered his solemn protest, transmitted to the house in a special message. “I protest,” said he, “against this whole proceeding of the house of representatives, as ex parte and extra judicial. I protest against it, as subversive of the common right of all citizens to be condemned only upon a fair and impartial trial, according to law and evidence before the country. I protest against it as destructive of all the comity of intercourse between the departments of this government, and destined, sooner or later, to lead to conflict fatal to the peace of the country, and the integrity of the constitution. I protest against it in the name of that constitution, which is not only my own shield of protection and defence, but that of every American citizen. I protest against it in the name of the people, by whose will I stand where I do, and by whose authority I exercise the power which I am charged with having usurped, and to whom I am responsible for a firm and faithful discharge, according to my own convictions of duty, of the high stewardship confided to me by them. I protest against it in the name of all regulated liberty and all limited government, as a proceeding tending to the utter destruction of all checks and balances of the constitution. And I respectfully ask that this, my protest, may be entered upon the journal of the house of representatives, as a solemn and formal declaration, for all time to come, of the injustice and unconstitutionality of such a proceeding.”

On receiving this protest, the house passed these resolutions. 1. That the President had no right to make a formal protest against votes and proceedings of this house, declaring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and unconstitutional, and requesting the house to enter such protest on its journal. 2. That the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges of the house, and that it be not entered on the journal. 3. That the President of the United States has no right to send a protest to this house against any of its proceedings.

On the 31st of August, the 2d session of the 27th congress was terminated. It will be memorable in the history of the country for the length and arduousness of its labours, the obstacles which it encountered in the path of its duty, and the variety and importance of the legislation which it accomplished in despite of all the difficulties thrown in its way.

It was the longest session ever held under the government; extending through a period of 269 days. The session next to this in length was the second under Mr. Van Buren, which lasted 229 days. At this latter session the reports made were 716; bills reported, 524; bills passed by the house, 211. By the former, reports made, 1098; bills reported, 610; bills passed, 299.

The third session of the 27th congress commenced on the 5th day of December, 1842. In his message transmitted to congress two days after, there being no quorum in the senate earlier, the President represented the foreign relations of the country as in general amicable. The late treaty with Great Britain was cause of congratulation, as thereby it was to be hoped the good understanding existing between the two governments would be preserved for an indefinite period. Some misunderstanding had arisen in regard to the 10th article, which related to the suppression of the slave trade. A practice had threatened to grow up on the part of British cruisers, of subjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag. This was regarded as in fact a right of search, which would not be tolerated, and such had been the representation of the Executive to the British government. The President expressed his regret, that the treaty had not also embraced the Oregon Territory――but he indulged the hope that an early settlement of the question of title to this portion of the continent would remove all grounds of future collision between the two governments.

The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida, had been terminated; the army was relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character; and the treasury of a large expenditure. Only such a number of troops would be continued there as were necessary to preserve peace.

The President again urged upon congress his plan of an exchequer, which at the late session had received no favour. In conclusion, he recommended a reimbursement of a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city.

On the 9th of January, 1843, the committee of ways and means to whom had been referred the plan of the President of an exchequer, reported adversely thereto; and on the 27th this report was accepted, and the resolution accompanying it adopted by the strong vote of 193 to 18. The resolution was, that the plan presented to congress of an exchequer ought not to pass.

Among the important acts passed at this session was one for the repeal of the bankrupt law.

On the 13th of December, 1842, a bill was introduced into the house for the repeal of the bankrupt law passed on the 19th of August, 1841. On the 16th of January, 1843, the bill passed the house by a vote of 140 to 71. The question on its repeal was taken in the senate February 25th, 1843, and the repeal passed by a majority of 32 to 13. It was provided in the bill that the act should not affect any case or proceeding in bankruptcy commenced before the passage of this act, or any pains, penalties, or forfeitures incurred under the said act; but every such proceeding may be continued to its final consummation in like manner, as if this act had not been passed. At the time of the passage of the original act, there existed a strong sentiment in its favour throughout the country. Such a system had been called for for years――such a measure it was supposed would relieve many unfortunate debtors, who, but for such relief, would find no opportunity, and possess no ambition to attempt to retrieve their fortunes. It was urged also for the continuance of the act, that if harm had resulted from it, the harm was not likely to continue. The dishonest had received its benefit――the mass of insolvency had been swept away by the law already in force. A fair field was open for amendments to the law if found objectionable; and amended as it might be, it would operate for the benefit of the creditor more than the debtor. Besides, it was hardly to be hoped that the present generation would see another law in force, should this be repealed. Such were some of the considerations urged in favour of continuing the law. But a great change had been effected in public opinion throughout the country, and not a few of the members of congress, who had originally urged the passage of the act, and were firm in their belief that its operation would be beneficial, now voted for its repeal.

On the 1st of March, Mr. Forward resigned the office of secretary of the treasury, and John C. Spencer, then secretary of war, was soon after nominated to fill his place. His confirmation passed the senate by a majority of one.

On the 3d of March, an act was approved by the President for promoting the means of future intercourse between the United States and the government of China. By this act 40,000 dollars were placed at the disposal of the President to enable him to establish commercial relations with China. Under this act, Edward Everett, then minister and envoy extraordinary to England, was nominated and confirmed as commissioner. It may be here added, that Mr. Everett declining this honor, Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachusetts, was appointed to take his place, and John Tyler, son of the President, was appointed his private and confidential secretary. Fletcher Webster of Boston acted as secretary of the mission.

At the above date (March 3d) the President approved of another important act, viz., to provide for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded at Washington, August 9th, 1842. By this act, 300,000 dollars were to be paid in equal moieties to Maine and Massachusetts. Also the President was authorized to employ so much of the naval force as was requisite to fulfil the 8th article relating to the suppression of the slave trade.

The third session of the 27th congress closed on the 3d of March, 1843. Several important bills failed, among which may be mentioned a bill to reduce the postage on letters――a bill to authorize the adoption of measures for the occupation and settlement of the Oregon Territory, and for extending certain laws of the United States over the same――and a bill for the relief of Andrew Jackson.

On the 8th of May, Daniel Webster having accomplished the great object for which he retained his place in the cabinet, when his associates resigned, viz., the settlement of the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain, resigned the office of secretary of state, and Hugh S. Legare, attorney-general of the United States, was appointed temporarily to fill that office.

On the 8th of June, the President, accompanied by the secretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, left Washington, for a visit to Boston to attend the celebration of the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument. During his progress, he was received with the honors due to the chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation. The celebration took place on the 17th. An oration was pronounced by Daniel Webster, commemorative of the great events by which our country had arisen to its exalted station, and of the virtues of those noble men who laid the foundation of our civil and religious institutions. It was a grand and imposing scene. Thousands were gathered to the spot once moistened by the blood of patriots; and grateful homage went up to Him, under whose fostering care the nation enjoyed a measure of prosperity unknown to any other nation on the globe.

But scarcely were the festivities of the occasion ended, when the melancholy intelligence was circulated that Mr. Legare, the attorney-general, and acting secretary of state, had suddenly deceased at his lodgings in Boston. He had followed the President to mingle in the joys of the occasion, but sickness fell upon him, and in a brief space he was numbered with the dead. He sustained the reputation of a man of rare endowments――of great requisitions, and exalted character. In consequence of this death, the President and suite soon returned to the seat of government.

On the 8th of July, 1843, the cabinet of the President was reorganized by the appointment of Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state; John C. Spencer, secretary of the treasury; J. M. Porter, secretary of war; C. A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general, and John Nelson, attorney-general.

The 1st session of the 28th congress commenced on the 5th of December, 1843. On the organization of the house of representatives, a flagrant violation of law was perpetrated by the majority. On the 25th of June, 1842, an act was passed by congress providing for the election of representatives in the several states by districts. This law, some of the states saw fit to set at defiance. New Hampshire, Georgia, Mississippi and Missouri, severally nullified this eminently democratic measure. In Georgia, indeed, the legislature framed and passed a districting bill, but the governor vetoed it, avowing in his message that he did this less from hostility to the district system, than to avoid the appearance of complying with the requisitions of congress.

On the organization of the house, the members from those states, twenty-one in number, appeared and claimed the right to vote. A protest from the whig majority was read, but in defiance of that, and the plain and explicit act of congress to the contrary, they were suffered to vote for speaker and clerk, and subsequently they were appointed upon various committees. When these flagrant violations of law had been perpetrated, the house directed the committee on elections to inquire into and report on the matter. That committee, as was foreordained, reported that the second section of the apportionment act was unconstitutional. The house promptly adopted the report, and thus the whole matter was settled, virtually on the basis that no law is of binding force, which conflicts with the interests or the will of the triumphant democracy. The choice of speaker fell on John W. Jones of Virginia, who had been returned by 33 majority, and whose seat was then contested by his opponent, John M. Botts.

In his annual message, the President represented the question between the United States and Great Britain, relating to the title of the Oregon Territory, as still unadjusted. Our minister at London had received instruction to submit to the British government propositions for the final settlement of the question, and the hope was indulged that this controversy of increasing interest might be brought to a speedy and happy termination.

But the prominent subject of the message related to Texas. The annexation of that territory to the United States was supposed to be occupying a large share of the executive attention, and intimation had been given in the official organ, that considerable progress had already been made towards the accomplishment of that object. The message was less explicit on the subject than the people had reason to anticipate from what had been semi-officially published; but it was apparent that the interest taken in Texas by the Executive foreshadowed his ultimate purpose in relation to her becoming a part of the Federal Republic.

On the 8th of January, 1844, an act passed the house of representatives, reimbursing a fine imposed upon General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city. The repayment of this fine had been recommended by the President in his annual message in December, 1842, but so much opposition to the measure had been manifested, that until now a favorable vote could not be obtained. The history of the imposition of this fine, according to a writer on the spot, is briefly as follows.

After the signal defeat of the British on the 8th of January, they withdrew on board their ships. News of peace with Great Britain meanwhile reached the city. General Jackson, notwithstanding, persisted in continuing martial law. This created dissatisfaction among the volunteers on the line. One of them, Louallier, a member of the legislature, who had acted in a highly meritorious manner in the defence, setting an example to the native citizens which had a great effect (in fact he had more of the American feeling than any Louisianian I had become acquainted with,) conceived that the unbending military discipline of Jackson towards the citizens and volunteers was oppressive, and wrote an anonymous letter on the subject, which was published in a New Orleans paper. The editor of the paper was ordered to appear before the general, escorted by a military guard, and being threatened with punishment, gave up the author. The displeasure of the general was now turned against Louallier, who was immediately put under strict arrest, while an order was issued forbidding any further publications on these subjects――thus silencing the press. Louallier was ordered to be tried for treason by a court martial, and if the court had been sufficiently compliant, there is no doubt that he would have been shot: but, fortunately, General Gaines, who presided, was the means of preventing so shocking a catastrophe. In the mean time, the friends of Louallier applied for a habeas corpus, which was issued by Judge Hall, after it had been refused by Judge Lewis. Jackson not satisfied with simply disregarding the writ, sent a file of men, who seized the judge, carried him ten or twelve miles out of the city, and left him with orders not to return. It was soon after the official announcement of peace, and the cessation of martial law, that Judge Hall returned to New Orleans and summoned General Jackson to appear before him and answer for his disobedience of the writ of habeas corpus. This General Jackson refused, for which refusal Judge Hall fined him one thousand dollars.

This was the fine which the President recommended Congress to reimburse. The payment of it was strenuously resisted, on the ground that it would be reflection upon Judge Hall, who imposed it in the discharge of his official duty, for a violation on the part of General Jackson of the laws of the constitution. The act for reimbursing the fine, however, passed both houses of congress――the vote in the former being taken January 8th, 1844, the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, and standing 158 to 28. The vote in the senate was taken February 14th, and stood 30 to 16. The act disclaimed any reflection upon Judge Hall. The original fine was 1000 dollars. This with the interest amounted to 2700 dollars, which was forwarded to the general from the public treasury at Washington by a special messenger.

On the 2d of March, 1814, a most tragical event occurred on board the United States steamship Princeton, during her return from an excursion down the Potomac. Captain Stockton, the commander of the ship, had invited the President, the secretaries with their families, and several members of congress to an excursion down the river. The day was fine; the company large and brilliant――probably not less than 400 of both sexes. During the passage, one of the large guns on board, called the Peacemaker, carrying a ball of 225 pounds, was fired several times, exhibiting the great power and capacity of that formidable weapon of war. The ladies had partaken of a sumptuous repast; the gentlemen had succeeded them at the table, and some of them had left it. The vessel was on her return up the river, opposite the fort, when Captain Stockton consented to fire another shot from the same gun, around and near which, to observe its effects, many persons had gathered, though by no means so many as had witnessed the previous discharge.

The gun was fired. The explosion was followed, before the smoke cleared away so as to observe its effects, by shrieks of woe which announced a dire calamity. The gun had burst three or four feet from the breech, and scattered death and desolation. Mr. Upshur, secretary of state; Mr. Gilmer, recently appointed secretary of the navy; Commodore Kennon, one of its gallant officers; Virgil Maxcy, lately returned from a diplomatic residence at the Hague; Mr. Gardener of New York, formerly a member of the senate of that state were among the slain. Besides these, seventeen seamen were wounded, and several of them mortally. Captain Stockton, Colonel Benton of the senate, Lieutenant Hunt of the Princeton, and W. D. Robinson of Georgetown were stunned by the concussion.

The scene baffles description. Wives widowed in an instant by the murderous blast! Daughters smitten with the heart-rending sight of their fathers’ lifeless bodies! The wailings of agonized females! The piteous grief of the unhurt but stricken spectators! The wounded seamen borne down below! The silent tears and quivering lips of their brave and honest comrades, who tried in vain to conceal their feelings! What words can adequately depict a scene like this!――A few days after, the funeral ceremonies, which were conducted with appropriate order and solemnity, took place at the presidential mansion, at which were present the surviving officers of government, civil, military and naval; the foreign ministers, members of both houses of congress, and relatives and personal friends of the deceased.

Shortly after the above sad event, Mr. Upshur’s place in the department of state was supplied by the appointment of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, and the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. Gilmer was filled by the appointment of John Y. Mason.

On the 22d of April, a message was transmitted to the senate by the President, announcing to that body the negotiation of a treaty with Texas; the object of which was to annex that territory to the United States. “I transmit herewith,” said he, “for your approval and ratification, a treaty which I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on conditions therein set forth, has conveyed all its rights of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step, I have been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy, and the general good; and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory, which formerly constituted a portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty of cession of 1803, by France to the United States.”

By this treaty, the republic of Texas was to be annexed to the United States as one of the territories. Her public lands were ceded and subject to the laws regulating public lands in the other territories of the United States. Her public debt and other liabilities to be assumed by the United States, &c.

The annunciation that such a treaty had been negotiated by the President so secretly, excited no small surprise throughout the country, and immediately awakened deep concern and anxiety in the bosoms of those who were opposed to the measure. In the view of this portion of the community, the admission of Texas was a serious calamity, inasmuch as it involved the extension of slavery, if not an open rupture with Mexico, which still laid claim, with what justice we do not here pretend to decide, to the republic, as a part of her rightful domain. On the other hand, these and other objections had no force with a large party, who were in favor of her admission. They saw in such a measure not merely the extension of the great principle of liberty, and the wider diffusion and enjoyment of our inestimable privileges and institutions, but the means of great wealth, inasmuch as her rich lands might be devoted to the production of cotton and other agricultural products, and would furnish a mart for such surplus slave population, as was not needed in contiguous states. It was confidently asserted that it would not increase slavery in the land, but serve to place what was deemed a necessary evil at a farther remove from the non-holding slave states.

On the 8th of June, a direct vote was taken on the question of ratifying the above treaty, when it appeared that 35 members were against its ratification, and 10 in favor of it. It would have required 34 votes (two thirds) according to the constitution to ratify the treaty, whereas more than two thirds voted against it.

On the rejection of this treaty, the President transmitted a message to the house of representatives, informing that body of the action of the senate, and virtually requesting them to adopt some course, by which his object should be obtained. He said, “While I have regarded the annexation to be accomplished by treaty, as the most suitable form in which it could be effected, should congress deem it proper to resort to any other expedient conformably with the constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, I stand prepared to yield my most prompt and active co-operation. The great question is not as to the manner in which it shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or not.”

During the progress of these interesting measures in congress, not less interesting events were transpiring in other parts of the country. Another presidential election was approaching, and already the several parties were marshalling their forces for the contest. Within a few days, three conventions were held for the purpose of nominating candidates for the two first offices in the country, to be voted for in November, 1844.

The first of these was a whig convention convened on the 1st of May, in the city of Baltimore. Over the deliberations of this convention, the Hon. Ambrose Spencer of New York presided. By this convention, composed of a large delegation from every state in the Union, Henry Clay of Kentucky was unanimously recommended, as the whig candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the same time Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated to the office of vice-president.

On the following day the foregoing nominations were ratified by a grand national mass convention, composed of young men from all parts of the Union――probably the largest political assemblage ever convened in the United States in a regular convention. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, presided.

On the 27th of the same month, May, the democratic national convention assembled in the city of Baltimore for a similar object of this convention. H. C. Wright of Pennsylvania was elected president of the convention. Previous to the meeting of this convention, it was generally anticipated that Martin Van Buren, of New York, would be its unanimous choice for the presidency. Not a few of the delegates had been specially instructed to give their votes for him. The popularity of Mr. Van Buren, however, had, from various causes, been for some time diminishing. His letter in opposition to the annexation of Texas had served to cool the friendship of many of his southern political friends. In addition to these considerations, there were probably others which have not yet transpired from the bosoms of some who exercised a paramount influence in the Baltimore convention. Be this, however, as it may, a plan was projected to pass Mr. Van Buren, and select another candidate. This was accomplished by requiring a majority of two thirds of the delegates present in favor of the candidates elected. To the adoption of such a rule, the friends of Mr. Van Buren, for a time, strenuously objected. They were, however, overruled, and at length it came to pass, that the man, who, it is believed, nearly every state in the Union had in one way or another recommended to the suffrages of the convention, was laid aside, and a candidate in the person of James K. Polk was selected, whose name, previously to the convention, had scarcely ever been heard in connection with the first office in the land. Most remarkable was it, that the man who, during the first seven ballotings of a convention so large, did not receive a single vote, and in the eighth balloting but forty-four, should on the ninth receive every vote of the convention, being 266 in number. At the same time George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for vice-president.

On the same day, in another part of the city of Baltimore, a Tyler national convention, as it was called, was assembled for the purpose of nominating John Tyler to the office of President. Of this convention Judge White, of Connecticut, was elected president. The convention was composed of delegates from various parts of the union, without restriction as regards to number from any state or district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment; by this convention John Tyler was nominated for the presidency. It adjourned without nominating a candidate for the vice-presidency, but adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of a committee, who should report a candidate for the vice-presidency through the public papers.

The candidates thus nominated by these several conventions, accepted their nominations, and from this time the political campaign opened with all that activity and busy bustle, which of late have characterized our presidential elections. Immense mass meetings of old and young were held in every section of the country, for the purpose of approving of the several nominations, and of stimulating the friends of the respective candidates to every effort to secure their election. It may here be added, that on the 30th of August, Mr. Tyler, finding himself without a party adequate either in numbers or zeal to elect him, wisely withdrew from the presidential canvass. The course he had pursued was popular with no party. Yet, on withdrawing his name, he seems, for reasons not well understood, to have aided the election of Mr. Polk, by removing from office those who were friendly to the election of Mr. Clay, and substituting in their place men well known to favor the pretensions of his rival.

The 28th congress closed its first session of 196 days, on the 17th of June. Little business of importance had been accomplished. Several bills deeply affecting the interests of the country were lost. Fortunately for the manufacturing interests, a bill having for its object an essential alteration of the tariff, and which was urged by its advocates with great force, was laid upon the table of the house by a vote of 105 to 99. A post-office bill, reducing the rates of postage was passed by the senate, but was neglected by the house, as was also its own bill for regulating postage, and the franking privilege of members of congress.

On the 2d of December congress again assembled――it being the 2d session of the 28th congress. In his message, the President represents the relations of the country with foreign powers as satisfactory. The negotiations with Great Britain in relation to Oregon were in hopeful progress. The condition of the public treasury, and of the public credit were highly gratifying. The annexation of Texas was again brought to the consideration of Congress, and a joint resolution was recommended as the form by which that annexation might be perfected――to be made binding on the two countries when adopted in a like manner by the government of Texas.

On the 10th of January, 1845, an important treaty between the United States and the Chinese empire, was ratified by the senate by a unanimous vote. This treaty was concluded by Caleb Cushing, United States commissioner to China, and Tsiyeng, governor-general of the Two Kwangs, on the part of the Emperor, at Wang-Hiya, on the 3d of July, 1844. By this treaty our relations with China were placed on a new footing eminently favorable to the commerce and other interests of the United States. An abstract of the most important articles are subjoined.

Art. 1, Provides that there shall be a perfect and universal peace, and a sincere and cordial amity between the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire.

Art. 2, Provides that citizens of the United States resorting to China for the purpose of commerce, will pay the duties of import and export prescribed in the tariff annexed to the treaty, and no other duties or charges whatever; and that the United States shall participate in any future concession granted to other nations by China.

Art. 3, Provides for the provision of citizens of the United States at the five ports of Kwang-chow, Hiyamen, Fa-chow, Ningpo and Shang-hai.

Art. 4, Provides for citizens of the United States to import and sell, or buy and export, all manner of merchandise at the five ports.

Art. 16, Provides for the collection of debts due from Chinese to Americans, or from Americans to Chinese through the tribunal of the respective countries.

Art. 17, Provides for the residence of citizens of the United States; the construction by them of dwellings, storehouses, churches, cemeteries and hospitals, and regulates the limits of residence――and trade permitted to citizens of the United States at the five ports, and the ―――― appertaining thereto.

Art. 18, Empowers citizens of the United States freely to employ teachers and other literary assistants, and to purchase books in China.

Art. 19, Provides the means of assuring the personal security of citizens of the United States in China.

Art. 21, Provides that subjects of China and citizens of the United States in China, charged with crimes shall be subject only to the exclusive jurisdiction each of the laws and officers of their respective governments.

Art. 22, Provides that the merchant vessels may freely carry between the five ports and any country with which China may happen to be at war.

Art. 34, Provides that citizens of the United States engaged in contraband trade, or trading clandestinely with such of the ports of China as are not open to foreign commerce, shall not be countenanced or protected by their government.

A treaty similar to the preceding was made by Great Britain with China somewhat earlier. A new era has commenced in the history of that extensive empire. And now that access to her population is comparatively easy, and religious instruction is allowed to be disseminated by means of missionaries, tracts, &c., a happy change may be anticipated in respect to a people where religion, laws and customs have remained without alteration for centuries. Thus good has resulted from evil. The conduct of England in respect to the opium trade a few years since, was reprobated by all civilized nations; but Providence has overruled events so that the light of Christianity will at no distant day enlighten and bless China, with her hundreds of millions of now ignorant and superstitious idolators.

The rejection by the senate of the treaty concluded by the President with Texas, noticed page 824, in no wise abated the ardor of the Executive in respect to her annexation to the United States. In his annual message, as already observed, he proposed to effect her admission into the Union by a joint resolution of congress. Unconstitutional as such a mode of annexation was deemed to be by many sound and patriotic men, the measure found favor with a large party in the United States, and a corresponding party in congress. The resolution was opposed with great force, and by powerful argument. The consequences were clearly set forth――those which were certain, and other consequences which were probable. It was urged as an act of injustice to Mexico, and that hostilities with that government would likely ensue――that our territory was sufficiently extended――that our public debt should not be enlarged by the assumption of hers――and finally, and more than all, that the evils of slavery would be greatly augmented as its theatre would be widely extended. But the President and other friends of the measure regarded it with great favor. General Jackson, now in the decline of life, and even on the verge of the grave, was appealed to, and not in vain, to urge the democratic party to consummate the annexation before his departure. The discussion of the subject in congress, and in the public papers was strong and animated. At length on the 23d of January, 1845, the question was taken in the house of representatives, and the resolution adopted by a vote of 118 to 101.

The democratic votes in favor of the resolution were 53 from free, and 59 from slave states. Eight whigs, all from slave states, voted in favor. Of the votes in the negative, 28 were democratic from free states; 70 were whig――52 from free states, and 18 from slave states.

The resolution from the house underwent important amendments in the senate, in which body it passed by a vote of 27 to 25. In these amendments the house concurred by a vote of 132 to 76.

The resolution thus passed was as follows.

Resolved, &c., That congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be created into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government in order that the same may be admitted under the states of this Union.

The consent of congress to this resolution was given upon certain conditions――the first was that a constitution adopted by the people of said republic should be laid before congress on or before the 1st day of January, 1846――the second was, that all mines, minerals, fortifications, harbors, arms, navy, &c., should be ceded to the United States――public lands to be retained by Texas for the payment of her debts――a third condition was, that new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory of Texas.

An amendment of the above resolutions proposed by Mr. Walker was adopted by a vote of 27 to 25.

This amendment allowed the President of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic, then

Be it resolved, That a state to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two representatives in congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing states, as soon as the terms and condition of such admission and the cession of the remaining Texian territory to the United States shall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas and the United States. This amendment was concurred in by the house by a vote of 132 to 76.

As these measures in regard to the admission of Texas were adopted at the close of the session of congress, it was expected that Mr. Tyler would leave it to his successor to consummate the wishes of congress, and it was also understood that Mr. Polk had determined to negotiate a treaty with Texas under the alternative offered by Mr. Walker’s amendment. President Tyler, however, determined to forestall the action of his successor, and hence despatched an express to communicate to Texas, that he had decided to invite Texas into the Union, under the provisions of the resolutions as they passed the house of representatives, without the exercise of farther treaty making power.

During the preceding session of congress, the subject of a change in existing rates of postage had been discussed, and a bill making alterations had passed one branch of the national legislature. At the present session, the subject was revived, and a bill reducing the rates introduced. It was understood to find no favor with the postmaster-general and some others――but a reduction of rates had long been demanded by the public, and, in accordance with the public sentiment, the bill passed the senate February 8th, by a vote of 38 to 12: in the house, on the 16th, 158 to 74――to go into operation the 1st of July, following.

On the 12th of February, the ceremony of opening and counting the votes of the electors of President and vice-president of the United States took place in the presence of both houses of congress. Tellers were appointed as usual, who, having read and counted the votes, made duplicate lists thereof. These being delivered to the president of the senate, he made declaration of the result; viz., That the whole number of votes given was 275, of which James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had 170, and was duly elected President of the United States for four years from the 4th day of March ensuing. Henry Clay had 105 for the same office. The vote for vice-president stood 170 for George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; for Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, 105.

On the 4th of March, at half past two in the morning, the second session of the 28th congress was brought to a close, and at the same time was terminated the presidential career of John Tyler, who soon after retired to his farm in Virginia.

In reviewing the presidential career of Mr. Tyler, it is impossible to free him from the charge of inconsistency. In the Harrisburg convention, he was a member, a vice-president, and an ardent supporter of Mr. Clay――and when, after some three days’ deliberation, it was decided to place General Harrison in nomination, few, if any, appeared more deeply aggrieved than Mr. Tyler, that the claims of Mr. Clay were set aside.

The selection of a candidate for vice-president, next became an object of deep solicitude. The friends of General Harrison were naturally anxious that the choice should fall upon a known and ardent Clay man. To this end, the name of John J. Crittenden was brought forward, but his friends felt unauthorized to pledge his assent. Others were named――Governor Dudley――ex-Governor Owen, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh; but for various reasons their names were withdrawn. At length the name of John Tyler was introduced, and under a belief that he was an uncompromising whig, he received the unanimous vote of the convention.

On the death of General Harrison, Mr. Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Thereupon he issued an address to the people, which was plainly and generally understood to indicate his resolution to unite in such measures with regard to the currency, as the new whig congress (which General Harrison had called to meet in extra session at an early day) should deem advisable. A variety of circumstances concurred to evince that such was at that time his intention. But the tenor and language of his conduct were soon changed. He differed from the party which elevated him to office――repeatedly vetoed their most important and most valued measures――removed from office nearly all who had contributed to his election, and threw his entire influence into the hands of the opposite political party.

The retirement of Mr. Tyler, is, perhaps, too recent to justify a decided opinion as to the merits of his administration. During the heat of party strife, an impartial judgment is seldom apt to be exercised. We look at men and measures, at such times, through a false medium. In order to [give] a fair and full estimate of the measures of a government, it is necessary that years should pass by, and with them the political pride and party prejudice of the principal actors at the time of their adoption and influence. But whatever may be the ultimate decision of posterity in regard to the administration of Mr. Tyler, as a whole, it is certain, that nothing can rescue him from the charge of a vacillating policy, by which he alienated from his society and friendship nearly every man, who aided in elevating him to office; and that without securing the esteem of the party whose cause he espoused, and the members of which he honored with office. Measures beneficial to the country, were indeed adopted during his administration; but it is also true that, through his exercise of the veto power beyond all former precedent, other measures of no less importance in the view of his former friends, and which had been perfected at the expense of much time and labor, were frustrated. In short, during nearly the whole of his administration, Mr. Tyler went counter, in the opinion of his friends, to those principles which he had avowed prior to, and early after, his accession to the presidency. And in so doing, he sadly disappointed his early political friends and associates, while he secured to himself, it is well known, neither the respect nor support of the democratic party.

ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.

On the 4th of March, 1845, James K. Polk was duly inaugurated as President of the United States. The ceremonies at the Capitol on the occasion were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens, both from the vicinity and a distance. As is usual, the President elect, on taking the oath of office, delivered an address explanatory of his political sentiments, or those fundamental principles, by which he designed to administer the government during his presidential term.

After expressing his thanks to his countrymen for the unsolicited confidence reposed in him, and invoking the aid of the Almighty Ruler of the universe, he said: “It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of the constitution, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms.” It would also be his aim to see that the general government did not trench on the rights of the states, nor the states overstep the limits of power reserved to them. He should steadily aim to perpetuate the blessings enjoyed under the constitution, and especially to preserve the Federal Union in its integrity, and in all that pertains to its honor and prosperity. He expressed himself opposed, to a national bank, and all other extraneous institutions planted around the government to control or strengthen it, in opposition to the will of its authors. In respect to the expenditure of the public money, he should feel it to be his duty to recommend the strictest economy compatible with the public interest. In regard to the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levying of taxes necessary to the support of the government, he considered it a cardinal principle, that no more money should be collected than the necessities of an economical administration required. He was in favor of a tariff for revenue, and such as would afford incidental protection to our home industry, but was opposed to a tariff for protection merely. He was in favor of the annexation of Texas, and congratulated the country that measures were in progress for her reunion. In respect to Oregon, he claimed our title to it to be “clear and unquestionable.” In the management of foreign relations, he would aim to preserve a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own would be the subject of constant watchfulness. Public officers would be held to a strict performance of their duties, especially those charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenues. Although chosen by a party, in his official actions he would not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. In conclusion he said, “I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, humbly supplicating that Divine Being, who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue a prosperous and happy people.”

The President immediately after his induction into office, proceeded to the formation of his cabinet. The new senate being in session, he nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as secretary of state; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, secretary of the treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of war; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, secretary of the navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, postmaster-general, and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, attorney-general.

On the evening of the 8th of June, an event occurred calculated to make a deep impression upon the whole people of the United States. This was the death of General Jackson, who breathed his last, at his residence at the Hermitage, Tennessee, in the 79th year of his age. His funeral solemnities took place on Tuesday, the 10th, the Rev. Dr. Edgar preaching a most impressive and eloquent sermon on the occasion. After the religious services were ended, the body was conveyed to the vault prepared many years since for its reception. Several thousands of persons were present at the solemn ceremonies, which were closed by the discharge of three volleys over the grave.

We have elsewhere spoken of General Jackson in respect to his military and political character. That he was “a soldier of dauntless courage, vigor, and perseverance, an officer of skill and sagacity, of quickness of perception, and of prompt and resolute execution of his purpose, there is, probably, and hereafter there will probably, be no division of opinion, either at home or abroad. That he was sometimes stern and severe, too stern and severe, none can doubt; nor will it be questioned probably, that while in general he sought to distinguish himself by exalting the character and honor of his country, he was not unfrequently rash, and too obstinately bent on pursuing his plans and purposes to their end, in despite of the opinion and advice of his political friends and associates.”

To all, however, whatever estimates they may have formed of the excellence or defects of his administration, it must be pleasant to learn that the closing days of his life were devoted, according to statements made to the public, to a wise preparation for that eternity to which he was hastening. He claimed to rest his hopes for acceptance with God, on the merits of Jesus Christ. His final interview with his family was deeply tender and impressive. He took leave of each one with great deliberation, and in a manner most kind and affectionate. He took leave with similar tenderness of his servants, who had collected in his room, or at the windows, and in conclusion he expressed the hope, that he should meet them all again in a world of glory.

The solemn event was every where received with due sensibility, and its announcement followed by appropriate demonstrations of respect to the memory of the departed. The President of the United States issued his public order, directing suitable demonstrations of public sorrow and sympathy to be made at the several naval and military stations of the country. With great propriety did that public order conclude by saying, “Let the virtues of the illustrious dead retain their influence, and when energy and courage are called to trial, emulate his example.”

The first session of the 29th congress commenced December 1st, 1845. The Hon. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was elected speaker of the house of representatives.

On the following day, the President transmitted his message to both houses of congress. The principal topics of public interest contained in the message related to Texas――to Oregon――to our relations with Mexico――to the public lands――and to the sub-treasury.

In regard to Texas, the President informed congress, that the terms of annexation which were offered by the United States to that government, by the joint resolution of the last congress, had been accepted by Texas, and that nothing, therefore, remained to consummate that annexation, but the passage of an act by congress, to admit the state of Texas into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original states. “Strong reasons exist,” he observed, “why this should be done at an early period of the session. By the constitution of Texas, the existing government is continued only till congress can act; and the third Monday of the present month is the day appointed for holding the first general election. I cannot,” added the Executive, “too earnestly recommend prompt action on this important subject.”

The President next spoke of our relations with Mexico, “which,” he observed, “have not since the last session been of the most amicable character. On the 6th of March, the Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States, made a formal protest against the annexation of Texas; in which he regarded that annexation as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in consequence of it, he had demanded his passports. Thus, by the act of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries had been suspended.” Nor was this all. The belligerent conduct of Mexico had rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President, to take measures to protect and defend Texas against her menaced attack. “I deemed it proper, therefore,” observed the President, “as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coast of Mexico, and to concentrate a sufficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the country between the Neuces and the Del Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate with the army.” Up to the date of the message, however, Mexico had made no aggressive movement, nor had the American forces, on their part, committed any act of hostility. Such was the position of our affairs with Mexico on the opening of the session of congress.

The President next adverted to the subject of the Oregon territory. Previous to his induction to office, three several attempts had been made to settle the questions in dispute about Oregon between the two countries by negotiation, upon the principle of compromise, each of which, however, had proved unsuccessful.

These negotiations look place at London, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826: the first two under the administration of Mr. Monroe, the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiations of 1818 having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the 20th of October of that year. By the third article of that convention, it was “agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party, on the north-west coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other Power or State to any part of said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.”

The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the convention of 1818 was left unchanged.

The negotiation of 1826 having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August the 6th, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an indefinite period, the provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was further provided, that it shall be competent, however, to either of the high contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of said term of notice.

From this time, for several years, the subject rested in quietness. At length, in October, 1843, the minister of the United States in London, made a similar offer to those of 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotiation was transferred to Washington. On the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude, leaving the free navigation of the Columbia river to be enjoyed in common by both parties. This proposition was rejected by the American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. The British plenipotentiary next, in turn, requested that a proposal should be made by the United States, for an equitable adjustment of the question.

Such was the state of the negotiation on the accession of Mr. Polk to the presidency. “Anxious to settle this long pending controversy, I was induced,” he observed, “to make a further proposition, which was a repetition of the offer of the parallel for 49 degrees of north latitude, without the free navigation of the Columbia river. This proposition was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, and here all negotiation ceased.”

Such was the state of this important and delicate question on the meeting of congress. Attempts at compromise had failed. Great anxiety was beginning to be felt by statesmen on both side the waters in relation to this subject. More and more sensitiveness was prevailing, in reference to the claims of the respective parties. The President, under a belief that the question should be settled, advised that the year’s notice, required by the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, should be given to Great Britain.

“By so doing, at the expiration of a year, we shall have reached a period,” said the President, “when our national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned, or firmly maintained.”

In regard to the tariff, the message was explicit. The President reaffirmed doctrines, which, before his elevation to the Executive chair, he was known to profess in regard to the protective system. He was against it――against the tariff act of 1842――a revision and modification of which he strongly recommended.

In respect to the public domain, the President proposed to reduce the price to one dollar per acre, and to graduate the price to lower rates upon such portions as should remain for any considerable time unsold. Next, he adverted to the safe keeping of the public money. “Entertaining the opinion,” said he, “that the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, and the rights of the people, I recommend to congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever, as a currency or circulation. I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the constitution, should be independent of all banking corporations.”

Such were the views of the Executive in regard to these great questions of national policy. Great differences of opinion existed among the American people in relation to several of them. It was foreseen that the public discussion of them would intensely excite the nation, and great apprehensions were entertained lest hostilities should grow out of the question pending between the United States and Great Britain. A war with Mexico at even an earlier day had been predicted, and the message of the President was not calculated to allay anxiety respecting it.

Indeed, this anxiety was destined to be increased by the course adopted by certain political leaders in congress. As early as the 9th of December, General Cass introduced into the senate the following resolutions:

“Resolved, That the committee on military affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the national fortifications, and of their armaments; and whether other defensive works are necessary; and into the condition and quantity of the military supplies; and into the state of the means possessed by the government for the defence of the country.

“Resolved, That the committee on the militia be instructed to inquire into the present condition of that great branch of the public service; and into the state of the militia laws; and that they be further instructed to report such changes in the existing system, as will give more experience and efficacy to that arm of defence, and will place it in the best condition for protecting the country, should it be exposed to foreign invasion.

“Resolved, That the committee on naval affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the navy of the United States, and into the quantity and condition of supplies now on hand; and whether an increase of them is not necessary to the efficient operation of the navy, and to its preservation and augmentation; and, generally, into its capacity for defending our coasts and our commerce; and for any service the exigencies of the country may probably require.”

The belligerent aspect of these resolutions was not to be mistaken; and, at length, when taken up for consideration, the mover of them, while he disclaimed any wish to hasten hostilities between Great Britain and America, expressed his conviction that a crisis was approaching.

The United States would not and could not relinquish her claim upon Oregon. “Shall we recede?” he inquired. “No, sir, as to receding it is not to be thought of for a moment. It is a thing I allude to, only to denounce it. War,” he added, “was a great calamity, and should if possible be avoided: but there were other calamities more to be dreaded than war, and among those calamities was national dishonor.”

To these resolutions, thus introduced, it was replied, that there could be nothing urged by way of objection in themselves considered. It was right to inquire into the state of our national defence, and to provide against the possible contingency of war; but it was the remarks of the mover of them which gave them their peculiar significance. They were in effect a declaration of war. They would be so considered, and would awaken the anxieties of the entire country. They might also seriously interfere with and retard the settlement of a question of vast moment pending between the United States and Great Britain. After a full consideration of these resolutions, however, and suitable explanations on both sides, the resolutions were unanimously referred to the committee on military affairs.

In accordance with the recommendation of Mr. Polk, at an early day of the session, joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union were introduced into the house of representatives. These resolutions with a preamble were as follows.

“Joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union.

“Whereas the congress of the United States, by a ‘joint resolution,’ approved March the 1st, 1846, did consent, that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, might be erected into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same might be admitted as one of the states of the Union; which consent of congress was given upon certain conditions specified in the 1st and 2d sections of said joint resolutions: and whereas the people of the said republic of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, did adopt a constitution, and erect a new state, with a republican form of government, and in the name of the people of Texas, and by their authority, did ordain and declare, that they assented to and accepted the proposals, conditions, and guaranties contained in said 1st and 2d sections of said resolutions: and whereas the said constitution, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of the republic of Texas, has been transmitted to the President of the United States, and laid before congress, in conformity to the provisions of said joint resolutions; Therefore

“Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of Texas shall be one, and is hereby declared to be one, of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states in all respects whatever.

“Be it further enacted, That until the representatives in congress shall be apportioned, according to an actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, the state of Texas shall be entitled to choose two representatives.”

It was scarcely within the reasonable hopes of the opposers of the annexation of Texas, that after the adoption of the measures, with that object in view, by the preceding congress, the present congress would do any thing by which to prevent her admission into the Union. A few, perhaps, indulged the belief, that further proceedings might be stayed; and with that object in view, petitions and remonstrances were sent in from various parts of the Union. The President had, indeed, in his message congratulated congress and the nation that “this accession (of Texas) to our territory had been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force had been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or our republican institutions over a reluctant people.” This was admitted by the opposite party, but they predicted war as a consequence, and this danger of a collision with Mexico they would have avoided, by preventing the admission of Texas. Besides, the extension of slavery was more distressing to many in all quarters of the Union; and, moreover, it was urged that it was of dangerous tendency and doubtful consequences to enlarge the boundaries of this government or territory over which our laws are now established. “There must be some limit,” said a wise and aged statesman, “to the extent of our territory if we would make our institutions permanent.”

The opposers of annexation, in various parts of the country, were anticipating a warm and exciting debate on the subject in congress, and members of that body, who represented this party, were themselves, it is believed, prepared to present strong, and to themselves, satisfactory reasons, why the project should be abandoned. But to the surprise of all, when the subject came up for consideration, discussion was prevented by an early movement of the previous question. To such a summary process strong remonstrances were made; but to the friends of the measure in congress, who believed the most valuable benefits would result to the Union by its consummation, debate seemed needless; and, consequently, the resolutions were urged to a speedy adoption. On the 16th of December, the question was taken, and the resolutions were adopted by a majority of 141 to 56. A few days after they received the sanction of the senate. In this latter body, however, an opportunity was given for the opposers of annexation to urge their objections. This was done with great dignity; but a majority in the senate, as in the house, if not in the country, were found in favour of the measure.

Thus by a novel, and to many an unconstitutional process, was Texas admitted into the Union, and “without any intermediate time of probation, such as other territories had undergone before their admission, she was vested with a right to send two representatives to congress, while her population was insufficient to entitle her to one, except, under the specific provision of the constitution, that each state shall have at least one representative.”

As early as October, 1845, an inquiry had been made by order of the President, of the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, whether his government “would receive an envoy from the United States, intrusted with full powers to adjust all questions in dispute between the two governments.” During the same month, an affirmative answer having been received; in November, the Hon. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned as such, and on the 30th of the same month arrived at Vera Cruz. The government of Mexico, notwithstanding its pledge, refused to receive him in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed; and, after spending some time in the country, he returned to the United States.

The military force, which the President in his annual message informed congress he had ordered to take a position “between the Neuces and the Del Norte,” was for some months concentrated under General Taylor at Corpus Christi: but, on learning the probable refusal of the Mexican government to receive our envoy; and moreover, Texas having by her act of a previous date, declared the Rio del Norte to be her boundary, the President, in January, directed General Taylor to remove from Corpus Christi, and to concentrate his troops on the left bank of the Del Norte. At the same time all aggressive acts were strictly forbidden.

Accordingly, on the 11th of March the troops were put in motion, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras. About the same time a depôt was established at Point Isabel, near the Brasos Santiago, thirty miles in the rear of the encampment.

These measures, adopted by the President, by which the American troops passed the Neuces, the boundary claimed by Mexico, was considered by a large portion of the people of the United States as impolitic, if not unjust; and strongly tending to strengthen the misunderstanding already existing between the two governments. At least, the territory thus occupied was a subject of dispute, and by many its occupation was deemed a belligerent act.

It was naturally so considered by Ampudia, who was commanding the Mexican forces at Matamoras, and who notified the American general to break up his camp within twenty four hours, and retire beyond the Neuces. On the 24th of April, General Arista superseded Ampudia in command, and forthwith communicated to General Taylor, that “he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.” On the same day, a party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers from the American camp, who had been despatched up the Del Norte to reconnoitre, were attacked by a body of Mexican troops. Sixteen were killed and wounded, and the remainder taken prisoners.

For a time following the occupation of the left bank of the Del Norte, the situation of the American army was considered exceedingly critical. In point of numbers, it fell far short of the Mexican force under General Arista, and supplies of food were difficult to be obtained. In this situation, General Taylor availed himself of authority given him by the President to call upon the governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments, to be sent him as soon as practicable. These eight regiments were expected to make a force of nearly 5000 men, and were, in the opinion of General Taylor, sufficient: but General Gaines, having command in the southern department, under an apprehension that a much larger force would be necessary, made requisitions upon several of the governors of the southern states for a large volunteer force. In consequence of this call, a large force was ultimately concentrated under General Taylor――more than was deemed needful, and they were dismissed, while General Gaines, though considered patriotic in his measures, was adjudged to have transcended his authority.

Before, however, any of the above troops had reached the camp of General Taylor, his situation had become alarming. His provisions were nearly exhausted. The Mexicans were surrounding him, and his communication with Point Isabel was liable to be interrupted. At length, leaving a garrison of 700 or 800 men at his works opposite Matamoras, he set out with his other forces on Friday, the 1st of May, for Point Isabel to give protection to that place, and re-establish his communication with his supplies.

This movement upon Point Isabel was effected, without encountering a single Mexican. In place of molesting General Taylor, the enemy concentrated his forces about the camp which he had just left. On the morning of the 3d, the American works were attacked by the Mexican batteries from the opposite side of the river, while a detachment of their forces made a simultaneous attack on this side of the Rio Grande, in the rear. The Americans returned the fire with so much effect as to silence, in a short time, the Mexican batteries, while the attack in the rear was still more easily repulsed. The Americans lost but a single man. The Mexican loss was considerable. Matamoras itself suffered considerably.

On the 7th General Taylor commenced his return to his camp. He anticipated opposition, but little did anyone apprehend such attacks and such victories as the Americans won.

On the 8th, the Mexican forces had reached Palo Alto, with an intention to intercept the American general, and if practicable to prevent his return to his camp. The two armies met, and for five hours such a battle raged as the annals of history seldom record. The Mexican force exceeded 5000 men, with seven pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry. The American troops were 2300, with but two eighteen pounders and two light batteries. The loss of the Americans was comparatively trifling. Two brave officers were severely wounded. Major Ringgold and Captain Page, the former of whom soon after died. The loss of the Mexicans, according to the official report of General Arista, was, in killed, 98――wounded and missing, 142. The American army encamped on the field.

On the following day, General Taylor again moved with his forces towards his camp opposite Matamoras; and, on reaching Resaca de la Palma, a few miles only from his destination, he again encountered the enemy, and a battle, shorter in its continuance, but far more severe, ensued. The Americans were still more triumphant, capturing eight pieces of artillery, with a large quantity of ammunition; three standards, and several hundred prisoners, among whom was General La Vega. The loss of the Americans in this action exceeded that of the preceding day. According to the report of General Taylor in both actions there were 3 officers and 40 men killed, and 13 officers and 400 men wounded. General Arista reported as killed, officers and men, 154; wounded, 205, and missing, 156; making a total of 515.

“The glory of the American arms,” says a writer, “never shone brighter than in the brilliant contest of Palo Alto of the 8th, and in the even more brilliant contest of Resaca de la Palma of the 9th of May. On both days our soldiers

“‘Fought like brave men, long and well.’

“They fought at great odds, with a foe superior in numbers, and in a position which the enemy had selected. But these only gave opportunities for more striking displays of personal valor. These disadvantages only served to show the decided superior power of the American arms.”

It was the wish of the American general to follow up the advantage thus obtained, but having no adequate means of crossing the river, he was obliged to content himself with the victories he had won. The American force once more took up its quarters at the camp opposite Matamoras, while the Mexican general retreated up higher into the country.

While affairs were thus progressing in the south between the two contending armies, an intense interest was kindling up in every part of the United States――and while, with but few exceptions, the people regretted the occurrence of any misunderstanding with Mexico, a general sympathy was felt for the American army (intelligence had not yet been received of the battles of the 8th and 9th,) environed as it was supposed to be by a superior force, and nearly destitute of supplies. In this state of things, a bill for “an act providing for the prosecution of the existing war, &c., was introduced into congress, the preamble to which was as follows. “Whereas, by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States,” &c. To this preamble strong objections were expressed by some, but the bill, nevertheless passed both houses by large majorities. By this act, the President was authorized to employ the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and to call for, and accept the services of any number of volunteers not exceeding 50,000, either cavalry, artillery, infantry, or riflemen, &c. Besides the above, the regular army was increased several thousand, the enlistments being made for five years.

On the day the foregoing act was approved, the President issued his proclamation announcing the existence of war, “by the act of the republic of Mexico,” and calling upon the “good people of the United States to exert themselves in preserving order, and in maintaining the authority of the laws, and in supporting such measures as might be adopted for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.”

The winter had been spent by congress in the discussion of topics of great national interest, among which the most prominent related to Oregon; and particularly to the question arising out of the recommendation of the President in his annual message, whether the convention of August 6th, 1827, between the United States and Great Britain, in relation to the joint occupation of that territory, should be abrogated by giving to the latter government the year’s notice required by said convention.

Since the formation of the government, no question perhaps excited greater interest, or elicited warmer discussion than this. By not a few it was apprehended that the practical effect of such notice would be a war between the two governments. The debate took a wide range, and several were the modes suggested, or the resolutions offered, according to the terms of which the notice should be given. But, at length, on the 16th of April, the question was taken in the senate on a resolution, which had originated in the house and been amended in the senate, to give said notice, and decided in the affirmative by a majority of 40 to 14. On being returned to the house, the latter agreed to the senate’s amendments, but added still further amendments. These latter, however, were negatived by the senate, and the house insisting, a conference was solicited by the latter. This being accepted by the senate, a committee of conference was appointed, who reported the following preamble and resolution, which passed the senate by a vote of 42 to 10, and the house by a vote of 142 to 46.

“A Joint Resolution concerning the Oregon territory.――Whereas, by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, eighteen hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of America westward of the Stony or Rocky mountains, now commonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be “free and open” to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision, in the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, or give due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party――

“And whereas it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said territory may no longer than need be remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries――

“With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty seven, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the attention of the governments of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed to the adoption of all proper measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the difficulties and disputes in respect to said territory――

“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give the British government the notice required by its said second article for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven.”

Thus was decided a question which had greatly agitated the entire country, and which, in the progress of discussion, had occasioned observations and reflections strongly calculated to disturb the harmony of the two governments, and which, in the opinion of some, were designed to produce such an effect. But the folly and guilt of engendering war between two nations so allied, and in which Christian principle was bound to hold sway, was, on several occasions, and by some of the principal men of the nation, pointed out. Solemn warning was given to those, who would madly have rushed to arms by setting up claims of doubtful validity, and which, it was well known, would never be acceded to by the British government. But, at length, the troubled waters grew calmer; and, while to a small portion of congress and of the nation, the resolutions adopted were still obnoxious, a vast majority of the people were gratified at their mild and conciliatory tenor.

It still remained to be known in what spirit this resolution would be received by her majesty’s government: but it was devoutly desired that it might lead to a final and harmonious settlement of all questions pertaining to the territory of Oregon.

And so it resulted fortunately, for the peace of the two powers immediately concerned, and to the peace of the continental powers of Europe.

On the 28th of April, the President gave official notice to her Majesty, Queen Victoria, that “the convention of August 6th, 1827, would terminate at the end of twelve months from and after the delivery of these presents.”

Before the delivery of this notice, however, the subject of an amicable settlement of all questions relating to Oregon, had occupied her Majesty’s government, and, on the 18th of May, Mr. M’Lane, our minister, informed Mr. Buchanan that the British minister at Washington would soon receive instructions to submit a new and further proposition, on the part of the British government, for a partition of the territory in dispute.

On the 10th of June, the President made a special and confidential communication to the senate, informing that body, that such a proposal had been made, and requesting their advice as to the action, which, in their judgment, it was proper to take in reference to it. At the same time he reiterated the views which he had expressed in his annual message, “that no compromise which the United States ought to accept, could be affected;” “that our title to the whole of Oregon” was maintained “by irrefragable facts and arguments,” and that the claim “could not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interests.” Such was the tenor of the President’s communication. But he solicited advice.

On the 12th, the senate adopted, 38 to 12, the following resolution. “Resolved, (two-thirds of the senate concurring,) That the President of the United States be and he is hereby advised to accept the proposal of the British government accompanying his message to the senate, dated June 10th, 1846, for a convention to settle boundaries, &c., between the United States and Great Britain, west of the Rocky or Stony mountains.”

On the 16th of June, the President communicated to the senate a copy of a convention, or treaty, which had been concluded and signed on the 15th inst. settling boundaries, &c., in relation to Oregon――whereupon the senate by a vote of 41 to 14 advised and consented to the ratification of the same.

The two principal articles of this treaty are as follows.

“Art. 1, From the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of her Brittannic Majesty and those of the United States shall be continued westward along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver’s Island, and thence southerly through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca’s Straits, to the Pacific Ocean; provided, however, that the navigation of the said channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties.

“Art. 2, From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude shall be found to intersect the great Northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free, and open to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers――it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described, shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the United States――It being, however, always understood, that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the government of the United States from making any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent with the present treaty.”

Thus was finally settled (ratifications being afterwards duly exchanged) a question which had involved the two governments in discussions long and wearisome for a series of years, and which, in its progress, was threatening the peace and amity of the two nations. The treaty thus confirmed was not in all its provisions quite acceptable, nor was it considered the most advantageous that could have been negotiated; but the senate received, as it was entitled to, the thanks of the country for terminating a controversy fraught with dangers every month that it continued.

Several important bills were passed during the session, among which was a bill to protect the rights of citizens of the United States residing in Oregon――a bill for the establishment of the Smithsonian Institute, for the Increase and Diffusion of Knowledge among men――a bill re-establishing the sub-treasury――a warehousing bill――a bill for the improvement of certain rivers and harbors within the United States――and a bill to indemnify citizens of the United States for French spoilations. The two last of these bills, to the great regret of persons interested therein, as well as many others who desired to see the intents of navigation advanced and protected, and that numerous class of citizens indemnified for losses which they had years since sustained by reason of French depredations, and which, according to agreement, the government of the United States were solemnly bound to pay, were vetoed. Loud complaints were uttered against the President for his course pursued in relation to these bills, which had been discussed with signal ability, and had received the decided sanction of both houses of congress.

Towards the close of the session, a bill for the reduction of the duties on the importation of foreign goods and manufactures, passed the house of representatives by a majority of nineteen votes. In the senate it was carried by the casting vote of the vice-president. To those who were satisfied with the tariff of 1842, the alterations proposed by this bill were strongly condemned. They predicted as a consequence, and one which could not be avoided, the ruin of several important branches of manufactures, while it was exceedingly doubtful whether the revenues arising under this new tariff would suffice for the wants of the government. The Democratic party, however, stood pledged to alter the tariff of 1842, and although the friends of protection for a time cherished hopes that the interests of the manufacturers, and as they believed, the interests of the country, would be regarded; those hopes were dispelled by the action of congress on the subject.

On the 10th of August, at noon, congress brought its long and stirring session to a close. It had lasted for 253 days, or more than two thirds of a year. During few sessions were there ever more important subjects under debate. The results of several measures adopted remain to be seen. But, while it is occasion of congratulation, that our difficulties with Great Britain have been amicably and timely adjusted, it is matter of serious regret, that a war should be continued with Mexico. The final result of this, in regard to Mexico, may, perhaps, not be problematical――but the “end is not yet;” and before that end is reached, the people of the United States may as much regret that it was commenced, as the Mexicans themselves. The American army is at this present time, September, 1846, on its way from Matamoras to Monterey and other points. Santa Anna has superseded Paredes in the government, but what are his wishes in regard to peace have not transpired. Should he decide for war, the Americans can “apparently conquer a peace” only by taking up their march to the “Halls of Montezuma.”

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